AncientHistory 10021660

FR OM TH E EARLIE S T TI MES TO) TH E
FA L L O F T H E W E S T E R N E M P I R E
I I
C O MPR S NG T HE H STORY O F I
C HALD /EA , ASS Y RIA , M ED IA, B AB Y LO NIA, LYD I A
P HCE NI C I A SY RIA , J U D /E A , EG Y PT , C ART HAG E ,
PERSIA , G REEC E , M AC EDO NIA , PARTHIA, AND RO M E
BY
GE O RGE m wmms m , M A
. .
, 13 mm ,
C AM D E N P R O FE SSO R O F AN C I E N T H I ST O R Y I I
AT U N V E R S T Y O F O X FO R D
REVI SED ED I T I O N
W S PEC I AL I NT RODU C T I O N B Y
ITH A
W ILL IA M F M C D O W ELL S T D PHD

.
, . . .
C HANCELLO R or THE U NI VERS I TY O F DENVER
é)
C O PYR I HT
G , 1 900,
BY T H E C O LO N I A L PR ESS .
W O R L D S G R EA T C LA S S I C S
’
THE
I N T RO D U C T I O N T O THE S E R I E S
N annotating the B ibl ical t e xt concern ing the making of ,
many books a fourteenth century commentator declared

,
most positively that the only books which might be read

without harm ful results are the h okis of b ooli scripture and
other h okis that ben n eed ful to the un derstanding of h oo l i
”
scripture.
S olomo n and ou r medi aeval sage would scarcely have cause

to reverse their Opinion i f they had to pass j udgment on the
bulk o f modern publication s T o— day sup e rficial ity and sensa
.
t ion reign supreme and the classics o f literature are barely

,
circulated The classics are largely relegated to the shelves o f

.
public libraries which are obviously only accessible to a smal l

,
proportion of readers .
There has been an e ff ort of lat e to supply the reading public

, ,
with various encyclop aedias of literature which so far as the , ,
literary selections are concerned bri n g to mind the gru mbler s ,

’
comment on h i s dinner I t s all very well as f ar as it goes and

,
’
,
”
’
there s a good deal o f it too such a s it is
, These e ncycl o
,
”
p zf di as are in the n ature of an thologies an d while they may , ,
be very use ful as lite r ary scrap —books they fail to satis fy those ,
who wish to possess the classics in their entirety .
The proj ectors o f the present series of books have made it

possible fo r readers to possess a care fully selected library of
’
the world s great classics The publishers of this series ha v e
.
no desire to pose as educational philanth ropists They clai m .

,
h owever that the publication of these classics wil l certainl y

,
1 11
vi THE W O RLD S ’
G RE AT C LA S S I C S
thors selected i n clude only the master minds of a n cie n t and

modern times .
The art features comprise photogravures f rom famous pai nt

i n gs and classic sculpture portraits of authors medi aeval illu
, ,
min at i on s o f medi aeval books and paleographic manuscripts ,
choice examples of early printing and engraving and various ,
other illustrations .
O n the Library Committee are such competent j udges of

good books as Dr Timothy Dwight ex President o f Yale Uni
.
,
-
versity ; Justin M c C ar th y historian and litt é rateur ; Richard

,
Henry Stoddard poet and literary critic and Dr Pa ul van

, , .
Dyke Professor o f H istory at Princeton Each of the classics

, .
selected has a special introd u ction by a writer fully q ua lified t o

give a critical analysis of the work in question Every avail .
a ble device i n the art of book —making has been brought i n t o

service to m ake these volumes attractive and the type paper , , ,
and binding are of excellent q u ality

The present library is in the nature of a University Exte n
”
sion for it aims to provide a fuller and broader intellectual li fe
,
rather than any technical per fection The trend of the times i s
.
toward mental culture In the University Collection of Illus

.
t rat e d Classics the intellectual pleasures and luxuries of li fe

are made accessible to every home where the love of reading
"
prevails The publishers have provided a feast with the Im
" "
.
mortals The flow o f soul comes from the authors of all ages
"
. .
Let the toast be what Al fonso King of Aragon w as wont to , ,
say were the four best things of li fe : O ld wood to burn

O ld wine to drink O ld friends to converse with O ld books
to read S ic i tur ad astr a .
SPEC I A L I N T R O D U CT I O N
HE author o f this volume is one of the ma n y n otable ex

amples o f scholarship in the English clergy H e is best .
k n ow n a s C an o n Rawlinso n O n e o f his most widel y .
”
re a d p apers w as h is Present Day Tract o n the Early
Prev a lence of Monotheistic Belie f ”
He supplied the c om .
“
m e n ts on n umerous books of the O ld Testame n t to The
Speaker s Com mentary and th e excelle n ce o f his work m ade
’
him a f a vorite with m an y students .
George Rawlinson w as b orn in 1 8 1 5 in O xfordshire E n g ,
l a nd bei n g fiv e years you n ger than h is brother Sir Henry Cres

, ,
wicke R a wlinson the O rient alist a n d diplomat B oth

,
.
were educ a ted a t E a li n g School the former gr a du a ti n g fro m

,
O xford with classic a l ho n ors in 1 83 8 H e bec a me a fellow o f .
Exeter College i n 1 840 B a mpton Lecturer in 1 8 59 Camde n

, ,
Professor of A n cie n t History a t O xford i n 1 86 1 holdi n g that ,
o ffice u n til 1 889 whe n he resig n ed I n 1 872 he was a ppointed

, .
Can on of C a nterbury Cathedr al Th e m ere titles o f his books

.
i n dicate wh a t a prodigious worker he has been His i n dustr y .
is ama zi n g an d his a chieveme n ts surprisi n g even for a life u n

”
usually lo n g I n additio n to his man ual of A n cie n t Histor y
.
,
he h as writte n the followi n g historical works : Th e Five Great

”
Mo na rchies of th e A n cie n t E a ster n World The Sixth Great ,
O riental Mo na rchy or the Geogr a phy History an d A n tiquities

, , ,
” “
of Parthi a , The Seve n th Great O rie n tal Mo n archy or th e ,
Geograph y History an d A n tiquities of the Sass an ian or N e w

,
” ”
Persi an E mpire Histor y of A n cie n t E gy pt
, Religio n s of ,
”
the A n cie n t World Egypt and B abylo n
, a history o f ,
”
Phoen ici a an d i n co n nectio n with his brother an d Sir G a rd
,
n er Wilki n son a tr a nslation of Herodotus with exte n sive notes

,
an d illustr a tio n s His B am pto n lectures i n 1 85 9 wer e upo n

.
v ii
viii R A WLI N S O N
The Historical Evidence o f the Truth o f the Scripture

”
Records In a dditio n to all this Ca non Rawli n son h as writte n
.
’
much in the sh a pe of special a rticles for such works a s Smith s
B ible D ictionary and the magazines H e wrote the article .
on Herodotus i n the n inth edition of the Encyclop aedia B rit a n

”
nica and in 1 893 he wrote the volume on Parthia i n The
,
Story o f the Nations series He held the offi ce of Classical .
Examiner under the Council o f Military Education from 1 8 59

1 8 7 0 and h as been Proctor in Convocatio n for the De a n and
,
Chapter of Canterbury since 1 87 3 .
H i s m an ual o f Ancie n t Histor y is professedly intended to

”
take the place of H e e r e n s Ha n dbu ch Readers of Herodotus
’
.
are charm ed b y that garrulous and entertainin g ol d story teller -

,
”
the father o f history B ut Herodotus did n ot err on the
.
criti cal side He w as interested in everything h e he a rd H e

. .
w a s not a scientific annalist coldl y sifting evide n ce though he ,
was n ot blindly credulous Nevertheless he admitted ma ny .
things wisely so on r a ther sle n der evide n ce

, , Harriso n says .
that the reader of Herodotus needs such a ma n u al as H e e r e n s ’

,
’
and R a wlinson s manual on the same pl a n now ta kes its place , ,
It covers th e same ground an d in much the same fashio n R aw .
linson writing later h as of course corrected many stateme n ts

, , , ,
revised many j ud g ments and has carefully embodied the dis ,
c ov e ri e s and researches of the prese n t ce n tury This adds the .
labor of at least three most active a n d fruitful ge n eratio n s to

’ ’
H e e r e n s great work Rawlinson s man ual is not intended t o be
.
a popular treatise for light reading I t s prepar ation was not the .
idle pastime of a n idle day Its author w as a stude n t patientl y .

,
investigati n g details a n d bri n gi n g a perfect mass of them before

,
the reader .
This ma n ual is most valuable for the ge n eral reader and the
right kind of stude n ts Its bibliography alone would m a ke it
.
a great work There is probably no better list of authorities on

.
the period an d n atio n s covered And one can forgi ve the text .
for lacking the rhetorical embellishments which chara cterize

certain histories i n view of Ca n o n R a wlinso n s p a instaki n g facts ’
presented in such a bu n d an ce At a tim e whe n history i s te n d .

S P E C IA L I N T ROD U C T IO N . ix
ing to become scie n tific in the larger se n se our debt to the fact
,
gatherer is imme n se Philosoph y Literature and Art are all

.
, ,
’
dependent upo n him A n d at a time whe n me n s i n terest in
.
ancie n t history is experie n ci n g a revival like the quicke n ed de

v o ti on to child study the republic a tion of this ma n ual appears
,
most timely A n cient Histor y i s a vital part of Moder n History

. .
The past i s only the present i n a less developed form D ivi .
sions between Ancient a n d Modern History are purely arbitrary .
Ancient H istory occurred in a p a rt o f the worl d f a r dist a nt

from u s For long ages it co n ti n ued distant but the moder n
.
,
Wester n n atio n s have a kee n and vital interest i n the fa r E a ster n

world t o day Asia a n d Africa subj ects o f B ook I i n this
-
.
, .
manu a l never were so close t o England and Am erica as a t pres

,
e n t Th e dista n t i n space has been brought n ear The ancient

. .
is made recent by such studies as t h is Dr Charles Kendall . .
Adams President of the University of Wisco n sin a n d a n oted

, ,
historical critic says in his ma n u a l of Historical Literature

,
that as a guide to a student i n the thorough study of Ancie n t

’ ”
Histor y R a wli n so n s m an ual h a s n o equal i n ou r l a ngu a ge
, .
W I L L I A M F M C D O W EL L . .
R A W LI N S O N S PR EFA C E
’
H E work h ere give n to the public h a s b ee n co n te m

plated by the author for s everal years Th e H a nd .
buch of Professor Heeren originally published ,
i n 1 799 a n d corrected by its writer up to the year 1 8 2 8

, ,
is so far as h e knows th e o n ly m oder n work o f reputa

, ,
tio n treating in a comp endious for m the subj ect of A n

cie n t History generally Partial works i a works embracing .
, . .
,
portio n s o f the field have been put forth m ore recently as

, , ,
”
p a rticul a rly the important
,
Manuel of M L e normant .
( M anu e l d h is toir e anci e nne de l O r i e nt jusq u aux g u e rr e s M é

’ ’ ’
di ques. Paris 1 868—6 9 ; 3 vols 1 2 mo ) B ut no work with the

, . .
’
scope an d on the scale of Professor H e e r e n s has so fa r a s the ,
prese n t writer is aware made its a ppe a r an ce si n ce 1 82 8 That

,
.
work itself in its English dress i s h e believes ou t of print ;

, , , ,
and it is one so great a portio n of which has b ecome a n tiquated

,
by the progress of historical criticis m a n d discover y that it ca n ,
not n ow be recom me n ded t o the stude n t unless with large re ,
serves a n d n um erous cautions Under these circumstances it .

,
seemed to the prese n t writer desirabl e to replace the Ha n d

buch of Heere n by a ma n u a l conceived o n the s a me sc a le ex ,
te n di n g over the s a me period an d tre a ti n g ( i n the mai n) of the

,
s a m e n atio n s .
H e e r e n s H an d book a lw a ys a ppe a red t o h im a d mirable i n

’
-
design a n d co n sideri n g the period at which it was written ex

, , ,
c e ll e nt i n execution H e has bee n co n te n t t o a dopt ge n erally

.
, ,
its schem e a n d divisio n s ; merel y seeki n g i n ever y c a se t o bring

th e histor y up t o the level of ou r prese n t a dvanced knowledge ,
a nd to embody i n his work al l th e really a scertai n ed results of

m oder n rese a rch a n d discovery He h a s n ot su ffered himself .
to b e tempted by the ex a mple of M L e normant to i n clude i n the .

R A WL I N S O N
ma n ual a n accou n t of the Arabian s or the Indian s ; since he has

n ot bee n able to convi n ce himself that either the native tradi
tions of the former as reported by Abulfeda Ibn —Kh al doun
, , ,
a nd others or th e epic poems o f the latter ( the M ah a B h arata

,
a nd R amayana ) are trustworthy sources o f history With

, .
more hesitation he has decided on not including in h is present

work the history of the Sassanid ae which is su fficiently au th e n
,
tic and which in part ru n s parallel with a period that th e ma n ual

,
embraces B ut on the whole it appeared t o him that the Sas

.
, ,
sani dae belo n ged as much t o Modern as t o Ancient History
to the B yzanti n e a s to the Roman period And in a doubtful

.
,
case the deman ds of brevity which he felt to be imperative in

, ,
such a work as a manual seemed entitled to turn the scale

, .
C O N T EN T S
I NTR O DU CT I O N .
PA G E
H i sto ry —H i s to r y Pr o p e r it s d ivi s i on s —A n c i e nt H i s to r y h ow b e s t
.
, .
,
dis t i n g u ish e d fr om M o d e r n —S ou rc e s of H is t o r y : 1 A nt i q u i t i e s ; .
2 . Wri tt e n R e c o rds i n cl u d in g ( a) I n scr i p t i on s ( b) B oo k s — I m

, ,
p o rtan c e of In scrip t i on s — C o i n s —B o o ks an ci e nt and m o d e rn

. .
,
.
C o gnate sc i e n c e s t o H is to r y : 1 Chr ono l o g y ; 2 G e o gr aph y

. . .
Chi e f e r as —Chr on ol o gic al M onume nt s —W o rks o n Chr onol o g y .
W o rks o n G e o gr aph y —M o d e s of di vidi n g A n ci e nt H is t o r y

. .
S ch e m e of t h e W o rk
BO O K I .
H i s t or y ofA n c i e nt Asi at i c an d Afric an S tate s and K in gd oms

th e
fr om t h e E arl i e s t Ti me s t o t h e F oun d ati on o f t h e P e rs i an M onar
ch y b y C y r u s t h e Gr e at
P A RT I . A SI AT I C
-
N ATI O N S .
Pr e l imin ar y R e marks on th e G e o gr aph y of As i a

Pr e li mi nar y Obs e rvat i on s o n th e G e ne r al Ch ar act e r of th e E arl y
Asi at ic Kingdom s
H is t o r y of t h e A n ci e nt Asi at ic Ki n gd om s p r e v i o u s t o C y r u s
I Ch ald ae an M on arch y
.
I I Ass y ri an M ona rch y

.
I I I M e di an M on arch y
.
I V B ab y l on i an M ona rch y
.
V Ki n gd o m s i n As i a M in o r : 1 Phr y g ia ; 2 Cilici a ; 3 L y d i a
. . . . .
V I Ph oe ni ci a
.
V I I S y ri a
.
VI I I J u d ae a
.
a Fr om th e Exo d u s t o t h e Es t abli shme nt o f th e M on

.
b
. Fr om th e Es t ablish m e nt of th e M on arch y t o t h e S e p ar a
ti on int o t w o Kin gd o m s
c
. Fr om t h e S e p ar ati on o f t h e K in gd oms t o t h e C ap tivit y
un d e r N e b u ch ad n e z z a r . .
xi v RA W L I N SON
PA RT II .
—A FR I C A N NA T I O N S .
Pr e l iminar y R e marks o n t h e G e o gr aph y o f A n ci e nt Afri ca

H is t o ric al Sk e t ch o f t h e A n c i e nt Afric an S t at e s .
I Eg y p t
.
I I C ar t h ag e
.
a Fr om t h e F o u n d at i o n o f t h e C i ty t o t h e C o mme n c e me nt
.
of t h e W a rs w i t h S y r a c u s e
b Fr om t h e C o m m e n c e m e nt o f t h e W a rs w it h S y r ac u s e
.
t o t h e B r e aki n g —
o ut o f t h e Firs t W a r w i t h R om e
B O O K iH .
H is t o r y P e rs i a fr o m t h e Acc e ssi on o f C y r u s t o
of th e D e st r u c ti on of
th e E mp ir e b y Al e xan d e r t h e Gr e at .
BO O K HL
H is to r y ofGr e ci an S tat e s fr om t h e E arli e s t T ime s t o t h e Acc e s
th e
si on of Al e xan d e r t h e Gr e at .
G e o gr aphic al O ut l ine of Gr e e c e
F I R S T PE R I O D .
T h e A n ci e nt Tr a di ti on al H is t o r y fr o m th e E arli e s t T ime s t o t h e
,
D o ri an O cc u p at i on of t h e P e l op onne s e .
S E C O N D PE R I O D .
H is t o r y of Gr e e c e fr o m t h e D o ri an C on q u e s t o f th e P e l o p onn e s e t o
t h e C omm e n c e m e nt of t h e W a rs w i t h P e rsi a
PA RT I H is t o r y o f t h e pri n cip al H e ll e nic S t at e s i n Gr e e c e Pr o p e r
. .
I Sp art a .
I I Ath e n s .
PA R T I I H is t o r y o f t h e o t h e r Gr e ci an S t at e s
.
I I n t h e P e l o p onn e s e :
.
a . A c h ma
b Arc adi a
.
c C o ri nt h
.
d Elis
.
e Sic y o n
.
II . I n C e nt r al Gr e e c e
a M e garis
.
b B oe ot i a
.
c Ph o cis
.
d L o cris
.
e . ZE t o l i a
f A car n ani a
.
CO N T E N T S XV
I II . In N ort h e rn Gr e e c e
a Th e ss al y
.
b Epir u s
.
IV . I n t h e I sl an ds
a C o rc y r a
.
b C e p h all e ni a
.
c . Z ac ynt h u s
d ZE g i na
.
e E ub oe a
.
f Th e C y cl ad e s
.
g L e mn o s
.
h Th as o s
.
i Cr e t e
.
j C y pr u s
.
V . Gr e e k C o l oni e s
TH I RD PER I O D .
H i story Gr e e c e of fr om t h e C omm e n c e me nt of th e W ars w it h

P e rsi a to t h e B attl e of C h ae r o ne i a
BO O K IV .
H i st o r y M ac e d oni an M onarch y
of th e
G e o gr aphic al O ut l in e o f M ac e d on i a .
H is t o r i c al Sk e t ch o f t h e M ona rch y :
F I R ST P E R I O D .
Fr om t h e C omme n c e me nt of t h e M onarch y t o t h e D e at h o f Al e xan

d e r t h e Gr e at
SE C O N D P E R I O D .
Fr om t h e D e at h of Al e xan d e r t h e Gr e at t o t h e B att l e o f I p s u s
T H I R D P ER I O D .
H i s t o r y o f t h e S t at e s int o w hich t h e M ac e d on i an M on arch y w as

br ok e n u p aft e r t h e B attl e o f I p s u s .
PA R T I H is t o r y of t h e S y ri an Ki n gd om o f t h e S e l e u ci dm
.
PA R T I I H is t o r y o f t h e Egy p t i an Ki n gd om of t h e P t ol e m i e s
.
PA R T I I I H is t o r y o f M ac e d on i a an d o f Gr e e c e fr om t h e D e at h of
.
, ,
Al e xan d e r t o t h e R oman C on q u e s t
PA R T I V H is t o r y o f t h e S mall e r S t at e s an d Ki n gd om s f o rm e d o u t
.
O f th e Fr a gm e nt s of Al e xan d e r s M on arch y
’
I Ki n gd o m o f P e rg amu s
.
I I Ki n gd o m o f Bi th y n i a
. .
I I I Ki n gd om of P aphl a g on i a
.
I V Ki n gd o m o f P o nt u s
. .
V Ki n gd om o f C app a d o c i a
.
xv i RAW LI N S O N
VI .K in g d om of Gr e ate r Arme n i a
VI I .Ki n gd om of Arme n ia M i no r
VI I I Ki n gd om of B act ri a
.
IX Ki n gd om of P art hi a
.
X K in gd om of J u dma
.
a Fr o m th e C ap tiv i ty t o t h e Fall of t h e P e rsi an E m

.
mm
b Fr o m t h e F all of t h e P e rs i an E mpir e t o t h e R e
.
e s t ablish me nt o f a n I n d e p e n d e nt Ki n gd o m
c Fr o m t h e R c e s t ablish me nt o f a n I n d e p e n d e nt Ki n g
.
-
do m t o t h e F u ll Es tabl i sh me nt o f t h e P o w e r o f
R ome
d Fr om t h e Fu ll Es tablishme nt o f R oman P o w e r t o
.
t h e D e s t r u c t i on o f J e r u s al e m b y T i tu s
BO O K V .
PA R T I .
—H I S T O RY OF ROM E .
Pr e liminar y R e marks on th e G e o gr aph y of A n c i e nt Ital y

Sk e t ch of t h e H is t o ry of R ome :
F I R ST PE R I O D .
Th e A n c ie nt Tr adi t i onal H is to r y fr om th e E arl i e s t Ti me s t o th e

C omme n c e me nt of t h e R e p ublic
S E CO N D PE R I O D .
Fr o m th eF oun d at i on of th e R e p ublic t o th e C omme n c e me nt of
th e S amni t e W ars
T H I R D PE R I O D .
Fr om t h e B r e aki n g out of t h e Firs t S amn i te W ar t o th e C omme n c e

m e nt of t h e Wars w i t h C art h ag e
FOU T H P ER I O D
R .
Fr om t h e C omme n c e me nt of t h e Firs t W ar w it h C art h ag e t o th e

R i s e of t h e C iv il B r oi ls un d e r t h e Gr acchi .
F I F T H PE R I O D .
Fr om the C omme n c e me nt o f I nte rnal Tr o ubl e s un d e r th e Gr acch i

t o t h e Es t abl i sh m e nt of t h e E mpir e u n d e r A u g u s t u s
S I X T H PE R I O D .
Fr om t h e Es t abl i shme nt o f th e Emp i r e un d e r A u gu s tu s t o th e

D e s t r u c t i on o f t h e R o m an P ow e r i n t h e W e s t b y Od oac e r
Pr e li mi nar y R e marks o n t h e G e o gr aph i c al E xt e nt and Prin cip al
D ivi s i on s of t h e R oman Empir e
CON T E N T S xfi i
H is t o r i c al Sk e t ch o f t h e R oman E m pir e PAG E

FI R S T S E C T I O N . Fr om th e B attl e of Acti um t o th e D e at h of C om
mo d u s
S E C O N D S E C T I O N Fr om th e D e at h of C ommo d u s t o t h e Acc e s
.
si on o f Di o cl e t i an
T H I RD S E C T I O N Fr om t h e Acc e ssi on of D i o cl e t i an t o t h e Fin al
.
D ivisi on o f t h e Empir e
FO U R T H S E C T I O N H is t o r y o f t h e W e s t e r n E m pir e fr o m the A c
.
c e ssi on o f H ono ri u s A D 3 95 t o th e D e p o si t i on o f R omu l u s A u

, . .
,
g u s t u s A D 4 76
, . .
P A RT II .
—H I S T O RY OF P A RT H I A .
G e o gr aph i c al O utl ine of P art h i an Emp i r e

th e .
S k e t ch of t h e H is t or y o f P ar t hi a
F I R S T PE R I O D .
Fr om th e F oun d at ion o f th e Ki n gd om b y A r sac e s t o th e Es tab

l i sh me nt o f t h e Emp i r e b y Mi t hrid at e s I
S E C O N D PE R I O D .
Fr om t h e Es tabl i sh me nt o f t h e E mpir e b y M it hri d at e s I t o t h e .
C o mme n c e me nt o f t h e W ars w i t h R ome

TH I R D PER I O D .
F r om th e C omme n c e me nt of t h e W a rs w it h R o me t o th e D e
st r u c t i o n o f t h e E m p i r e b y Ar t axe rx e s
IL L U S T R A T I O N S
I
FA C N G PAG E
T U LL I A D R I VI N G O V E R H E R FA T H E R S C O RPS E ’
Fr on tz sp z ec e
’ '
H an d c o l or e d A r ti st pr oo f fr om a p ai n t i n g
-
T IM O TH Y DW I G H T D D L L D ,
. .
, . .
( Por t rait)
Ph o t ogr v u e fr om a p h ot o gr ap h
a r
G EO R G E R A W L I N S O N C AN O N O F C A N T E R BU RY
,
Ph ot ogr avu r e fr o m a p h ot o gr ap h
M IN I A TU R E O F TH E AN N U I A T I ON
NC xviii
Fac -
simil e ill u m in at i on from t h e C on dé L i re v d H e u re s
’
H E L EN OF T RO Y
P hot ogr av u r from p i n t in g
e a a
M E N T A L E D U CA T I O N OF A G R EE K Y OU TH z I o
P h ot o gr vua re from p in t in g
a a
A N C IE N T H IST O RY
I N T R O D U CT I O N
The word History which etymol ogi ca lly m e an s

, in
qui ry or res e arch and which has many slightly di ffering
,
uses is attached in m odern parlan ce pre —em i n ently and esp e

,
c i all y t o accounts of th e rise p ro gress and affairs of Nati ons

, , .
The consideration of m an pri or to th e formation of political

,
communities and apart from t hem bel on gs to Natu ral Histo r y ,
— and esp ecially to that branch of it which is c all ed An thro

p o l o gy but not to Histor y Prop er Histor y Prop er is the hi s .
t ory of States or Nations both i n resp ect t o their internal ai

,
fairs and in regard to the ir dealings on e with another Under .
the form er h ea d on e of th e most impo rtant bra n ches is Consti

,
t u ti on al History or th e histo r y o f Govern men ts ; un der th e

,
latt er are included n ot onl y accounts o f the wars but l i k ewi se ,
o f the fri e n dly relations o f th e di ff ere n t States a n d o f t heir com ,
m e r ci al or o t her i n tercourse .
Ant hr o p o l o g y t h ou gh n ot H is t ory Pr o p e r is akin t o i t an d i s a

, , ,
sc i e n c e of w hi ch t h e his t ori ca l s tu d e nt sh oul d n ot b e i g n o r ant I t tr e at s

o f m an p ri o r t o t h e ti m e w h e n hi s t o r y ta k e s hi m u p a n d t h u s f o rm s
, ,
i n s ome s o rt th e b asis o n w hi ch hi s t o ry r e s t s
, T h e o ri gi n a l c o n di ti o n
.
o f m an his p ri ma r y h abi tat o r pl a c e o f a b o d e

, t h e mo d e a n d ti m e of
,
his disp e rsi on ; t h e qu e s t i o n s o f t h e f o rmati on of r a c e s of t h e ir di ff e r ,
e n c e s a n d o f t h e ir a ffi n i ti e s : th e s e
, an d si mi l a r s u b j e ct s w hi ch b e l o n g
, ,
pr o p e rl y t o ant hr o p o l o gy ar e of i nt e r e s t t o t h e his t o ri an an d u n d e rli e

, ,
his pr op e r fi e ld T h e mo s t i mp o rtan t w o rks b e ar i n g o n th e s e matt e rs

.
ar e :
Th e B o o k o f Ge n e sis —th e onl y e xt an t w o rk w hi ch cl ai ms t o g iv e

an au th o ri tati v e a cc oun t of t h e cr e at i o n a n d di sp e rsi o n o f m anki n d an d ,
w hi ch is u n i v e rs all y a dm i tt e d t o c o ntai n m o s t i nt e r e s ti n g n o ti c e s o f th e
p r i mi t ive c on di ti on of th e h um an r ac e an d o f i mp ort ant f a ct s b e l on gi n g
,
2 RA WL I N S O N
to ve r y r e mote ti me s K alisch s H is t o r i c al and Cr iti c al C o mme n

.
’
~
tar y L ond on L on gman 1 85 5 c ontai n s a mass of val uabl e t h ou gh

,
”
, , , ,
n ot a l w ay s q u i t e s o b e r ill u s t r at i on fr om t h e b e s t mo d e rn s ou rc e s
, .
T h e Ph y sic al H is t o r y o f M an ki n d
”
b y Dr Pr i ch ard L on d on 3 d,
.
, ,
e di t i on 1 83 6—3 w o rk o f gr e at gr a sp an d p o w e r e l ab o r at e l y ill u s t r at e d
, , ,
an d i n man y r e sp e c t s o f e n d u ri n g v al u e ; b u t i n s ome p o i nt s b e h in d
t h e e x is t i n g s t at e o f o u r k n o w l e dg e N o t h o w e v e r at p r e s e nt s u p e r
.
, ,
se de d b y any g e n e r al w o rk .
Pr e his t o ric M an b y Sir J o hn L u bb o ck L on d on 1 866 Thi s

