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Kelompok I-Moreorlessmeaningfulconceptofplanningtheory
Kelompok I-Moreorlessmeaningfulconceptofplanningtheory
Essay
Nigel Taylor
University of the West of England, UK
91
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buildings, roads and railways) but also natural wealth, such as clean and
adequate water supplies, good arable land, a wealth of wildlife and ample
forests . . . To achieve sustainable development requires the full integration of
environmental considerations into economic policy decisions. (Department of
the Environment [DoE], 1990: 47)
It is not new to point out that many of the central concepts in urban
planning theory and practice are imprecise, vague, ambiguous, and opaque.
As the late Eric Reade repeatedly pointed out, the careful investigation of
the effects of town planning policies has been hampered by the ubiquitous
practice that emerged in Britain (and elsewhere) of stating planning policies
in such generalized ‘holistic’ terms that it is difficult, if not impossible, to
attribute observed ‘effects’ to particular planning policies (Reade, 1987:
84–5). And this is no mere ‘academic’ matter; it renders the monitoring of
implemented planning policies (and hence the evaluation of the effective-
ness of planning) impossible. Reade railed (with little effect) against this
woolly thinking in town planning, arguing for what Karl Popper (1957:
64–70) termed ‘piecemeal’, as distinct from ‘holistic’ or ‘utopian’ social engi-
neering.
In this essay, I argue for similar precision and clarity in the use of key
concepts – particularly key normative concepts – employed in urban
planning theory and practice, and for much the same reasons as Reade
would have done. For many of the key normative concepts in planning –
that is, those concepts that specify what town planning is (or should be)
trying to aim at – are stated and used in imprecise, vague, ambiguous, and
opaque terms.1 As the philosopher Harry Frankfurt observed: ‘One of the
most salient features of our culture is that there is so much bullshit’
(Frankfurt, 1986; see also Cohen, 2002). I shall come to illustrate my
argument with reference to the concept of ‘sustainable development’; hence
the two quotations at the head of this essay, to which I shall make reference
later.2 But first I shall lay out my general argument, step by step. It is
composed of six points.
1. There are certain normative concepts in urban planning that specify some
desired quality that planning is, by its actions, seeking to realize, or at
least (given the limited powers and scope of statutory town and country
planning) seeking to further. Such concepts include the following (in
italics): planning to protect and enhance the amenity, or the aesthetic
quality of places; planning to encourage the economic development, or
regeneration, of certain localities; planning to achieve a more just
distribution of environmental goods, and (related to this) to further social
equity or social inclusion; planning for (or in) the public interest; planning
collaboratively or democratically; and (of course) planning for sustainable
development. Note, incidentally, that some of these concepts specify
states or qualities of the environment that town planning is trying to
01taylor (bc/d) 4/7/03 2:50 pm Page 93
its greater precision – more readily testable (and for Popper that an
hypothesis or theory was empirically testable, and thus also potentially
falsifiable, was a necessary condition of it being a scientific hypothesis or
theory at all; see Popper, 1963: Chapters 1, 10). This fourth point about
clarity and precision has a particular bearing on a practical activity like
town planning, as we can see by making a simple logical point. Suppose
it is an aim of town planning to maintain or encourage X. Obviously, the
more clearly we can specify X (or, more formally, specify the conditions
for X obtaining), then the more correspondingly clear we shall be about
what it is that town planning should be aiming at. Indeed, were a planning
authority to have X as an aim, and were X to be very clearly and precisely
stated, then that planning authority would be able to point to actual
examples of forms of development that instantiate or illustrate X; and,
further, it could more effectively control new development proposals in
terms of their furthering, or detracting from, the quality X that they are
seeking to advance. There is a corollary of this. If we, or some planning
authority, were to say that we are seeking to achieve X, and yet were
unable to specify clearly what we mean by X, then we would be
correspondingly unclear whether or not some action would further (or
alternatively detract from) X, and we would therefore be similarly
unclear whether or not some proposed development or environmental
change was or was not an instance of (or something contributing to) X.
In fact, if we really were in this position, we could not even say why we
should be aiming at X, for it would be quite irrational to want to aim at
something when we did not know, or could not say, what that something
was! Hence the practical (as well as the theoretical) necessity of
undertaking a thoroughgoing analysis of complex planning concepts in
order to (try to) make them clearer.
5. The foregoing recommendation for the careful analysis of key normative
concepts of planning does not have to presume (and I do not presume)
that universal agreement can or will be necessarily reached about the
meaning of any given concept. Indeed, the fact that all these important
normative concepts are relatively complex (as compared with concepts
of, say, buildings, bridges, roads, etc.) should already incline us to the
expectation that complete conceptual agreement may often elude us in
this area. Thus, for example, interpretations of what constitutes the
‘aesthetic’ component of our environmental experience (and hence what
might constitute an improvement in ‘aesthetic quality’) vary, as do
interpretations of what constitutes ‘social inclusion’, a ‘just distribution’,
the ‘public interest’, ‘democratic’ decision-making, even ‘economic
development’ (in spite of the apparently greater ‘firmness’ of this term).
