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    Mary Weismantel - Food, Gender, and Poverty in The Ecuadorian Andes-Waveland Press (1998)

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    Mary Weismantel - Food, Gender, and Poverty in The Ecuadorian Andes-Waveland Press (1998)

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    Leo Rosero
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    Food Ecuador

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    Mary Weismantel - Food, Gender, and Poverty in the Ecuadorian Andes-Waveland Press (1998)

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    Mary Weismantel - Food, Gender, and Poverty in The Ecuadorian Andes-Waveland Press (1998)

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    Food Ecuador

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    FOOD, GENDER, AND “POVERTY IN THE — ECUADORIAN ANDES Mary J. Weismantel PRESS, INC. Pope BTS ios For information about this book, wri or call ‘Waveland Press, Ine. P.O. Box 400) ‘Prospect Heights, lino 60¢70 ‘87854-0081 Copyright © 1988 by Mary J. Weismantel 1908 reissued by Waveland Pros, Ine ISBN 1.57766-020-8 All rights reserved. No par ofthis boot may e reproduced, stored ling retrieval eystem, or tronamitted in any form or by any means ‘without permission in oitng from the publisher, Printod inthe United States of America 1654521 “This works dicted to two people: to Da Jost B.CAsAcRANDe, iny fst adver, who didnot live tose its completion; ad to NANCY Guatuten Quist of Zambagaa, my ach wae, who was born during “he year ied with he fay CONTENTS ist of Acknowledgments [Note on the Use of Symbol Inurodection Food and Theory Stracrare: Cooking as Cuisine Diacourse: Cooking as Metaphor Practice: Cooking 38 Transformatoe Notes ‘The Parish of Zumbagua Demography Ecology Sociopolitical Geography Hisory ‘The Parish Today Ehniiy, Power, and Weakth Notes “The Diet of Zambagus: Base Vestlary Dict and Cusine Zama Diet Notee “The Caitne of Zumbagus: Undering Seactres, “The Mace of Food in Zumbagaa Life Tine and Space Local Systems and National Systems ‘Meals and the Cuisine of Zambagne “The Raw andthe Cooked: Uc and Cachi Bae a ‘Meals and Ticats: Wane Notet Food in Discourse: Everyday Symbols in ological Conlict ‘Commodity Fess ad dhe Matkerplaeof Dsie Beauty and Power dcologis of Race Hegemony and Resiaee: The Etiy Morning Mel Notes Practice: Kitchen Life Inside the Kitchen: Howieold Police ‘The Kitchen and Outside Household Economix CConcsson Notes, Appendix: Eshnogeogzaphy ens The Center Sacha: The Wild Places Bibliography Ides ILLUSTRATIONS Figares 1, Norihwestern South America andthe Eevadoia highlands 42 2. The repon 50 5. The pans st 1 Detal of 1750 Carta ele Provincia de Quito a 5. Symbols used in Figure 6-8 16 6 Schematic description of the sop as 7. Schematic depiction ofthe ype 1 seco Be 1 Schematic depletion ofthe type 2 seco a 9. Schematic depcson ofthe set colds, with two varanss 138 10, Kineckoning and consnguinel ship in one famuly 172 11, Plan of Roateolds in ne famly 1% Plates (beeen pp. 86 and87) 1, Palm Sanday: Image of Christin procession 2. Batley harvest 3. Corpus Chit: Procesion 4 Corpus Chit: Bulle 5S. Easter Sunday: Calingbulls from promo & Man and son in péramo 7. Woman ring 8. Zumbagua centro 9. Marke day: Woman sling soup 10: Market day: Buying bead 11, Feld aod hoosee ACKNOWLEDGMENTS “This book could never have Ben writen without the suppor ofa great tnaty people ad insittions, Most ofthe search was funded by 2 Ful bright lays gran, but Lam also grateful or nancial support received ffom the Graduate College, Department of Anthropology and Center for Latin American Souies of the University of Minos at Usbana- (Champaign. Fieldwork in Ecuador was dee unr the auspices of the Iasttuto Nacional del Patron Cults del Ecuador. A brief petiod spent working forthe Sachs Runa Foundtion a a consultant oa the ‘naga oe of Ti iting a od my om “Among the people { would ike to thank my gatiade gocs Sst and fovemort to the people of Zumbagu, and special 0 my compadres, the famis Chalazs of Yanatoro, who opened thes homes and thie haart to me, as well a8 the many othe residents ofthe parish who Deitel me and showed grat tolerance, paene, and humor i let ting me share ile ofthis ves. ‘Second | would ike to thank the foul stadens, sal, and spouses ‘ofthe Department of Anthropology and he Center for Latin Amecean Studies athe Unversity of lino. The drpest rate isd 1 Nor ‘man Whiten, wh has given me an enormous amount of sapport pu nce, and friendship, both in Ecuador and in Urbana, since I began my fraduate studies. Iam greatly indebted to him and to bis wifey Sib. Enrigoe Mayer has shown unaing patience and compassion during the sometimes vrtuous progees ofthis work, and especial inthe dificult ‘aye of propor writing During the acl pres of wring this work, ‘Kan Anaproweofered fends and couse! in my darkest Rout 38 ‘well sigpring many of my beihtest manent ave fond memories Oot hours spent aging and dscasing wit Mahe Saul, whose inti ‘bung ines matched ih reat eviosty anda very kind hear. All Tout ofthese holes have provided emesdovsitlereal simlation| and emotional suppor; ds work elles ee dec and indirect ins ‘ences in many was dex, information, god advice, and kind words have lo come from ‘other pst and present faculty members ofthe Universi of Minos, in ‘Acnomlegments lading: Fank Salomon, Carmen Chugun, R.T. Zuidems, Donald Tathap, John Stewart, Charles Kelkr, and Paul Drake all of whose Jnowledge and insights have contributed to my edition and otis ‘work Taso owe an itlleual deb othe Une for Interpretation and (Cticl Theory of the Univers of Minis. In Quito, am mos especialy rateal o Mara del Carmen Moletna Zaldumbide for ber consinsed ssiseane and for the wart personal kindness and coureny she ha always shown me. She epi Be thanked for making 2valable some of the edinohitoril materials on the Augustinian hatends of Zambagea ars Mogollon of te Fl brig Ofc has alo beens good fend. Iam abo pratt to tesa ofthe Catholic church and the Sabcentso de Salad in Zumbopu for Sharing information and ofering fsendship and comfrey swore ast but not est! would lke o thank the family and rents who have given me thi love, fendsip and many dierent kinds ol ist tance uring this Tong proce: wetting and visting while was inthe field encouraging me when needed; taking care of conesponden, aa: demic and financial alfais wile Iwas aay; housing my possions, ny ext and occasionally myself daring the many opheaelsasciatd ‘with doing fldwork; and gencraly providing me with an emia Faven during several homeless years, Space does mot permit me t men sion everyone wo bas helped me, but I would He ro acknowledge my pater, Bll and Jeanne Wemantel ax well a Ronnie