,
.
, .
b oo k i s b as e d mai nl y o n r e c e nt r e s e arch e s i nt o t h e e arli e s t v e s t ige s

o f man u p o n t h e e ar t h a s t h o s e b e li e ve d t o h av e b e e n f o u n d un d e r
,
n e at h t h e fl oo rs of c ave s i n an ci e nt grave l d e p o si t s i n t h e s oi l at t h e
, ,
”
b ott om o f l ak e s i n t h e so c all e d k it ch e n mi ddi ng s and th e l i k e
,
- -
, .
I t is w e ll ill u s t r at e d .
History Proper i s usuall y divided either into two or into

three portions I f the triple divisi on is adopted the portio n s
.
,
“ ”
are called respectively ,
Ancient History the History of , ,
”
the Middle Ages and M odern History ,
If the tw o fold .
division is preferred the middle po rtio n is suppressed and His

, ,
”
tory is regarded as falling u n der the tw o heads of A n cient
”
a n d M od ern .
Ancient History is improperly separ a ted from M odern

b y the arbitrary assumption o f a particular date A truer .
,
better and more convenient divisi on may be made by regard

,
ing as ancient all that bel on gs to a state of things which has .
completely passed away and as m odern all that connects itself ,
inseparably with th e present In Weste rn Europ e the i rru p .
tion of the Northern B arbarians ; in Eastern Europ e i n Asi a , ,
and in Africa the M o hammedan conquests fo rm the line of

,
demarcation between the two portions of th e historic field ;

since these events brou ght t o a clos e the ol d co n dition of things
and introduced the conditio n which continues t o the present
day .
The Sources of Histo ry fall under the two heads of written

records and antiquities or the actual extant remains of ancient
, ,
tim es whether buildings excavation s sculptures pictures

, , , , ,
vases or other productio n s of art These an tiquities exist either

, .
in the c ountries anciently inhabited by the several nations ,
where they may be seen i n situ ; or i n museums to which the y ,
have been removed by the moder n s partly for their better ,
preservation partly for the purposes of ge n eral stud y an d com

,
AN CI ENT H I ST O RY 3
parison ; or finally i n private collectio n s where they are for

, , ,
the most p a rt inaccessible and subserve the va n ity of the ,
collectors .
N o g e n e r a l att e mp t h as e v e r b e e n mad e t o c o ll e c t i nt o o n e w o rk
a d e scrip t i o n o r r e pr e s e nt at i on o f all t h e s e vari o u s r e ma i n s a nd i n , ,
d e e d t h e i r mu l t iplici ty is so gr e at t h at s u ch a c o ll e cti on is b ar e l y c o n
,
c e iv abl e W o rks h o w e ve r o n li mi t e d p o rt i on s of t h e gr e at fi e ld o f
.
, ,
“
A nti q u i t i e s ar e n ume r ou s ; a nd fr e q u e nt me nt i on w ill h ave t o b e
mad e of t h e m i n sp e a k in g o f t h e s o u rc e s fo r t h e h i s t o r y o f di ff e r e nt
s tate s an d p e r i o ds H e r e t h o s e onl y w ill b e n ot ic e d w hich h ave s ome
.
t hi n g of a g e n e r al ch a r a c t e r .
Ob e rli n O rbis ant i q ui m o nu me nt is s u is ill u s t r at i p ri mae li ne a

, .
A r g e nt o r at i 1 790 Ext r e me l y d e f e ct i ve b u t r e mark abl e c on sid e ri n g

, .
, ,
t h e t ime at w hich i t w as w r itt e n .
C ay l u s R e c u e il d A nt iq u i t é s E g y p ti e nn e s E t r u sq u e s Gr e c q u e s e t
,
’
, ,
R omai ne s P aris 1 75 2—67 F ull of int e r e s t b ut w it h e n gr av i n gs of

.
, .
,
a v e r y r u d e an d pri mi t i v e ch a r a c t e r .
M ont fau c on L A nt i q u it é e xpli q u é e e t r e pr é s e nté e e n fig u r e s

,
’
.
P ar i s 1 7 1 9 24 ; 1 5 vo ls f oli o
,
-
.
,
.
S mith D r W , D ict i on ar y of Gr e e k and R oman A nti qu it ie s

. .
,
“
.
L on d on 2 d e diti on 1 85 3
, , .
F e rg u ss on J ame s H i s tor y o f Arch ite ct u r e i n al l C ount ri e s fr om

, , ,
t h e E arl i e s t Ti me s t o t h e Pr e s e nt D ay L on d on 1 865 67 .
,
-
.
B irch S amu e l A n ci e nt P otte r y

, ,
L on d on 1 85 8 .
”
, .
The seco n d source of A n cient History writte n records is , ,
a t once more C O p i ou s a nd more important than th e other It .
consists o f two ma in cl a sses of docu me n ts Inscripti ons on

public mo n um ents generally contempora ry with th e events r e ,
corded in them ; a n d (2 ) B o o ks the works of ancie n t or modern ,
writers on the subj ect .
Whether Inscri ptio n s were or were n ot th e m ost ancient , ,
kind of written memorial i s a point that c an never be deter

mi n ed What is certai n is that th e na tions of antiquity made
.
,
use to a very large extent of this mode o f comm emorating

events In E g y pt in Assyria in B abyl onia in Armenia in
.
, , , ,
Persia i n Phoe nicia in Lycia in Greece in Italy historical

, , , , ,
eve n ts of importan ce were from time to tim e recorded in this

w a y— sometimes on the n atur a l rock which was commonl y ,
smoothed for the purpose ; sometimes on obelisks o r pillars ;

freque n tly upo n the w a lls of temples palaces and tombs ; o c , ,
casi onall y upo n m et a l plates o r upo n tablets a n d cylinders o f ,
fi n e clay— h a rd an d dur a ble materials all of them c a p able of ,

4 RA W L I N S O N
lasting hu n dreds or eve n thous a nds of years a n d i n ma n y cases ,
continuing t o the present day Th e practice prevailed as it .

,
seems most widely in Assyria and in E g ypt ; it was also i n

,
co n siderable favor i n Persia a n d among the Greeks a n d R 0

ma n s The other nations used it more spari n gly It was s a id
. .
a bout half a century ag o that of the great m ass of i n scriptions

still extant but few comparativel y are o f a n y importance as
,
regards history But this statement if true when it was made .

, ,
which may be doubted at an y rate requires modification n ow ,

.
Th e histories of Egypt and Assyria have bee n in a great me a s

ure reconstructed from the inscriptions o f the tw o countries .
The great inscription of B ehistun has throw n much light up on

the early history of Persia That on the D elphic tripod has .
illustrated the m ost glorious period of Greece It is n ow ge n .
e ral l y felt that inscriptions are amo n g the most imp orta n t o f
ancient records an d that their i n tri n sic value makes up t o a ,
great exte n t for their c o mparative sca n ti n ess .
G e n e ral c o ll e c ti on s o f an c i e nt i n scrip t ion s do not as y e t e xi s t B ut .
t h e f o ll o w i n g w hich h ave mo r e o r l e ss o f a g e n e r a l ch ar a c t e r may

, ,
b e h e r e m e nt i on e d
M u r ato ri L u d A nt N ovu s Th e s au r u s V e t e r u m I n scr ip ti o nu m
, .
, .
M e di ol ani 1 73 9 e tc, T o g e t h e r w i t h D onat i

, S u p p l e me nt a
.
, .
L u c cae , 1 764 .
G r ut e r , I n scr i p ti on e s ant i q u ae t ot i u s o rb i s R omani , c ura J G . .
G r a v ii Ams t e l 1 707 ; 4 vo l s , f o li o
. . . .
P o c o c ke , R , I nscr ip t i o nu m a nt i q u aru m G rae car u m e t L at i nar u m

.
l ib e r ”
. L o ndi ni 1 75 2 ; f o li o , .
Ch an dl e r R , I n scrip t i on e s ant i q u a p l e rae q u e nondu m e ditae

, .
Ox .
o n i i , 1 7 74 ; f oli o .
O s ann ,
Fr .
, S y ll o g e I n sc r ip t i o nu m ant i q uar u m G r ae car u m et L at
”
i nar u m . fo li o
L i p siae , 1 834 ; .
A l a rg e nu mb e r of c un e if o rm i n scrip t i on s Ass y ri an B ab y l on i an , , ,
and P e rsi an w ill b e f o u n d i n t h e, Exp é di t i o n S c i e n t ifiq u e e n M es o

p otami c o f M J ul e s O p p e rt P ar i s 1 85 8 T h e P e rsi an B ab y l on i an
. .
, .
, ,
an d S c y t hi an o r T u r an i an t r an scrip t s of t h e gr e at B e his t u n I n scrip t i o n

”
a r e c o nt ai n e d i n t h e J ou rnal of t h e Asi at ic S o ci e t y vo ls x x i v and , . .
, .
,
xv . t o w hich t h e y w e r e c ont rib u t e d b y Sir H

,
R aw li n s on and M r . .
N o rris A s mall b ut val u abl e c oll e cti on of i n s cri p t i on s chi e fl y c une i

.
,
f o rm is app e n d e d t o Mr Rich s N arrat ive of a J ou rn e y fr om B u ss o r a

,
.
’
t o P e rs e p o lis L o n d o n 1 83 9 .
”
,
.
U n der the head of I n s cribed Mo n um e n ts must be i n cluded

Coi n s which have i n most inst an ces a lege n d or legends an d
, , ,
AN CIENT H I ST O RY 5
which ofte n throw considerable light upon obscure points of

history The importance of coins is no doubt the greatest in
.
those portions of a n cie n t hi story where the informatio n de

r iv ab l e from authors — especially from contemporary authors
is the scantiest ; their use however is not limited to such p or , ,
tions but exte n ds over as much of the historical field as admits

,
of numismatic illustrati on .
C o ll e ct i on s of an ci e nt c o in s e xis t i n mo s t mu s e um s and i n many

librari e s T h e c oll e ct i on of t h e B rit ish M u s e um i s amon g t h e b e s t i n
.
t h e w o rld T h e B o dl e i an Libr ar y h as a g o o d c o ll e c t i on ; a nd t h e r e
.
i s o ne i n t h e libr ar y o f Chris t Ch u rch O xf o rd p o ss e ssi n g many p o i nt s , ,
o f i nt e r e s t I n d e f au l t o f a cc e ss t o a g o o d c o ll e c t i on o r i n f u r t h e r
.
,
p r o s e c ut i o n O f numis mat ic s t u d y t h e l e arne r may c on s ul t th e f o ll ow i ng

,
c ompr e h e n si ve w o rks :
S p a nh e i m D i sse r t at i o de u su e t p r a st ant i a N u mi smat u m
, . L on
do n an d A m s te rd am, 1 706- 1 7 ; 2 vo l s fo li o .
, .
E c kh e l D e D o c t r ina N u mm o r u m V e t e r u m
, Vi n de b o n ae , . 1 792 -98 ;
8 vo ls .
, 4t o .
M i o nn e t D e scrip t i on de s M é d aill e s
,
P ar i s 1 806 3 7 ; 1 6 v ol s .
,
-
.
,
8v o c o pi ou sl y ill u s t r at e d
, .
H u m phr e y s A n ci e nt C o i n s and M e d al s
,
L on d on 1 85 0 I n t hi s .
, .
w o rk b y m e an s o f e mb o ss e d pl at e s fac si mi l e s o f t h e o b ve rs e an d t e
, ,
-
v e rs e of many c o i n s ar e p r o d u c e d .
L e ak e N umismata H e ll e ni ca
, L o n d on 1 8 5 4 .
, .
W o rks u p on c o i n s e mbr ac in g c omp ar at i ve l y n arr ow fi e lds are nu

, ,
me r o u s an d o ft e n sp e ci all y val u abl e

,
M any s u ch w o rks w ill b e no .
ti c e d amon g t h e s our ce s fo r t h e his t o r y o f p a rti c u l ar t i me s and nat i on s .
The B ooks from which ancient history may be lear n ed

are of tw o kinds— Ancie n t and M odern Ancie n t works .
which treat th e subj ect in a general way are neither numerous

n o r ( with o n e exception ) ver y v a luabl e The chief of those .
n ow extant are
D i o dor u s S i cu l u s, B ibli ot h e c a H i st or i c a i n fo rt y b o ok s o f w h i ch , ,
o n l y b o o ks i v i n cl an d x i x x.
-
i n cl h av e c ome d ow n t o u s e nt ir e
. . .
-
. . .
T h e b e s t e di t i on s ar e t h o s e o f W e ss e li n g ( B i p ont 1 793 1 800; I O v o ls .

-
.
,
8v o ) an d D i n d o r i ( P ar i siis 1 843 44 ; 2 v o ls 8 v o ) , This w o rk w as a -

.
, .
un i v e rs al his t o r y fr o m t h e e arli e s t t i me s d o w n t o B C 60 . . .
P ol y b i u s H is t o ri z e lik e w i s e i n f o rty b o o ks o f w h i ch th e firs t fiv e

, , ,
onl y ar e c om pl e t e O r i g in all y a unive rs al his t o r y o f t h e p e ri o d c om

.
,
m e n ci n g R C 220 an d t e rm i n at i n g B C 1 46 B ad i n s t y l e b ut e x c e ll e nt
. . . .
,
i n cri t ic i s m and a cc u r ac y T h e b e s t e di t i on is S c h w e i g h ae u se r s ( L i p s
’
. .
6 R A WLI N S O N
1 789 e t vols 8v o R e pr inte d at Ox f ord 1823 tog e th e r w ith

se q .
; 8 .
, .
, ,
t h e s ame sch o l ar s L e xic on P oly b i anu m i n 5 vo l s 8v o ) A g oo d

’
.
, , .
e di t i o n O f t h e me r e t e xt h a s b e e n p u blish e d b y Did o t P a ris 1 85 9 , , .
J u s t i n u s H i st ori ae P h ilip p i c ae i n fo rty f ou r b o o ks e xt r act e d o r

, ,
” -
, ,
r at h e r abbr e vi at e d fr om T r o g u s P o mp e i u s a w ri te r o f t h e A u gu s tan
, ,
ag e . This is a u n i ve rs al his t o r y fr o m t h e e arli e s t t i me s t o A u g u s tu s

C ae s ar I t is a sh o r t w o rk and c on s e q ue ntl y v e r y S light and sk e t ch y
.
, .
Of r e c e nt e dit i on s t h e b e s t is t h at o f D u e b n e r ( Lips T h e b e st
,
.
o f t h e o l d e di t i on s is t hat o f S t r a sb u rg 1 802 8 v o , ,
.
Z o n ar as Chr on ic o n si ve A nnal e s i n t w e lv e b o oks A u n ive rs al

, ,
”
.
hist o r y e xte ndi n g fr o m t h e Cr e at i o n t o t h e d e at h of t h e Emp e r o r

,
M axi mi n A D 2 38 Gr e at l y w ant i n g i n cri t icism T h e b e s t e dit i on is

, . . . .
t h at i n t h e C o rp u s S c rip t or u m H i st ori ae B y z ant i na B onnee .

”
,
1 84 1 - 44 .
B e sid e s t h e s e t h e r e r e mai n fr agme nt s fr om t h e un ive rs al his to r y of

,
Nic ol au s D amasce n u s Fr ag m H is t V o l I I I e d C M ii ll e r . . . .
, . .
,
P arisiis w hich a r e o f ve r y c on sid e r abl e val u e

, .
Modern works embracing the whole range of a n cie n t his

tory are numerous and important They may be divided into .
t w o classes : Works o n Universal History o f which Ancient ,
History forms only a part ; Works exclusively devoted t o An

cient H istory .
T o th e firs t cl ass b e l on g
T h e U n i ve rs al H is t o r y A n ci e nt an d M o d e rn w i t h map s an d ad , ,
di t i o n s L on d on 1 73 6 44 ; 7 vo ls f o li o R e pri nte d i n 8v o an d 64
.
,
-
.
, .
vo ls L on d on 1 74 7—66 ; ag ai n i n 60 v ols w i t h o missi on s and addi t i on s

.
, , , .
, .
R al e igh Sir W H is t o r y o f t h e W o rld i n his W o rks O xf o rd ”

, .
, , .
,
Cl ar e n d o n Pr e ss 1 829 ; 8 vo ls 8v o , .
, .
B o ss u e t Disc o u rs su r l H i st oi r e U n ive rs e ll e
, P aris 1 68 1 ; 4t o ’
.
, .
( Tr an sl at e d i nt o E n glish b y Rich Sp e n c e r L o n d o n 1 73 0; 8v o ) . .
, .
Mill ot E l é me n s d e l H i st oi r e G é né ral e
,
”
P aris 1 772 e t se q Re
’
.
, .
pri nt e d at Edi nb u rgh 1 823 ; 6 vo ls 8v 0 ( Tr an sl at e d i nt o E n glish , .

, .
,
1 7 78 ; 2 vo l s 8v o ) . .
Eichh o rn W e l t g e schicht e , L e ipsic 1 799 1 820; 5 v o l s 8v 0 .

-
.
, .
K e ightl e y T h O utli ne s o f H is t o r y 8v o b e i n g v ol i x o f L a rd
,
.
, , , . .
ne r s C abin e t C y c l op mdi a
’
Lon d on 1 8 3 5 e t se q A c onve n i e nt .
,
.
abridgme nt .
T y t l e r an d N a r e s El e me nt s of G e ne r al H is t o r y L on d on 1 825
, .
, .
O w e s i t s r e p utat i on and s u cc e ss t o t h e w ant o f a b e tte r w o rk o n th e

s ub j e ct ”
.
Un d e r t h e s e c on d h e ad may b e me nt i one d
Ni e b u hr B G V o rt r ag e ii b e r al t e G e schich t e
, . . B e rl i n 1 847 ; 3
,
.
,
v o ls 8 v o Edi t e d a fte r his d e at h b y his son M arc u s Ni e b u hr ( Tran s

.
, .
, .
l at e d i nt o En glish b y Dr L e onard S chmi tz w i t h addi t i on s and c o r .

,
r e ct i on s L on d on 1 85 2 ; 3 vol s 8v o ) A w o rk o f t h e high e s t val ue

.
, .
, .
,
e mb o d y i n g all t h e r e s u l t s o f mo d e r n di sc ov e r y u p t o ab o u t t h e y e a r 1 8 3 0 .
Schl o ss e r U n ive rs al his to risch e U e b e r si c h t de r G e schich t e d e r

,
-
al t e n W e l t Fr an kf o rt 1 826 ; 3 vo ls 8v o
”
.
, .
, .
B re dow H an db u ch de r al t e G e schich t e
, Al to na 1 799 ; 8 v o .
, .
( Tr an sl at e d i nt o E n glish L on d on 1 82 7 ; 8 v o ) .
, .
S mi t h Philip A n A n ci e nt H is t o ry fr o m t h e E a rli e s t R e c o rds t o

, ,
t h e F all o f t h e W e s t e r n E m p ir e L on d on 1 865 ; 3 v ols 8 v o E m ”

.
, .
, .
b o di e s t h e l at e s t r e s u l t s of mo d e rn disc ove r y .
H e e re n I d e e n ii b e r di e P oli t ik de n V e rk e hr u n d de n H an d e l de r
, , ,
vo rne h m ste n VOl ke r de r al t e n W e l t 4t h e di t i on G ott i ng e n 1 824 .

, .
( Tr an sl at e d i nt o E n glish Ox f ord 1 83 3 e t se q ; 5 vol s 8v o ) A

.
,
. .
, .
w o rk w hich so far a s t h e c omme rc e o f t h e an ci e nt s is c on c e r n e d h as

, ,
n o t b e e n s u p e rs e d e d .
A few modern w orks o f a less co mprehensive character than

those hitherto described but still belonging rather to general ,
th a n to particul a r histor y seem a lso to deserve m e n tion here , .
Such are
R olli n H i s t oi r e A n c i e nn e de s E g yp t i e n s de s C arth ag i ni e n s de s
, , ,
Ass y ri e n s de s M ed e s e t de s P e rs e s de s M a c é d on i e n s e t de s Gr e cs
,
”
, , .
P aris 1 824 ; 1 2 vo ls 8v o r e vu e p ar L e t r o nn e
, .
, T h e l a s t an d b e s t
, .
“
e di t i o n ( Tr an sl at e d i nt o E n glish L on d on 1 768 ; 7 v o ls 8v o ) T h e
”
. .
, .
, .
e a rli e r p o r t i o n o f t his w o rk i s n ow ant i q u at e d a n d m u s t b e r e pl a c e d ,
b y w ri t e rs w h o h av e h ad t h e a dvantag e o f r e c e nt disc ove r i e s .
R aw l in s on G T h e Fi v e Gr e at M o narchi e s of t h e A n ci e nt E as t e r n
, .
,
W o rld o r t h e H i s t o r y G e o gr aph y an d A nt i q u i ti e s o f Ch ald ae a As

, , , ,
s y r i a B ab y l on i a M e di a an d P e rsi a
, ,
”
L on d on 1 862 67 ; 4 vols 8v 0
, .
,
-
.
, .
W it h nume r o u s i ll u s t r at i on s .
The fact that all historical eve n ts must occur a t a ce rtain

tim e and in a certain place attaches to History tw o br an ches
o f kn owledge as indispensable auxiliaries ; viz Chronology .
,
and Geography By the universal historian these scie n ces

.
sh ould be k n own completely : and a fair knowledge of them

ought to be acquired by every historical student A fixed .
mode of computi n g time a n d an exact o r approximate recko n ,
ing of the period occupied by the events narrated is essential ,
t o every methodized history ; nor can any history b e regarded

as co m plete without a m ore o r less el a borate description o f
the countries which were th e theatres of the eve n ts recorded

i n it .
Ex a ct Ch ro n ol ogy is di fficult a n d a sy n chro n istic view of ,

g RA W LI N S O N
history ge n er a lly is impossible without t h e a doptio n of a n er a .
Nations accordingly as the desire o f exact n ess or the wish to ,
synchronize arose invented eras for themselves which gen , ,
e rall v remained in use for many hundreds of years The earliest .
known instance of the formal assumptio n O f a fixed point in

tim e from which to date events belongs to th e history of B aby
lon where the era of Nabonassar B C 74 7 appears to have
, , . .
,
been practically in use from that year The era of the fou n da .
tio n of Rome B C 7 52 ( acc ording to the best authorit ies )

, . .
,
was certainl y not adopted by the Romans till after th e expulsion

o f the kings ; nor did that o f the O lympiads B C 776 become , . .
,
current in Greece until th e time of Tim ae us ( about B C . .
The Asiatic Greeks soon after the death of Alexander ad opted , ,
the era of the Seleucid ae B C 3 1 2 The era of Antioch B C , . . .

, . .
4 9 was a lso comm only used in the East fro m that date till A D
, . .
600 The Armenian era A D 5 5 3 and the Mohammedan

.
, . .
, ,
A D 62 2 ( the Hegira) are likewise wort hy o f notice

. .
, .
The most imp orta n t chro n ological mo n ume n ts are the fol
lowi n g
The Ass y r ian C anon ( d i sc ove r e d b y Sir H e n r y R aw l in s on amon g th e

ant i q u i t i e s i n t h e B ri t ish M u s e u m a n d p u blish e d b y hi m i n t h e A th e ,
me u m N o s 1 8 1 2 and, . an a cc ou nt o f Ass y ri an chr o n o l o g y fr o m
ab o u t B C 909 t o B C 680 i mpr e ss e d o n a n umb e r o f cl ay t abl e t s i n t h e

. . . .
,
r e ign of S ard anap al u s t h e son of Es arh a dd on all no w mo r e o r l e ss

, ,
b r o k e n b u t s u ppl y i n g e ach o t h e r s d e fici e n ci e s an d y i e ldi n g b y c ar e f u l

,
’
,
c omp aris on a c ompl e t e chr ono l o gic al sch e me c ov e ri n g a sp ac e o f 230 ,
y e ars T h e chr on o l o g y o f t h e w h o l e p e ri o d is ve rifi e d b y a r e c o rd e d

.
s ol ar e clips e w hich is e v id e nt l y t h at of J un e 1 5 B C 763

, , . . .
T h e Apis S t e l ae ( disc ove r e d b y M M ari e tt e cl o s e t o t h e P y r ami d of .

,
Ab oo se e r n e a r C air o ) p u blish e d i n t h e
,
Z e i t schrift fii r di e K un d e de s
,
M o rg e n l an d e s fo r 1 864 an d al s o b y M de R o u g e i n his R e ch e rch e s

, .
su r l e s m on u m e nt s q u o n p e u t att rib u e r aux si x pr e m i er e s D y na s t i e s

’
d e M an e t h o n
”
P aris 1 866 M o s t i mp o rt ant fo r Egy p t i an chr ono l o g y
.
, . .
T h e P a r i an M arbl e ( br o u gh t t o E n gl an d fr o m S my rn a i n t h e y e a r
1 62 7 b y an a g e nt o f t h e E a rl o f Ar u n d e l and pr e s e nt e d t o t h e U n i ve rsi t y ,
o f O x f o rd b y hi s s on ; pr e s e rve d amon g t h e Ar u n d e l M arbl e s i n

th e
”
S ch o l a P h il o sop h iae M o r alis b u t i n a v e r y d e c ay e d c on di tion) , ,
a chr on o l o gic al arr an g e m e nt o f i m p o r t ant e ve nt s i n Gr e e k his t o r y fr o m
t h e a cc e ssi o n o f C e cr o p s t o t h e arch on ship o f C a llis t r at u s B C 355 , . . .
”
B e s t e di t i on s : M arm o r a A r u n de li an a e d J S e ld e n L on di ni 1 628 , . . .
, .
M armo r a O x o ni e nsi a e d R Ch an dl e r O x o nii s 1 763 ; f oli o

”
,
. . .
, .
M ar mo r P ari um e d C M u ll e r i n Vol I o f t h e Fr agme nta H i s

”
, . .
, . .
A N CIENT H I S T O RY 9
t o ri cu m G r ze c o ru m P arisiis 1 846 T h e i n scrip t i o n is als o give n i n

.
, .
B o c c kh s C or pus I nscr ipti onu m e

’
car u m V o l I I N o 2 3 74 , . .
, . .
T h e F a s t i C api t o li n i ( disc o v e r e d at R o m e o n t h e si t e o f t h e an ci e n t
F o r um, p ar tl y i n t h e y e ar 1 5 47 p artl y i n 1 8 1 7 an d 1 8 1 8 and s t ill p r e , ,
s e rve d i n th e M u s e u m o f t h e C api to l ) a lis t o f t h e R oman ma gis t r at e s ,
a n d t ri u m phs fr o m t h e c o mm e n c e m e nt o f t h e R e p u blic t o t h e e n d o f
t h e r e ign o f A u g u s t u s B e s t e dit i on o f t h e fr a gme nt s disc ove r e d i n

.
1 54 7 th e s e c on d o f S i g o n i u s V e n e t
,
1 5 56 B e s t e di t i o n o f t h e fra g
,
. .
m e nt s o f 1 8 1 7- 1 8 t h at o f B o rgh e si Mil an 1 8 1 8
,
Th e s e F as t i ar e r e , , .
pr o d u c e d i n app e n dic e s t o t h e firs t and s e c o n d v ol um e s of Dr Arn old s .

’
H is t o r y o f R om e , d o w n t o t h e cl o s e o f t h e firs t P un ic W ar
”
An .
e x c e ll e nt r e pr i nt a n d arr an g e m e nt o f t h e fr a gm e nt s w ill b e f o u n d i n
M omms e n s I n scrip t i on e s L at i n ae A nti q u i ssi mae

“ ’ ”
B e rli n, 1 863 . .
Ancient works on Chro n ology were numerous ; but not m any

have come down to o u r times The subj ect first began to be .
treated as a science by the Alexandrians in the third century

before Christ Eratosthenes Apollodorus S osi c rat e s and
.
, , ,
others undertook th e task of arran gi ng the events o f past his

tory according to exact chronological schemes which were ,
no doubt su fficiently arbitrary These writers were succeeded .
by Cast or ( about B C 1 00 C e p h ali on Julius Africanus . .

