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Testosterone Smiling and Facial Appearance33
Testosterone Smiling and Facial Appearance33
FACIAL APPEARANCE
James M. Dabbs, Jr.
This research was supported National Institute of Mental Health grant MH42525 and
National Science Foundation grant BNS-9021393. I thank Paul Ekman and Mark Frank for
help in scoring the photographs; Paula Williams for making the photographs; Charles Cum-
mins, Denise de La Rue, Debira Plyler, and Ellen Steinberg for collecting data; and Earl Ander-
son, Aruna Rao, and Suzanne M. Bell for conducting assays.
Address correspondence to the author at Department of Psychology, Georgia State Uni-
versity, Atlanta, GA 30303, or at e-mail jdabbs@gsu.edu.
monkeys fight, the higher testosterone one usually wins, and winning fur-
ther increases his testosterone level. The losing animal drops in tes-
tosterone (Bernstein, Rose, & Gordon, 1974). Human male athletes react
similarly, increasing in testosterone before a contest and increasing further
when winning (Booth, Shelley, Mazur, Tharp, & Kittok, 1989). Sports fans
increase in testosterone when their champions win, in a kind of hormonal
basking in reflected glory (Bernhardt, Dabbs, Fielden, & Lutter, 1996). In
the present paper, we regard dominance as a quality that helps one win
whatever one wants to win in one-on-one interpersonal encounters. The
winning can come through using overt force or subtle body movements
and expressions that evoke deference from others.
Social life has many moments of conflict, making it a good place in
which to study testosterone and dominance. Because increases and de-
creases in smiling are easily produced and often appear around moments
of potential conflict, they could serve as mediators between testosterone
and dominance. Research in the area intersecting testosterone, smiling,
and dominance involves empirical and theoretical questions. Empirical
questions ask whether in fact smiling does vary with testosterone, and the-
oretical questions ask what mechanisms might link testosterone to smiling,
and smiling to dominance.
Two studies report less smiling in high than in low testosterone indi-
viduals. One found less frequent smiling in fraternities whose members had
higher mean levels of testosterone (Dabbs, Hargrove, & Heusel, 1996). The
other found less frequent smiling in higher testosterone women engaged in
group discussions (Cashdan, 1995). These studies did not describe or ex-
amine smiles in detail.
Regarding mechanisms, there is no known link between testosterone
and activation of the muscles that produce smiles. Testosterone does not
affect behavior directly. It builds body mass and affects development and
functioning of organ systems, including the central nervous system. Tes-
tosterone molecules bind to receptors in the amygdala, hypothalamus, and
preoptic area of the brain. Through this route testosterone might affect the
brain, influencing thoughts and feelings and leading to changes in smiling.
The relationship of smiling to dominance depends to some extent
upon the kind of smile and the setting in which it appears. Smiles of confi-
dence should relate positively to dominance, as should condescending,
ridiculing, or sneering smiles. But although one can smile and be a villain,
we usually associate smiles with pleasantness, friendliness, graciousness,
and a desire to please. This gentler smiling conveys positive feelings to
others (Hess, Banse, & Kappas, 1995). It reduces conflict by showing we
are friendly or at least benign. This view leads us to expect more smiling
47
among individuals who are less dominant, with lower levels of tes-
tosterone.
Most researchers treat smiling as a behavior that fluctuates with mood,
thought, and influence tactics, but smiling is also characteristic of individ-
uals. Hall's (1984) work on gender and Seaford's (1976) paper on the
Southern smile point to group differences in smiling. Dominance can be
conveyed by chacteristic low smiling, as it is by glances (Exline, 1972) and
facial expressions of contempt (Ekman & Heider, 1988). Dominance can
also be conveyed by physiognomy, as found in studies predicting future
leadership among West Point cadets and Army officers from their yearbook
photographs (Mazur, Mazur, and Keating, 1984; Mazur & Mueller, 1996).