Kann, dete ‘Neko, Licy Whalley, Kay Candler, Paco and Katy Unglab, Nid Ko kotoic, Tom Aleto and Karen Ewell, Brace Rapin, Cathy Echo, Vie tor Oat, Dine Vanek, David Mince, Diego Quitoga, and Brung Ho (Chung | would also ike wo thank Matk Stone for hi beautiful maps, and Stephen F Eisenman for some cought provoking discussions shout ‘the coeeps of ideology and hegemony. NOTE ON THE USE OF SYMBOLS For the purposes ofthis text, with the exception of common English xprenons sich at “andor” the sas [sted to separate two co tracing terms (for example savoriswee, while he bctlsh() used to eparte terme that ae equivalent The backlash i most commonly ted when both the Spanish andthe Quiches names fr 3 food are ive, the at term being the Spanish andthe second the Quibus. In these ‘es Lam giving the terms used in Zambagua; equa, sages inthe par var from standard wage. Zimbagua Quicha i ile with Span [Sh oanwords, many of them now obsolete in Spanish sel, ach as the “Dyuslupagh said in giving thanks (rom Spanish "Dio see pags” nay God repay you) or the “Alabadu” or “labs” sid upon entering 1 dorway.Spanith spoken inthe area likewise wtizes a prest many fronds of Quichs origi, s that the designation af a tem at Spaish or (Guictua i this work te understood to refer tote way ii crrently clued by Zambagua residents, not ti etymology veto Standard {tn Areican or fein wap ‘have departed from one Quichua grammasal ral in several places inhi text When using a single Quin term nan English sentence 1 ve not ted the Quihua plural kuna, bt rather have appended 0 “Fhe secsry, the ana is contig tothe who have no f Iiarty with che Quicha language ‘When cng works for which an English rasan i avaabe have sen th dt he oil pbabon sonny theta Fd in she biography. Siar, when Ihave cited an editon other than the St of «work In Engl both ens ae led in the bib ography. FOOD, GENDER, AND POVERTY IN THE ECUADORIAN ANDES INTRODUCTION “This book is abou the lies of he people of Zumbagua in the fst ball athe 1580 Zumbagua, an inpoverishedrral prs ofthe Ecuadoran ‘Andes, vile eal wiqu,s undergoing processes of change-—eco- fom, cil and ultural—eae ae srkingy soar o those afecing fal areas throughout the Third Word. Thus wile the data presented ere wil be of tere o Andean scholars, he peseral especie of his Took wil also be valuable fr those who have obered the same ro- cues cewhere, Despteisebvious debt tothe traditions of symbolic and strucrralit anthropology this Book’ subject is noe the esoteric of Zammbagua cu ture I's no about the secret knowledge of Zamibagua shamans: the Sacred stones that represent the oly plac, the tes of sucking and lowing the albnigh healing sessions ic with ago fumes and dese ‘ete smoke he covert eaip-moring bari of ex! bundls. Nether doc ice the Besta ce: the dozens of eostuned players, ea loa, Jumbo, and davzonte, tach belonging vo specie Seas, om Nib Fahne Chestmas to Wagra Fist, the severday harvest fsa in Inte Jone. The symbols anayaed here ae ot sated but secular and ‘mundare: toaed bale Dou and white rie chickens and pune pigs, ead and candies. My subject mae ithe ordinary nual f everyday Teste easy orang grinding of barley known by women physically far the rithmic motion of Back and arms and thigh that begins each day fom childhood into old age, and fama © men 2 a confortable, Incmate scene offal ie othe evening el the seior woman of te fal sting dominant bythe cooking pot conling ber fami Brough he eaguc of serving Te farsa nthe hur fr the las but the itchen, hac warmest and mote ene place in the Zambapuan household he hear of diy ite ‘Although my focus food sod cooking difers fom that of many al sti, ike mont enogaphics this oe ater to de ‘pict aay of life halal says something about love ad money, Er and pit, land and fail, work an play. The ited range of foods eten in Zambagua i areDotion ofthe parks environmental ‘etn inthe western Cordilra ofthe northem Andes, igh enowp ‘be abore the mts of ckvaton for many cops Ar the sme ine the creating role of manufacared and impor food in the i illum ates thence sea aad pial ie nthe semiodswractre of eng witht “wer” meal nd dey" sme thin soups and thick soups, Zumbagu shares a Pan-Ana i= Algenous culture: But some aspects of local eine, such a the rlve Values placed on grains and tubes, speak cl the repony history a8 8 {eck bound foe thre snd a half eure iat the oppressive hacienda ‘yum. And the inpoverabed calendar rou of fancsces without fh tu Fsados without maize, whichis becoming fara in the 190s, 6 ‘ne of the ways in which the people of Zumbagua are now discovering, like the posta Back of our owa nati, the biter ironies of polit. ‘cal emancipation without economic opportunity Lastly the eof fod ‘symbolism in pariah dacoure speaks of the biterness ofthe people of “Zamagoa about thie cole in the nation: non enfanchiseds they fel the powerlesses of a rural indigenous popelation in an impoverished ‘Third World naon in which the polican ale thi urban, Hispanic consteuency above all ober “The everyday practice of cooking, dees, and speech provide the medium for expression of entroverses and conteadtion inherent in Zambagua life today many of which center aound ter of beng In dian and being subsistence farmers, of asimiting and omg he urban underclass Question of whether these options ae deizabe or een pos sible, and what zlavonship exists beween cultural choices and eo. ‘nomic opportunity, permeate everjday pais ile. A sense of rgency fled by the region’ poverty brings nm sharp focus the mundane i ‘cours and everyday practices out of which Zumba produces an im ‘ue of inelf and of ele "These contoveses are produced in prt by socal schisms within he pats, schisms that ae allo expressed by exeyday means. Woman and ‘an, old and young, adult and child ch and poo, Indian and white lsu thems fom ech thes by what they ex, hw they dress and what they say. Through these means people etablsh dcologcal po Sitions the neds and dsies,confcs and power dilleencesineren in thee roles, Analying te everyday pracces the kitchen ax const ideology reveals the diferenating ects of socioeconomic change on indvidals and thir deoogiel stances. Mn who work a temporary ‘migrans in the city are exposed to prceait values and Lain cle ‘Cumbia msi, soccer games national polis images of racing cat nd pioup girs. They ate increasingly allnated ia expecence and nde Sanding from thee wives and tes, subsitence farmers for whom [eau isa mater of els in ower abd peegmnt animals, whose humor 'sexpresed in Quichus side ames, their pleasures in myths about ‘magi condors and anthropomorphic bears These comics ae exe~ wt by the natu oft mprcetnaaized economy which dime “womens osistation intesingly toward even a their neo far ou tard Boh sexes in tm ifr from thee parents for whom