,
( A D
. and Hippolytus
. o f whom the last two were Chris ,
tians The earliest work of a purely chro n ologic a l ch a r a cter

.
which has com e dow n to us is the followi n g :

E u s e b iu s P amp hi l i C h r o n i c o r u m C an o nu m l ibr i duo
,
Th e .
Gr e e k t e xt is l o s t ; b ut t h e l att e r b o o k h as b e e n p r e s e rve d t o u s i n t h e
L at i n t r an sl at i on o f J e r om e ; and t h e gr e ate r p ar t of b ot h b o o ks e xi s t s
i n an Arme ni an v e rsi o n w hich h as b e e n r e n d e r e d i nt o L at i n b y t h e
,
Ar me ni an mon k Z o hr ab a ss i s t e d b y C a rdi nal M ai ( M e di ol ani 1 8 1 8 ;

, ,
.
,
f oli o ) .
O ther chronolo gi c a l works of importance are :

G e o rgi u s S yn c e ll u sC h r o no g r ap h i a , in th e C o rp u s H is t B y
,
.
e d D i n do r f B onnm 1 829 ; 2 v o ls , 8 v 0
. .
,
. .
”
J o h anne s M al al as “
C h r o no g r ap h i a, i n t h e s am e c o ll e c t i on , e d
,
.
Di n d o r i B onn ac, 1 83 1 ; 8v 0
. .
“
Chr o ni c on P asch al e , i n t h e s ame c o ll e c t i on B onnae , 1 83 2 ; 2 .
vo ls 8v 0
.
, .
S c alig e r D e E m e ndat i o n e T e mp o r u m
, J os .
,
G e n e v ae , 1 629 . .
I de l e r
, H an db u ch de r Chr o n o l o gi e
”
B e rli n, 1 825 26 ; 2 v ols , 8v o .
-
. .
”
L A rt de V e rifi e r l e s D at e s
’
P a ris , 1 8 1 9-44 ; 3 6 vol s , 8v o . . .
H al e s , W N e w A n al y sis o f Chr o n o l o gy e xpl a i n i n g t h e H is t o r y

.
, ,
an d A nt i q u i t i e s of t h e Pri m i t iv e N at i on s of t h e W o rld L on d o n .
,
10 RAW LI N S O N
1 809- 1 2 ; 3 vols .
, 4t o . New e dit i on c o rr e c te d, an d impr ove d , 1 83 0; 4
v ols 8v o
.
, .
Cli nt o n H F F as t i H e ll e ni ci ; o r T h e Civil and L it e rar y Chr on ol

, . .
, ,
o g y o f Gr e e c e fr o m t h e F i fty fi ft h Ol y mpi a d t o t h e D e at h o f A u g u s t u s
-
.
O xf o rd Cl ar e n d o n Pr e ss 1 82 7 3 0; 3 vo ls 4t o A val uabl e w o rk n ot
, ,
-
.
, .
,
c on fin e d t o t h e chr ono l o g y of Gr e e c e b ut e mbra ci n g t h at o f all t h e ,
Asi at ic ki n gd oms and e mp ir e s fr o m t h e e arli e s t t i me s t o Al e xan d e r s ’
c on q u e s t of P e rsi a .
Geograph y the other ancillary science to History was , ,
recognized from a very early date as closely connected with it .
The History o f Herodotus is almost as much geographical as

historical : and the geographical element occupies a consider
able S pace in the histories of many other ancient writers as ,
nota b ly Polybius and D i odo r u s At the same tim e the sepa .
r ab i l i t y o f geography and its claims to be regarded as a distinct ,
branch of knowledge were perceived almost from the first ; ,
and works upon it whereof only fragm ents remain were writte n , ,
by H e cat ze u s o f Miletus S c yl ax o f C ar yan da Charon of Lamp , ,
sac u s Damastes Eratosthenes Agatharchides S c ymnu s of

, , , ,
Chios and others The most important of the exta n t classical

,
.
works on the subj ect are :

The P e ripl u s M aris M e di te rr ane i a scrib e d t o S cy l ax o f C ary an da , ,
b u t r e all y t h e w o rk o f a n u n kn o w n w ri t e r b e l o n gi n g t o t h e t i me o f
Philip of M ac e d on Ed D H o e sch e l A u gu s t V i n d 1 608 Print e d . . .
, . .
, .
a ls o i n H u ds o n s G e o g r ap h i Mi n o r e s O x o n ii s 1 703 ; an d i n C
” ’
, , .
M ii l l e r s G e o g r ap h i G r ae c i Mi n o r e s ”
P ari s 1 85 5
’
. .
,
S t r ab o G e o g r ap h i ca i n s e ve nt e e n b o oks t h e mo s t i mp o rtant an
, ,
”
,
ci e nt w o rk o n t h e s u b j e ct B e s t e di t i on s : t h at o f I s C as au b on P arisiis . .
, ,
1 620 f o li o ; t h at o f Th F a lc o n e r O x o nii s 1 807 2 v o ls

, f o li o ; t h at of
.
, , , .
,
S i e b e nke e s L i p si ae 1 796 1 8 1 1 6 v o ls 8v o ; an d t h at of Kr am e r B e r o
, ,
-
, .
, ,
li n i 1 847 5 2 3 v o l s 8v 0
,
-
, .
, .
Di ony si u s P e ri e g e sis w ri tte n i n h e xame t e r ve rs e P u blish e d

, , .
,
w i t h t h e c o mm e nt ar y o f E u st at h i u s b y H S t e ph anu s P ar i siis 1 5 77 , . .
, .
I t w ill b e f o u n d als o i n t h e G e o g r ap h i G rae c i M i n o r e s o f B e r n h a rd y
( L e ipsic 1 828) an d o f C M u ll e r
, . .
Pli n i u s H is t o ri a N atu ralis i n t hirty s e v e n b o oks B e s t e di tion

,
”
,
-
.
,
t h at of Sil li g G ot h ae ; 8 vo ls 8v o . .
, .
P t o l e mae u s G e o g r ap h ia
”
i n e igh t b o oks
, Ed B e rti u s A ms te l , . .
, .
,
1 6 1 8 ; f o li o .
P o mp o n i u s M e l a C o sm o g r ap h i a s iv e D e S i t u O rbis , i n t hr e e , ,
b oo ks Edi te d b y H S te ph anu s t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e P e ri e ge sis o f

. .
,
Di ony si u s P a risiis 1 5 77 B e s t e di t i on t h at of T z sch u cke Lips a

.
, .
, .
,
1 807 ; 7 vo ls 8v o .
, .
A N CI E NT H I S T O RY 1 I
And for the geography of Greece

P au s an i as ,
P e ri e g e sis H e ll adi s , in te n b ooks B e s t e di t i on s : t h at
.
of S ie b e l i s, L ip s iae 1 822 ,
-
28 , 5 v ols .
, 8v o ; a n d t h at o f B e kk e r B e rli n , ,
1 82 6 2 7 2 vo ls
-
, 8v o .
, .
Modern works on the subj ect of Ancient Geography are

numerous but only a few are of a general character Among
,
.
these may be noticed :
C e l l ar i u s N ot i t i a O rb i s A nt i q u i
,
L i p si ae , 1 701 — 06 ; 2 v o ls , 4t o . . .
”
C u m o b se r v at i o n ib u s J C S ch w ar t z ii L i p si ae , 1 77 1 an d 1 773 , . . . .
G e o g r ap h i c de r Gri e ch e n u nd R ome r
”
M a nn e r t , N ii rnb e r g 1 801 .
,
3 1 ; 1 0 v o l s 8v o .
, .
G o ss e li n R e ch e rch e s sur l a G é o gr aphi e s y s témat i q u e e t p o s it ive

,
de s A n ci e n s P aris , 1 798 - 1 8 1 3 ; 4 v o ls , 4t o
. . .
R e nne ll , J , G e o gr aph y of H e r o d otu s. L on d on , 1 800; 4t o A nd . .
t h e s ame w ri t e r s Tr e at is e o n t h e C omp ar at ive G e o grap h y o f Asi a

’
M i no r w i t h an A t l as L on d on, 1 83 1 ; 2 vo ls 8v o
”
,
. .
, .
Ri tt e r , Erdk un d e
“ ”
B e rli n 1 83 2 e t se q A mo s t c op i ou s and .
, .
l e ar ne d w o rk , e mbr a ci n g all t h e r e s u l t s o f mo d e rn d i sc ove r y up t o t h e

d at e of t h e p u blic at i on of e ach vo l ume .
S mith D r W Dict i onar y of G r e e k an d R oman G e o gr ap h y

, . .
, . L on
d on 1 8 5 4 ; 2 vo ls 8 v o
, .
, .
Am ong useful compendium s are

L au r e nt P , . E .
,
I nt r o d u c t i on t o A n c i e nt G e o gr aph y . O xf o rd ,
1813 ; 8v o .
Arr ow s mith ,
C omp e n di um of A n ci e nt an d M o d e rn G e o grap h y
A .
, ,
fo r t h e u se o f E ton S ch o o l ”
L on d on 1 83 0; 8v o .
,
.
The best Atl a ses illustr a tive of A n cie n t Geogr a ph y are the
following
Ki e p e rt A t l as v o n H e ll as w i t h s u ppl e me nt ar y maps B e rl in
, , .
,
—
1 846 5 1 Als o t h e s ame g e o graph e r s A tl a s A nt i q uu s B e rl in 1 86 1
.
” ’
.
, .
M ii ll e r C M aps acc omp any i n g th e G e o g r ap h i G r ae c i M i n o r e s

, .
,
”
.
P aris 1 855 , .
J o h n s t on A K e ith A tl as o f Cl ass i c al G e o gr ap h y
, . Edi nb u rgh , .
,
1 866 ; 4t o .
S m it h D r W , . .
, B ibl i c al an d Cl ass i c al A tl as . L ond on , 1 868 ; s mall
fo li o .
The field of Ancient H istory m a y be m apped ou t either sy n

ch roni st i cal l a ccordi n g t o certai n periods a nd epochs or
y, ,
12 RAW LI N S O N
ethnographic a lly according to st a tes a n d na tions Neither of

,
.
these two methods i s a b solutely superior to the other each ,
having merits in which the other is deficient It would be .
embarrassing to have to choose between them ; but fort unately , ,
this di fficulty is obviated by the p ossibility of combining the

two into on e system This combi n ed m ethod which has bee n
.
,
a lre a dy preferred as most convenie n t by other writers of

Manuals will be ad opted in the ensuing pages where the
, ,
general division of the subj ect will be as follows :
B ook I —History of the An cient Asiatic and African States

.
and Kingdoms from the Earliest Times t o the F oundation of

the Persian Monarchy by Cyrus the Great B C 5 58 , . . .
B ook I I —History o f the Persian M onarchy from the Acces

.
sion of Cyrus to the Death of Darius C od omannu s B C ,

. .
5 5 8 330
-
.
B ook II I — History of the Grecian States b oth in Greece ,
Proper and elsewhere from the Earliest Times to the Acces

,
sion o f Alexander B C 3 3 6 , . . .
Book IV — History of the M a cedoni a n Monarchy a n d the

.
,
Kingdoms into which it broke up until their abs orpti on into ,
the Rom an Empire .
B ook V — H istory o f Rome from th e Earliest Times t o the

.
Fall of the Western Empire A D 4 76 and Parallel Histor y ,

. .
,
of Parthi a .
BO O K I
HI S T O R Y O F A S I A T I C AND A FR I C A N
N AT I O N S
BO O K I
H I S T O R Y O F T H E A N C I E N T A S IA T I C A N D A FR I CA N
S T A T E S A N D K I N G D O M S FR O M T H E E A R L I E S T
T I M E S T O T H E FO U N D A T I O N O F T H E P E R S IA N
M O N A R C H Y B Y C Y R U S T H E G R EA T .
PA R T I — AS I AT I C NATI O N S .
P R E L I M I NA R Y R EM AR KS O N TH E G E O G R A P H Y
O F A SIA .
Asia i s the l a rgest of the three gre a t divisio n s O f the E a ster n

Hemisphere Regarding it as sep a rated from Africa by the
.
Red Sea a n d Isthmus o f Suez and fro m Europe b y the Ural

,
M ountains the Ur a l River the Caspian Sea and th e m a in

, , ,
chain of the Caucasus its superficial con ten ts will amount to

,
square miles whereas th o se of Africa are less than

,
and th ose of Europe do not exceed In

climate it unites greater varieties than either of the two other
divisions extending as it does from the 78 th degree of north
,
latitude to within a hundred miles of the equ a tor It thus lies .
mainly within the n orther n temperate zone but pro j ects n orth
,
ward a distance o f eleve n degrees beyond the Arctic circle ,
while southward it throws into the regi on of the Tropics three

long and broad peninsulas .
Asia consists mai n ly of a great central table — land run n i n g ,
east and west from the n eighborhood of the ZE g e an to the

n o rth wester n fro n tier o f Chi n a with low plains surrounding
-
,
it which are for the most part fertile a n d well watered The
, .
high table la n d is generall y bounded by m ountain —

-
chains ,
which m ostly run parallel to it in latitudinal lines I n places .
these primary latitudinal chains give way t o others which run ,
i n an opposite or lon g itudi n al directio n .
15
16 RA W L I N S O N
The Rivers of Asia may be divided into two classes— those

o f the ce n tral tract and those of the circumj acent regions
, The .
rivers of the central tract are continental or mediterranean ;

i e they begin and e n d without reaching the s e a
. .
, Either they .
form after a while salt lak es in which their waters are evap
orated o r they gradually waste away and los e themselves in
,
the sands of deserts The rivers of the circumj acent plains are
.
,
on the contrary oceanic ; i e they mingle themselves with the

, . .
,
waters o f the great deep .
Asia may conveniently be divided into Norther n Ce n tral , ,
a nd Southern the Southe rn regio n being agai n subdivided into

,
a Western and an Easter n portio n It i s with South wester n .

-
Asia that Ancient History is alm ost exclusively c oncerned .
Northern Asia o r the tract lying north of the Caspian Sea

, ,
the Jaxartes and the Altai mount ain chain is for the most
,
-
,
part a great grassy plain of l ow elevation destitute of trees , , ,
a nd u n productive the layer of vegetable soi l being thin T o

, .
wards the north this plain merges into vast frozen wilds capable
of nourishing only a few hunters In the west the Ural and .
Altai in the east the Jabl onn oi and their o ffshoot the Tukulan
, , ,
are the only mountains The rivers are numerous and abound .
,
i n fi sh Th e Ural and Altai chains are rich in valuable mi n

.
e ral s as gold
,
silver platin a copper and iron This region
, , , ,
.
was a lmost unknow n to the a n cie n ts wh o included it u n der ,
the vagu e na me o f Scythia Some sca n ty notices of it occur .

,
however i n Herod otus

,
.
Ce n tral Asia or the re gi on bou n ded on the n o rth by the

,
Altai on the west by the Caspian on the south by the Elburz

, , ,
the Hindu Kush a n d the Himalaya on t h e east by the Y un

, ,
Iing and other Chinese ranges co n sists excep ting i n its more , ,
—
w e st e I n portion of an elevated plateau or table land which ,
,
towards the south is not less than feet and towards ,
the no rth is from to feet above the level of the sea .
This plateau is intersected by the two great chains of the Thia n

cha n and the Kuen lii n and otherwise diversified by impor -
,
tan t ridges Towards the n orth the soil admits of p a sturage

. ,
and i n the west and south are some rich plains a n d valleys ;
but the gre a ter p a rt of the region consists o f s a ndy deserts .
O utside the western bou n d a ry of the plate a u which is formed ,

A N CI E N T H IST O RY 1 7
by the B olor and other longitudin al chai n s a low plain ,
succeeds a continuation of the Siberian steppe which consists

, ,
also in the main of sa n d y desert excepting a lo n g the courses

, , ,
o f the streams .
A small p ortion only of Central Asia— lying towards the west

and the south — west— was known to th e ancients In the low .
region between the Elburz range a nd the Siberia n steppe upo n ,
the courses of the tw o great streams which flow down from

the plateau were three cou n tries of so me imp o rtance These
,
.
were
C h o r asmia t o the extrem e west betwee n the Caspian an d
, ,
th e lower O xus— a desolate region excepti n g close along th e ,
river bank known still as Kh are sm a n d formi n g part of the

-
, ,
Khanat of Khiva .
Sog diana between the l ower O xus and the low er Jax a rtes
, ,
resembling C h o rasmi a in its western portion but towards the ,
e a st traversed by spurs o f the B olor and the Thian cha n and -

,
watered by numerous streams descending fro m them Th e .
chief o f these w as the P olyt ime tu s o f the Greeks on which ,
was M aracanda ( Sam arkand ) th e capital , .
B actria o n the upper O xus betwee n S o gdiana a nd the

, ,
P ar op am isu s ( H indu Kush ) M ountainous fertil e and well .

, ,
watered towards the east but towards th e west des cending into ,
the desert Chief cities B actra ( B alkh ) the capital a little

.
, , ,
south of the O xus and Margu s ( M erv) on a stre a m o f its ow n

, , ,
i n the western desert .
S outher n Asia a ccordi n g t o th e divisio n o f th e co n ti n e n t

,
which has bee n here preferred co mprises all th e c o untries lying ,
s outh o f the B lack S ea the Cau casus the Caspian an d the , , ,
Elburz Hindu Kush and Himalaya ranges t o gether with those

, , ,
lyin g east of the Yun — lin g the Ala chan and th e Khingan ,
-
, ,
which form the eastern bounda ry of th e central table — land A .
line draw n alo n g the n inety second m eridian ( E from Green -

.
wich ) will sep a rate this tract at the point where it is narr owest , ,
into an Eastern and Western regi on the form er containing ,
Manchuria China and th e Siamo Burm es e p eninsula the lat

, ,
-
,
ter Hindust an A ffg h anistan B e l u ch istan Persia the Russian

, , , ,
Tran scaucasian provinces Turkey in Asia a n d Arabia With , , .
the E a ster n regio n A n cie n t History h a s no co n ce rn a t a ll si n ce ,
2
1 8 RAW LI N S O N
it w a s unknow n to the great nations of antiquity an d whatever ,
history it has belongs to the M odern rather than t o the A n cient

period With the Western region Ancient History i s on the
.
,
contrary concerned vitally and essentiall y since this regi on

, ,
formed in the early times if not the sole y et at an y rate the , ,
chief stage on which the historical drama was exhibited

, .
South western Asia i s naturally divisible i n to four mai n

-
regions — viz A sia M inor o r the p eninsula of Anatolia ; the

.
,
'
adj oining table land or the tract which lies betwee n Asia Minor
-
,
and th e Valley of the Indus ; the lowland south O f this table

land which stretches fro m the base of the mou n tains to the
,
shores of the Indian O cean ; and the Indian Pen i n sula .
Asia Minor consist s of a central table — land of moderate ,
elevation lying between the tw o parallel chains o f Taurus and

,
O lympus together with three coast tracts S ituated respectively

,
-
,
north west and south of th e plateau It s chief rivers are the

, , .
Iris ( Y e c h il Irmak ) the H al ys ( Kizil Irmak ) an d the Sang ariu s

, ,
( Sakkariye h ) which all fall into the Euxine Its loftiest moun
,
.
tain is A r g ae u s near C ae sarae a ( Kai sariye h ) which attains a n

, ,
altitude of feet O n the highest p a rt o f th e plateau .

,
which is towards the south adj oining Taurus are a number , ,
o f salt lakes into which the rivers of this region empt y them
,
selves The largest is the Palus T attae u s (Touz G h i e ul ) which

.
,
extends about forty — fi v e miles in its greatest le n g th Asia .
Minor contained in the times anterior t o Cyrus the following

countries O n the plateau two : Phrygia and Cappadocia ;
-
,
boundary between them the H al ys In the northern c oast , .
tract two : Paphlagonia and B ithynia ; bounda ry the B ill ae u s

, ,
( F ili yas) I n the western coast tract three : Mysia Lydia

.
-
, , ,
and Caria with the ZEolian Ionian and Dorian Greeks occupy
, , ,
ing most of the se a board In the southern coast tract three -

.
-
,
Lycia Pamphylia and Cilicia The chief cities were Sardis

, ,
.
,
the capital of Lydia ; D asc yl e iu m of B ithynia ; G or diu m of , ,
Phry gi a ; Xanthus of Lycia ; Tarsus o f Cilicia ; and M azac a , ,
( afterwards C ae sar ae a) o f Cappadocia ; together with the Gre ,
c i an settlem ents of Milet u s Phoc aea Ephesus Smyrna Hali , , , ,
c ar n ass u s and Cnidus on the west and Cyzicus Heracle a

, , , ,
Sinop e Amisus Cerasus and Trap ezus upon th e north

, , ,
.
I slands The littoral islands belonging t o Asia M inor were

.
A N CI EN T H I ST O RY 19
important a n d numerous The principal were P roconne su s in .
the Propontis ; Tenedos Lesbos ( capital Mytilene ) Chios , , ,
Samos and Rhodes in the ZE g e an ; and Cyprus in the Levant

, ,
o r Easter n M editerranean The chief towns of Cyprus were .
Salamis Citium a nd Paphos on the coast ; a n d i n th e interior

, , , , ,
I daliu m .
The great highland exte n di n g from Asia Minor i n the west

to the mountains which border the Indus Valle y in the east ,
comprised seventeen countries — viz Arm enia I b eria or Sap e .

, ,
iria Colchis M ati é n é M edia Persia M yc ia Sagartia C adu sia

, , , , , , , ,
Hyrcania Pa rthia Aria A rach osia Satt ag ydia Gandaria

, , , , , ,
Sar ang i a a n d G e dro si a or th e Eastern Ethiopia

,
As these .
countries were m ostly of co n siderable size a nd importance a ,
short descriptio n will be gi ven of each .
Arm enia lay east of Cappadocia It was a lofty regio n .

,
consisting almost entirely of m ountains and has been well ,
“ ”
called th e Switzerland o f Western Asia The m ou n tai n .
system culminates in Ararat which has an elevation o f ,
feet Hence all the great rivers o f this part o f Asia take their
.
rise viz the Tigris th e Euphrates the H aly s the Araxes and
, .
, , , , ,
the Cyrus I n the highest part o f the region o ccur two elevated
.
lake — basins those of Urumiyeh a n d Van each having a disti n ct

, ,
and separate water —system o f its o w n The only town an .

v
c i e nt l y o f much importa n ce was o n e which occupied the p osi ~
tion of the m odern Va n o n the east coast of the lake of t h e ,
sam e name .
Iberia or S ap e iri a adj oined Arme n ia t o the n orth east It

, ,
-
.
comprised the whole o f the modern Georgia together with ,
some parts o f Russi a n and Turkish Armenia as esp ecially th e ,
region about Kars Ispir and A kh al t si k I t s ri v ers were the

, , .
Cyrus ( Kur ) and Araxes (Aras ) which flow together into the ,
Caspian It had on e lake Lake G out c h a or Sivan i n the

.
, ,
mou n tain region north east of Ararat -

.
Colchis or the valley of th e Phasis between the Cauc a sus

, ,
and Western Iberia corresponded to th e m odern districts o f

,
I me ri t i a M in g re l i a and Guriel
,
Its chi ef importance lay in
,
.
its comm a n ding o n e o f the main routes of early com merce ,
which passed by way of th e O xus Caspian Aras a n d Phasis , , ,
to the Euxine ( Co n nect with this the Argonautic expedition )

. .
2° RA W L I N S O N
Chief to w n Phasis at the mouth o f the Rio n River a Greek

, , ,
settlem e n t Natives of Colchis black : believed t o b e E g yp

.
,
tia n s
.
M atié né w as a strip o f mountain la n d run n i n g southw a rd ,
fro m Sap e ir ia and sep a r a ting between Assyria a n d M edia

,
Magna It early lost its name and w as reckoned to on e o r

.
,
other of the adj oi n ing countries .
M edia one of the largest a n d mos t import a nt of the regio n s

,
belonging to this group extended from the Araxes on the ,
n o rth to the desert beyond Isfaha n o n the south Eastw a rd .
it reached to the Caspian Gates ; westward it was bounded

by M at ié n é or ( when M ati é n é dis a ppeared ) by Ar menia and
,
Assyria I t s chief rivers were th e Araxes ( Ar a s ) a n d the

.
M ar du s ( Kizil Uzen or S e fi d rud ) It consisted o f tw o r e -

.
gions Northern M edia or M edi a Atropat en e (A z e rbijan) and

, , ,
Southern Media or M edia M agn a The whole territory was

, .
m ountainous except towards the south east where it abutted

,
-
,
o n the S ag art i an desert Th e soil was m ostly sterile but some

.
,
tr a cts were fairly a nd a few richly productive The chief

, , .
cities were Ecbatana and R h ag e s .
Persia lay south and south e a st o f M edia exte n ding fro m -

,
the M edian frontier across th e Z ag ro s mou n t a in chain to the -

,
shores of the gulf whereto it gave na m e It was barren and .
unfruitful towards the n orth and east where it ran into the ,
S ag ar t ian desert ; mountainous and fairly fertile in the central

region ; and a tract o f arid s an d along the coast Its rivers .
were few and of small size Two the O roat is ( Tab ) and Granis .
,
( Khisht river ) flowed southward into th e Persi a n Gulf ; one

, ,
the Araxes ( B e ndam ir) with its tributary the Cyrus ( Pulw a r)
, ,
ran eastward and terminated in a salt lake ( Neyriz or B akh

,
tigan ) The principal cities were Persepolis Pasargad ae and

.
, ,
Carmana which l a st w a s the capital of a district o f Persia

, ,
called Carmania .
M y c ia was a small tract south e a st o f Persi a on the shores -

,
o f the Persian Gulf opposite the isla n d o f Kishm and the pro
,
montory of Ras M u sse ndu m It was ultimately absorbed into .
Persia Proper .
Sagartia w as at o n ce the l a rgest and the most thinly peopled

o f the plateau countries It comprised the whole of the great .
desert of Ira n which r e aches from Kashan and Koum on t h e

,
west to Sarawa n and Q u e tt ah towards the c ast a distance of ,
a bove 900 miles It was bounded on th e north by M edia

.
,
Parthia and Aria ; o n the east by Sarang ia a n d Sattag ydia ;

,
on the south b y M y c i a and the Eastern Ethiopia ; o n th e west
by M edia and Persia It contained in ancient times no city .
o f importance the inhabit a nts bei n g n omads whose flocks

, ,
found a scanty pastur a ge on the less b a rre n portio n s of the

great upland .
C adu sia o r the cou n try o f the C adu si an s was a thi n strip
, ,
o f territor y alo n g the south — e a stern a n d souther n shores o f the

C a spi an corresponding t o the m oder n Ghilan an d M az an de
,
ran Strictly speakin g it s carcely belonged to th e plateau

.
, ,
si n ce it lay outside the Elburz ra n ge on the n orther n slop es ,
o f the chain and between them and the C a spian Se a

, It c on .
t ai n e d no city o f importa n ce but was fertile well wooded a n d , , ,
well watered ; a n d sustai n ed a n um erous popul a tion .
Hyrcania lay east of C adu sia at the south e a ster n cor n er ,

-
o f the Caspia n where the name still exists i n the m oder n river
,
Gurgan Th e chai n of th e Elburz here broade n s o ut t o a

.
width of 2 00 miles and a fertile region is for med cont a i n ing

,
many rich valleys and high m ountai n p a stures together wi th ,
som e considerable pl a ins The chief city o f H y rc an i a was .
Z adracart a .
Parthi a lay south an d south east o f Hyrcania i n cluding -

,
the sunny flank o f the Elburz chain and the flat cou n tr y a t ,
its base as far a s the n orther n edge of th e desert where it ,
b ordered o n Sagartia It w a s a na rrow but fertile territor y.

,
watered by the nu merous stre a ms which here desce n d fro m

the mountains .
Aria the modern territory of Her a t adj oined Parthia on the

, ,
east It was a small but fertile tract on the river Arius ( the H eri
.
rud ) with a capital city called Aria or A rt acoana ( Herat )

, ,
.
A r ac h o si a east of Aria comprised m ost of Wester n a nd

, ,
Central A ff g h ani stan Its rivers were th e E tyman dr u s ( Hel

.
mend ) and the A rach ot u s ( A r g h an d ab) Th e c a pital w a s -

.
A r ac h ot u s ( Kandahar P) It w a s an extensive country m ou n .

,
t ai n ou s and generally barre n but contai n i n g a good de a l of ,
f a ir p a sturage a nd a few fertile v a les , .