Testosterone levels are relatively constant across days, weeks, and years
(Dabbs, 1990), and thus if smiling is correlated with low testosterone
levels, it is correlated with a relatively stable individual difference charac-
teristic.
In the present study we examined testosterone, smiles, and facial ap-
pearance among male and female college students. We assayed testos-
terone from saliva and scored smiling and facial appearance from portrait
photographs.
Method
Subjects were 119 male and 114 female undergraduate students, mean age
20.6 years (SD = 3.8, range 17-40) for males and 20.8 years (SD = 4.7,
range 17-44) for females. Subjects had earlier provided saliva samples for
testosterone assay and posed for portrait photographs in a study of the
reliability of salivary testosterone measurements (Dabbs, 1990). The pres-
ent study compared subjects' testosterone levels with their appearances in
the photographs.
Photographs
We took two photographs of each subject, one smiling and one not
smiling. The photographer was a friendly and attractive female under-
graduate. She took the photographs in an alcove in a social psychology
laboratory, always taking the non-smile photograph first. The subject stood
in front of a wall, with an identification number beside his or her head. The
photographer asked the subject to look at the camera, relax, and not smile,
and she took a color photograph from 6 ft. away with a hand-held 35-mm
camera with a portrait lens, framing the subject's face. Then she lowered
48
the camera, paused, smiled at the subject, said, "Okay, now smile," and
raised the camera and took a second photograph.
Testosterone Measurements
Subjects provided all saliva samples for testosterone assay at 10:00
a.m., to control for diurnal fluctuations in testosterone level (Dabbs, 1990).
We measured testosterone from saliva rather than serum because salivary
and serum testosterone levels are highly correlated, and it is much easier to
get subjects to participate using saliva (Dabbs, 1993; Navarro, Juan, &
Bonnin, 1986). Saliva samples were stored frozen and assayed in duplicate
using a radioimmunoassay (RIA) procedure with 125l-Testosterone tracer,
ether extraction, and charcoal separation. Mean within-assay coefficient of
variation (CV) between sample duplicates was less than 10% for each sex.
Between-assay CV, based upon mean values of control pool samples in
each assay, was 12% for males and 21% for females. There were two
groups of subjects, one in which subjects provided samples on a single
day, and the other in which they provided samples on two consecutive
days. Subjects with samples from two days received testosterone scores
representing the mean of the two days. We used a logarithmic transforma-
tion to normalize the scores, because the raw distribution of testosterone,
like that of many hormones, is negatively skewed. A mean difference be-
tween the two groups of subjects (which commonly appears in hormone
research, due to variations in laboratory procedure or materials) was re-
moved by standardizing scores within each group.
Overall Judgments
There is more information in the face than just that revealed by action
unit scores alone. Expressions change continuously, and many expressions
are very faint. Judges sometimes see muscle activity which they regard as
not strong enough to warrant scoring. Other scoring systems might use the
information missed by action unit scoring. Such information might reside
in slight and poorly delineated expressions of an individual, or in the com-
bined expressions of many individuals in a group, where the impact of the
group impression transcends the impact of the impression produced by a
single group member alone. In trying to go beyond the action unit scoring,
we divided the photographs into four sets, comprising smiling men, smiling
women, non-smiling men, and non-smiling women. Judges were college
students who did not know the purpose of the study. Different judges per-
formed one of three tasks, as follows.
First, 72 judges rated individual photographs on the semantic differen-
tial dimensions of potency, activity, and goodness (Osgood, Suci, & Tan-
nenbaum, 1957). Each judge sorted one of the four sets of photographs into
piles marked "least," "average," and "most" in response to one of the fol-
lowing questions: "Who looks strong and dominant?" "Who looks active
and energetic?" and "Who looks good and friendly?" Each photograph re-
ceived mean potency, activity, and goodness scores based on the ratings of
six judges.