language, Imnowiedge, and wealth have never been polarized to the same degree according to gender. ‘Aunts over food and coking reveal the dscordat visions ind viduals have oftheir hosecholds and of she roles dient members ‘Sold play. Children demanding stoxe-bought bread a breakfast in Place of homemade porndge, or old and young quarelingover the hours [which meals should e served, exempliy the conte positions of the generations within the howehold and reveal the disie nature of procases of scultaton and change. Transformations nde and eu {She which n overview sem gradual and inevitable in mature, at coset Fnge ae seen to be produced though the interaction of indvidual ac- tort whose desires cath, Not only the foods extn within the housed, bt the relations of power and prestige among ts members ac lered in these process, and the reproduction ofthe household eli ran formed “This work uses food and cooking els of ordinary fe, to explore she underlying srctres of Zambagus a semiproletananzed economy, {aco society an indigenous Andean culture, Consideration of al of {hese factors in the creation of Zumbogua foodways maker dea hat the "Meutures of economy, society ad etre, aaly separated through {he heute operations of sil scent ae ndiolaby linked in the lied experience of everyday pectic. Each chapter though addresed to ictheorevcl and sobatanve sus, constantly reat thei intr ‘Ependence within prac ‘The fs chaprer an overview of thorescalapproactes to the seady ‘of cooking, ar dit, a cusine, and as economic activi. The second ‘Sapna he ypc male wh which my cena eh ograpies begin: the eography, natural and poli, ofthe cegion; demographic data abet summary of parish history; and 2 discussion tf vome of the major sues of pial state and eh ieniy con ‘onting the parish today. The hed chaper esrb he diet ofthe pa ‘shin concrete, spe terms: the foods people eat. The discussion of ‘dt ineodacs iron of poverey and wealth “The inal three chapters preset the main argument Te role of foods in Zumbagua ie is sonstered using thse difeen, ye oreHapping forms of analysis. Chapter 4 takes a structurale approach in diferen: tinting die from cuisine, the socially made, indvdully interoaied strutres by which food is nwa, and which orders preparation and ‘Consumption. The basic structures of Zumbagus cuisine are presented fehemataly and dace interme of contra inform ad cen, ‘hey ae used to generate xoally mesningfl oppstone such a wet featonlry season, special ocasomeveryday, malerale, and Inia wie. (Chapter 5 is concerned with foods is thei roles a ideologically charged symbols in polscal discourse, thus proving a dead case Seady of Weologial sours as eonsated in the ved experince of ‘Contemporary, sunpoltcized™ people of the sural Third World, The “mol of whit ice, ay expect the interlated coneepe of race Supeioty and commodity feashiss, provides a key example of the presses to asim fein the passh today, while the ole of Batley is {nalyaed a a sybol of indigenous renstance all, Chapter 6 considers how the producson and consumption of food ate organized, wit particlar emphasis on gender rles: the iter actions of women the organization of kitchen works lations berween husband and wile as enacted inthe producto, aquastion, and com" sumption of foods; andthe power relations withia the household ax dem fnstated inthe formal organizaon ofthe mel. Tis analy reveals the nature of household eeproducson and a the socal reproduction of the family overtime, and ths the wansformations the Zambagua family tnd household are curenly undergoing as they adap to the sacar of Semiprlearianized le “The ls three chapter, chen, present Zambagua cooking aan im plist of sans undelyng everyday actions as afer source for the symbols used in ideological discourse, and 35a teal of prodocive ‘rate, the organizaon of which provides a basis for she socal for: ‘maton of family and household and fr the power ations of peer ‘onan gender, “This Book attempes to achieve rwo goals Irs anehnography— de- tailed, qualtative descipon ofthe culture ofa contemporary nomtern Andein peopl, moder day "peasens” And its a theoretal explora tion of single domain of everday fe—food and cooking tol foruundstanding sos ife and bstoral proce ONE Food and Theory Food and cooking ate iextisbly inked with cule Iti no only 2 Physiological rom that we ae what we et; what we eat and how we nical defines ur a socal beings Cooking esures the material pro- ‘Rion sd reproduction ofthe social group, but this mater process {slay structured. To cook io speak and wo mean, a6 well 5 (0 make and todo. “A bow! of boiled potatoes or a plate of white rs sat las chroe Aiderene kinds of thngs ts aig, a symbol, and @ product. Inthe “haprers that follow Isonsider Zumbapua foods as each ofthese things, “This work bpins and ends in matral peace Thetntervening chapters, however are concerned withthe inmate of food in Zumbagna ‘Chapter i about not dee but cuisine, she categories of thought tht Uunderiepracties of cooking and eating. Chapter 5 considers the wse of foods ae rymbos i pliial discourse, which is a social se of foods at the fates remove fom materiale foods as abstract emis wed £0 ‘simbolieenare vocal formations. ‘And yer even in the ean of dicourve there eno great tance be: tween symbolic and material usages i actual pracice, Ordinary objets sich at foods are usd a symbols of weologil cont nso mich Alea deined pica arenas asin everyday debates over mundane Syerons, such as what to eat oF what to weat, These discourses are iMcology embedded in pace: a neighbor who is sen as pretentious for cooking ce old men calling young, men ucbu (naked oF Skinned") they dae to walk: public inthe pach withose poncho anda. "There is another way in which the role of material objects suchas foods im dicourse i inseparable fom thet role in material practice ‘When foods become syle, thei meanings ae not arieariy defined but derive from the oes dey play in economic fe. An expensive food stands for wealth cheap one for porery; homegrown and handmade tre ontraned to store bought, the well wor othe shiny new tis be se they ae ordinary tmmessed in everyday practice mater Food ant Theory way that food, abstracted as symbols from tis material process, can ‘ondenae in theowcles a wealth of iological meanings A syabol works because i i a thing, a tangible representation ofthe intangible Social ari cltaral forces that organize materal ie. “This relationship of material and symbolic in discourse i eversed in the sucurcs of tise: When a food sere ar rymbol in dcouse, Jam obj that cutie, inthe context ofthat cour symbolic lod. ‘The material abject Becomes a too Tor symbolic wor, the work ofr producing (or creating or destroying) clual and ideological forms. In fhe cise 9 ising, symbole forms ext whose primary prpote