22 RA W LI N S O N
S att ag ydi a adj oined A rach osia on the east correspondi n g ,
to South eastern A ffg h ani st an or the tract b etwee n Kandahar

-
,
and the Indus vallev I n character it closely resembled Ar a .
c h o si a but was on the whole wilder and m ore rugged

, .
Gandaria lay a b ove S att ag y di a comprising the modern ,
Kabul and Kafe r i st an It consisted of a mass o f tangled moun .
tain chains with fertile valleys between them often however

-
, , , ,
narrowing to gorges di fficult to penetrate Its principal .
stream was the C op h e n ( or river of Kabul ) a tributary o f the ,
Indus and its chief town C asp aty r u s ( Kabul

,
Saran g i a or Z ar an g ia was the tract lying about the salt

, ,
lake ( H am oo n) into which the E ty m an dr u s ( H e lm e n d) emp

ties itself This tract i s flat and generally desert except along
.
, ,
the courses of the m any stream s which flow into the H amoon
from the north and east .
G e dr o si a corresponded to th e moder n B e l u c h i st an It lay .
south of S ar an g ia A r ach osia and S att ag ydia and east o f , , ,
Sagartia and M y c i a O n the c ast it s boundary w as the Indus .
valley ; on the south it was washed by the Indian O cean It .
was a region of alternate rock and sand very scantily watered , ,
and alm ost entirely destitute of wood The chief town was .
Pura (perhaps B u np oor ) .
The lowland to the south o r rather th e south west of the ,

-
,
great West Asian plateau compris ed five countries only : viz

-
, .
,
Syria Arabia Assyria Susis or Susiana and B abylonia Each

, , , , .
o f these req u ires a short notice .
Syria bounded by Cilicia on the north th e Euphrates on the

, ,
north east the Arabian desert on the south east and south and
-
,
-
,
b y the Levant upon the west comprised the followi n g regions : ,
I st . Syria Prop er or the tract reaching from A manu s to H e r,
m on and Palmyra Chief cities in the ante —Cyrus p eriod .
Carchemish Hamath Damascus B aalbe k and Tadmor o r

, , , ,
Palm y ra Chief river the O rontes M ountains : C aS iu s B ar

.
,
.
,
g yl u s L ib an u s and anti L i b an u s 2d Phoenicia th e coast -

, , . .
,
tract from the thirty fift h to the thirty — third parallel s eparated -
,
from Syria Proper by the ridge of L ib an u s Chief towns : .
Tyre Sidon B e ryt u s B yb l u s Tripolis A r adu s 3 d Pales

, , , , , . .
tine comprising Galilee Samaria Jud ae a and Philistia or

, , , , ,
Palestine Prop er Chief cities : Jerus a lem Sam a ri a Azotus .

, ,
3
or Ashdod As ca lon and Gaza o r C adyt i s M ountains : Her

, , .
mon Carmel River Jordan Norther n and Western Syria

,
.
, .
are mount a inous and generally fertile Eastern Syria is an

,
.
arid desert broken only by a few oases o f which the Palmy

, ,
rene is the principal .
Arabia lay south and south east of Syria It was a country -

.
of enormous size being estimated to contain a million of ,
s quare m iles or m ore than o n e fourth the area o f Europe

,
-
.
Consisting however as it does mainly of sandy or rocky

, , ,
deserts its population must always have been scanty and its
, ,
productions few I n the ancient world it was never of m uch

.
account the inhabitants being m ainly nomads and only th e

, ,
outlying tribes com ing into contact with the neighborin g na

tions The only imp ortant towns were in th e east G e rr h a
.
, , ,
a great trading settlement ; in the west Petra and Elath , .
Assyria intervened between Syria and Media It was .
bounded on th e north by the snowy C hain of N ip h at e s which ,
separated it from Armenia and on the east by the outer ranges ,
o f Z ag r o s Westward its lim it w as the E u p hrates while south

.
,
ward i t adj oined on B abylonia and Susiana Towards the .
north and east it included som e m ountain tracts ; but in th e

m ain it was a great rolling plain at a low level s cantily watered , ,
towards the west where the Euphrates has few affi u e n t s but
, ,
well supplied towards the east where M ount Z ag ro s sends ,
down m any large stream s to j oin the Tigris Its chief cities .
were Ninus or Nineveh Calah and Asshur upon the Tigris ;

, , ,
Arb ela in the re g ion between the Tigris and M ount Z ag r o s

Nisibis Am ida Harran or C arr h ae and Circesium in the dis
, , ,
triet between th e great rivers Its stream s b esides th e Tigris .

,
and Euphrates were th e B ili c h u s ( B elik ) and the C h ab oras

,
( Western K h ab o u r ) affi u e nt s of the Euphrates ; the C e nt r it e s

,
( B itlis Chai ) the Eastern Kh ab ou r the Z ab at u s ( or Zab Ala)

, , ,
th e C ap ru s (or Zab Asfal ) an d the G yn de s or Physcus ( Diya ,
leh) tributaries o f the Ti gris It contai n ed on th e north the

,
.
mountain range of M asi u s (Jebel Tur and Karajah Dagh ) .
Its chief districts were A t u r i a or Assyria Proper the tract , ,
about Nineveh ; A di ab é n é the country between the Upper ,
Zab a n d the Lower ; C h al onit i s the region south of th e Lower ,
Zab ; and Goz a n ( or M yg donia) on the Western Kh ab ou r at

24 R AW L I N S O N
th e foot of the M ons M asiu s The Greeks called the whole .
tract between the t w o great rivers M esop otamia .
Susis Susiana or C i ssi a lay s outh east of Assyria and c on

, ,
-
,
sisted chie fly o f the low plain between the Z agr o s range a nd
the Tigris but comprised also a portion o f the mountain t e
,
gion Its rivers were the C h oasp e s ( Ke r kh e h ) the P asit i g r i s

.
,
( Kuran) the E u l ae u s ( a bra n ch stream formerly running from

,
the C h oasp e s into the P asiti g ris) and the H e dyp n u s (Je rrah i) , .
Capital city Susa between the C h oasp e s and E ul ae u s rivers

, , .
B abylonia lay due south o f Assyria i n which it was s om e ,
times included The line o f demarkation between them w as

.
the lim it of the alluvium O n the east B abylo n ia w as bou n ded .
by Susiana on the west by Arabia and on the south by the

, ,
Persian Gulf It was a single alluvial plain o f vast extent and

.
extraordinary fertility The chief cities besides B abylo n on .

,
the Euphrates were Ur ( n ow M ugheir ) Erech ( Warka) C a l

, , ,
neh ( Ni ffer ) C u th a ( Ibrahim ) Sip p ara o r Sepharvaim ( Mo

, ,
saib ) and B or sipp a ( B i rs—

,
Nimrud ) The m ore souther n part .
o f B abylonia bordering on Arabia a nd the Persi an Gulf w a s

, ,
known as Chald ae a .
The Peninsula of Hindusta n the la st of the four gre a t divis ,
ions oi South — western Asia contains nearly a million and ,
a quarter of s quare miles Nature has divided it into three very .
distinct tracts on e towards the north west consistin g o f the

,
-
,
basin drained by the Indus on e towards the east o r the basi n ,
drained by the Ganges ; a nd o n e tow a rds the s outh or the ,
peni n sula proper O f these the north wester n only was con
.
-
n e ct e d with the history o f the a n cient world .
This tract called India from the river on which it lay was
, ,
separated o ff from the rest o f Hindustan by a broad belt of

desert It comprised two regions— I st that known in m od
.
,
ern tim es as the Punj ab abutting imm ediately on th e Him ,
alaya chain and containing about

,
square miles ; a vast
triangular plain intersected by th e courses o f five great rivers
,
whence Punj — Rivers — the Indus the H das e s

( a s i v e ) y p , ,
( Jelum ) th e A c e sine s ( Chenab ) the H y draot e s ( Rav c e ) a n d

, , ,
th e H yp h asi s ( S u tlej ) fertile along their course but other ,

-
,
wise barren 2 dl y the region k n ow n as Scinde o r the

.
, ,
I ndus valle y below the Punj ab a tract of about the s a me size , ,

AN CIENT H I ST O R Y 2
5
including the rich plain of Cutch i Gandava o n the west bank

o f the river and the broad delta of the Indus towards the south
, .
Chief town o f the upper region T a xila ( A tt ok) ; o f the south

,
er n Patt a l a ( Tatta
,
P R E L I M I NA R Y O B S E RVAT I O N S O N TH E GEN
E R A L C H A R AC T E R O F THE EA R L Y
A S I AT I C K I N G D O M S .
The physic a l conformatio n o f Western Asia is favorabl e

t o the growth o f large empires I n the vast plain which ex.
tends from the foot of N ip h at e s and Z ag r o s to the Persian

Gulf the Red Sea and the M editerranean there are n o natural
, , ,
fastnesses ; and th e r a ce which is numerically o r physically

superior to the other races inhabiti n g it readily acquires do
minion over the e n tire region S imilarly only no t quite t o the
.
,
sam e extent in the upland region Which succeeds to this plain

,
upon the east there is a deficien cy of natural barriers and th e

, ,
nation which once begins to excel its neighbors rapidly ex ,
tends its influence over a wide stretch of territory The upland .
and lowland powers are generally pretty evenly bala n ced and ,
maintain a struggle i n which n either side gives way ; but occa

si o n all y the equality beco m es deranged Circum stances give .
t o the o n e o r to the other additio n al stren gth ; and th e result

is that its rival i s overpowered Then an empire o f still gre a ter
.
extent is form ed both upla n d an d lowl a nd fa llin g under the

,
sway o f the sam e people .
Still more remarkable tha n this uniformity o f size is the

uniform ity o f gover n m e n tal typ e obs ervable throughout a ll
these empires The for m of governm ent is in every case a
.
mo na rchy ; the m o na rchy is always hereditary ; and the hered

it ary monarch i s a despot A few feeble checks are in some
.
i n stances devised for the purpose of restraini n g within certai n

limits the caprice o r the cruelty o f the holder of power ; but
these barriers where they exist are easily overleaped ; and
, ,
in most cases there is not even any such s embl an ce o f inter

ference with the will of the ruler who is th e a bsolute m a ster of ,
the lives liberties and property of h is sub j ects D espotism

, ,
.
26 R A W LI N S O N
is the S implest coarsest and rudest o f all th e forms of civil

, ,
government It was thus naturally th e first which men

.
,
pressed b y a sudden need extemporized And in Asia the wish

, .
has never arisen to improve upon this primitive an d imperfect

essay.
Som e variety is observable i n the internal orga nization of

the empires In the remoter times it was regarded as suffi cient
.
to receive the p ersonal submission o f the monarch whose land

was conq u e r ed to assess h i s tribute at a certain amount and
, ,
then to leave him in the unmolested enj oym ent o f his former
”
dignity The head of an empire w as thus a king of kings
.
,
and the empire itself was an aggregation o f kingdoms After .
a while an improvement was made on th e simplicity of this

ea r ly system Satraps or provincial governors court o fficials
.
, ,
b elonging to the conquering nation and holding their o ffice ,
only during the good pleasure o f the Great King were sub ,
stit u ted for the native monarchs ; and arrangem ents m ore or
less complicated were devised for checking and controlli n g
them in the exercise of their authority The power of the head .
o f the empire was thus considerably increased ; and the empire
acquired a stability unknown under the previous system U n i .
formity of administration was to a certain extent secured At .
the sam e tim e a very great diversity underlay this externa l

,
uniformity since the conquered nations were generally suf

,
fe r e d to retain their own language religion a nd usages No , ,

.
e ffort w as m ade even to interfere with their laws ; and thus

the provinces continued after the lapse of centuries as s eparate
, ,
and distinct in tone feeling ideas and aspirations as at the

, , , ,
time when they were conquered The s ense of separateness .
was never lost ; the desire of recovering national independence ,
at best slumbered ; nothing w as wanted but Opportunity t o

,
stir up the dormant feeling and to shatter the seem ing unity
,
o f the empire into a thousand fragments .
A characteristic of th e O riental mo n archies which very ,
mar k edly distinguishes them from the kingdom s of the West ,
is the prevalence of polygamy The polygamy o f the monarch .
swells to excessive numbers the hangers on of the court n e c e s -

,
s i tat e s the building of a vast palace encourages e ffeminacy ,
a nd luxury causes the annual outlay o f e n ormous sum s o n

,
A N C I EN T H I ST O R Y 27
the maintena n ce of the royal household introduces a degraded ,
and unnatural class o f human beings into positions of trust and

dignity ; in a word at once saps the vital force o f the empire
,
in its central citadel and imp oses heavy burdens o n the mass
,
o f the population which tend to produce exhaustion and paral

,
ysi s o f the whole body politic The practice of polygamy.
among the upper classes destroying the domestic a ffections

,
by diluting them degrades and inj ures the m oral character of

,
those who give its tone t o the nation lowers their physical ,
energy and renders the m self indulgent and indolent N or

,
-
.
do the lower classes though their poverty saves them from

,
participating directly in th e e vil escap e unscathed Y ielding , .

,
as they com m only do t o the temptation of taking m oney for

,
their d a ughters from the proprietors of harems they lose by ,
degrees all feeling o f self—respe ct the family bond corrupted ,
in it s holiest elem ent ceases to have a n elevating influence ;

,
and the tra ffickers in their ow n flesh and blood becom e the
ready tools o f tyrants the ready applauders of crim e an d the
, ,
submissive victims of ever y kind of inj ustice and oppression .
The Asiatic Empires were always founded upon conquest ;

a n d conquest implies the possession o f military qualities in the
victors sup erior at any rate to thos e of the vanquished n ations .
Usually the conquering peopl e were at first simple in their

habits brave hardy and comparatively speaking poor The
, , , , ,
.
imm ediate co n sequence o f their victory was the exchange o f

poverty for riches ; and riches usually brought in their trai n
the evils of luxurious living and idleness The conquerors .
rapidly deteriorated under such influences ; a n d if it had not ,
been for the com mon practice of confining th e use of arm s ,
either wholly or mainly to their ow n clas s they might in a

, , ,
very few generations have had t o change places with their

,
sub j ects Even in spite of this practice they continually de

.
creased in cour a ge and warlike spirit The monarchs usu a ll y .
becam e f aine ants and confined themselves t o the preci n cts o f

’
the palace The nobles left off a ltogether the habit of athletic
.
exercise M ilitary expeditions grew to be infrequent When

. .
they becam e a n ecessity in consequence of revolt o r of border

ravages the deficiencies of the n ative troops h a d to b e supplied
,
b y t h e emplo y me n t of foreig n m erce na ries wh o cared n othi n g ,

28 R AW L I N S O N
fo r the c a use i n which their swords were drawn M e an while .

,
the co n querors were apt to quarrel among themselves Great .
s atraps would revolt and change their gover n ments into inde
p e n dent sovereignties Pretenders to the crown would start
.
’
up a mo n g the monarch s nearest relatives and the strength ,
and resources of the state would be wasted in civil conflicts .
The extortion o f provincial governors exhausted the prov

i nc e s while the corruption o f the court weakened the empire
,
a t its centre Still the tottering edifice would stand for y e a rs

.
, ,
o r even for centuries if there was no attack from a broad by

, ,
a mere w s i ne r ti a ; but sooner or later such an a ttack was

’
, ,
sure to come and the n the u n substantial f a bric gave w a y a t

,
once a n d crumbled to dust u n der a few blows vigorousl y de a lt

by a more w a rlike na tio n .
H I ST O R Y O F THE AN C I E N T A S I AT I C K I N G
D O MS P R E V I O U S T O C Y RU S .
C H A L D ZE A N M O N A R C H Y .
The earliest of the As iatic monarchies sprang up i n the

alluvial pl a i n at the head of the Persian Gulf Here M oses .
places the first ki n gdom ( Ge n x 1 0) a nd here B erosus . .
regarded a Chald aea n monarchy as est a blished prob ably as

early as B C 2 000 The Hebrew records give Nimrod as the
. . .
founder o f this kingdom and exh ibit Chedorlaom er as lord,
paramount in the regio n not very long afterwards The nam es .
o f the kings in the lists o f B erosus are lost ; but we are told
that he m entioned by nam e fo rty nine Chald ae an mon a rchs -

,
whose reigns covered a space of 4 5 8 years fro m about B C . .
2 000 to about B C 1 54 3.The prim ev a l mo n uments of the

. .
country have yielded m emorials of fifteen or sixteen ki n gs ,
who probably belonged t o this e a rly period They were a t any .
rate the builders of the most a n cient edifices now existing i n

the cou n try ; a nd their date is lo n g a n terior to the time o f
Sennacherib an d Nebuch a d n ezz a r The pho n etic re a ding of .
these mo n um ent a l n ames i s too uncert a i n t o j ustify their in

s ertio n here It will be su fficient to give fro m B er osus an
.
, ,
A N CI E N T H IST O RY 2
9
outline ofthe dy n asties which ruled in Chald ae a from about ,
B C
. . 2 000 t o 74 7 the er a o f Nabon a ssar
,
Ch ald ae an d ynas t y r u li n g for 4 58 y e ars ,
( Ki n gs : N im r o d Ch e d o rl ao me r ) ,
ab out B C
. . 2001 t o 1 5 43
Ar abi an d ynas ty r u li n g fo r 245 y e ars

,
ab o u t B C
. . 1 5 43 t o 1 298
D y na s t y o f f o rt y fi v e ki n gs r u lin g fo r 5 26
-
,
y e ars ab out B C
. . 1 298 to 772
R e i gn of P ul ( say 2 5 y e ars ) . ab o u t B C
. .
772 t o 747
B erosus it will be observed marks during this p eriod two

, , ,
if not three ch a nges of dynasty After the Chald ae ans have

,
.
borne sway for 4 5 8 years they are succeeded by Arabs w h o , ,
hold the dominion for 2 4 5 years when they too are super ,
se de d by a race not named but probably Assyrian This race ,

.
bears rule for 5 2 6 years and then Pul ascends the throne an d , ,
reigns for a term of ye a rs n ot stated ( Pul i s called king o f .
Assyria in Scripture ; but this may be an inexactness H e .
is not to be found among the Assyria n monum ental ki n gs ) .
Thes e changes o f dynasty m ark chan ges of condition U n der .
the first or Chald ae an dynasty and under the last m onarCh , ,
Pul the country w a s flourishin g and free The s econd dy n ast y

, .
was prob a bly and the third certainly established by conquest

, ,
.
Chald ae a during the 5 2 6 years of the third dy n asty was of

, ,
secondary importan ce to Assyria and though fro m ti me t o ,
tim e e n gaged in wars with the dom inant power of Wester n

Asia was in the main subm issive and even subj ect Th e nam es
, .
o f si x kings belonging t o this dynasty have bee n recovered
from the Assyrian monu m ents Am ong them is a N e b u ch ad .
n e z z ar whil e the m aj ority co m mence with the n a m e o f the

,
g o d M erodach .
The Chald ae an monarchy had fro m the first a n a rchitectur a l

character B abylon Erech or O r c h oé Accad a n d Calneh
.
, , , ,
were founded by Nimrod Ur was from an early date a city .
o f importance The attempt to build a tower which should

.
reach t o heaven made here ( Gen xi was in accordance

, . .
with the general spirit o f the Chald ae an people O ut of such .
simple a nd rude m aterials as brick and bitume n vast edifices

were constructed pyram idical in design but built in steps or
, ,
stages of considerable altitude O th er arts a lso flourished . .
Letters were in use ; and the baked bricks emplo y ed b y the

30 RAW L I N S O N
royal builders had commonly a lege n d in their centre Gem s .
were c ut polished and engraved with representations of h u

, ,
man forms portrayed with spirit Metals o f many kinds were

,
.
worked and fashioned into arms ornaments and implem ents

, , , .
Textile fabrics of a delicate tissue were manufactured Com .
m erce was carried on with the neighboring nations both by

land and s e a : the ships of Ur visiting the shores of the
Persian Gulf and perhaps those o f the ocean beyond it The
, .
study of Astronomy com me n ced and obse rvatio n s of the b eav ,
e nl y bodies were made and carefully recorded , .
A S S YR IA N M O NA R C H Y .
The traces which we possess of the First Period are chiefly

monumental The Assyrian inscriptions furnish two lists
.
o n e of three and the other of four consecutive kings — which

,
b elong probably to this early tim e The seat of empire is at .
first Asshur ( now Kileh Sherghat ) on the right bank of the ,
Tigris about sixty miles below Nineveh Som e of the kings

, .
a re connected by intermarriage with the Chald ae an m onarchs

o f the period and take part in the struggles of pretenders t o
,
th e Chald aean crown O ne of them Shalmanes er I wars in

.
,
.
,
the m ountain chain of N ip h at e s and plants cities in that region

-
,
( about B C . This monarch also builds Calah ( Nimrud )

.
,
forty miles north of Asshur on the left or east bank of the river
, .
The S econd Period is evidently that o f which Herodotus

spoke as lasting for 5 20 years from about B C 1 2 60 to 740 , . . .
It commenced with the conquest o f B abylon by T i g l ath i —nin

(probably the original of the Greek Ninus and it termi
n at e d with the new dynasty established by T i l ath
g p il e se r I I
-
.
The m onuments furnish for the earlier portion o f this p eriod

some nine o r te n dis continuous royal nam es while for the ,
later portion they supply a complete consecutive list and a n ,
exact chronology The exact chronology begins with the year

.
B C
. .
909 .
The great king of the earlier portion of the Second Period

is a certain T i g l at h p il e se r who has left a long historical i n
-
,
scription which shows that he carried his arms deep i n to

,
M ou n t Z ag ros o n the o n e h an d and as far as Norther n Syri a,

A N CIENT H I ST O RY 3:
on the other He likewise made an expedition into B abylonia

. .
Date about B C 1 1 3 0 His son was also a warlike prince ; but

,
. . .
from about B C 1 1 00 to 900 Assyrian history is still almost

. .
a blank ; a nd it is probable that we have here a p eriod of

depression .
Fo r the later portion o f the Second Period— from B C 909 . .
t o 74 5 — the chronology is exact and the materials for history ,
are abundant In this period Calah becam e the capital and

.
,
several of th e palaces and temples were erected which have

been disinterred at Nimrud The Assyrian monarchs carried .
their arms beyond Z ag ro s and cam e into contact with M edes ,
a nd Persians ; they deeply penetrated Arm enia ; and they

pressed from Northern into Southern Syria and imposed their ,
yoke upon the Phoenicians th e kingdom o f Damascus and , ,
the kingdom of I srael The nam es o f B en hadad Hazael .

-
, ,
Ahab and Jehu are com m on to the Assyrian and Hebrew

,
records Towards the close o f the p eriod th e kings became

.
,
slothful a n d unwarlike m ilitary expeditions ceased o r were , ,
conducted only to short distances and against insignificant

enemies .
The Assyria n art of the Second shows a great advance upo n

that of the First Period M agnificent palaces were built .
,
richly embellished with bas — reliefs Sculpture was rigid but .

,
bold and grand Literature was m ore cultivated The histor y

. .
o f each reig n was written by contemporary a nnalists and c u t ,
o n stone o r impressed on cylinders o f baked clay

,
Engraved .
s te l e were erected in all the countries under Assyrian rule .
Considerable com munication too k place with forei gn coun

tries ; and B actrian camels baboons curious antelopes ele , , ,
p h an t s an d rhinoceroses were imported into Assyria from the

,
East .
In th e Third Period the Assyrian Empire reached the height

o f its greatness under th e dynasty o f the S ar g o ni dae after ,
which it fell suddenly owing to blows received from two p ow

,
e r fu l foes The period com m enced with a revival o f the mili

.
tary spirit and vigor o f the nation under T ig l ath p il e se r I I -

.
,
the king o f that nam e mentioned in Scripture Distant e x p e .
dit i on s were resumed and the arms o f Assyri a carried into ,
n ew regions Egy pt was a ttacked a nd reduced ; Susia n a was

.
32 RAW LI N S O N
subj uga ted an d i n Asia M i n or Taurus was crossed C a pp a ,
docia invaded a nd relations est a blished with the Lydi an mon

,
arch Gyges Naval expeditions were undertaken both i n the

, .
M editerranean and the Persian Gulf Cyprus submitted and .

,
the Assyrian monarchs numbered Greeks among their sub

je c t s Almost
. all the kings o f the p eriod came into contact
with the Jews and the nam es o f m ost o f them app ear in the
,
Hebrew records Towards the clos e o f the period the empire

.
sustai n ed a severe shock from th e sudden invasion o f vast

hordes of Scythians fro m the North B efore it could recover .
from the prostration caused by this attack its old enemy , ,
M edia fell upon it and assisted b y B abylo n e ffected it s de

, , , ,
struction .
Assyria n a rt a ttained to its greatest p erfection during this

last period Palaces were built by T i g lat h p il e se r I I at Calah
.
-
.
,
by Sargon at Dur S ar g ina ( Kh o rsab ad) by Sennach erib at ,
N ineveh by Esarhaddon at Calah and Nineveh by Sardanap

, ,
alus I I at Nineveh an d by Sarac u s at Calah Glyptic art ad

.
,
.
v an ce d especially under Sardanapalus when the a nimal forms

, ,
were executed with a naturalness and a spirit worthy of the

Greeks At th e sam e tim e carving in ivory metallurg y model
.
, ,
ling a n d other similar arts m ade much progress An active

, .
com merce united Assyria with Ph oenicia Egypt and Greece , ,

.
Learning of various kinds — astronomic geographic lin g u is , ,
tic historical— w as pursued ; and stores were accu mulated

,
which will long exercise the inge n uity of the m oder n s .
M E D IA N M O N A R C H Y .
The primitive history o f the M edes is enveloped in gre a t

obscurity The mentio n o f the m a s Madai in Genesis ( x
. .
and the statement of B erosus that they furnished an early dy

n asty to B abylon imply their importance in very ancient ti m es
,
.
B ut s carcely any thing is known o f them till the ninth century

B C
. when they were attacked in their own proper country
.
, ,
M edia M agna by th e Assyrians ( about B C ,

At this . .
tim e they were under the governm ent of numerous p etty chief
t a i n s an d o ffered but a weak resista n ce to the arms o f t h e
,
AN CI E NT H I ST O R Y 33
Assyri a n m o n archs N o p a rt of their cou n tr y however was

.
, ,
reduced to subj ection until the tim e of Sargon who conquered ,
s om e M edia n territory about B C 7 1 0 and planted it with . .

,
cities in which he placed his I sraelite captives Th e sub se .
quent Assyria n monarchs made further co n quests ; a n d it is

evide n t from their records that no great M edian m onarchy h a d
arisen down to the m iddle o f the seventh century B C . .
The earliest date which with o u r prese n t knowledge we , ,
can assign for the com mencem ent o f a great M edian monarch y
i s B C 6 5 0 Th e mo na rchs assig n ed by Herodotus and Ctesias
. . .
to a tim e anterior to this m ay conceivabl y h a ve been chiefs

o f petty M edia n tribes but were cert a inly not the heads o f the
,
whole n ation The p robability is that they are fictitious p er

.
so n a g e s Suspicio n attaches esp ecially t o the list of Ctesi a s

.
,
which appears to have been form ed by a n intentio n al duplic a

tion of the regnal and other p eriods m e n tioned by H erodotus .
There is reason to believe that about B C 6 50 or a little . .