Second, 40 judges rated groups of photographs. They rated groups
because we found observers could sometimes detect group differences
more easily than individual differences. For example, a visitor who noticed
the photographs of high and low testosterone men laid out in two groups
on a table, with no identification, remarked that the smiles in one group
(the high testosterone one) looked "hard." We grouped together photo-
graphs of the 12 highest and 12 lowest testosterone subjects from each of
the four sets (smiling men, smiling women, non-smiling men, and non-
smiling women), and we placed these high and low testosterone groups at
SO
the top and bottom of 18 X 24-in. posters. Half the judges viewed posters
with high testosterone subjects at the top, and half viewed posters with low
testosterone subjects at the top. Each judge viewed four posters, represent-
ing the four sets of photographs, in one of four different orders. Judges
studied each poster for two minutes and indicated whether photographs at
the top or the bottom looked more "strong and dominant," more "active
and energetic," and more "good and friendly."
Third, 41 judges rated photographs of male subjects on facial maturity
(Zebrowitz, Olson, & Hoffman, 1993). They rated only males, because
most testosterone effects in the semantic differential ratings had appeared
among males. Seventeen judges rated non-smile photographs, and 24 rated
smile photographs. They viewed photographs one at a time and rated each
on a 7-point scale anchored at 1 = "Baby faced" and 7 = "Mature face"
(Zebrowitz et al., 1993). We assigned a facial maturity score to each sub-
ject based on the mean of his non-smile and smile ratings. Ratings were
limited to subjects 18-23 years old (N = 100), to reduce the effects of any
confounding of age with facial maturity and testosterone level.
Results
Overall Judgments
Table 1 shows correlations between testosterone level and judges' rat-
ings of the four sets of photographs on strong/dominant, active/energetic,
and good/friendly dimensions. The one significant finding in these data
was that among smiling men, those higher in testosterone looked more
strong/dominant than those lower in testosterone.
Table 2 shows the percent of judges choosing high testosterone photo-
graphs grouped together as more potent, active, and good than low tes-
51
TABLE 1
Note. Cell entries are product-moment correlations between subjects' testosterone levels
and judges' mean ratings of "strong/dominant," "active/energetic," and "good/friendly." There
were 119 male subjects, 114 female subjects, and 72 judges. Each entry is a correlation based
upon mean ratings of 6 judges judging one set of photographs on one semantic dimension.
* p < .05
TABLE 2
Discussion
High testosterone men were judged more potent and less good than low
testosterone men. Low testosterone men had larger smiles, indicated by
more AU12 and AU6 muscle activity and suggestive of more true enjoy-
ment (Ekman, Davidson, & Friesen, 1990). Low testosterone men looked
more friendly and less dominant than high testosterone men. These results
fit with an earlier finding that ministers, who are more benevolent than
many other men, have low levels of testosterone (Dabbs, de La Rue, &
Williams, 1990).
High and low testosterone women did not differ in smiling, although
other studies of women have found testosterone related to libido (Sherwin,
Gelfand, & Brender, 1985), violence (Dabbs, Ruback, Frady, Hopper, &
Sgoutas, 1988), and occupational choice (Schindler, 1979), and Cashdan
(1995) has reported high testosterone women smile less often than low
testosterone women. Women generally smile more often than men (Hall &
Halberstadt, 1986). Perhaps being willing to smile, along with feeling
obliged to smile for a photographer, overwhelmed individual differences
among women in the present setting. Cashdan had observed women sub-
jects in informal group discussions, where they could respond to their own
tendencies rather than to the demands of a photography session.
We do not know whether high testosterone men tend always to smile
less, or whether they just smiled less in the present setting, perhaps in
reaction against being told to smile. We would not expect a strong link
between testosterone and smiling, because testosterone levels are relatively
stable (Dabbs, 1990; Vermeulen & Verdonck, 1992) and smiles have a
fleeting presence affected by the mood of the individual and the social
demands of the setting (Hess et al., 1995). Both testosterone and smiling
53
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