ithe ‘organization of material prodacton. The rules of exclasion and inc fon tht order ments and meals are array strates whore existence ‘sporelyimmatenal. They resemble a language an art le, an elaborate tine a yr they ares procel fools woman call the lwo of ‘Susin erry time the cooks for erelf and her fay. Seruecture: Cooking as Cuisine Symbol and Signs Foods asSymbole {A foe es substance bur it an aio be Both symbol and sign! The snthropsogical era is etorated with references to the perasive nest of od symbolism in socal hfe” Among the easiest entheono- Topi cexties one finde works such at Crawley The Mtc Rose (092711902), which explores the relationship benveen metaphors of food and of sexuality and W. Roberson Smith's (1889) treatise on t= ‘fc, where pest emphasis placed onthe commensuaiy of the shared tel a bolic of the socal bond. This emphasi onthe mel ae 30 Imporsae spec of rial enactment i found in many modem ehnog. "phic as wel? In addon to the aymbolism ofthe mal, the exablishment of esi bond though gift of food har no escape the nosce of ecnographer Mauss The Gif (1967 discusses pits of fod; every stdent who ever read Malnowsks (1950) remembers pigs and yam Evans Prichard is ‘laqanton the subject ofthe sharing of foods at defining socal groupe lastosss-si= Inthe Andes, where formalized enactments of reiprocty and redit- bution play sachs erteal oe the ceauon and maintenance of soa Food and Theory tis (Mayer 1974; Alberti and Mayer 1974 Fonseca Martel 1972), the fo fod is of profound importance. Rial of drinking ae also i= rant, both in current peatc (se Allens exellent wetmet 1978) od historically (ee for example Zuidems 1980). Andean sysems of Sertaliy (Mutea 1975) are symbolized through the exchange of focds Tom digest sce (nce for caumple Denen 1978, Tonaeca Masel 1966) foods play such an important par inthe symbols and stuals tat stabs sil lations within group is ae supesing ha they re ‘ually potent expressions of relatons between groups: people who at ‘tsk diferent foods or similar foods in stringy deren ways te ‘hou o be skingy diferent, perhape een ess than human” (Mine 198533, Food is one ofthe stronger of ehni and class markers; con- sequel provides an endl source of metaphorical teletents of h- ‘icp many of them derogatory ranging om the Englshnanspeakeng ‘fhe French a frogs” (ering to the presence offs legs in Galle ‘Shs the lowland Eevadoran Runa who calls highandes “bat (grocbeates” (Whiten, peronal communication). Not ony hostity Frewsen rival props bur relations of domination make use of food 50- ois in this ason. "The Spach congues ofthe New Worl brought a vaseyofculigms snd ciines igo contact (0 the temendous enrichment ofboth Euro- pean and American de An enormous divest of foods, fom cho:o- Ete to potatoes, we introduced t Earopean palates, while Old Weed ‘dmestatey sich ag broad beans and barley, and animals, incudlng theep, pity and chickens, transformed the Andean dit. But the Spur lands meat congheror and the rains of domination establish in the colonial peiod were represented by the sigmatzing of ertain ing nous foods as “Indian, and hence wnt for consumption by nat Tndians This practice of denigration, evident in ely souces such as Gonailx Holguin (1608, sll very uch apart of Andean life” AS ‘Andean communes ike Zumbsgaa rruge for selideiniton tony foods sd ways of eating them are sil among the symbols by which sous conics canbe named and confronted ods can easly become highly charged symbols of ethic beasse they speak deeply too about ho wee Skdney Mina says that “fod preferences ate ve to the center of. sdedeniion” (19853). Same [tthe fst and most deply imprinted metaphors we uaksowingy pr fate (emander 1977) onto our unformed ofan selves are phrased in term of what we ext and what we are fed by those on whom we depend. “Ths deply personal relationship wih foods, which seems to be a8 Food and Theory nscale pt fhe human condo, rvs an rei ple hat Bes fod salen ade power Bere wc oo ‘ret metaphor who wet dean she pel ‘Pray be motte esd od and ways rong en Tay cen bene mils hat polio cone Sl cate at af Smt Pods beome hgh ceed smb: xsi, moc ‘Sudesing ntiguns her BE in Vor Trers marl penn ofthat sol be plc pinay empbanso tu see ros of ymbol poe Whi sowing rb ani fsa early red re Stat het the "pone ces (96703) te het {Lion rive w che syne wv oy prog ye tem ase of meaning. Bate power of ose sts ym 0 ‘Spon aot leit teed oe se Rong to setae ‘thems ye fie Masphoseliagey opens oe {ta of ano nse scare wah whe cn pay ar 15th tnd symbol ewe nly ene ods rh mb solos Frode a Signs Inthe literature on semiotics and structural, foods cop up repeat lly as examples ofthe kind of objet in sociale that form syste of Signs. For example, in Element of Semology (1965), one ofthe funds ‘mental texts of Semiotic theory, Roland Barthes samme repeatedly tothe {arment system and the food sytem nhs exploration of signing oy fens composed of "collins of objects” He Sade the food sytem e pecially amenable fo semi analysis, as it has some of the most Importne properties of language: aunty inthe material ot of which the sift are constructed (47), the double sues of syntagm and pa. dig (69}8 and distinty separable Langue and parle (27-23). ‘Cand Le Sau, the major proponent of gas model forthe say of clare within anthropology prope, also nds the example of ‘ooking 2 usefal oe in presenting his project: “The ober of com tive structural analysis is. etain numberof sutures which Ice where they may be found, and no elsewhere: in oer words, in the Kinship sytem, pola! ideology, mythology, tual, ar, code of et quate, and—why not—cooking™ (1958:83) These sracaes are all “part expressions" ofthis entry. called scien” chosen sabes Food and Theory ‘of eseach because they ae “specially well suited ro semi stady" lassssss), addition to these statemens of principle, both Levi Strases and Barthes retarn repeatedly to foods throughout their work. Meat and oven cooking ad rotting prove to be major themes in LésStaunss diseotanglement of Amazooian mythology (1964, 19662, 19665) the testhevce of Japanese food. preparation delight Bares in Empire of Signs (1970); while American food habits ae dparagingly explored by him elsewhere (1961, andthe nightmarish wonderland of posteapialit semiode depicted in Barther® Mythologie (1957) seeal mes ap- tured through foods. ‘Nevertheless, nite author has eytemascly explored the const tion of am etre semiotic of food within a ingle calturl syste. Barthes tines the posible of analyzing a food sytem ints ent with ‘oe serslly ding so (1961, 1963), while Lev Stans in Sirctural A ‘hropology (195887) refers to he brief dcasion of cuisine as "2 foment ney example” choten only Because 38 apropos of con emporary satis a of primitive one. Th fll exploration of the posible