,
later the M edes of M edi a M agn a were largel y reinforced b y

,
fresh immigrants fro m the East and that shortly afterw a rds ,
they were enabled to take an a ggressive attitude towards A S

syria such as had previously bee n q uite b eyond their power
, .
B .
—
In C 3 3 a ccording to H erodotus— they a ttacked Ni n eveh
6 .
,
but were completely defeated their leader whom h e c a lls , ,
P h raort e s b ein g sl a in in the battle

, Soon after this o ccurred .
the Scythia n i n road which threw the M edes upo n th e de fe n

,
sive and hi n dered the m fro m resumi n g their s ch em es of con

,
quest for sever a l y ears B ut whe n this da n ger had passed

.
, ,
they once m ore i n v a ded the Assyrian Empire in force Nine .
veh w a s invested an d fell M edia upo n this b ec a m e the leadi n g

.
power o f Western Asi a but was not th e sol e power si n ce th e

, ,
spoils of Assyria were divided b etween h er a n d B abylon .
Less is known o f M edian a rt a n d civiliz a tio n tha n of A s

syria n B a bylonia n or Persia n Their architecture app ears
, , .
to have possessed a barb a ric m a g n ificence but not m uch of ,
either grandeur or b eaut y The great p a lac e at Ecb a ta n a .
was of wood pl a ted with gold a n d S ilver After th e co n quest

,
.
o f Nineveh luxurious h a bits were a dopted from the Assyrians

, ,
a nd the court of A styag e s w a s probably as sple n did a s th a t

of Es a rh a ddo n an d Sarda na p a lus The chief k n own p eculi a r .
3
34 RAW LI N S O N
ity of the M edi a n kingdom was the asce n de n cy exercised i n

it by the Magi —a priestly caste claiming sup ernatur a l pow e r s ,
w hich h a d apparently been adopted into the natio n

, , .
B A B Y L O N IA N M O NA R C H Y .
After the co n quest of B abylo n ia b y th e Ass y ri an s a bout ,
B C 1 2 5 0 an Assyri an dynast y w a s established at B abylon

. .
, ,
and the country w a s in general co n tent to hold a secondar y , ,
position in Western Asia acknowledging the suzerainty of ,
the N in e v it e kings From time to tim e e fforts were made t o

.
shake off the yoke but without much success till the accessio n
,
o f Nabonassar B C 74 7 ,Under N a bonassar a n d several o f

. . .
h i s successors B abylonia appears to h a ve been indep endent ;

and this condition of indep ende n ce continued with inte rvals ,
o f subj ection down to the accession o f Esarhaddo n B C

, 68 0 , . .
,
when Assyrian supremacy was once m ore established B aby .
l o n then continued in a subj ect p ositio n till th e time when ,
N ab op o l assar made a lli an ce with C yax ar e s j oined i n the last ,
siege o f Nineveh an d when Nineveh fell b ec a m e independe n t

, , , ,
B C
. . 62 5 .
During the S econd Period B abylonia was not only an i n de ,
p ende n t ki n gdom but was at the head o f a n empire Nabo

, .
p o l assar and C yax are s divided the Assyrian domi n io n s b e

tween them the form er obtaining for his sh a re Susia n a the
, ,
Euphrates valley Syria Phoe n ici a and Palestine A brilli a nt

, , , .
period followed At first indeed the n ew empire was thre at

.
ened by Egypt ; and for a few years the wester n provi n ces
were actually held in subj ectio n by Pharaoh n e c h oh ; but -
B abylon now aroused hers elf defeated N e c h oh recovered her , ,
territory and carrying her arms through Palestine into Egypt

, ,
chasti sed the aggressor on his o w n s oil From this tim e t i l l .
the invasion o f Cyrus the empire conti n ued to flourish but ,
became gradually less and less w a rlike a n d o ff ered a poor ,
resista n ce to the Persi a ns .
The architectural works of th e B abylonia n s m ore especially ,
under Nebuchadnezzar were o f surpassing gra n deur The ,

.
h an ging gardens o f that prince and the walls w ith which ,
he surrounded B abylo n were reckoned among the Seve n ,

A N CI ENT H I ST O R Y
Wo n ders o f the World The materials used were the s a me .
as i n the e a rly Chald aea n times su n bur n t a n d baked b rick ; ,
but the b a ked n ow prepo n derated The or na mentation of .
buildings w as by bricks o f di fferent hues or som etimes by ,
a plating o f precious m etal o r by e n am elling B y m eans o f , .
the l a st nam ed process war sce n es and hunting s cenes were

-
,
- -
represe n ted on the w a lls of palaces which a re said to have bee n ,
life —like a n d spirited Temple towers were still built in stages

.
-
,
which now sometimes re a ched the n umber o f seve n Useful .
works of great magn itude were a lso co n structed b y som e o f

the kings especially by Nebuchad n ezzar a nd N ab onadi u s ;
,
such a s c a nals reservoirs emb a nkm e n ts sluices a nd piers

, , , ,
o n the shores o f the Persia n Gulf Com merce flourished and .

,
B abylon was reckoned emphatically a cit y of m erch an ts .
The study of astronomy was also pursued with ze a l a n d i n

du st r y O bservatio n s were m ade and c a refully recorded
. The .
S ky was mapped o u t into constellatio n s and the fixed stars ,
were c a talogued O ccultatio n s of the pla n ets by the su n and

.
m oon were n oted Ti me was accurately m easured by m ea n s

.
o f su n —di a ls a nd other astro n o mical i n strum e n ts were prob

,
ably i n vented At the s a me ti me it must b e co n fessed that th e

.
a stro n o mical s cie n ce o f the B abylo n i an s was n ot pure but w a s ,
l a rgely mixed with a strology more esp eciall y i n the l a ter ti m es , .
KI N G D O M S I N A S IA M I N O R .
The geogr a phical formatio n of Asi a M inor which sep a rates ,
it into a number of distinct and isolated regions was probabl y ,
the m a i n reason why it did not i n earl y ti mes b eco me the seat
of a great emp ire The n ear equality o f stre n gth that existed
.
among s everal o f the r a ces by which it was inhabited— as the

Phrygi an s the Lydians the Cari a n s the Cilicians the P ap h
, , , ,
l ag on ian s a n d the Cappadocians — would tend n atur a lly in the

,
same directio n a n d l ead t o the for mation o f several parallel

,
kingdoms inst e a d o f a si n gle an d all embracing on e N ever -

.
t h e l e ss ultimately such a gre a t ki n gdo m did grow up ; but

, ,
it had only j ust bee n for med whe n it w a s subverted by o ne

more powerful .
36 R A WL I N S O N
The m ost powerful state in the early tim es seems to have

been Phrygia It had an exte n sive and fertile territory espe
.
,
c i al l y suited for pasturage and was also rich i n the possession ,
o f salt lakes which largely furnished that n ecessary of life

,
.
The p eople were brave but som ewhat brutal They had a ,
.
lively and martial music It i s probable that they were at no .
tim e all united into a single community ; but there i s no reason

to doubt that a considerable monarchy grew up in the north
western portion o f the country about B C 7 5 0 or earlier The ,
. . .
capital of the kingdom w as G or diae u m on the San g ariu s The .
monarchs bore alternately the two nam es o f G or dias and

M idas A s many as four o f each name have bee n distinguished
.
by some critics ; but the dates o f the reigns are uncertai n .
A Midas app ears to have been contemp orary with Alyattes

( about B C 600 to . .a nd a G or dias with Croesus ( B C 5 70 . .
to Phrygia w a s conquered an d bec a m e a province o f

Lydi a about B C 5 60 . . .
Cilicia was likewise the seat o f a monarchy i n times anterior

to Cyrus About B C 7 1 1 Sargon gave the cou n tr y to A m
. . .
bris king of Tubal as a dowry with h is daughter Senn a

, , .
c h e r ib about B C , 701 and Esarhaddon about B C 6 77 i n

. .
, , . .
,
vaded and ravaged the region Tarsus was founded by Senna .
c h e r ib about B C 68 5 I n B C 666 Sardanapalus took t o

,
. . . . .
wife a Cilician princess Fifty years afterwards we find a Syen .
n e si s seated o n the throne a n d from this tim e all the kings ,
appear to have borne that nam e o r title Cilicia maintained .
her indep endence against Croesus and (probably ) against C y ,
rus but submitted to Persia soon afterw a rds probably in the

, ,
reign of Cambys es .
Ultimately the most important o f all the kingdoms of Asia

M inor was Lydia According to the accounts which H e ro do
.
tus followed a Lydian kingdom had existed from very ancient

,
tim es monarchs to whom he gives the nam e o f Manes Atys

, , ,
L y du s and Mel es having born e sway in Lydia prior to B C

, ,
. .
1 22 9 This dynasty which has been called A t yadae was fol

.
, ,
lowed by one of Heraclid ae which conti n ued i n power for 5 05 ,
ye a r s —from B C 1 22 9 to 72 4 ( The last six kings o f this

. . .
dy n asty a re k n own from Nicholas of Damascus who follows

X an thus the n ative writer
,
The y were A dyatt e s I Ardys . .
, ,
A N CIEN T H I ST O RY 37
M eles M yr su s a n d S adyatt e s or C andau l e s )

A dyat t e s I I .
, , ,
O n the murder o f C an dau l e s B C 724 a third dynasty—that

.
.
, .
,
o f the M ermnad ae — bore rule This continued till B C 5 54 . . .

,
when the last Lydian monarch Croe sus w as conquered by , ,
Cyrus This monarch had previously succeeded in changing

.
his kingdom into a n empire having extended his dominion ,
over all Asia M inor excepting L y cia Cilicia a n d Cappadocia

, , , .
P H CE N I C I A .
Phoenicia notwithst an di n g the s mall exte n t of its territor y

, ,
which consisted o f a mere strip o f la n d between the crest of

Lebano n and the se a was on e of the m ost imp ortant cou n tries
,
o f the ancient world In her the comm ercial spirit first showed
.
its elf as th e dom inant spirit o f a nation She was the carrier .
between the East and the West— the link that bound th e m
together— in tim es anterior to the first appearance o f the
Greeks as navigators N o complete history of Phoenicia has
.
com e down to us n or can a continuous history b e constructed ;

,
but som e imp ortant fragments remai n and th e general con ,
ditio n of th e country alternating b etween subj ection and i n

,
depende n ce is ascertained suffi cie n tly

, .
At no tim e did Ph oe n icia form either a single centralized

state o r even an organized confederacy U n der ordinary cir
, .
c u m st an c e s the states were separate a n d independent : onl y
in times o f danger did they occ a sionally unite under the leader
ship of the m ost powerful The chief cities were Tyre Sidon .
, ,
B e r yt u s B yb l u s Tripolis and A radu s

, ,
O f these Sidon s eem s
,
.
to have been the m ost ancie n t ; and there is reason to believe

that prior t o about B C 1 05 0 she was the m ost flourishing of
, . .
,
all the Ph oenician com munities .
The priority and precedency en j oyed by Sido n in the re moter

times devolved upon Tyre ( her colony according t o som e ) ,
about B C 1 050 The defeat of Sidon by the Philisti n es of

. . .
Ascalon i s said to have caused the transfer o f power Tyre .

,
and indeed every Phoenician city was under the rule of kings ; ,
but th e priestly order had considerable influe n ce ; a nd an

aristocr a c y o f birth or we a lth likewise restrained a ny tyr a n
, ,
38 RAW LI N S O N
ni c al inclin a tions on the part of the m on a rch The list o f th e .
Tyri a n kings from about B C 1 050 to 83 0 is know n to u s

. .
from the fragments o f M e n a n der .
Th e commercial spirit of Phoe n icia was largely displayed

during this period which till towards it s close was one of
, , ,
absolute indep endence The great monarchies of Egypt a n d

.
Assyria were now comparatively speaking weak ; a nd the

, ,
states between the Euphrates and the African border being ,
free from external control were able to pursue their natural

,
bent without interference H er com mercial leanings early i n

.
du c e d Ph oenicia to begin the practice o f establishing colonies ;

and the advantages which th e system was found to s ecure
caused it to acquire speedily a vast developm ent The coasts .
and islands o f the M editerranea n were rapidly covered with

s ettlem ents ; the Pillars of Hercules were passed and cities ,
built on th e shores of the ocea n At the sam e tim e factories .
were established in the Persian Gulf ; and conj ointly with the ,
Jews on the Red Sea Ph oenicia had at this tim e no serious

, .
commercial rival a n d the trade of the world was in her ha n ds

, .
The geographical position of the Phoenician colonies m arks

the chief lines of their trade but is far fro m indicating it s full
,
extent ; since the most distant of thes e settle ments s erved as

starting points whence voyages were ma de to remoter regions
-
.
Phoenician m erchantmen proceedin g from Gades and Tartes

su s explored the wester n coast o f Africa and obtained ti n fro m ,
Cornwall and the Scilly I slands The traders of Tylus a n d .
A radu s extended their voyages beyond th e Persian Gulf t o

India and Taprobane or Ceylo n Phoenician navig ators st a rt
,
.
,
ing from Elath in th e Red Sea procured gold from O phir on , ,
the south eastern coast of Arabia Thasos a nd the neighbor

-
.
ing islands furnished convenient stations fro m which the

Euxine could be visited and co m m ercial relatio n s established
with Thrace Scythia and Colchis So me have supposed that
, , .
th e North Sea was crossed a nd th e B altic e n tered i n q uest of

amber ; but th e balance of evidence is on the whole a gai n st , ,
this extrem e hypothesis .
The sea trade of the Phoenici a ns was probably supple m ented

-
fro m a very remote date by a l a nd tr a ffic ; but this portion

of their commerce scarcely obt a i n ed its full developme n t till
A N CIENT H I ST O RY 39
the time o f Nebuchadnezzar A line of com mu n ication must .
indeed have b een established early with the Persian Gulf set
t l e me nt s ; a n d in the tim e of Solom on there w a s n o doubt
a route ope n to Phoe n ician traders from Tyre o r Joppa through ,
Jerusalem to Elath B ut the generally disturbed state of

, .
Western Asia during the Assyria n period would have re n dered

land tra ffic then so i n secure that excepting where it was a , ,
necessity it would have been avoided

, .
Towards the close of the p eriod whereof the history h a s ,
been sketched a bove the military exp editions of the Assyr

,
ia n s began t o reach Southern Syria and Phoenician inde ,
p e n de n ce seems to have bee n lost We c an n ot be sure .
that the submission was continuous ; but from the m iddle of

the n inth till past the middle o f the eighth century there occur
in the contemporary monuments of Assyria plai n indication s “
o f Ph oe n ician subj ection while there i s n o evid ence o f resist

,
ance o r revolt Native sovereigns tributary to Assyria reign

.
in the Phoenicia n towns and are reckoned by the Assyrian

monarchs a m ong their dep endents The country ceases t o .
h a ve a history of its o w n ; a n d with on e exceptio n th e ver y , ,
n a m es of its rulers have perished .
About B C 74 3 the passive subm issio n o f Phoenicia t o the

. .
Assyria n y oke began to b e exchan ged for an i mpatience o f it ,
an d freque n t e fforts were made from this date till Nineveh fell , ,
t o r e est a blish Phoenician indep endence

-
These eff orts for the .
most p a rt f a iled ; but it is n ot improbable that finally a m id ,
the troubles u n der which the Assyrian empire succumbed suc ,
cess crowned the n a tion s p a triotic exerti ons a nd a uto n o m y

’
was recovered .
Scarcely however h a d Assyria falle n when a new enemy

, , ,
appe a red upon the sce n e N e ch oh o f Egypt about B C 608

.
, . .
,
conquered the whole tract between his ow n borders and the

Euphrates Phoenicia submitted or was reduced a n d re ma i n ed
.
,
for three ye a rs a n Egyptia n depen dency .
Nebuchad n ezzar in B C 6 05 after his defeat of N e ch oh a t

, . .
,
C a rchemish a dded Phoe n icia t o B abylon ; a n d though Tyre

, ,
revolted from him eight years later B C 5 98 an d resisted for ,

. .
,
thirtee n years a ll his attempts to reduce her yet a t len g th sh e ,
w a s compelled t o sub mit a n d th e B ab y lonian yoke was firmly

,
4° RA W LI N S O N
fixed o n the e n tire Phoenician p eople It is not quite certai n .
that they did not shake it o ff upon the death of th e great B aby
lonian king ; but o n the whole proba b ility is in favor o f their
, ,
having remained subj ect till the conquest of B a b ylon by Cyrus ,
B C 5 38
. . A s us u al the internal government o f the dep end
.
,
ency w as left to the conquered people who were ruled at this ,
tim e either by native kings or occasionally by j udges , , , .
A s Greece rose to power and as Carthage increased in i m ,
portance the se a trade o f Phoenicia was to a certain extent

,
-
checked The com merce o f the Euxine and the ZE g e an

.
passed almost wholly into the hands o f the alien Hellenes ;

that of the Western M editerrane a n and th e Atlantic O cea n
had to be shared with the daughter state M eanwhile however .
, ,
in consequence o f the m ore settled condition o f Western Asia ,
first under the later Assyrian and then under the B abylonia n ,
monarchs the land trade received a considerable development

, .
A line of tra ffic was established with Arm enia and Cappa
docia and Phoenician manufactures were exchanged for the
,
horses mules slaves and brazen or copper utensils of those

, , ,
regions Another line passed by Tadmor or Palmyra to

.
, ,
T h ap sac u s whence it branched on the o n e hand through U p

,
p er M esopotamia to Assyria on the other down the Euphrates ,
valley to B abylon and the Persian Gulf Wh ether a third .
line traversed the Arabia n peninsula from end to end for " the
sa k e of the Y emen sp ices may be doubted ; but at any rate , ,
communication mus t have been kept up by land with the

friendly Jerusalem and with the Red Sea which was ce rtainl y
, ,
frequented by Ph oenician fleets .
The Phoenician commerce was chiefly a carrying trade ; but

there were also a few productions o f their ow n in which their
tra ffic w as considerable The most famous o f these was the
.
purple dye which they obtained from two shell fi sh the buc
,
-
,
ci nmn and the mnr ex and by the use of which they gave a
,
hi gh value to their textile fabrics Another was glass whereof .

,
they claimed the discovery and which they manufactured into ,
various articles of use and ornam ent They were also skilful .
in m etallurgy ; and their bronzes their gold and silver vessels , ,
and other works in m etal had a high repute Altogether they ,

.
,
h ave a claim to be considered on e of the most ingenious of the

nations of a ntiquity though we must not ascribe to them the

,
invention of letters or the possession of an y remarkable artistic

tale n t .
S Y R IA .
Syri a prior to its formation into a Persian satrap y had at

, ,
no tim e any p olit i cal unity During the Ass y rian p eriod it was .
divided into at least five principal states some o f which were ,
mere loose confeder a cies The five states were— 1 The north . .
ern Hittites Chief city Carchemish ( probably identical with

.
,
the later M ab og now B amb u c h ) 2 The Patena on the lower

,
. .
,
O rontes Chief city Kinal u a 3 The p eople of Ham ath in

.
, . .
,
the Coe le Syrian valley on the upper O rontes Chief city

-
,
.
,
Hamath (now Hamah ) 4 The southern Hittites in the tract . .

,
south o f Hamath 5 The Syrians of Damascus in the Anti

. .
,
L i b an u s and the fertile country between that range and the

,
d e sert Chief city Damascus on the Abana ( B arada)

.
, ,
.
O f these states the one which was if not the most powerful , ,
yet at any rate the m ost generally known was Syria of Damas ,
cus The city itself was as ol d as the time of Abraham The

. .
state which w as powerful enough about B C 1 000 t o escap e

, , . .
,
absorption into the empire of Solomon continued to enj oy ,
independence down to the tim e of T i g l at h p il e se r I I and w as -

.
,
a formidable neighbor to the Jewish and Israelite monarchs .
After the capture by T i g l at h —

p il e se r about B C 73 2 a tim e , . .
,
o f great weakness and depression ensued O ne o r two feeble .
attempts at revolt were easily crushed ; after which for a while , ,
Damascus wholly disapp ears from history .
J U D JE A .
The history of the Jews and I sraelites i s k n own t o us in com

p l e t e r sequence and in greater detail than that of any other
people o f equal antiquity from the circumstance that there has ,
b een preserved to o u r day so large a portion of their literature .
The Jews becam e familiar with writing during their soj ourn
in Egypt if n ot even earlier ; and kept records of the chief
,
events in th eir national life from that tim e almost uninterrupt

e dl y . From the sacred character which att a ched t o m a n y of
44 RAW L I N S O N
stre n gth ; and the decline of the I sraelites a s a people dates

fro m the division o f the ki n gdom .
S a ul divinely pointed out to Samuel i s anointed by him

, , ,
and afterwards accepted by the p eople upon the casting o f lots .
He is remarkable for his com eliness a nd lofty stature In his .
first year he defeats the Ammonites who had overrun the land ,
o f Gilead He then makes war on th e Philistines and gains

.
,
the great victory o f Michmash from which tim e till near the 3
close o f his reign the Philistines remain upon the defensive .
He also attacks the Amalekites the Moabites the Edom ites , , ,
and the Syrians o f Zobah In the Amalekite war he o ffends .
G o d b y disobedience and thereby forfeits his right t o the king

,
dom Samuel by divine comm and anoints David who is

.
, , ,
thenceforth an o b j ect o f j ealousy and hatred to the reigning

monarch but is protected by Jonathan hi s son Towards the
, , .
close of Saul s reign the Philistines once m ore assum e the oi

’
fensive under Achish king of Gath and at M ount Gilboa

, , ,
defeat the Israelites under Saul Saul and all h is sons but one .
,
( Ishbosheth ) fall in the battle, .
A temporary division of the kingdom follows the death of

Saul Ishbosheth conveyed across the Jordan by Abner is
.
, ,
ac k nowledged as ruler in Gilead and after five years during , ,
which his authority is extended over all the tribes except

J u dah is formally crowned as King of Israel at Mahanaim
, .
H e reigns there two ye a rs when he i s murdered M eanwhile

, .
David is made king by his ow n tribe Judah and reigns at , ,
H ebron .
O n the death of Ishbosheth David becam e king o f the whole ,
nation H i s first act was the capture o f Jerusalem which up

.
,
to this time had remained in the possession of the Jebusites .
H aving taken it he made it the s eat o f government built him

, ,
self a palace there and by removing to it the Ark of the Cove

, ,
nant constituted it the national sanctuary At the same tim e

, .
a co u rt was formed at the new capital a m oderate seraglio ,
set up and a royal state aff ected unknown hitherto in Israel

, .
A vast aggrandizement of the state by m eans of foreign c on

quests followed The Philistines were chastised Gath taken
.
, ,
and the Israelite dominions in this quarter pushed as far as

Gaza M oab w as inv a ded tw o thirds of the inhabitants ex
.
,
-
A N CI EN T H I S T O RY 45
terminated and the remainder forced to pay an a n nual tribute

,
to the conqueror War followed with Am mo n and with the

.
,
various Syria n states interposed betwee n the H oly Land and

the Euphrat es At least three great battles were fought with
.
,
the result that the entire tract betwee n the Jord an a n d the Eu
p h r at e s was added to the I sraelite territory A campaign r e .
du ce d Edom and extended the ki n gdom to the Red Sea

, An .
emp ire was thus formed which proved indeed short —,

lived but ,
w as as real while it lasted as those o f Assyria or B abylon .
The glories of David s rei g n were tarnished by two r e

’
hellions . The fatal taint of p ol y ga my introduced b y David ,
into the nation gave occasio n to thes e calam ities which arose
, ,
from the mutual j ealousies o f his sons First Absalom and .

,
then Adonij ah assum e the r oyal title in their father s lifetime ;

,
’
and pay for tre a son th e on e immedi a tely the other ultimatel y
, , ,
with their lives After the second rebellion D avid secures

.
,
the succession to Solom on by associating h i m upon the throne .
The reign of Solom on is the culminati n g p oint of Jewish

history Resi st a nce on the p a rt of the conquered st a tes has
.
,
with s c a r e l y an exception n ow ceased and the n ew king c an

c
, ,
”
a ffor d to be a ma n o f p e a ce The position of his ki n gdo m
.
among the nations o f the earth i s acknowledged by the neigh

boring powers a n d the reig n ing Pharaoh does not scruple t o
,
g ive him his daughter in marriage A gre a t com mercial m ove.
m ent follows B y alliance with H iram o f Tyre Solomon is

.
,
admitted to a share i n the profits o f Ph oenician tra ffi c and the ,
vast influx o f the precious metals into Palestine which results

from this arrangem e n t e n ables the Jewish mo n arch t o indulge
freely h i s taste for ostent a tio n an d display The cou rt is reco n .
structed on an increased scale A new palace o f e n larged di .
me n si on s and far greater architectural mag n ificence s uper

sedes the palace o f David The seraglio i s augm ented and .
,
reaches a point which has no known par a llel A throne o f .
extraordinary grandeur proclaims in la n guage i n telligible t o

all the wealth and greatness of the empire Above all a sanct .
,
uary for the national worship is constructed on the rock of

M oriah o n which all the m echanic a l a n d artistic resources o f
,
the time a re lavished ; a n d th e Ark o f the Cove na nt whose ,
w an deri n gs have hitherto ma rked the u n settled a n d insecure

46 RA W L I N S O N
condition of the nation Obta i ns at l e ng t h a fixed and per ma,

'
n ent resting place -

.
B ut close upon the heels of success and glory follows decli n e .
The trade o f Solomon — a State monopoly— enriched himself
but n ot his subj ects The taxes which he imposed on the prov
.
i n c e s for the sustent atio n o f his enormous court exhausted a nd

impover i shed them H i s employment of vast masses of the
.
p eople in forced labors of an unproductive character was a

wrongful and uneconomical interference with industry which ,
crippled agriculture and aroused a strong feeling of discontent .
Local j ealousies were provoked by the excessive exalt ation of

the tribe of Judah The e n ervating influence of luxury bega n
.
to be felt Finally a subtle corruption was allowed to spread

.
,
itself through all ranks by the encouragement given t o fals e

religions religions whose licentious and cruel rites were su b
,
versive of the first principles o f m orality and even o f decency ,
The s eeds o f the disintegratio n which showed itself imm e

di at e ly upon the death o f Solomon were sow n during his life
time ; an d it is o n ly surprising that they did not com e to light
earlier and interfere m ore seriously with the prosp erity of his
long reig n .
O n th e death of S olomo n the disi n tegr a ting forces a lready , ,
threatening the unity o f the empire received through the folly , ,
of h i s successor a sudde n accessio n of strength which pre

, ,
c i p i t at e d the catastrophe Rehobo a m entreated t o lighten the

.
,
burdens of the I sraelites decl a red his i n tention o f increasing ,
their weight and thus drove the bulk of his n ative subj ects
,
into rebellion The disunion o f the co n quering p eople gave

.
the conquered trib es a n opportunity o f throwing off the yoke ,
whereof with few exceptions they availed themselves In lieu .
of the puissant State which under David a n d Solomo n took ,
rank among the forem ost powers of the earth we have hence ,
forth to deal with two petty ki n gdoms o f s mall account the ,
i n terest of whose history is religious rather than p olitical .
The kingdom of I srael established by the revolt of Jero

’
,
boam comprises ten out o f the twelve tribes and reaches from
, ,
the borders of Damascus an d Hamath to within te n miles o f

Jerusalem It includes the whole of the tra n s Jor danic terri
.
-
tory and exercises lordship over the a d j oi n i n g country of

,
A N CI E N T H I ST O RY 47
Moab The p rop ortio n of it s p opulation to that of Judah

.
i n the early times may be estimated as two to o n e B ut the .
advantage o f superior size fertility and population is counter , ,
balanced by the inferiority o i every I sraelite capital to Je ru sa

lem and by the fundam ental weakness of a governm ent which
, ,
deserting purity of religion adopts for exp edien cy s sak e an ,

’
unauthorized and s emi idolatrous worship I n vain a succes-

.
sion o f Prophets som e o f them endowed with extraordinary

,
m iraculous power struggled against this fatal taint I dolatry

,
.
,
intertwined with the nation s life could not be rooted o u t ’
,
.
O ne form o f the evil led on to oth er and wors e forms The .
n ation a l strength was sapp ed ; and it scarcely required an

attack fro m without to bring the State to dissolution The .
actual fall however is produced B C 72 1 by the growing

, ,
. .
,
power o f Assyria which has even at an earlier date forced s ome

,
o f the m onarchs to pay tribute .
The separate kingdom of Judah com m encing at the same ,
date with that o f I srael outlasted it by considerably more than

,
a century Composed o f two entire tribes only with refugees

.
,
from the remainder and confined to the lower and less fertile
,
portion of the Holy Land it comp ensated for these di sadv an ,
tages by its compactness its unity the strong position o f its , ,
capital and the indomitable spirit of its inhab itants who felt
,
,
,
”
them selves the real p eople of God the true inheritors of the ,
marvellous past and the only rightful claimants o f the greater

,
marvels promised in the future Surrounded as it was by .
p etty enemies Philistines Arabians Am m onites I sraelites

, , , , ,
Syrians and placed in the pathway between two mighty pow

,
ers Assyria and Egypt its existe n ce was continually threat

, ,
ened ; but the valor of it s people and th e protection o f D ivine

Providence preserved it intact during a space o f nearly four
centuries In strikin g contrast with the sister kingdom o f the
.
North it preserved during this lon g space almost without a

, ,
break th e h ereditary succession of it s kings who followed on e

, ,
another in the direct line of descent as long as there was no ,
foreign i n tervention Its elasticity in recovering from defeat

.
is most remarkable Though forced repeatedly to make i g

.
n o mi n i o u s term s o f p eace though condemned to se e on three ,
occasions its capital in the occupation of an enemy it rises ,

43 RAW L I N S O N
from disaster with its stre n g th s ee mingly unimpaired defies

,
Assyria in o n e reign confronts Egypt in a n other and i s onl y

, ,
crushed at last by the employment against it of the full force

o f the B a b y lo n i an emp ire
.
PA R T I I — A FR I C A N
. N AT I O N S .
P R E L I M I NA R Y R E M A R K S O N TH E G E O G R A P H Y
O F AN C I E N T A FR I CA .
The contine n t of Africa o ff ers a remarkable contr a st to that

o f Asia in every important physical characteristic Asia ex .
tends itself through all three zones the torrid the frigid and , , ,
the temp erate and lies m ainly in the last or most favored of
, ,
them Africa b elongs alm ost entirely to the torrid zone ex