Indeed, such is the complexity of many of these terms that whole books
have been written advancing different interpretations of these concepts.
Thus, there is a whole literature (and whole shelves of libraries) devoted
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This last point brings me to the last part of this essay, in which I shall
illustrate the foregoing argument with reference to the concept of ‘sustain-
able development’ in urban planning. The need to ensure that human
development is ‘sustainable’ has come to be widely seen as a matter of the
utmost importance and urgency. Indeed, it may come to be a matter of life
and death, and not just for some individuals, but for the human species. It
is therefore no merely academic matter to establish a clear and workable
conception of this concept. Of course, whether or not we actually succeed
in making development sustainable is going to depend on a lot more than
sorting out the most appropriate conception of ‘sustainable development’.
Yet doing this is nonetheless important, for if we adopt, and operate with,
a confused or incoherent conception of sustainable development, this will
hamper our chances of achieving this desired end.
At the head of this essay I have quoted two statements from two recent
British Government publications defining sustainable development. The
first of these, henceforth (1), puts forward a broad ‘all-encompassing’
conception of sustainable development. As (1) says, sustainable develop-
ment is about ensuring ‘a better quality of life’, encompassing economic
growth, employment, decent housing, good health, access to services and
recreation, and all these things in ways that make good use of natural
resources and protect the environment at the same time as promoting social
cohesion, and contributing to local, regional and national prosperity. (1), we
might say, is a conception that encompasses ‘social and economic’ as well
as ‘environmental’ aspects of sustainable development. As such, it contrasts
with the conception put forward in statement (2), which suggests that, to
qualify as sustainable, development must not diminish the stock of the
earth’s non-renewable natural resources or ‘capital’, or – if development
does use up renewable natural resources – it must not do so to the extent of
endangering their replenishment. (2), we might say, is a more strictly
‘environmental’ conception of sustainable development, and is in this
respect a more restricted conception than (1). It is also, I suggest, a clearer
conception than (1), and hence – in the light of my earlier six-point
argument – preferable.
The problem with (1) is that it licenses all manner of things (all manner
of things ‘count’) as sustainable development: economic growth and
employment, decent housing, access to recreational facilities, and so on.
Under (1), therefore, the protection of the earth’s natural environment – of
the quality of the atmosphere, for example, or of rivers and seas, soils and
biodiversity, etc. – is more likely to get lost in pleas to attain these other
objectives. To be sure, (1) insists that all the stated aspirations are to be
sought ‘while protecting and where possible enhancing the environment’,
but this does not appear in (1) to be a severely limiting condition, as it does
in (2).
Defenders of (1) would no doubt reply that sustainable development is,
or should be, about ‘more than just the environment’ – that it should
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Acknowledgements
I wish to thank Sarah Hills for her helpful comments on an earlier version
of this article, and G.A. Cohen for the inspiration I have gained from his
work, and for e-mailing me a copy of his article ‘Deeper into Bullshit’.
Notes
1. Here we might note part of the Oxford English Dictionary’s definition of one of
these terms: opaque, ‘Not transmitting light, not transparent; impenetrable to
sight; not lucid, obscure; obtuse, dull-witted’.
2. Because of this focus, I thought of titling this essay ‘Sustainable Development:
A Concept in Need of (More Precise) Treatment’. I adopted the chosen title
because the use of this concept is simply one instance of a more general malaise
in the use of concepts in planning, and of a more general thesis I wish to
advance to address this malaise.
3. On this basis we could therefore distinguish between ‘environmental’,
‘distributive’ and ‘procedural’ aims of urban planning.
4. Consider, for a start, the large literature generated by the publication, in 1971,
of John Rawls’s A Theory of Justice.
5. An example: Robert Nozick’s advocacy of an ‘entitlement’ conception of
distributive justice, in opposition to Rawls’s egalitarian and (for Nozick)
allegedly ‘end-state’ view of distributive justice (see Nozick, 1974: Chapter 7).
6. Some writers even question whether the concept of the ‘public interest’ has, or
can reasonably be given, any meaning (e.g. Sandercock, 1998: 196–9). For an
argument against this completely destructive (of the concept) view, see Taylor
(1994: 88–90).
7. Like Selman (1996: 10), in this essay I do not distinguish the notions
‘sustainable development’ and ‘sustainability’, although I recognize that some
would insist that ‘sustainability’ is not quite the same as (because a broader
notion than) ‘sustainable development’. Incidentally, anyone insisting on this
distinction would thereby show support for the general thesis I am making,
namely, that different concepts should be carefully distinguished and analysed.
01taylor (bc/d) 4/7/03 2:50 pm Page 100
References
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