of erecta analysis oe a study of food and cooking is tobe found inthe work af Christine Hugh Jones 11974, 1979: Like Lev Strauss, Hogh-Jones writes of Amazonia, i het eof the caturl syst ofthe Pir Parané ae of northwestern Ama oni, Se uses cooking ata Key ctrl domain, alas of which po- ‘vides aces othe strates of pograpy, coxmaogy, He process, and Socal structures Interestingly, whe other scholars have looked for ‘fracture inte combinaon of foods that make up 2 mel (Letras 1958:86-87; Barthes 1965:27-28, 83; Douglas 1971), Hugh-Jone ine stead anaes the cooking prose isl 3 sequence of operations, he Structure of hich i homalogous to tha of other altura and natural proces Tie iomorphiem reinforces te imposition of cultural order ‘Sn the natural world, and provides inthe humble female acces of ‘Shoking metaphors by which the larger mascline wold of iterilage reasons can be exresed and understood In her wotk, Hugh Jones follows the aprosch outined by Lési- ‘Saut for the srvcal sad of rocks. Within the domain of cook ing, an underlying srocare x sbtracted from she productive sctiies tn vod ineratons of lived expenence. This sacar s then com pared to similar sroctres underlying oter domains (he constuction thous, the essing of children, the eaablshment of pial forma: tions, the relationship Between the sexs, the burial ofthe dead). la ths, the fllows exactly the plan lid oot by LévSuauss(1958:87), for Fwd and Theory whom, once the “ifeenialsrucrres” ofa csine have been dscon- ed he next step it inguite "waether they --- may be encountered (ofien ina wansformed fashion) in ther spheres of the same society oF tn diferent soiees And, it we find thee stucores toe common to several apheres, we have the rip w conclude that we have reached 4 ‘Snare knowledge ofthe unconscious atts ofthe society or 8 ‘ees under consideration Sig, Symbol, Thing HophJonees work stands a 2 wound breaking conibaion tthe sendy of fod seme ad to Sous Ansan ography My on oj, howeveifcs om eins concepton, woud be pose {5 demonate the nomorpia of tract rom the vans Comins ‘4 Zambagua calor 0 Paghon doa th uractre could then be ‘died inoltion om the ecoonic snd socal ie tat proce Sn compare only to ober such tutes. But whe I tox dey the valid of sch ura ulation af sem systems fr pepo of Salas my own proj tnd wo demons the ineresion of Sst, dco, an peace ion oma tat of Kod and cook ing Cape presets the undeyng suctreof Zambapy ood, the ‘es that make tigi scl eon posible Aly face {neces fist tp bt the fllovingchagtes, nad of comparing ‘he wrocures of cooking eer ents ll show te fe ‘meson of his yt nly i ard it compitenerpeneteton th ‘other yen: language, soy pti, andthe econo of produ ‘lon and exchange: he raam berm the sha tem of pe Sand the lived experience through which the sytem reproduced tat In taking ths approach, Iam Slowing Bas eather than List Sect soi ther than sacral Ul in Sts Barthes sess no med to seach for somorphsm between the emione see of ‘sous domain My aproach ko micor general end ce te ‘alearblakmene of rccralan a: body of theory, Powers, thought has moved away fom src othe ancy of dacouse (Ricoeur 1977, Foucaue 1969-27) fe Focal potas, sought ‘ead of Langue ad the sy of dco bea wi the sane body ‘fda “a corp of statment os eolon of dca fn thet fd are fundamen diferent Inguc oytem ceed when ‘ne has lated fom that boy of tenet “ues hat tay make Food and Theory posible to construc othe statements than these” (196927), The soy Shascoune, however, with i emphasis on the event of speech ise “poses ule diferent question: how it that one parila statement appeared eather than another (bd). The structure of language ‘nly too inset empty of content, but making possible the expression (of meaning Ite discourse hat eveas the movement of history. ones rl my shown snp conser zap apes ob, however cy may before afer o> Fe Sateen say i et a tte te [ine lng} nor the mening can ute exaust «ke every Ero amin, yet subj fo repetition wasfornaton, and fcactnaton it inked nr ony fo the stations tat provoke ip and he concgaenes gies ef, but =o the aeons tharpesed and fo id) is inthe study of diacourse—where the “banal the usmmporeane” ace analyed in order to reinsert action, process intent and historicity imo the stay of communication and calture—ehat naling the do tains of everday practice such a8 cooking can provide not simply the {val examples af emioss in society that LeSrauss pictures, but hey source for understanding the movement of ety and history. ‘Caren thought has moved beyond discourse othe dialog that i, the exseace of competing dicoures within society (Stewart 1983, Hil 1985), theoreeal approach derived fom the work of Mikhail akin 1968, 198%}, and alo found in the recent work of Pere Bourdics 1977, According to this approach, historia proces is not uninse bur the eeu of multiple vices, formation, and tajctores. In discs Ing the se of food symbolism nthe dicousesof ace and clas in Zam ‘br, wil lo have recourse to this epe of analy. Only a theory of ‘tiple discursive universe lows exploration ofthe mutpe coexist Ing yt unasialable tatemens about ladian and whit, ih and poor, safe and inferior through which the cotadictory postion of ng ‘Sous people inthe modem Andes is expressed In the analysis presented here then, structure emains a an undelyng base, one that exe at any parclat moment sa fancnoning and pe feed whol fact ha Sasbsare made cleat in 1916. The challenge now isto discover the tlatons between underlying suctre ad the di trues, competing logue, and (uimatly) practices ofthe moment Such analyst bein with he system of ins. Food and Theory ‘The System of Sens A Petia sa Sgn ‘The foods eaten by the people of Zambages ae ongaize into ss tem of signs. This statement has scieral implications, Fis, that fb stem of sign implies eran thing is conaituet elements mut exe Jn xed relation to one anoher, such thatthe dre pat ofthe mea {ing frm thee positon relative to oe another Moreover his eatement {hata food system i system of sgn imple that each food i el Sign. The exact meaning ofthis second statement, that + food can be & Sign mus be caefly examined 7 sgn in the metaphor Saussure (1916) has gen wis 4 piee of pape of which one side i the iar andthe other the rigid, Sign cation, then isthe process of "eating out” igs in whch both is are simultaneously separated fom the et of the sheet Tecate the sola eetion of the wold es inlet us, the di cuey when fst presented with thi view of language, a Barthes has pointed out (1965-38-39, to conceive ofthe sigied a being pare ‘he sign. The signer “porto” andthe sgn “porato” seem tobe the same, symbol for a el objec, a potato. lei diel co grasp te act, thatthe word "potato" stands not fora physical objec, but fra on pt, sotly produced category “poato™ thats efered to by tes ‘ie, the