.
,
tending only a little way north and south into thos e p ortions
o f the t w o temperat e zones which lie nearest to the tropics .
Asia h as a coast deeply indented with num erous bays and

gulfs ; Africa has but on e considerable indentation— the Gulf
o f Guinea on its western side Asia again i s traversed by fre , ,
q uent and lofty mountain chains the sources from which flow ,
n um erous rivers of fi r st rate magnitude Africa has but two

-
.
great rivers th e Nile and the Niger and i s deficient in m oun

, ,
tains o f high elevation Finally Asia possesses num erous lit

.
,
toral islands o f a large size ; Africa has but on e such island ,
Madagas car ; and even th e islets which lie o ff its coast are ,
comparatively speaking few , .
Its equatorial p osition its low elevation and its want o f i m

, ,
portant rivers render Africa the hottest the dryest and the
, , ,
m ost infertile of the four continents I n the north a s e a o f .
sand known as the Sahar a stretch es from east to west across

, ,
the entire continent from th e Atlantic to the Red Sea and ,
occupies fully on e fift h of its surface S maller tracts o f a n

-
.
almost equally arid character occur towards the s outh Much .
of the interior consists of swampy j ungle imp ervious and fatal , ,
to human life Th e physical characteristics of the continent

.
render it generally unapt for civilization o r for the growth o f

great states : it is only in a few regions th a t Nature wears
a more benignant aspect an d o ffers conditions favorable to
,
human progress These regions are chiefly i n the north a nd

.
4 49
50 RA W L I N S O N
the north —east in the near vicinity of the M editerranean a n d

,
the Red Sea .
It was only the more no r thern part o f Africa that was known
to the ancients or that had any direct b earin g on th e history
,
of the ancient wo r ld H ere the geographical features were

.
ver y marked and stri k ing First the r e lay C lose along the .
,
s ea —shore a narrow strip of generally fertile territory watered ,
b y streams which emptied thems elves into the M editerranean .
So u th of this w as a tract of rocky m o u ntain less fitted for ,
h u man ha b itation though in places producing abundance of

,
dates Thirdly cam e the Great D es ert intersp ersed with

.
, ,
oases— islands in the sea of sand containing springs of water

and a flo u rishin g vegetation B elow the Sahara and com .
,
p l e t e l y sep arated by it from any p olitical contact with the coun

t r ies of the north b ut crossed occasionally by caravans for
,
p u r poses of comm erce was a second fertile region— a land

,
of large rivers and lakes where there were cities and a num er
,
01 15 population .
The w estern portion o f No rth Africa stood in som e respects , ,
in marked contrast with the eastern Towards th e east the .
fertile coast tract is in general exceedingly narrow and sp ar

-
,
i n g l y watered b y a small number of insignificant streams Th e .
range of b are roc k y hills from which they flow —the continu a
tion of Atlas— is of low elevation ; and th e Great D es e r t often
approaches within a very sho rt distance of the coast Towards .
t h e west the lofty range of Atlas running at a considerabl e ,
distance (2 00 miles ) from th e shore allows a broad tract o f ,
fertile gro u nd to inte r ven e between its crest and th e s ea The .
range itself is well wooded and gives birth to man y rivers of ,
a fair size H ere states of importance may grow up for t h e

.
,
reso u rces of the tract are great ; the soil is good ; th e clim ate
not insalubrio u s ; b u t towards the east Nature has b een a
niggard ; and from long 1 0 E nearly to long
,
. there °
. .
i s not a sin gle position where even a s econd rate state could -
lon g maintain its elf .
The des cription of No rth Africa which has b een here given , ,
holds good as f ar as long 30 but east of this line th ere com

.
°
m enees another and very di fferent region From th e high .
lands of Abyssinia and the great reservoirs on the line of the

A N CI E NT H I ST O RY 5:
equator the Nile rolls down its vast body of w a ters with a
,
course whose general di r ection is from south to north and , ,
meeting the Desert flows across it in a mighty stream which

, ,
renders this corner of the continent the richest and m ost valu
able of all the tracts contained in it The N ile valley is 3 000 .
miles long and in its upp er p o rtion of unknown width When

, , ,
.
it enters the Desert a b o u t lat its width contracts ; and

,
.
from the sixth cataract down to Cairo th e average breadth of ,
the cultivable s oil does not exceed fifteen m iles This soil .
,
however is of the best possible quality ; and the possession

,
o f the strip on either side o f the river and of the broader tract ,
known as the D elta about its m outh naturally constitutes

, ,
the power which holds it a great and important state Th e .
proximity o f this part of Africa t o Western Asia and to Europ e ,
it s healthine ss a nd comparatively temp erate cli mate likewis e ,
favored the develop m ent in this region o f an early civilization

and th e formation of a monarchy which played an important
part in th e history of the ancient world .
Above the point at which the Nile enters the D es ert o n the ,
right or east bank of th e stream occurs another tract physi , ,
c all v very remarkable and capable of becoming p olitically o f

,
high consideration Here th ere is interp osed between th e main

.
stream of the Nil e and the Red Sea an elevated table — land 8000 ,
feet above the ocean level surrounded and intersected by -

,
mountains which rise in places to the height of

, feet .
Thes e lofty masses attract a n d condense the vapors that float

in from the neighboring se a ; and the country is thus subj ect
to viole n t rains which during th e sum mer m onths fill the river
,
courses a nd flowing down them to the Nile are th e caus e o f

, , ,
’
that stream s periodical overflow and so of th e rich fertility ,
of E gy pt The abundance of m oisture renders the plateau

.
generally p roductive ; a nd the re gi on which may b e regarded ,
as containing from to square miles is thus ,
o n e well capable o f n ourishing a n d sustaini n g a p ower of the
first magnitude .
The nations inhab itin g Northern Africa in th e times an

t e r i or to Cyrus were accordin g to th e belief of th e Greeks
, ,
five These were th e Egyptians t h e Ethiopi a ns the Greeks

.
, , ,
the Ph oenicians and the Lib ya ns ,

.
52 RA W L I N S O N
E G Y PT .
To the Egyptians belonged th e Nile valley fro m l a t 2 4 t o .

°
the coast together with the b arren region between that valley
,
and the Red Sea and the fertile tract o f th e Faioo m about
,
Moeris o n the opposite side of the stream Its m ost important

,
.
p ortion was the Delta which contained about 8000 square ,
m iles and was studded with cities o f note The chief towns
,
.
were however in the narrow valley These were M emphis

, , .
,
not much above the ap ex of the D elta and Thebes about lat , , .
B esides these th e places o f importance were in Upper

, ,
Egypt Elephantine and Chemm is or Panopolis ; in the lower

, ,
country H eliopolis Sai s S e b e nn v t u s M endes Tanis B ubas

, , , , , ,
t i s and P e l u si u m
,
The Nile was the only Egyptian river ; but
.
at the distance o f about ninety miles from th e sea the great ,
stream divided itself into three distinct channels k nown as the ,
Canobie the S e b e nnyt i c and the P e l u siac b ranches while

, , , ,
lower down these channels further subdivided themselves so

, ,
that in the time of H erodotus the N ile waters reached the

M editerranean by s even distinct m ouths Egypt had o ne l a rge .
and s everal smaller lakes The large lake known by the name .
,
o f Moeris lay o n the west side o f the Nile in lat 2 9 5 0 ° '

.
, ,
It was believed to be artificial but w as reall y a natural de ,
p ression .
ET H I O P I A .
The Ethiopians held the valley o f the Nile above Egypt and ,
the whole of the plateau from which descend the great Nile
a ffl u e n t s the modern country o f Abyssinia
,
Their chief city .
was M ero e Little was known o f the tract by the ancients ;

.
but it was believed to b e excessively rich in gold A tribe .
called Troglodyte Ethiopians— i e Ethiopians who burrowed . .

,
underground— i s m entioned as inhabiting the Sahara where

it ad j oins u pon Fezz an .
A N C IE N T H IS T O R Y 53
G R E EK S E TT L E M E N T S .
The Greeks had colo n ized th e portion of North Afric a which

approached m ost nearly t o the Peloponnese having settled at ,
Cyre n e about B C 6 3 0 a n d at B arca about seventy years after

. .
,
wards .They had als o a colony at Naucratis in Egypt and ,
perhap s a settlement at the greater O asis .
LI B YA N S .
The Libyans possessed the greater part of Northern Africa ,
extending as they did from the borders of Egypt to the A t

, ,
lantic O cean and from the M editerranean t o the Great D esert

, .
Th ey were divided into a number of tribes am ong which the ,
following were the m ost remarkable : the A dyr mac h i dae who ,
bordered o n Egypt th e N asam on ian s on the greater Syrtis

, ,
the G ar amant e s in the m odern Fezzan and th e Atlantes in ,
th e range of Atlas M ost of these races were nomadic ; but

.
som e o f the more western cultivated the soil and consequently , , ,
had fixed abodes Politicall y a ll thes e tribes were excessivel y

.
,
weak .
C A RT H A G E .
The Carthaginians o r Liby —Phoenicians— imm igrants into

,
Africa like th e Greeks — had fixed them selves in the fertile

re gion north o f the Atlas chain at the p oint where it approaches ,
nearest to Sicily H ere in a cluster lay th e important towns

.
o f Carthage Utica H ipp o Z ar it u s Tunis and Zama Regia

, , , , ,
while a little removed were A dr u m e t u m L e p ti s and Hippo

’
, ,
Regius The entire tract w as fertile and well watered inter

.
,
se c t e d by numerous ran ges spurs from th e main chain o f ,
Atlas. Its principal river was th e B ag r ada ( now M aje r dah ) ,
which emptied itself into the s ea a little t o the north —west of

Carthage The entire coast was indented by num erous b ays ;
.
and excellent land locked harbors were form ed by salt lakes

-
connected with the sea by narrow channels Such w a s the .
H ipp on it e s Palus ( L B e n z art ) near Hippo Z ar it u s and the

.
,
great harbor of C a rthage now th a t of Tunis Next t o the

, .
54
RAW LI N S O N
Nile valley this was the portion o f Northern Africa most fa

,
v o r e d by Nature and best suited fo r the habitation o f a gre a t

,
power .
The early establishment o f monarchical government i n

Egypt is indicated in Scripture by the m ention o f a Phar a oh
as contemporary with Abraham Th e full account which is .
given of the general character of the kingdo m administered

by Joseph suggests as the era o f its foundation a date c on sid
’
e r ab l y m ore ancient than that o f Abraham s visit The priests .
themselves claimed for the monarchy in the tim e o f H e ro do ,
t u s an antiquity of above
,
years M anetho writing .
,
after the reduction of h i s country by the Macedonians was ,
more moderate assigning to the thirty dynasties which ac

, ,
cording t o him preceded the Macedonia n conquest a n umber

, ,
o f y ears amounting in the aggregate to rather m ore than 5 000 .
The several item s which produce this amount may be correct ,
o r nearly so ; but if their sum is a ssumed as measuri n g the

,
duration o f the monarchy the calculation will be largely i n ,

’
excess ; for the Egyptian m onum ents show that M anetho s
dy n asties were often reign i n g at the sa m e time in di ffere n t
parts of the country The di fli cul ty o f determining the true
.
‘
chronology of early Egypt arises from an uncertainty as t o

the extent to which Manetho s dy n asties were contemporary ’
.
The m onuments prove a certain amount o f contemporaneity .
B ut it is unreasonable to suppose that they exhaust the subj ect ,
o r do m ore than indicate a practice the extent o f which must
be determined partly by exami n ation o f o ur documents partly

, ,
by reasonable conj ecture .
A careful examination o f the names and numbers in M a ne

tho s lists a nd a laborious investigation o f the m onuments
’
, ,
have led the best English Egyptologers to construct o r adopt , ,
the subj oined schem e as that which best expresses the real
,
positio n in which M a n etho s first seve n teen dynasties stood ’
t o one another .
It will be seen that according to this s cheme there were

, ,
in Egypt during the early period at on e tim e two at another , ,
three at another fi v e or even six parallel o r contemporaneous

, ,
kingdoms established in di ff ere n t parts of the country Fo r

, .
ex a mple while the first and second d y nasties of M a netho were

,
AN CI EN T H I ST O RY 55
4 th 5 th
a
D y n s ty , D n a s ty ,
e
M mp h i t e E e p h an
e
.
ti n .
2 200
2 1 00
1 2 th 1 4 th 1 5 th 1 6t h
D a ty
s D a
n s t y, a
D y n sty , a
D y n st y ,
eb a e e e e
,
T ns . oi te s. S h p h rds . S h p h rd s .
2 000
O p oli t e .
ruling a t This his third fourth an d sixth b ore sway at M e m

, , ,
phis ; and during a portion of this tim e h is fifth dynasty was

, ,
ruling at Elephantine his ninth at Heracleopolis a n d his elev

, ,
e nt h at Thebes o r D iospolis And th e sam e general condition .
o f things prevailed till ne a r the C lose o f the sixteenth century
B C when Egypt was probably for the first tim e united i n to

. .
, , ,
a single kingdom ruled from the o n e ce n tre Thebes

, , .
It is doubtful h o w far th e names and n umb ers in M an e

tho s first a nd third dynasties are h istorical The correspond
’
.
ence of the nam e M enes ,

with that of other traditional
fou n ders of n ations o r first m e n— With the Man es o f Lydia
, ,
the Phrygian M anis the Cretan M inos the Indian M enu the
German M annus and th e like—raises a suspicion that here t oo
, , ,
we are dealing with a fictitious personage an ideal a nd not ,

56 R A WL I N S O N
a real founder The imp robably long reign a ssigne d to M na

.
’
sixty sixt y —
two years ) and hi strange death — h e is said
( o r s ,
t o have been killed by a hippopotamus — increase the doubt

which th e nam e causes M na s son and successor A t h oth is .
’ ’
( Thoth ) the Egyptian

,
ZE sc u l ap i u s seems to b e equally myth ,
ical The other names are such as may have been borne by
.
real kings and it is possible that in Manetho s tim e they existed

,
’
on m on u m ents ; but the chronology which in the case o f the , ,
first dynasty gives an average o f thirty two or thirty three

,
- -
years to a reign i s evidently in excess and can n ot be trusted

, , .
FI R T S D YNA S T Y ( T H IN IT E ) . T HI R D D YNA STY ( M E M P H I T E ) .
Y ea rs. Y ea rs .
K i ng s .
E u se b . A fri c . E u se b . A fri c .
M e ne s
A th ot h i s ( h i s son ) .
K e n ke n e s ( h i s son )
U e n e ph e s ( h i s son )
U sap h ae du s ( h i s son )
M i e b idu s ( h i s son )
Se me mp se s ( h i s s on) .
B i e n e ch e s ( h i s son) .
2 58 263 2 98 2 14
’
With M anetho s second and fourth dynasties we reach the
tim e o f contemporary monum ents and feel ourselves o n sure ,
historical ground The tomb of Koe e c h u s ( Ke — . ke ou ) th e -

,
second king of the seco n d dynasty has been found near the ,
pyramids of Gizeh ; and Soris S u p h i s I ( Shufu ) .

,
S u p h i s I I ( Nou shufu ) and M e n c h e re s ( Men ka r é ) the first

.
-
,
- -
,
four kin gs of the fourth are known to us from several i n sc r ip ,
tions There i s distinct monumental evidence that the second

.
,
fourth and fifth dynasties were contemporary The fourth was

, .
the principal one of the three and bore sway at M emphis over ,
Lower Egypt while the s econd ruled Middle Egypt from

,
This and the fifth Upper Egypt from Elephantine Probably

, .
the kings of the second a nd fifth dynasties were connected by

blood with those of the fourth and held their respective crowns ,
b y per m issio n of the M e m phit e sov e r e ig n s The to m bs of .

A N CIENT H I ST O R Y 57
m onarchs belonging to all three dynasties exist in the n eigh

b o r h o o d o f M emphis ; and there i s even som e doubt whether
a king o f the fifth Sha i r e was not the true founder o f the
, ,
Second Pyramid near that city .
The date of the establishment at M emphis o f the fourt h

dynasty is given variously as B C 3 2 09 ( B unsen ) B C 2 4 50
. .
, . .
( Wilkinson ) and B C
,
2 4 4 0 ( Poole
.
) . And the tim e during .
which it occup ied the throne is estimated variously at 2 40 2 1 0 , ,
and 1 5 5 years The Egyptian practice o f association is a fertile

.
source of chronological confusion ; and all estimates of the

duration of a dynasty so long as the practice continued are
, ,
mainly conj ectural Still the comparatively low dates o f the

.
English Egyptologers are on every ground preferable to the

higher dates of the Germans ; and the safest conclusion that
c an be drawn from a comparison o f M anetho with the monu
ments seems to be that a p owerful monarchy was established

,
at M emphis as early as the middle o f the twenty fi ft h century -
B C
. .
,which was in so me sort p a r a mount over the whole
country .
It is evident from th e m onum e n ts that the civilization of

E gypt at this early date was in many respects of an advanced
order A high degree of m echanical science and skill i s i m
.
plied i n the quarrying transporting and raising into place of

, ,
th e huge blocks whereof the pyramids are composed and c on ,
side r ab l e mathematical knowledge in the emplacement of each
pyramid so as exactly to face th e cardinal points Writing .
appears in no rudim entary form but in such a shape as t o ,
imply long use B esides the hieroglyphics which are well a nd

.
,
accurately c u t a cursive character is seen o n s om e of the

,
blocks the precursor o f t h e later hieratic The reed pen and

,
.
-
inkstand are among the h i e r og— l y p h i c s employed ; and th e

scribe appears pen in hand in the paintings on the tombs
, , ,
making notes o n linen or papyrus The drawing o f human .
a n d animal figures is fully equ al if n ot superior to that o f , ,
later tim es ; an d the trades represented are nearly the sam e

as are found under the Ram esside kings Altogether it is .
app a rent that the Egyptians of the Pyramid period were n ot

just em ergi n g ou t of b a rbarism but were a peopl e who h a d ,
ma de ver y co n sider a ble progre ss i n the a rts of life .

58 RA W L I N S O N
The governmental system was not of the simple char a cter

which is fou n d in k ingdoms recently formed ou t o f village or
tribe com munities but had a complicated orga n ization o f the
,
sort which usually grows up with tim e Egypt was divided .
i n to nomes e a ch of which had its governor The military and

, .
civil ser vices were separate and each possessed various grades ,
and kinds o f functionaries The priest caste was as distinct .
a s in later tim es and p erfor med much the sam e duties

, .
Aggressive war had begun to be waged The mineral treas .
ures of the Sinaitic p eni n sul a excited the cupidity o f the Mem
p h it i c kings and Soris the first king o f the dynasty seems
, , ,
to have conquered and occupied it The copper m ines o f Wady .
Maghara and Sarab it e l —Kadi m were worked by the gr eat Pyr -
a mid monarchs whose op er a tio n s there were evidently exten

,
sive Whether there is any ground for regarding the ki n ds

.
in question as especially tyrannical may perhaps b e doubted , .
O ne of them was said to have written a sacred book and an ,
other ( according to Herodotus ) had the character of a mild

and good monarch The pyramids may have been built by the .
labor of captives taken in war in which case the native p op u ,

~
lation would not have su ffered by their erection .
CO N TEMPO R A RY D Y N A ST I E S F R O M A B OU T B C . . 2440 T O 2220 .
B RAN C H D YNA STY CH I EF OR S TE D YNA ST Y

M B RAN H D YNA STY V
C E LE
M EM P H I TE
. . . .
II . T H I N IT E . IV . . P H AN T IN E .
Y rs .
B o e t h u s or B och u s 3 8 So ris U se r ch e r e s ( O si r
K oe e c h u s ( Ke ke Su p h i s I . 28
ou ) Su p h i s I I .
(b Se ph r e s ( Sh afr é ) 13
B i n ot h r i s er ) N e p h e rc h e r e s
Tl as M e n ch e re s ( son of ( N ofr -ke re ) -
ir -
20
Se t h e n e s Su p h i s I ) . Si sir e s ( O si r-n r é ) -
7
C h ae re s R at o i se s h
C e re s 20
N e ph e r ch e r e s . B i ch e r i s R ath u r e s 44
S e soc h r i s . Se b e r ch e re s M e nc h e r e s 9
C h e n e re s T h amph t h i s T anch e r e s 44
O nnu s ( U -
n as ) 33
2 18
The fourth o r pyramid dynasty was succeeded a t M em

phis by the s ixth M ane th onian dy na st y a bout B C 22 20 The , . . .
AN CIENT H IST O RY 59
seco n d a nd fifth still bore sway at This and Eleph an ti n e ; while

wholly new and probably indep endent dynasties now started
up at Heracleopolis a n d Thebes The M emphitic kings lost .
their pre eminence Egypt was broken up into really separate

-
.
kingdom s am ong which the Theb an gr a du a lly bec a m e the

,
most powerful .
CO N T E M P O R A R Y D Y N AST I E S FR O M A BOU T B C
. . 2220 T O 2080 .
E IX H ERA THE AN
"
VI M EM PH IT E V EP HAN T I NE XI
.
. . . L . . B .
C LE O P O L IT E .
Y rs
Oh S ix t ee n ki ng s
.
( C on t inu i ng t 30 ( C ontin ui ng ) A c h t h oe s
'
1 o s .
e
.
u nd r t h e [2 P h ios 53 ( M u n t op t I
e e
.
a ee
.
l st t h r 3 M e t h osu p h is 7] S r i s of
e
. .
king s ‘ .
4 . P h iop s ( P p i ) E ne n te fs .
5 . M e nt h e su p h i s I
6 . N i t ocri s ( N e i t ak re t) 12 M u nt op t I L ) . 1 7 A mm e ne me s
.
( Am u n m h é )- - .
The we a k n ess o f Egypt thus parcelled o u t into five king ,
doms te mpted foreign a ttack ; and about B C 2 080 o r a little

, ,
. .
,
later a powerful enem y e n tered Lower Egypt from the n orth

,
east and succeeded in destroyi n g th e M e mphite kingdom and

, ,
obt a i n i n g possession of al most the whole cou n try below lat .
29
°
These were the so c a lled H yk—
sos o r Shepherd Kings -
, ,
n omades from either Syri a or Arabi a who exercised with ex ,
trem e severity a ll the rights of conquerors burnin g the cities , ,
r a zing the temples t o the ground exter mi n ating the male ,
Egypti an population an d ma kin g slaves of the wom en and ,
C hildren There is reason to believe that at least two Shepherd

.
dy na sties ( Manetho s fiftee n th and sixtee n th ) were established ’
simultaneously in the co n quered territory the fifteenth reign ,
i n g at Memphis a n d the sixtee n th either in the Delta o r at, ,
Av a ris ( P e l u siu m P) Native Egyptian dynasties continued .

,
however t o hold much of the cou n try The n i n th ( H e rac l e op

, .
olite ) held the Fai oom and the Nile valley southward as far
a s Hermopolis ; the twelfth bore sway at Thebes ; th e fifth
continued u n disturbed a t Elephanti n e In the heart m ore .
,
over o i the Shepherd co n quests a new native kingdom sprang

, ,
up ; and the fourtee n th ( X oit e ) dynasty m ai n tained itself ’
throughout the w h ol e p e riod o f H yk so s asce n de n c y i n th e -
m ost ce n tr a l p ortio n of th e D elt a .

60 RAW L I N S O N
CO N T E M P O R A R Y D YN AST I E S FR O M A BOU T B C
. . 2080 T O 1900 .
V E LE IX H ERA T H E B AN XV XVI
XH
S H EP H ER S S H EPH ER S
. . . .
' '
PH A N T IN E . C L E O P O L IT E . D . D .
Y rs
( C on t in u ing ( C ont inu I S e sonc h osis, so n o f 1. Sal a t i s
ab
.
t ill ou t i ng ) A mme ne ne s ( Se
i
.
B C.
. sor t ase n
2. A mme n e me s II .
( A mu n m - -hé 38
3 S e so s t r i s ( S e sor t a 3 A p ac h nas 3 6
.
II
.
se n .
)
4 A p O PhiS 61
5 A me re s
III
.
6 A mm e n e me s
. .
( A mu n m-h é -
8
7 Ske mi op h r is ( h is sis
.
t e r)
X III . T H E B AN .
Simultaneously with the irruption of the Shepherds occurred

an increase of the power o f Thebes which under the monarchs , ,
o f the twelfth dynasty the S e so r t ase n s and Amun m h é s ac ,

- -
quired a paramount authority over all Egypt from the borders

o f Ethiopia to the neighborhood of M emphis The E l e p h an .
tine and Heracleopolite dynasties though continuing beca m e , ,
subordinate Even H eliopolis below M emphis owned the

.
, ,
authority o f these powerful m onarchs who h eld the Sinaitic ,
peninsula and carried their arms into Arabia an d Ethiopia

,
.
Amun m h é I I I who seems to be the Maris ( or L am ar is)

- -
.
,
of Manetho and the Moeris o f Herodotus constructed the ,
remarkable work in the Fai oom known as the La b yrinth Se .
s o r t ase n I built numerous temples and erected an obelisk

.
,
.
Architecture and the arts generally flourished ; irrigation was

extended and the oppression o f Lower Egypt under the rude
Shepherd kings seem ed for a considerable tim e to have aug
m e n t e d rather th a n diminished the prosperity o f the Upper
, ,
country .
B ut darker days arrived The Theb a n monarchs of the thir .
t e e nt h dynasty less warlike or less fortunate than their prede

,
c e ssor s found themselves unable to resist the terrible Shep

,
herds and quitting their capital fled into Ethiopia while

, , , ,
the i n vaders wreaked their vengeance on the memori a ls of the

Se sort ase ns Probably a fter a while the refuge es retur n ed
.
, ,
an d took up the p osition of tributaries a positio n which must ,
also have been occupied by all the other n ative monarchs who
still maintained themselves excepting possibly the X o it e s , ,
who may have found the marshes o f the D elta an e ffectual

protection The complete establishm ent of the authority o f
.
the Shepherds may be dated about B C 1 900 Their do . . .
minion lasted till about B C 1 5 2 5 The s eventh and eighth . . .
( Memphitic ) dynasties the tenth ( H eracleopolite) a nd the , ,
seventeenth ( Shepherd ) belong to this interval This is the .
darkest period of Egyptia n h istory The Shepherds left no .
m o n um ents ; and during nearly 3 00 y ears th e very n ames o f

the kings are unknown to us .
A n ew day breaks upon us with the accessio n to p ower of

’
M anetho s eighteenth dynasty about B C 1 5 2 5 A great na , . . .
t i onal m ovem ent headed by A m o si s ( Am es o r A ah m e s) king

, ,
o f the Thebaid drove the foreign invaders after a stout c o n

, ,
fl i ct from the soil o f E gy pt and releasing the country from the

, , ,
i n cubus which h a d so long lain upon it allowed the genius o f ,
the p eople free pla y The m ost flourishing period o f Egyptia n

.
history followed The Theb an ki n g w h o had led the move

.
,
m ent received as h i s reward the su p re m e authority over the

,
whole cou n try a right which was inherited by his successors

, .
Egypt was henceforth until the tim e o f the Ethiop ic conquest , ,
a single centralized m onarchy Contempor a ry dyn asties .
ceased Egyptian art attained its highest perfectio n The

. .
great temple palaces o f Thebes were built Nu merous obelisks

-
.
were erected Internal prosperity led to aggressive w a rs

. .
Ethiopia Arabi a a nd Syria were invaded The Euphrates

, ,
.
was crossed ; and a portio n o f M esopotami a added t o the

empire .
The decline of Egypt u n der the twe n tieth dynasty is ver y

marked We ca n ascribe it t o n othing but i n ternal decay
.
a decay proceeding m a inly fro m thos e natural causes which
are always at work co m pelling natio n s and races like indi

, ,
v i du al s after they have reached m a turity to sink in vital forc e

, , ,
t o become debilitated an d fin a lly to perish U n der the ni n e

,
.
t e e nt h dynasty Egypt reach ed her high est pitch o f greatness ,
intern al and external ; under th e twentieth sh e rapidly s a nk ,
a like in militar y p ower i n a rtistic ge n ius an d i n t a ste For , , .

62 RA W L I N S O N
a space of almost tw o centuries from about B C 1 1 70 to 990 , . .

,
she scarcely undertook a si n gle important enterprise ; her

architectural e fforts during the whole o f this time were mean ,
an d her a rt without spirit or life Subsequently i n the space .