combination of sounds ofthe ween word tac represents inact of communication. Thesiger “potato” the word tel sands C3 double remove fom the “ral” potato. The word sande fora oa epithe concep or a hig: sia *potsto"wigfed poratlpoat,| ‘Nether the nie nor the signed sn fac that concrete jet potato; the sigierin spoken form 38 sound or in writen form st ‘marks on paper—isif anything more concrete than the there sighed ‘xing inthe noacorporel real of mid or of callective reese tion Brits intrinsic tothe operation of ins i macy that thir ‘erialimmatral ature appeat as ouber than ‘When confronted withthe notion that a norlinguinc ares of culture such 2 food isa semiotic stem, solar oa langeag, che locus of he {diay changes, though the natare ofthe problem doesnot. Is not favo acepe the fac ha caltures do cate rlebound suture that gowen the way fods are prepared and ete. Mary Douglas "De- cipheing a Mea” (1971), for example, give clear and conencng pre ‘entation of ome of the rls governing the food sytem ofthe English ml class and underlines the arbrary and euewrespee nature ‘Sach rales by contrasting this sytem with some consertions of French ‘ooking, Nether ist fie to accep that some foods have connote Food and Thor talus, Mom and apple pi bihay cake and wedding ak, all ay ‘idencopmbokc woph ln idle Ames "The pobem ies the nto smous te. Wheres wor 50 brio stra sn Le signers voce rom te signed, for ‘arte obese she pblem is ees Iie elt 0 pram the ea tint atvootintacaron and chs, which wo oily ex 35 {ail sje aio cons 4 ign, Macaroni pee 0 be 2. filles» vont thig, without asi doc ot epee jae [Eiwhetwe sed to bir nnd again the socal eomtrocton ofthe orld th cols cepcnstons th Ser ovr howe of "con ie obj” sks som a there a vcey very tage converted ints of al” Barthes 1965-4) We never Enow a porto exept fa porto’ clay desigated gh tht smutaecsty both ‘hje nd sb, oth tan a serene Tere Sides of pce of pee” a isparaben the fod sytem an Tingege ft sore so. Lite the svn fs tee fang when no one ears ete xcs of the sie goat i ometing een only imagine, Wea ony expec throught ier. Ath ame me, the proces of signs tcl iusto ur fod among te Iman apes fou ines that people "ota expenence 3 spe Fincton a he vey amet shey come eo 8 an” (Barthes ere TRople om Ares Iowa ike thos fo Zumba xt pesos bt tie towan “potty fonctionng Coe within on soma 7 tem, can peer mean or be wha aps in Zambagu any toe than fie ftenh omg xsl ke he Ameen “chee” (LS 195890) Te meaning of he posto ie Ame encompass fench en, pra chip shed porstacs the one tbe a Thanking nd Exc otros athe bea seal house Zambogun i ange of es ings erly dierent al the mores cate to cavxor 3 ab {ice cop ke the apa sea of hoes and haves well a of dies Such sn powoc sod crac Symtagm and Parag ‘The diference bere the potato in lows and the pocato in Zambe- sales no only im ts connotations bu loi toe inthe semiotic fystem, The caltral consstution of the “potato” a5 2 ymbol etn its {oles an, and ont ay nother emu systems, the sign “potato” in {specie food system args defined by ts postin elaive othe signe ‘round Its shape i formed by the otter spaces cutout ofthe lee of Food and Tory parr around it Postoe re contrasted 0 other foods within a cuisine ong two anc, sytagm and paradigm (Barthes 1965.63) (hn Pies 6-3, 128-38 sytagm apcus 2 the hozontal sn, pce 32 the vertical one) Siaieatin may be defined by symapmatic postion lng bythe contrat erween the roles foods ply int mea or example, ‘May Douglas (1971) analyzes the Beh meal ss beng bus upon 2 tase srutureof A + 28, one main element (et) and wo sbstary slement (arch and vegetable this stem, the potato would dary fc a mibary som i Ames a wel eo ie the Used Sere are sly dered rom Bah conmruct (Root sad Rochesont sre) ‘Unlike the British potato, however the potato ia Zamibagua can 0 ‘apy a central ole inthe composition ofa mea, ther igri sich reat being mere cemplemens to enhance tn Zumbages, te poato i Ree sya (ongh oe l= Sey he dra he 4 In adion, the pat is defined paradigmatic, by i relation vo ter elements inthe lexicon that can fil the same spotagmae rl Srersement that eount the oof substring toe Top Seng for esate se atemping eo bls thi products Slog the fame pradigm atte otto hi ia playing the same ole inthe syntagm ofthe nightly mea tothe Zomba syetgm n which pos: toc ae extra, whence cane pata o toy arated for thems they belong the same paca Inthe paradigms imenson, the pou is paral to white ice and, in some semen, eqvalent ite And yet alo deine a stint from oer clement he prs ign a they fl he same syagmai rol, ether wil lp to deine 4 ‘larly acceptable ish; yet smultaeouly, potatoes nd whe re ‘redefined in contain o cach other, brine diferent in mes Igor rae In Zumba, ceri foode are conrad with ober food bing shally “naan” “white” economically "ik ot “oon” The pro: es by which ale come tobe sociated with fds nt compen ony Sd foods arly segue a fed vale. The meanings normaly depend to some exen on crtext and ug nother words om postion win 2 specie serve, either than reding compete inthe foods ter ‘eres akan inherent quali. These portional means accent on {eau in vale Bee ems that ae pl in postion (ce Scion ‘ofthe tem “paralen Chapter 4) eis not eat to compare cola wth Barkey-mutiom soup, oe one i nick and one sa main couse. The scrase between serving cickeice sou at 3 fesiveoceson and Serving one made ofa) (gies pia] and potato, however, sharp and “ Food and Theory unmistakable, Chickens and capes, sce and potatoes ae realy con tested to one anther becaus: they ae bully parallel, The contrast in vale, in thi ease between emily “whe” and ethnically ndige- ‘ows clearest in such an example, i which the element belong tothe same paradigm.” Discourse: Cooking as Metaphor Zambagua is changing, and younger people want to ea things thei other never cooked. These changes in peopl’ food preferences hardly sent to committe debates oer iealogy. They are ot the kind of “rest” ideologies we normaly thnk of when we bear the tem, the ‘overarching poliscl phlososhies for which people have fought and fica “The obvious starting point fora study of ideological confit n Zum bag is no the private domain ofthe kitchen bat the publ foram of the pars, and Chapter 2, the general description ofthe parish today, ‘docs indeed deserbe cree political debates beard in the plaza. Bu the bate between clase, the stugale wo cente the power fo dominate or to resis equenly fought on avery diferent tera: not the Euro- pean bated wid Gags ig and ines cleanly deawn, but 2 guerila Irate taking place i the teres of unimporan incidents, "Surly itis inthe cod of amos, stom gos, and chchat where ideology and ‘eas become emotionally powerful and enter in active soil eucl ‘ion and meaningful exten” (Tausg 1988-494), The emergence of ‘era foodits as