,
between B C 990 and the Persian co n quest B C 5 2 5 sh e

. .
,
. .
,
experienced one or two revivals ; but the reactio n o n thes e

occasions being spasmodic and forced exhausted rather than
, ,
recruited her strength ; nor did the e ff orts m ade great as they ,
were su ffice to do more than check for a while the decade n ce

,
which they could not avert .
Amo n g the sp ecial causes which produced this unusually

rapid decline the foremost place must be assigned to the spirit
,
o f caste and particularly to the undue predominance o f the

,
s a cerdotal order It is true that castes in the strict sense of

.
,
the word did n ot exist in Egypt since a son was n ot ab so

, ,
l u t e l y compelled to follow his father s profession B ut the ’

.
separation of classes was so sh a rply and clearly defined the ,
hereditary descent of professions w as so much the rule th a t the ,
s y stem closely approximated to that which has been so lo n g

established in India and which prevails there at the present ,
day It had in fact all the evils of caste It discouraged prog

.
, , .
ress ad v ance improvement ; it repressed personal ambition ;

, ,
it produced deadness flat n ess dull and tam e uniformity The , , .
priestly influence which pervaded all ranks from the highest ,
to the lowest was used to maintain a conventional stand a rd

, ,
alike in thought in art and in manners Any tendency to , , .
deviate from the se t forms of the old religion that at any tim e ,
s howed itself w as sternly check ed The inclination of art to

, .
become naturalistic was curbed and subdued All intercourse .
with foreigners which m ight have introduced C hanges o f man

,
ners was forbidden The aim was to maintain things at a

,
.
certain set level which was fixed and unalterable B ut as , .

,
”
non progredi est regredi the result of repressing all advance ,
and imp rovement was t o bring about a rapid and general de

t e r i or at i on .
The growing influe n ce of the priests which seems to have ,
reduced the later m onarchs of the twe n tieth dynast y to

f ainéants was shown still more markedly in the accession to
,
”
power about B C 1 08 5 of the priestly dynasty of Tanites
, . .
, ,
who occupy the twe n ty —

’
fi r st place i n Manetho s list These .
kings who style themselves High —priests of Amun and

,
,
w h o wear the priestly costum e seem to have held their court ,
at Tanis ( Zoan ) in the D elta but were acknowledged for

, ,
kings equally in Upper Egypt It must have been to on e of .
them that Hadad fled when Joab slaughtered the Edomites ,
and in their ranks also must be sought the Pharaoh who gave
his daughter in marriage to Solomon According to Manetho .
,
the dynasty held the thron e for rather more than a hundred
y ears ; but the computation is thought to be in excess .
With S h e sh on k the first king of th e twenty —

,
second dynasty ,
a revival of Egyptian power to a certain extent occurred .
Though S h e sh o nk himself takes the title of High priest of -
Amu n having married the d a ughter of P ish am I I the last

,
.
,
king of the sacerdotal ( twenty fi r st ) dynasty yet beyond this-

,
n o priestly character attaches to the monarchs o f his house .
S h e sh o n k resum es the practice o f military expeditio n s and ,
his examp le is followed by on e o f the O so rkon s M o n uments .
o f som e pretensions are erected by the kings o f th e line at ,
Thebes a n d at B u bast is in the D elta which latter i s the royal ,
city of the time The revival however is p artial and short

.
, ,
lived the later monarchs of the dynasty being as u n dist in

,
g u i sh e d as any that h a d preceded them o n the thron e .
The decline of the m onarchy advanced n ow with r a pid

strides O n th e death of T ake l ot I I a disintegratio n o f the
. .
,
kingdom seems t o have take n place While the B ubastite lin e .
w as carried on in a third Pi sh am ( or Pishai ) and a fourth

Sh e sh on k a rival li n e M a netho s twenty — third dynasty sprang
’
, , ,
up at Tanis and obtained the chief power The k ings of this

, .
line who are four in number a re wholly undistinguished

, ,
.
A transfer of the seat o f empire to Sai s another city of the ,
Delta now took place A king who m M anetho and D io dor u s

, .
called B o c c h ori s (p erh a ps P e h o r) ascended the throne This .
m onarch after he h a d reigned forty —four years— either as an

,
independent pri n ce or as a tributary to Ethiopia —was put t o

death by Sab ac o an Ethiopian w h o conquered Egypt and
, ,
founded the twenty fifth dynasty -

.
Thus it app ears that b etween B C 730 a n d 66 5 Egypt was . .
conquered twice—fi rst by the Ethiop ians and then within , ,

64 RAW LI N S O N
about sixty years by the Assyrians The native Egyptia n

, .
army had grown to b e weak and contemptible from a p rac ,
tice which sprang up under the S h e sh onks of employing

, ,
mainly foreign troops in military exp editions There was also .
( as has b een observed already ) a general decline of the national

spirit which made subm ission to a foreign y oke less galli n g
,
than it would have been at an earlier date .
It i s di fficult t o say at what exact tim e the yoke of Assyria

was thrown o ff P samme t i c h u s ( P samatik
. who seems to
have succeeded h i s father N e c h oh o r to have been associated
, ,
b y him almost im mediately after his ( N e ch oh s) establishment

,
’
as V iceroy by Asshur — bani pal counted his reign from the

-
,
abdication of Tirhakah as if he had from that tim e been inde

,
p endent and sole king B ut there can be little doubt that i n

.
reality for several years h e was m erely o n e of many rul ers ,
all equally subj ect to the great monarch of Assyria The revolt .
which he headed may have happ ened in the reign of Asshur

bani pal ; but m ore probably it fell in that of h i s successor
-
, , .
Perhaps i t s true cause was the shattering o f Assyrian power

by the invasion of the S cyths about B C 6 3 2 P samm e ti ch u s
, . . .
,
by the aid of Greek m ercenaries and ( apparently ) after som e ,
opposition from his brother viceroys made himself i n de p e n ,
dent and established his dominion over the whole of Egypt

,
.
Native rule was thus restored after ne a rly a century o f foreign

domination .
The revolts of Egypt from Persia will necessarily come under

consideration in the section o n the Ach aem enian M onarchy .
Egypt was the most disa ffected o f all the Persian provinces ,
and w as always striving after indep endence Her antagonism .
to Persia seem s to have been less political than p olemical .
It w as no doubt ferm ented by the priests O n two occasions .
indep endence was so far achieved that native rulers were se t

up ; and Manetho counts three native dynasties as interrupting
the regular succession o f the Persians These form the twenty .
eighth the twenty ninth and the thirtieth o f his series The
,
-
,
.
first of these consists of o n e ki n g onl y A myrtmu s who revolted

'
, ,
in conj un ction with I n aru s and reigned from B C 4 60 to 4 55

,
. . .
The other two dynasties are co n sec u tive and cover the space ,
from the revolt in the reign of Darius Nothus ( B C 405 ) t o . .
the re con quest u n der O ch u s ( B C

-
. .
A N CI EN T H I S T O RY 65
CA RT H A G E .
The histor y o f Carthage may be conve n ie n tly divided i n to

three p eriods—the first extending from the foundation of th e
city to the comm encement of the wars with S y racuse B C , . .
8 5 0 to 4 80 the n ext from the first a tt a ck o n Syracuse to the

breaking ou t o f war with Rome B C 4 80 to 2 64 ; and the ,
. .
third from the commencem ent o f the Roma n wars to their

term i n ation by the destruction o f Carthage B C 2 64 to 1 4 6 , . . .
I n the present place onl y th e first a n d s econd o f these p eriods

,
will be co n sidered .
FI R ST P E R I O D .
Fro m the Fou n dation o f Carthage to the Co mm encement of

the Wars with Syracuse from about B C 8 50 to 4 80 , . . .
Th e foundation of Carthage which was m entio n ed i n t he ,
Tyrian histories b elonged to the tim e of Pygmalio n the son

, ,
o f M at g e n w h o seems to have reig n ed from about B C

, 87 1 . .
to 824 The colony a ppears t o have take n its ris e n ot from

.
,
the m ere commercial spirit i n which other Tyrian settlements

o n the sam e coast had origi n ated but from p olitical di ffer ,
e nc e s
. Still it s relatio n s with the moth er city were from first
, ,
t o last frie n dly ; though the bo n ds o f u n ion were under the

,
Phoenician syste m of colonization even weaker a nd looser tha n

u n der th e Greek The site chosen for th e settlem ent was a
.
-
p eni n sula proj ecti n g eastward int o the Gulf o f Tu n is a n d

, ,
connected with the m ainland towards the west by an isthmus

a bout three miles across Here were s o me excellent land .
locked harbors a p osition easily defensible and a soil which

, ,
was fairly fertile The settlem ent was made with the good
.
will of the n atives who understood th e benefits o f com merce

, ,
a n d gladly let to the n ew co mers a portio n of their soil at a

-
fixed rent For many years the place must have been one
.
o f small importa n ce little if a t a ll ) superior to Utica o r H adr u

( ,
m etum ; but by degrees a n a dva n ce was made a n d withi n a ,
century or two from the date of her fou n d a tio n C a rth a ge had ,
66 RAW LI N S O N
become a considerable power had shot ahead of all the other ,
Ph oe n icia n settlements in these parts a n d had acquired a large ,
a n d valuable dominio n .
The steps of the adva n ce are somewhat di fficult to trace It .
would seem however that unlike the other Phoenician c ol

, , ,
o n i e s and unlike the Ph oe n icia n cities of the Asiatic mai n la n d

,
themselves Carthage aimed from the first at uniting a land

,
with a se a dominion The native tribes in the neighborhood

.
o f the city originally nomades were early w on to agricultural

, ,
occupations ; Carthaginian colonies were thickly pla n ted

among them ; intermarriages between th e colonists and the
native races were encouraged ; and a mixed p eople grew up
in the fertile territory south and south west of Carthage known -
,
as Liby P h oe n i c e s w h o adopted the language and habits of the

-
,
immigrants and readily took up the p ositio n of faithful and

,
attached subj ects B eyond the range of territory thus o cc u

.
p ied, Carthaginian influe n ce was further exte n ded over a large

n umber o f pure Afric an tribes o f whom som e applied them ,
selves to agriculture while the maj ority preserved their Old

,
nomadic m ode of life These tribes like th e Ar a bs in the .

,
modern Algeria were held in a loose and almost n om inal sub

,
je ct ion ; but still were reckoned as in a cert a in sense C arth a , ,
ginian subj ects and no doubt contributed t o the resources o f

,
the emp ire The proper territory of Carthage was regarded

.
as extending southward as far as the Lake Tri t on and west ,
ward to the river Tusca which divided Z e u g itana from Nu ,
midia thus n early coinciding with the modern B eylik of Tunis

, .
B ut these limits were far from co n tenti n g th e ambition of

the Ca rthaginians Fro m the compact and valuable territory
.
above d escribed they proceeded to bring within the scope o f

,
their influence the tracts which lay beyond it eastward and

westward The authority o f Carthage ca m e gradually t o be
.
acknowledged by all the coast tribes between the Tusca and -
the Pillars of Hercules as well as by the various n omad races ,
between Lake Triton and the territory o f C yr é n é In the .
former tract numerous settlem ents were made and a right ,
o f marching troops along the shore was claimed and exercised .
From the latter only com mercial adv a ntages were derive d ;
but these were probably o f consider a ble import an c e .
AN CIE NT H I ST O R Y 67
In co n sideri n g the positio n of the Carthaginian s in Africa ,
it must not be forgotten that the Phoenicians had founded nu

me ro u s settlem ents o n the African mainland and that Car ,
t h ag e w as only the m ost p owerful o f these colonies Utica .

,
Hadrumetum L e p ti s M a gna and other places were at the

, , ,
first independe n t commu n ities over which Carthage had no

more right to exercise authority than they had over her The .
dominion o f Carthage seems to have been by degrees extended

over these places but t o the last som e o f them m ore especially ,
Utica retai n ed a certai n degree of indep endence ; and so far

, ,
a s these settlem ents are concerned we must view Carthage ,
rather as the head o f a confederacy than as a single centralized

p ower Her confederates were t oo weak t o resist her or to
.
exercise m uch check upon her p olicy ; but she had the dis
adva n tage of being less than absolute m istress of m any places
lying within her territory .
B ut the want of complete u n it y at hom e did n ot prevent

her from aspiring after a n extensive foreign dominion Her .
influe n ce w as established in Wester n Sicily at an early date ,
a nd superseded in that regio n the still m ore ancient influence

o f Phoe n icia S a rdi n ia was conquered after long and bloody
.
,
wars tow a rds the close of the sixth ce n tury B C The B alearic
,
. .
islands Maj orca Mi n orca and Ivica seem t o have been o c cu

, , , ,
pied even earlier At a later time s ettlem ents were made in

.
,
Corsica and Spain ; while the smaller islands both of the M edi ,
terranea n and th e Atlantic M a deira the C a naries M alta Gau , , , ,
l o s ( Gozo ) a nd Cerci n a were easily subj ugated

, ,
B y the close .
o f the sixth c entury Carthagini an p ower exte n ded from the

,
greater Syrtis t o the Fo rtu n ate Isla n ds a n d fro m Corsic a t o ,
the flanks of Atl a s .
T o e ff ect her conquests the gre a t trading city had almost , ,
o f necessit y recours e to m erce n a r ies

,
M ercenaries had been .
employed by the Egyptian m onarchs as early as t h e tim e of

P samm e t i ch u s ( B C an d were know n to Homer ab out
. .
two ce n turies previously B esides the nucleus of a disciplined .
force which Carthage obtained from her ow n native citize n s

a nd fro m the mixed race o f Liby P h oe n ice s and besides the -
,
irregul a rs which sh e drew fro m her oth er sub j ects it was her ,
pr a ctice t o m ai n t a i n l a rge bodies of hired troops (p m flocpépovs) ,

68 RA W L I N S O N
derived p a rtly from the indep ende n t Afric an n atio n s such a s ,
the Numidians and the Maurit an ians p a rtly from the warlike ,
European races with which her foreign trade brought her into
contact— the Iberians of Spain the Celts of Gaul and the Li , ,
gurians o f Norther n Italy The firs t evidence that we have of

.
the existence of this practice belongs to the year B C 4 80 ; . .
but there is su ffi cie n t re a so n t o b elieve th a t it co m m enced c on

si de r ab l y earlier .
The naval power of Carthage must have dated fro m the

foundation o f the C ity ; for as the s e a i n a n cient times swarmed
,
with pirates an extensive co m m erce required and implies the

,
possession o f a powerful n avy For s everal centuries the great .
Phoen ician settlem ent mus t have b een almost undisputed mis
tress of the Western and Central M editerranean the o n ly ,
a pproach t o a rival bein g T yrrh e nia whi ch w as however de , , ,
c ide dl y inferior The o fficers and sailors in the fleets were

.
mostly native Carthaginians while the rowers were mai n ly ,
slaves whom the State bred or bought for the purp ose
,
.
Towards the middle of th e sixth century B C the j ealousy . .

,
o f the Carthaginians was aroused by the i n trusio n into waters ,
which they regarded a s their own o f Greek com m erce The , .
enterprising Phocaeans opened a trade with T art e ssu s founded ,
Massilia near the mouth of th e Rhone a n d sought to establish ,
themselves in Corsica in force H ereupon Carthage assisted .

,
by T yr rh e nia destroyed the Phocae an fl eet about B C 550

, ,
. . .
Soon afte rwards quarrels aros e in Sicily between the C arth a~

g in ians and the Greek s ettlements there provoked apparentl y ,
by the latter About th e sam e tim e Rom e under the second

.
,
Tarquin becam e a flourishing kingdom and a n aval p ower

, ,
o f som e consequence ; and Carthage accustomed to mai n tai n ,
friendly relations with the Italia n s concluded a treaty with ,
the rising State about B C 5 08

'
. .
,
.
The constitutio n o f Carthage like that of most other great ,
tr a ding communities was undoubtedly aristocratic The na

,
.
ti ve element located a t Carthage or in the immediate neigh

, ,
b or h oo d was the sole deposita ry o f political power and gov

, ,
erned a t its will all the rest o f the empire Within this native .
eleme n t its elf the chief disti n ctio n whi ch divided cl ass fro m ,
class was that of wealth The tw o Su ff etes i n deed who st ood

, .
,
A N CI E N T H I S T O RY 59
i n a ce rt a i n se n se at the he a d o f the State s eem to h a ve been ,
chosen only fro m ce rtai n families ; but otherwise all n a tive

Ca rthaginia n s were eligibl e to all o ffices Practic a ll y what .
threw p ower i n to the hands o f the rich w a s the fact that n o

o fli c e w as salaried and that thus the poor m a n could n ot a fford
‘
t o hold o ffice Public opinio n w a s also stro n gly i n favor o f

.
the rich C an didates for power were expected t o expend large

.
su ms of m one y if not i n actual bribery yet a t an y rate in treat

, ,
i n g on the most exte n sive sc a le Thus O ffi ce and with it .

,
power beca me the herit a ge o f a cert a i n k n ot of p eculi a rl y

,
we a lthy families .
At the head of the St at e were t w o Suff etes or Judges w h o , ,
i n the e a rl y tim es were C a pt a i n s ge n eral as well as chief civil -
ma gistr a tes but whose o ffi ce gr a dually came t o be regarded

,
a s civil o n ly a nd n ot m ilitary These were elected by the citi

.
ze n s from ce rt a in families probably fo r life The n ext p ower

, .
i n the State was the Cou n cil ( 067 2 a 092 bod y consisti n g of
several hundreds fro m which were appoi n ted directly o r i n
, ,
directl y a l most all the o ffi cers of the govern m ent— as th e Sen

,
a te of O n e Hu n dred a Select Com m ittee o f the

Cou n cil which directed a ll its proceedings ; an d the Pe n tar
chies Com missio n s o f Five M embers each which m a n age d
, ,
the various depart ments of St a te a nd filled up vac a ncies i n the ,
S e na te The Council of O ne Hun dred ( or with the t w o Suf

.
,
fetes an d the tw o High priests 1 04 ) Judges a H igh Court of

-
, ,
Judicature elected b y the people was th e m ost p opular elem ent ,
i n the Constitutio n ; but eve n its m emb ers were practicall y

chose n fro m the upp er classes and their power was used rather ,
t o check th e exces sive a mb itio n o f individual m embers of th e

a ristocr a cy th a n t o augm ent the civil rights or improve the
social conditio n o f the people The people however were .
, ,
contented They elected the Su ff etes under certai n r e st ri c

.
tions an d the generals freely ; they p robably filled up vacancies

,
in the Great Council ; an d i n c a ses where th e Su ff etes a nd th e

Council di ffered they discussed a n d determ ined p olitic a l me a s
,
ures Questions of pe a ce a nd w a r treaties and the lik e were

.
, , ,
freque n tly though n ot n ecessarily brought before the m ; and

, ,
the aristocr atic a l char a cter o f th e Constitutio n w a s m aint a ined

by th e weight of popul a r opinio n which w as i n f a vor o f powe r ,
70 R AW L I N S O N
resti n g with the rich Through the ope n ings which trade gave
.
to e n terprise any on e might becom e rich ; and extreme poverty

w a s almost unknown since n o sooner did it app ear than it
,
w as relieved by the planting o f colonies and the allot m e n t of

waste lands t o all who applied for them .
As the power of Carthage depended mainly on her mainte

nance o f huge armies of mercenaries it was a necessity of her ,
position that sh e should have a large a nd secure revenue This .
S he drew in part from State prop erty particularly mines in

, , ,
Spain and els ewhere ; in part from tribute which w as paid ,
alike by the federate cities ( Utic a Hadrumetum by the , ,
Liby P h oe n i c e s by the dependent African nomads and by the

-
, ,
provinces ( Sardinia Sicily etc ) and in part fro m customs

, , .
,
which were exacted rigorously through all her dominions .
The most elastic o f thes e s ources o f revenue was th e tribute ,
which w as augm ented or diminished as her needs required ;

an d which is said to have amounted sometim es t o as much a s
fi fty per cent o n the incom e of those subj ect to it

. .
The extent of Carthaginian commerce i s uncertain ; but

there can b e little doubt that it reached at any rate to the fol , ,
lowing places : in the north C ornwall and the Scilly I slands ; ,
in the east Ph oe n icia ; towards the west M adeira th e Canaries

, , , ,
and the coast o f Guinea ; towards the south Fezzan It was , .
chiefly a trade by which Carthage obtained the commodities

that sh e needed— wine oil dates salt fish silphium gold tin
, , , , , , ,
lead salt ivory precious stones and slaves ; exchanging

, , , ,
against them their own manufactures— textile fabrics hard ,
ware pottery ornaments for the p erson harn ess for horses
, , , ,
tools etc B ut it w as also to a considerable extent a carrying

, .
trade whereby Carthage enabled the n ations of Western

,
Europe Western Asia and the interior o f Africa to obtain

,
respectively each other S products It was in part a land in .

,
part a se a traffic While the Carthaginian merchants s coured

.
the seas in all directions in their trading vessels caravans di ,
r e c t e d b v Carthaginian enterprise penetrated the Great D esert ,
and brought to Carthage from the south and the south — east
the products o f those far off regions Upper Egypt Cyr en e
-
.
, ,
the oases o f the Sahara Fezzan perhaps Ethiopia and B ornou

, , ,
carried on in this way a tra ffic with the gre a t com m ercial e m
p or i u mBy sea her commerce w as especially with Tyre with

.
,
her ow n colonies with the nations of the Western M e dite rra

,
n ea n with the tribes of the African coast from the Pillars of

,
Hercules to the B ight of B e n i n an d with the remote barbarians ,
of South wester n Albio n -

.
S EC O N D P E R I O D .
Fro m the Co mmencement of the W a rs with Syracuse t o the

bre a king o ut of the first War with Rom e B C 4 80 to 2 64 , . . .
The desire of the C a rthagi n ia n s t o obtain complete p osses

sio n of Sicily is in no way strange or surprising Their pres .
tige rested mainly on their maritime supremacy ; a n d this

supremacy w as open to question so long as the large island ,
which lay closest to them and m ost directly opposite to their

shores was mainly o r even t o an y great extent under the in
, ,
fl u e n ce of aliens The settlem ent o f the Greeks in Sicily ab out

.
,
B C 7 5 0 t o 700 preceded the rise o f the Carthagi n ians t o

. .
,
greatness ; a n d it must have bee n a mon g the earliest ob j ects

o f am bition of the last n a m ed people a fter they becam e power
-
,
ful t o drive the Hellenes from the isl a nd It would see m h ow

,
.
,
ever that no great exp edition had been m a de prior to B C

, . .
4 80 Till then C a rthage h a d bee n co n tent to hold the wester n

.
corner o f the isl a nd only an d t o repulse intruders into that ,
region like D ori e u s B ut i n B C 4 80 when the expeditio n

, . . .
,
o f Xerxes gave full occupation to the bulk o f the Greek natio n ,
Carthag e conceived that the tim e was com e a t which sh e might

expect to attack the Greeks o f Sicily with success and to co n ,
quer them before they could receive succors from the m other
country Accordingly a v a st ar my was collected a nd under
.
, ,
Ham ilcar son o f M ago a great att a ck was made B ut the

, ,
.
victory of Gelo a t H im er a completely frustr a ted th e exp edition .
Hamilcar fell or slew himself The invading a rmy was with .
dr a w n a n d C a rthage co n se n ted to co n clude an ig n o m inious

,
pe a ce .
The check thus received i n duced th e Carth a gi n i an s t o su s

pend for a while th eir design s aga inst th e coveted isla n d At .
te n tio n w a s turned t o the co n solid atio n of their Afric a n power ;

7 2 RAW LI N S O N
and under Hannibal Hasdrubal a n d Sappho grandsons of

, , ,
Mago and nephews o f Hamilcar the n ative Libyan tribes were ,
reduced to more complete dependence and Carthage was r e ,
leased from a tribute which sh e had hitherto paid as an ac

kn ow l e dg m e nt that the site on which sh e stood was Libya n
ground A contest was also carried on with the Greek settle
.
m ent of Cyr en e which terminated to the advantage o f C a r

,
th ag e .Anticipated danger from the excessive influence o f

the family of M ago was guarded against by the cre a tion of the
Great Council o f Judges before whom ever y gener a l had to,
app ear on his return from an expedition .
It was seventy years after their first ignom inious failure when
the Carthaginians once more invaded Sicily i n force I n vited .
by Egesta to assist her against Se linu s they crossed over with ,
a vast fleet and army under the com mand o f Hannibal the
, ,
grandson of Hamilcar B C 4 09 destroyed S e linu s a nd H i

, . .
,
m era defeated the Greeks in sever a l battles and returned home

, ,
in triumph This first success w a s followed by wars ( 1 ) with

.
D ionysius I tyrant of Syracuse ; (2 ) with Dionysius I I a nd

.
,
.
Tim oleo n and ( 3 ) with Agathocles .
Th e result of these wars w a s n ot on the whole en c oura g in g , ,

.
At the cost of several hu n dreds of thousands of me n of large ,
fleets and of an immense treasure Carthage had su cceeded in

, ,
maintaining possessio n of about one third of Sicily but had -

,
not advan ced her bound a ry by a single mile Her arm ies h a d .
generally been defeated if they en gaged their enemy upon

,
any thing like even term s She had found h er generals de .
c i de dl y i n ferior t o those o f the Greeks Above all she had .

,
learnt that sh e was vul n erable at hom e—that descents might

be made on her ow n shores and that her Af ri can subj ects ,
were not to be depended o n Still sh e did not relinquish her .

,
obj ect After th e death of Agathocles in B C 2 89 the Hel

. . .
,
lenie power in Sicily rapidly declined The Mamertines seized .
Messana ; and Carthage resuming an aggressive attitude , ,
seemed on the p oint o f obtaining all her desires A g r i g e ntu m .
was once more taken all the south ern part of the island o c
,
cu pie d and Syracuse itself threatened B ut th e l a nding of

, .
Pyrrhus at the invitation of Syracus e saved the city and ,
tur n ed the fortune o f war against Ca rthage B C 2 79 His , . . .

flight tw o years later did n ot restore matters to their former

, ,
condition Carthage had contracted obligatio n s towards Syra

.
cuse in the war against Pyrrhus ; and moreover a new c ontest

, ,
was evidently impending The great aggressive power o f the

.
West Rome was about to appear upon the scene ; and to

, , ,
resist her Carthage required the friendly c o—Operation o f the

,
Greeks A treaty was consequently made with Hiero ; and

.
Carthage paused biding her ti m e and still h O p ing at no dis

, ,
tant period to exte n d her domination over the entire isl a nd.
B O O K ll
H I S TO R Y O F PER S I A
B O O K II
H IS T O R Y P E R S IA FR O M T H E A C C E S S I O N
OF O F CY RU S
T O T H E D E S T R U C T IO N O F T H E E M PI R E BY A LE X
A N D E R FR O M B C 5 5 8 T O 3 3 0
,
. . .
The Persia n s appear to have form ed a part of a great Arian

migratio n from the countries about the O xus which began at ,
a very remote time but w as n ot completed till about B C 6 50

, . . .
The line of migration was first westward along the Elburz ,
ra nge into Armenia and A z e rb ijan then south along Z ag ros , ,
a n d fi n ally south —east into Persia Proper Th e chief who first .
set up an Arian monarchy in this last named region seems to -
have been a certain Ach aem enes ( H akh am ani sh ) who probabl y ,
ascended the throne about a century before Cyrus .
The n a tion was composed Of tw o classes o f persons— the

settled population which lived in t owns o r vill a ges for th e
, ,
most part cultivating th e soil and th e pastoral tribes whose , ,
habits were nomadic The latter consisted Of four distinct

.
tribes— th e Dai the Mardi the D rop i c i or D e rbi c e s and the

, , ,
S ag ar t i i while the form er comprised the six divisions o f the

Pasargad ae the M arap h i i th e M asp ii the P an t h ial aei the
, , , ,
D e r u siae i and the G e rm an i i o r Carmanians

, O f these the first .
,
three were superior ; an d a very marked preceden cy or pre

eminency attached to the Pasargad ae They formed a species .
Of nobility h olding alm ost all the high O ffi ces both in the army
,
and at the court The royal family of the Ach aem enid ae or
.
,
desce n dan ts of Ach ae m enes b elonged t o this leading tribe ,

.
A line Of native Persia n kings held the throne from Ach ae

menes to Cyrus ; but the sovereignty which they possessed
was not at a n y rate in the times immediately preceding Cyrus
, ,
an i n dependent domi n ion Relations of a feudal character

.
bou n d Persia t o M edi a ; a n d th e Ach ae menian p rinces either ,
from the first o r certai n ly from some time before C y rus r e

,
77
78 RAW L I N S O N
belled ack n owledged the Median monarch for their suzer a i n

, .
Cyrus lived as a sort o f hostage at the court Of A styag e s a n d ,
could not leave it without permission Cambyses his father .