tpics of dscasio, as ebukes, insu, punchline, tule wither, and “someday” the creation ofan atena of confi, [ir is an aceon dapesed lo the stnophere of everyday hfe Tht Ascoure doesnot mark out 3 terior for self remains formless and Snsubesni ‘Chapter § dels the emerpece of one such discourse, over white ie san clement ofthe Zumbaguan dit, using Borda (1979) concept ofthe emergence of universe of discourse, which causes wh hd been ‘dos, indaned practice, to become defended orthodoxy of confon- {atonal heteodoxy. When ths happens, the eu i not unlike Victor ‘Turner’ deeription of an ana: a famework ... which manifestly fsnctione at sewing foe antagonistic interaction aed a aeing at & publicly recognized decision. =~ (Aj arena sam expt frame; nrhing [e meray implied. Acton i defiite, people outspoken: the chips are oven” (1974133134) Food and Theory Tames of cours i speaking of scenes vert polis ont, age scale, public event that become prt of he sal of lol history. But the cof expres andthe seveluions tough on the erin of ery ‘ay practice dot fact contate arenas is Tune sme, speci loa fo ‘the ongoing, confit proces by which change takes place. The ther forc head nthe plaza seems far removed fom the Kchens up onthe hides outside of eown, where womea continue 0 cool, mare thet babies, pasture sheep, and workin the es. And yer woald pe that fundamental changes are curing as much on the hillide a i the plaza. These changes aren less than the restactring of lve aod Enowiedgs a the people of Zumbagna move out of thee pastas hat ‘ends pene and into new and probleratc future “Thee ate two pois be made in retrence wo the role ofthe rata hosed in politcal change. Fist, maps of "ouside word” and “in- side world” "frure-oriented” and “pss oriened” wile important ‘metaphors used inthe cestion and maintenance of boundaries shoals ‘not blind sto he acral integration ofthese ewo worlds a am economic level The old image of "dor mundor supercon in which subst ence apiclare is wen a5 holdover fom the past operating ins fown-—albet rested sphere, must be replaced. Analyies mich at {laude Meilassoux's (1981) show that sbitence asian the “Thicd Word ace fly articulated withthe capitalist economy and con: wt to capital accumslation. Tis artlaton alter the structure, and hhence the ied experience, ofthe farmsad despite its apparent io: ated exience, “The second point ro be made sbout “ech if” is thai in some senses pris eo plaza polis, and more ental, because of serial fale in encalturton. The retorieofyourg hotheads Seems to be “where its happening” but there phenomens maybe evanescent. They are e- pecialyshorelved when compared to cweyday productive practices aod {othe reproduction of ela through the day today care ven to chi tea Ass shown bythe history of abortive patil movements pris to the Russian Revolution, or the vers of asccations and piel man. fesatios descr by E- Thompson (196) a contributing tothe ‘elopment of 2 Briish workinglss conciousness the emergence of concrete polical change iss pres of Sts and start, There ae e- ‘quently lng periods of quiescence in whch no concrete moves sppest fo be bing made In Turner terms, daring the periods aly the social “ld” active, in other words the absraccalurl domain where pacadigns ate for ‘mulated (1967:17). The paradipmaseundstandings with which people Food and Theory ee Pep gertafeee pereny oe eeeeirrae perio eien sei et ree ence Sees: oc et tet en eet ee cen Soe ee eee es eee Eee ieridengheeomanegaratnt pee ec eteceea ane Soe hele eee ee irc ee eee Ton oe bee ep pent ree a eee ane coe She ees eres Ee Se rac emer esther eae ae eet et aoe fee Nee ees See Fegoefe hepa ebro Sea eee ee ee Fe cipro eter oer Sieh ee ree Seal eee mee renee er ete te nero ere Siocon cle steamer earner ee ne 1a Se cd ot re et ge Salpeter mane Seiad ieee Sree arsine rm ems eee eee eee eneoress Food and Theory ‘world which ares from praxis. Tis wndertasding isnot an ideology ormulated at abrrac ies, but one close to Mar’ orginal concep ton of mans conscious exinence a beng separable from mates (processes (Willams 19775960). “Llama arama, ro pasta the sheep alice yan, to cook lunch; ‘nat takshona, to wach clothes with tho, a hanged smaller tasks: fed the pis bathe the Baby, sweep the pati, pel porto. thus a woman {in Zambagua Sle her day. Each acy scone and sutrunded by falar tool, motions, yh, aking place inte wellknown se ing ofthe Bel, the at, the hearth. Passang the sheep invahes 4 ‘rain et of tok: the whips handle polsed from many bands and {ora woman the spindle set and productive, ast athe noisy indolent hte wll accompany a shepherd boy. (ln Andas graves fom before the Conquest the Box of spindles accompanies women's mummies, some (Otavalios continue ths practice today) For washing clothes the tole are diferent fla rocks, cold rushing watt, th heavy sick for beating Suit woven ponchos and Baska. Ar the bear woman ston ples of ‘tay wth tei fara arell and fel. Her expecenced fingers sedi fede reading the hn Shiny aes at he fame her cenly and bums hoe, vey actvy is done wswandi: with a baby on one's back. A baby’ ‘word n Zumbugua the movement ofthe muscles i his mothers back “ner bis cheek the wide hoe with him ed dose tober andthe small of her cooking Sve filtered through the loth wath which he bound “These ae everyday practices, the mater ife‘tom which are know! cg, idelony, sours. But asthe baby grows toa man, be will come to se this world of his mothers and grandmothers as encapsolated within another, which distor and oppress it and which seems inf Sey larger and more powerful than his own. Chlden playing inthe fields sop to watch the brightly paced buss fash by on thir way t0 plas thei mother have never sen; storie a tld ofthe marvel of ‘Quito and Geayaqui, the huge balding, the hundreds of cars, t+ planes and srectighs, ch women wearing makcup ad high heels who [ae indians to cary thee purchases. “The material presence of this word is inseparable fom his masher, ‘ough in many waye remains ain and ripening to het. The thong of her whip is 4 sp of ruber cut from old ties; o wash othe one ‘must buy soap. The kitchen is made up of things bought, things gathered and grown and made, things traded. The saw to ful the Sze comes fom the communal grazing lands, free for the taking, Wooden bats (basins) and spoons ae acquired through exchinge with the people of Food and Tory Apagua, who can get Wood fom the ynga jst as the gona rd and techn the peat andi grinding sons, come fromrocky Tata. ‘Bur the bottered enamel bowie and cps abd the hey two-handed sar tb eying pan) sere bought in the mathe from sharptongued cho ‘women who know bow to make a ongo™ el ike di “The ife of hs high ale, where agriculture sll undertaken with ‘outa plow seem isolated from the word ouside, but is inextricably Bound tothe outside word bythe nod for money In Zumbagua the Feprodeson of mats life requires money: boy laundry soap, hoe laden tin spoons, plastic bce “The Zamlagus tothee and child live in station in which wo modes of production interact in 9 lationship of deminaton. According to Meilasouy, because ofthis lationship, rural communities, although ina proses of chang, remain gual {atively ferent fom the eaptalt mode of productos. However, Inte long tun the general condisons of reproducing the Social Imhole reuting from tis interpenetration no longer depend on de {ermination inherent inthe domeric mode of produc, But on ‘econ taken nthe capa sector By this process, omtadiciny Inevtence, the domestic mode smolaneoulymaintaned and de- ‘Mroyed [i both exists and doesnot ex (1981-95-97) “The people of Zumbogua represent thee wold to chenseles in his sway at bth real and not real They are contay bombarded from {thin and without by images of thee practi as being backward and Irrong. The imposition of these labels of inadequacy i a hegemonic process The subsinence economy i inevitably eroding, an overdeter. Inined process in which ecological degradason, overpopulation, and {rac changes inthe atonal economy have al played «pat. Bu the ‘rosion of peopl faith nthe vabdiy ofthe food and lets, language Gnd cleans they grew op with also the product oa multiplicity ‘Stores. Whereas before, explosion of this work force nas made pos [Sle by aig cate sytem n which dsintivecastoms reserved soil oundsiey national seologies now call for she rapid wssimilaton of indigenous peoples. In an oated ral area ike Zumbsgua, this mes ‘ge ters rough n smal way, butte peste is utelening. I test defined a hegemonic because ie ot “expressed in drety pital foams. by diet or elective coercion,” but rather as “a comple in- flocking of political forms, ad ‘epemony’, according diferent ite Terpeitons ir ether thor the atv sol and cull forms which ‘cits ncestay element.» What is dedive i not only he conscious Food and Theory system of ideas and beliefs but the whole ved social process a prac filly organiaed by specife and dominant meanings and values” (Wi Hams 1977:108-109). “The teansormation of indigenous practice occurs nt only when the schoclcild is taught 19 salte the Eesadorian ag but also when hi mothe estates one what foods to verve her amily etl that thee Something inadequate in a meal of “jst” homegrown foods, Even tromen who have lite fteracon wth white outers separated fr them by the language bare, lear the lessons of cultiral and social inferior. Children ro young they have sary eve lf the fumitead have already begun to learn them 1, "The farlar world of house and Geld and mountain, the knowledge of which is inuimatelyssociated in the ld mind with the close ‘waz of his mothers body dhs world thas ninsined by his fami’ Tabor, by lama jaro and jabus suena, hasan exence les wld than the stengh of the muse in hi mothers hack would sages. Despite the evidence of 2 thousand perceptual memories that prove concreteness, hs experience of the word, this domestic mode of pro ‘duction which isthe ise Meth cid knows, comes to seem in some emer les ral than the unkown and uimagoable ves of anges seen onl through the windows of «passing bus. Becaur ofthese repre Sentations ofthe ned experince of being sdigenous, porate and mit ton fade before the images of white ce apd chicken, Bread and Coc Practice: Cooking as Transformation have scout discuss cooking as store, dicourse, and practice. In ‘hs starting fom structure, fom the roe of foods igs hi work ‘scant be aking the ukimately nonmateriali nce of tracarliomy bbyconciving of emions as anata, gen structure undeiying ved experience. Rosalind Coward and John Els have sumarizd this fee ene in stuetaralis hough, where the primacy given eo “the exam ation of the ‘signs the eaton between. signer... and ‘Spied. nether of which pre-exss the ote or has day mening ‘outside ther relation ..» removed any emphasis from prodactiy, stressing instead 2 preven meaning” (1977:3~4). The dacoveres of linguists, revealing the execs of tndeling stactres behind every day speech acts, ceranly eae florecence nthe sty ofthese ye ‘ems of signification. The realization that every aco speech presuppones Food and Tory the extence of langue led some theorists 0 aye poy 0 Langue i {Bo foomlasone making of poral smpys sex Of pet ele ‘ns Ba he lation hereon Longue and perl does noe pe prioty {oer tore eno poole without lamp, there lo ne Shout pro" language ssa the sme tine the prod 2nd the Tout of eps th tetionship i= eine deca on™ {Bane 1965.16. “Ts concep of alec relation berwen language and spec em able analyse vo meee Conard wed nt clo eeplcemnt of the in of swctue wth tothe prove etcratin® (19774, Ser alo Giddens 1979, 1983). The sects fee se nox Bed and ‘Sinutab, but are in conman te of trasbrmtion Some changes tre conse, becoming arenas of dcouse dace in Chapter 3), itcotber ocr withou eer evoking tee en, Doxa ul isso Conant eroding admiting sew sectues and dering rant Stuns crn 8 is being terol so thar what epee “Sadinal" my a teste le ave nthe “ew way hat ange “The procs by which he ls of sin shape an cof cooking and int re retracted byte for f each csi mesh sof eine interes tote snbropologe bees epee the relaons erween the socal colestve andthe ndvadual Barer sys of ooking, "Sed og, toy fenton of many ie speech, whch makeup the ainenary ngage” (965-27), ‘fee ooking concerned hs try nial act and rece pave so ives another Lind of intacton. The act of (ooking sands athe junctre Bewocs he conspoa andthe mate ‘ss of sual le. Like sex fod plays an importa symbo role pre ‘Sin bcnae it as ch» fundastetl pr toplay in yal liebe teprodcton of aocty ands members dey Gependet on {Cooking ot oly a peace "a parscua fom of produce atity by whith th socal faton i produced anc transformed” (Cow {nd lie 197743) sao speccal «pa of economic practice {he “prodoction and reproduction ofthe steal means of subse tence”). “Te semis nding of the ements af cane iin fact an ape of th mae at fcookng: i ato that enles woman o combine thw ined and prepare them fr consumgon. Te sof se ‘Skane, dled they ae hom he senenxon” of thotands ‘tps mess are pei tare ofthe material conons of he Sodzy im quo When hese condos change afr example th {he rowing sary of posts in Zambag, the tle of cone mot Food and Theory in do 1 or 0h ow condos. Ce doe not a hc fll behind mater pact, however people ako deploy ‘our and make hic according econ hat be bee ‘Shwraly deerme "There then, 4 sosant morenetbepwen conceptual femework aod produce pocan Tht movement ca be pores asf Berveen ext and coment (Coward and Els 1977 ¢0) or bees te ture and history elie 1981), 0 for ooking, betweenprodacon snd

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