, ,
had the royal title and practically governed Persia ; but he

, , ,
was subj ect to A styag e s and probably paid him an a nnual

,
tribute .
The revolt Of the Persians was not the co n sequence Of their

su ffering any grievous oppression ; nor did it even arise from
any wide S pread disco n tent o r dissatisfaction with their condi
-
tion Its main cause w as the ambition o f Cyrus That prince

. .
had seen as he grew up at Ecbatana that the strength o f the

, ,
Medes was undermi n ed by luxury that their Old warlike habits ,
were laid aside and that in all the qualities which make th e
, ,
soldier they were n o match for h i s o w n countrymen H e

, .
had learnt to despise the fainéant mo n arch wh o occupied the

Median throne It occurred to him that it would be easy to
.
make Persia a n independent p ower ; and this was probably all

that he at first contemplated But the fatal persistence Of the .
Median monarch in attempts t o reduce the rebels a n d his ,
capture in th e seco n d battle Of P asarg adm Opened the way ,
t o greater changes ; and the Persian prince rising t o a level ,
with the occasion pushed his ow n country into the imperial

,
positi on from which the success of his revolt had dislodged

the Medes .
The warlike pri n ce wh o thus co n quered the Persian empire

did little to organize it Professing probably a purer form
.
, ,
o f Zoroastrianism tha n that which prevailed in Media where ,
a mongrel religion had grow n up from the mixture of the Old

Arian creed with Scythic element worship he retained his ow n -
,
form Of belief as the religio n Of the empire Universal tolera .
tion was however established The Jews regarded with spe

, ,
.
,
c i al favor as monotheists were replaced in their proper coun

,
try Ecbatana was kept as the capital while Pasargadae be

.
,
came a sacred city used for coro n ations and interments The
,
.
civilization of the Medes their art architecture ceremonial

, , , ,
dress manners a n d to some extent their luxury were adopted

, , ,
by the conquering people The employment of letters in in .
sc r i p ti on s o n public monuments bega n N O ge n eral syste m .
of a d mi n istr a tio n w as established So me cou n tries rem a i n ed .

AN CIENT H I S T O RY 79
under tributary native ki n gs ; others were placed under gov

c r u ors ; i n some the gover n m ental functio n s were divided and ,
native o fficers shared the administratio n with Persians The .
rate of tribute was not fixed Cyrus left the work of consolida
.
tion and organization to his successors content to h ave given ,
the m an empire on which to exercise their p owers .
Th e close of the reign of Cyrus is shrouded i n some O b

sc u r ity. We do n ot know why he did n ot carry ou t his design s
against Egypt nor what occupied him in the interval between
,
B C 5 3 8 and 5 2 9
. . We can not even say with an y certainty
.
against what enemy h e was e n gaged when he lost his life .
Herodotus and Ctesias are here irreco n cilabl y at variance and ,
though the authority of the former is greater th e narrative of ,
the latter is in this instance the more credible B oth writers .

,
however are agreed th a t the Persian ki n g was e n gaged i n

,
chastising an enemy on his north eastern fro n tier whe n h e -

,
received the wou nd from which he died Probabl y he was .
endeavori n g to strike terror into the nomadic hordes w h o here

bordered the empire and so to secure his territories from their
,
dreaded aggressio n s If this was his aim h is enterprise was

.
,
successful ; for we hear Of no invasion of Persia fro m the Tur

coman cou n try u n til after the tim e of Alexander .
Cyrus left behind him t w o sons Cambyses an d B ar diu s or , ,
( as the Greeks called him ) Sm e rdis T O the former h e l eft th e .
regal title a n d the greater portion Of his dom inio n s ; to the

latter he secured the inherita n ce of some large and importa n t
provinces This imprudent arra n ge me n t cost Sm e r dis h is life
.
,
by rousing the j ealousy of his broth er w h o ver y e a rly i n his ,
reign caused him to be put to death secretly .
The ge n ius Of Cambyses was warlike like that of h is father ,
but he did n ot possess the same ability Nevertheless he .
added important provinces t o the e m pire First O f all he p ro .
cured the submission of Ph oe nicia and Cyprus the great naval ,
powers Of Western Asia which had not been sub j ect t o Cyrus
, .
He then invaded Africa B C 5 2 5 defeated P samm e nitu s in a

, . .
,
pitched battle took M emphis conquered Egypt received the

, , ,
submissio n Of the n eighboring Libyan tribes and Of the Greek ,
towns of the C y renai ca an d proceeded t o for m design s of r e

,
ma rk a ble gran deur B ut these pro j ects a ll misc a rried Th e

. .
80 RAW LI N S O N
expeditio n agai n st C arth a ge was stopped b y the refus a l of the

Ph oen icians t o attack their ow n colo n y ; that against the oasis
of Ammon ended in a frightful disaster His ow n march .
aga i n st Ethiopia w as arrested by the failure o f provisions a n d

water i n the Nubian desert ; and the losses which he incurred
b y persisting t oo long in his a ttempt brought Egypt to th e
bri n k of rebellion Th e severe measures taken t o repress this
.
revolt were directed especially against the powerful c a ste Of

the priests an d had the e ff ect of thoroughl y alie n ati n g th e
,
province which the n ceforth n ever ce a sed to detest an d plot

,
agai n st its co n quero rs .
The stay of C a mbyses i n E gypt imprudently prolo n ged , ,
brought about a revolutio n at the M edo Persian capital A -

.
Magus n amed G omates supported by his order which was

, , ,
powerful i n ma ny parts o f the empire ventured to perso na te ,
th e dead Sme rdi s a n d seized th e throne i n his n am e His

, .
cl a im was tacitl y acknowledged Cambyses whe n the n ews .

,
reached him in Syria o n his march h om eward despairing of ,
being able to mak e h ead against the impostor committed ,
suicide— B C 52 2— after having reign ed eight years

. . .
To conciliate his subj ects the pseudo Sme r dis began his ,
-
reign by a three years remission of tribute and an exemption ’

,
o f the conquered natio n s fr o m military service for the like
space At the sam e time he adopted a n extreme system o f

.
,
seclusion in the h ope that his i m posture m ight escape de t e c

,
tion never quitting th e palace and allowing n o commu n ication

, ,
between his wives and their relations But the truth gradually .
oozed out His religious reform s were startlin g in an Ach e

.
m e ni an pri nce His seclusion was excessive and suspicious

. .
D oubts began to be entertained an d secret messages between ,
the great Persian nobles and some Of the palace inmates c on

verted these doubts into certai n ty Darius the son o f H y st as .
,
pes and probably heir —

, presumptive to the crow n headed an ,
insurrection a nd the impostor was slai n after he had reign ed

,
eight months .
Darius I who ascended the thro n e in January B C 5 2 1

.
, ,
. .
,
and he l d it fo r n early thirty six years was the greatest o f the -

,
Persian monarchs He w a s a t o n ce a co n queror and a n ad

.
ministrator Duri n g the earlier part of his reign he was e n

.
gaged i n a series o f strugg les against rebellions which broke ,
o u t in almost all parts O f the empire S usiana B abylonia .

, ,
Persia Proper M edia Assyria Arme n ia Hyrcania Parthia

, , , , , ,
M ar g iana Sagartia and Sacia successively revolted The sa

, ,
.
trap s in Egypt and Asia Minor acted as though indep endent

Of his authority The empire w as shaken to its centre and
.
,
threatened to fall to pieces B ut the m ilitary talent and pru

.
dence of the legitimate m o n arch prevailed Within the space .
of six y ears th e rebellions were all put down the pretenders ,
executed and tran quillity generally restored throughout the

,
disturbed provinces .
The evils Of disorganiz a tio n which had thus manifested ,
them selves so conspicuously m ay have l ed Darius to turn his ,
thoughts towards a remedy At any rate to him belongs the .

,
credit of having given t o th e Persian empire that peculiar or

g an iz at i on an d arrangement which m aintained it in a fairly
flourishing condition for nearly two centuries He divided .
“
the whole empire into twenty governm ents called sa ,
”
t rap i e s
,
and established ever y where a u niform and somewhat
complicated governmental system Native tributary kings .
were swept away ; and in lieu o f them a single Persia n o fficial

, ,
held i n each province the suprem e civil authority A standing ,
army of Medo Persians dispersed throughout the empire

-
, ,
supported the civil power m aintained tranquillity and was

, ,
ready to resist the attacks Of foreigners A fixed rate of t ribute .
took the place of arbitrary exactions Roya l roads were .
established and a system of posts arranged whereby the court

, ,
received rapid intellige n ce Of all that occurred in the provinces ,
and promptly communicated its ow n commands to the r e mot

est corners o f th e Persian territory .
The military system established or inherited by D arius had

, ,
fo r its Obj ect to co mbine the maximum of e ffi ciency against a

foreign enemy with the m inimum of dan ger from internal dis
a ff ection The regular professio n o f ar m s was confined to
the dominant race—or t o that race and a few others of closely
.
kindred origin— and a standing arm y thus composed and ,
amounting t o several hundreds of thousands m a intai n ed order ,
throughout th e Great King s do minions and condu cted the ’
smaller and less i mportant expeditio n s B ut when danger .
6
82 RA W L I N S O N
thre a te n ed or a great expedition was to be undertake n the

, ,
whole empire was laid under cont ributio n ; each one o f the
subj ect nations was required to send its quota ; and in this way
armies were collected which som etimes exceeded a millio n of
men In the later times mercenaries were largely employed
.
, ,
not only in expeditions but as a portion of the standing army

, .
The navy O f the Persians was drawn e n tirely from the con
quered nations Phoe n icia Egypt Cyprus Cilicia Asiatic
.
, , , ,
Greece and other O f the maritime countries subj ect to Persia

, ,
furnished contingents Of ships and crews according to their

relative stren gth ; and fleets were thus collected Of above a
thousand vessels The ship of war ordinarily employed w a s
.
the trireme ; but lesser vessels were also used occasionally .
The armed force on b o ar d t h e ships (ém fici ra l or marines '

.
was Medo Persian either wholly or predominantly ; and the

-
,
fleets were usually placed under a Persian or Median c om

m ander .
The great king to whom Persia owed her civil a n d ( prob ,
ably in part) her milita ry organization was n ot disposed to ,
allow the warlike qualities of h is subj ects to rust for want of

exercise Shortly after the revolts had been put down Dariu s
.
,
I by himself or by his generals commen ced and car ried ou t

.
, ,
a series Of military expeditions of fi rst rate impo rtance The -

.
earliest of these w as directed against Western India o r the ,
regions now known as the Punj ab and Scinde After e x pl or .
ing the country by m eans of b oats which n avigated the Indus ,
from Attock t o the sea he led or sent a body Of troops into

,
the region and rapidly reduced it t o subj ection A valuable

, .
gold tract was thus added to the empire and the revenue was
-
,
augmented by about one third Commerce also received an -

.
impulse from the Openi n g of the Indian market to Persia n

traders who thenceforth kept up a regular communicatio n
,
with the tribes bordering the I n dus by coasting vessels which

started from the Persian Gulf .
The next great expedition was in the most directly Opposite

direction It w a s undertaken agai n st the numerous a n d war
.
like Scythian nation which possessed the vast plains Of South

ern Russia extending betwee n the D on a n d the Danube the
, ,
regio n now ge n erally k n ow n as the Ukr a i n e The obj ect of .

A N CI E N T H IST O RY 33
this expeditio n w a s not conquest but the exhibitio n of the ,
Persian military strength the S ight o f which w as cal culated

,
to strike terror into the Scythic hordes and to prevent the m ,
from venturing to invade the territory of so powerful a neigh

bor The great Persian kings like th e great Roman emperors
.
, ,
caused their ow n frontiers to be respected by overstepping

them and ravagi n g with fire and sword the countries Of the
,
fierce Northern barbarians .
The sequel Of the Scythian expedition was the firm estab

l i sh m e nt Of the Persian power on the Europea n side Of the
straits and the rapid extension Of it over the parts o f Thrace
,
borderi n g on the ZE g e an over the adj oining country of P ae

,
Onia and eve n over the still more rem ote M acedonia The
, .
Persian dominion now reached from th e Indian desert to the

borders o f Thessaly and from the Caucasus to Ethiopia
, .
Simultaneously with th e Scythic expedition A ryan de s the , ,
satrap of Egypt marched against th e Greek town Of B arca

, ,
i n Africa to ave n ge the murder Of a king w h o was a Persia n

,
tributar y B arca was take n and its inhabitan ts transpla n ted

.
,
to Asi a ; but th e hostility o f the s emi indep e n de n t n omads -
w as arous ed an d the army o n i t s retur n su ffered no i n con

,
si de rab l e los s es .
N ot long afterw a rds the ambitious design s of Darius were

vi ole n tly interrupted by a revolt second in importance to
scarcely any of those which had occupied h is early years The .
Greeks of Asia provoked by th e supp ort which Darius lent

,
t o their tyrants and perhaps re n dered sensible Of their power

,
by the circumstances of the Scythic campaign broke out into ,
general rebellio n at the i n stigation of A ri stag or as Of M iletus ,
murdered or expelled their tyrants a n d defied the power of ,
Persia T w o states of European Greece Athens and Eretria

. , ,
joined the rebels B old cou n sels prevailed and an attack was
. ,
made On the sat rapial capital Sardis Unfortunately the ,

.
,
capture Of the city was followed by its accidental c onfl ag ration ; -
a n d the small knot o f invaders forced to retreat were Over , ,
taken a n d defeated in the battl e of Ephesus whereupon the ,
t w o Europe an allies deserted the falling cause O n the other .
ha n d n umerous states both European a n d Asiatic excited

, , ,
b y the n ews of the fall of Sardis a sserted i n depe n de n ce ; an d ,

84 R AW L I N S O N
the flames Of rebellio n were lighted alo n g the e n tire Asi atic
coast from the Sea Of Marmora to the Gulf Of I ssus The .
Ionian ZE O l i c and H ellespontine Greeks th e Carian s an d

, , ,
C au n i an s Of the south western corner o f the peninsula a nd-

,
the Cyprians both Greek and native mad e common cause ;

, ,
several battles were fought with varying success ; but at last

the power Of Persia prevailed The confederate fleet su ffered .
defeat in the battle of Lad e and soon afterwards M iletus was ,
taken The rebellious states were punished with great severity

.
,
and the authority of Darius w as once more firmly established

in all the revolted countries .
The honor Of the Great King required that immediate ve n

g e an c e should be taken o n the bold foreign ers who had inter
meddled between him and his subj ects B ut even apart fro m .
,
this an expeditio n against Greece was cert a in and coul d o n ly

, ,
be a question of tim e The exploring voyage Of D e mo c e de s

.
,
about B C 5 1 0 shows that even before the Scythian campaign

. .
,
an attack on this quarter was i n tended An expedition w a s .
therefore fitted ou t in B C 4 93 under M ardoniu s which took

, . .
, ,
the coast — li n e through Thrace and Macedon ia A storm a t .
Athos however S hattered the fleet ; and the land army w a s

, ,
-
crippled by a night attack of the B ryg i M ar doniu s retur n ed .
home without e ffecting his purpose ; but his expeditio n w as

n ot wholly fruitless His fleet reduced Thasos ; and h is arm y
.
forced the Macedonians to exchange their positions of semi

independence for complete subj ectio n to Persia .
The failure o f M ar doniu s was followed within two years

by the second great expedition against Greece— the first which
reached it— that conducted bv Datis Datis proceeded by se a .
,
crossing through the Cyclades and falling first upon Eretri a , ,
which was besieged and taken by treachery A landing was , .
then made at Marathon ; but the defeat of the Persian host

by Miltiades and his rapid march to Athens immediately after
,
the victory frustrated the expedition disappointing alike the

, ,
commander and th e Athenia n ex tyrant Hippias who h a d -

, ,
a ccompanied it .
Undismayed by his two failures Darius commenced prep a ,
r ations for a third a ttack an d would probably have proceeded ,
i n person agai n st Athens had not the revolt o f Egypt first ,

AN C I E N T H I S T O R Y 35
(B C
. . an d then his ow n death ( B C intervened . . .
Darius died after nominating as his successor n ot his eldest ,
s on A r to baz an e s but the eldest Of his sons by Atossa dau g h

, , ,
ter Of Cyrus— a prince who had thus the adva n tage of having
in h i s vei n s the blood of the great founder of the empire .
Darius probably died at Susa ; but he was buried in the

vicinity of Persepolis where he had prepared himself an elabo ,
rate rock tomb adorned with sculptures and bearing a long

,
i n scription— all which remain to the present day The great .
palace Of Persepolis in all its extent and grandeur was his, ,
conception if not altogether his work ; as was also the equally

,
magnificent stru cture at Susa which w as the ordinary royal ,
residence from h i s time He likewise set up the great rock .
inscription at B ehistun ( B ag istan) the most valuable o f all ,
the Persian monumental remains O ther memorials o f his .
reig n have been found or are know n to have existed at E cb a , ,
ta n a at Byzantium i n Thrace and i n Egypt In the last

, , , .
na m ed count ry he reope n ed the great canal between the Nile

an d the Red Se a which the Ramessides had originally cut
, ,
an d the P samatiks had vainl y endeavored t o r e establish -

.
X erxes I who succeeded Dariu s B C 4 86 commenced his

.
, , . .
,
reign by the reductio n of E g y pt B C 48 5 which he i n trusted , . .

,
to his brother Ach aem enes He then provoked and chastised

,
.
a rebellion of the B abylonians enrichi n g h imself with the ,
plu n der of their temples After this he turned h is attentio n .
t o the i n vasio n o f Greece .
T O O much weight has probably bee n assigned to the cab a ls

an d intrigues of the Persian nobles an d the Greek refugees ,
a t X e rx e s s court U n til failure checked the military aspira

’
.
tions of th e n atio n a Persian pri n ce was al most under the

,
n ecessity of undertaki n g some great conquest ; a n d there was

at this tim e no directio n in which an expedition could so read
ily be u n dertake n as towards th e west Elsewhere high moun .
t a ins broad seas or barre n deserts skirted th e empire— here

, ,
only did Persia n territory adj oi n on a fruitful well watered ,

-
,
an d pleasant regio n The attempt to reduce Greece was the .
n atur a l sequel to the co n quests of Egy pt I n dia Thrace and , , ,
M a cedo n .
It w a s now the tur n of th e Greeks to retali a te on their

86 RA W L I N S O N
prostr a te foe First u n der the lead of Spart a and then under
.
that of Athens they freed the islands O f the ZE g e an from the

Persian yoke expelled the Persia n garrisons from Europe
, ,
and even ravaged the Asiatic coast and made descents on it

at their pleasu r e For twelve years no Persian fleet ventured
.
to dispute with them the sovereignty Of the seas ; and when

at last in B C 4 66 a naval force was collected to pro tect
,
. .
,
Cilicia and Cyprus it w a s defeated and destro y ed by Cimon

,
at the Eury medon .
Soon after this X e rx e s s reig n came to an end This weak ’

.
prince after the failure of his grand expedition desisted from

, ,
all military enterprise N O doubt his empire was greatly i n .
jured and exhausted by its losses in the Grecia n war and a ,
period of repose w as absolutely necessary ; but it would seem

to have been natural temperament as much as prudence that , ,
caused the unwarlike monarch to rest content under h i s dis

c om fit u re and to make no eff ort to wipe ou t its disgrace
, .
Xerxes on his return to Asia found consolation for h is mili

, ,
tary failure in the delights o f th e seraglio and ceased to ,
trouble himself much about a ffairs of State He was satisfied .
to check the further progress of th e Greeks by corrupting

their cleverest statesmen ; and submitti n g himself to the gov ,
e rn m e n t o f women and eunuchs lost all manliness of char ,
acter His ow n indulgence in illicit amours caused violence

.
and bloodshed in h i s family and his example encouraged a ,
similar p rofli g acy in others The bloody a n d licentious deeds .
which stai n th e whole Of the later Persian history commence

with X erxes who su ffered the n atural penalty Of his follies
,
and his crimes when after reigning twenty years he was mur
, ,
dered b y the captain o f his guard A r tab anu s and A spam itre s , , ,
his C hamberlain .
A r tab anu s pl aced on the throne th e youngest son of Xerxes ,
Art a xerxes I called by the Greeks M arm chair o r the Long

.
, ,
”
handed The eldest son Darius accused b y A rtab anu s o f
.
, ,
his father s assassi n ation w as executed ; the second H ystasp e s

’
, , ,
wh o was satrap of Bactria claimed the crown ; and attempt , ,
i n g to e n force his claim was defeated and slain i n battle A b out

,
.
the same time the crimes of A rt abanu s were discovered and ,
he was put to death .

Artaxerxes the n reigned quietly for nearly forty years He .
was a mild prince possessed Of several good qualities ; but

,
the weakness of his character caused a rapid declension of the

empire under his sway The revolt of Egypt was indeed sup
.
pressed after a while through the vigorous measures o f the

satrap O f Syria M e g abyz u s ; an d the Athenians who had fo
, ,
m e nt e d it were punish ed by the complete destruction o f their

,
fleet and the loss of almost all their men B ut the cruelty and
, .
p e r fi dy shown in the execution o f the captured I naru s must

have i n creased Egyptia n disa ff ection while at the same tim e,
it disgusted M e g ab yz u s and the better class of Persians a nd ,
became the cause Of fresh misfortunes .
B ent on recovering her prestige Athens in B C 4 49 dis , , . .

,
patched a fleet to the Levant u n der Cimon which sailed to

, ,
Cyprus and laid siege to Citium There Cimon died ; but the
.
fleet which had been under his orders attacked a n d completely

defeated a large Persian armament O ff Salamis besides de ,
taching a squadron to assist A myrtae u s w h o still held o u t in ,
the Delt a Persia dreading the loss of Cyprus and Egypt

.
, ,
consented to an inglorious peace Th e independe n ce of the

.
Asiatic Greeks was recognized Persia undertook not to visit

.
with fleet or army the coasts of Western Asia Minor and ,
Athens agreed to abstain from attacks on Cy p rus and Egypt .
The Greek cities ceded by this treaty— the peace of C allias

— to th e Athenia n co n federacy included all those from the
mouth of the Hellespont to Phaselis in Lycia but did n ot in ,
c l u de the cities on the shores of the B lack Sea .
Scarcely less damaging to Persia was the revolt of M ega

b yz u s which followed
,
This powerful noble disgusted at the
.
,
treatment Of In ar u s which was contrary to his pledged word

, ,
excited a rebellion in Syria a n d so alar m ed Artaxerxes that

,
he was allowed to dictate th e terms on which h e would c on

sent to be reconciled t o his sovereign A n example was thus .
se t Of successful rebellion o n the part o f a satrap which could ,
not but have disastrous co n sequences The prestige of the .
central governme n t was weakened ; and provincial gove rnors

were tempted to throw off their allegiance on any fair occa
sion that O ff ered itself ; si n ce if successful they had n othi n g
, ,
to fe a r an d i n any case they might look for p a rdo n

,
.
88 R A VJ L I N S O N
Th e disorde r s O f th e court contin u ed and indeed increased , .

, ,
unde r Artaxe r xes I w h o allowed his mother A me str i s and ,
h i s sister A m v t i s w h o w as mar r ied to M e g ab yz u s to indulge

, ,
f r eel y th e c ru elt y and licentio u sness of their dispositi ons .
Artaxerxes died B C 42 5 and left his crown to his only l e

. .
,
g m at e son X erxes I I
i t i , .
Revolutions in the govern ment now s u cceeded each oth er

with gr eat rapidity X erxes I I afte r rei gn ing f ort y fi v e days
. .
,
-
,
w as assassinated b v his half— brother S e cy di an u s or S o g dianu s , ,
an ille gi timate so n O f Artaxerxes who seized the throne b ut , ,
w as m u rdered in his turn after a rei gn of six months and a ,
hal f b y anoth er bro the r O ch u s

, , .
O ch u s on ascending the throne too k the name of Darius

, , ,
and is kn own in history as Dari us Nothus He was married .
to Pa r y satis his a u nt a daughter of Xerxes I and reigned

, . .
,
ni neteen y ears B C 42 4 to 404 under her tutelage His rei gn

,
. .
, .
,
tho u gh chec k e r ed with some gleams O f s u nshine was on th e ,
w hole disas tr ous Revolt su cceeded to revolt ; and though

.
,
most O f th e insurrections w ere quelled it w as at th e cost Of ,
w hat remained O f Persian honor and self — respect Corru p .
tion w as u sed instead O f force against th e rebellious armies ;

and the pledges freely gi ven to the l eaders in order to pro
c u re thei r s u b mission w ere systematically disregarded A r sit e s .
,
th e king s b r oth er his fellow conspi r ator a b rother of M ega

’
-
, ,
b y z u s and P i ssu t h n e s the satr ap O f Lydia were successively

, , ,
entrapped in this w ay and su ffered instant execution So

,
.
low had the feeling O f honor sunk that Pi ssu t h n e s s captor .

’
T i ssap h e r n e s instead O f showing indi gn ati on li k e M e g ab yz u s

, , ,
accepted th e satrapy O f his victim and thus made himself a ,
pa r ticipant in his soverei gn s p e rfi dy ’

.
Still m ore dangerous to th e State if less dis gr aceful were , ,
th e p r actices w hich now a r ose O f u niting commonly th e o ffi ces

of satrap and com mander o f the forces and of committi n g to ,
a single govern or two o r even three satrapies The authority

, ,
.
O f th e C r own w as rel axed ; satraps becam e practicall y u n c o n
trolled ; their lawless acts were winked at or condoned ; an d

their governments tended mo r e and more to become hereditary
fi e fs—th e first step in e mpires like th e Persia n t o dis in tegr a
, ,
tio n.
The revolts o f satraps we r e followed by natio n al outbreaks ,
which though sometim es q u elled were in other instances suc

, ,
c e ssfu l I n B C 4 08 the Medes wh o had patiently acquiesced

. . .
, ,
in Persian rule for m ore than a century made an e ffort to ,
sha k e O ff th e yoke but were defeated and reduced to su bje c

,
tion Three years later B C 405 Egypt once m ore rebelled

.
,
. .
, ,
under N e p h e r it e s and succeeded in establishin g its in de p e n

,
dence ( See B ook I Pa rt I I ) The Persians were expelled

. .
,
.
from Africa and a native prince s eated him self on the throne
,
o f the Pharaohs .
It was some comp ensation for this loss and perhap s for ,
others towards the north and north east of the empi r e that -
,
in Asia M inor the authority of the Great King was on ce m ore

established over th e Greek cities It w as the Peloponnesian .
War rather than the p eace of C alli as which had prevented

, ,
any collision be t ween the gr eat powers of Europ e and Asia

fo r thirty — seven years B oth Athens and Spa rta had their .
hands full ; and though it m ight have been expected that

Persia would have at once ta ken advantage of the quarrel to
reclaim at le ast her lost continental dominion yet she s eem s ,
to have refrained throu gh m oderation or fear until th e A t h e

, ,
nian disasters in Sicily encouraged her to make an e ffort She .
then invited the Spartans to Asia and by the treati e s which ,
she concluded with them and the aid which sh e gave them , ,
r e acqu i red without a stru ggle all the Greek cities O f the coast
-
.
It was her policy however not to depress Athens too much

, ,
a p olicy whi ch was st eadil y pursued till th e p ersonal am b ition ,
o f the younger Cyrus ca used a depart u re fro m th e line dic ta ted
by prudence .
The p rogress Of corruption at court kept pace with the gen

eral decline which m ay b e tr a ced in all par ts Of the empire .
Th e power of the eunuchs incr eased and they began to aspire , ,
not only to govern the monarch but actually to s eat them selv e s ,
upon th e thron e Female influence m ore and more di rected

.
the general course O f a ffairs ; and the vices O f conscious w e a k

n ess p e rfi dy an d barbarity cam e to b e looked up on as the
,
m a instays O f governm ent .
D a rius Nothus died B C 4 05 and w as succeeded by his . .

,
eld e st son A r sace s who on hi s accession took the nam e of

, ,
90 RAW LI N S O N
Artaxerxes Artaxerxes I I called by the Greeks M nemon

. .
,
o n account Of the excellence Of h i s memory had from the very ,
first a rival in his b rother Cyrus Parysatis had endeavored .
to gain the kingdom for her younger son while th e succession ,
was still open ; and when her e fforts failed and Artaxerxes ,
was named to s u cceed h i s father she encouraged Cyrus to ,
vindicate his claim by arm s It would undoubtedly have been

.
advantageous to Persia that the stronger m inded o f the two -
brothers should have b een the victor in the struggle ; but th e

fort u ne o f war decided otherwise Cyrus fell at Cunaxa a .
,
victim to his own impetuosity ; and Artaxerxes I I Obtained .
undisputed possessio n of the throne which he held for above ,
forty years .
The expeditio n of Cyrus produced a compl ete cha n ge in the

relations between Persia and Sparta Sparta had given Cyrus .
important assista n ce and thereby irremediably o ff ended the

,
Persian monarch The result Of the expedition encouraged

.
her to precipitate the rupture which she had provoked Hav .
ing s ecured the s ervices of the Ten Thousand she attac k ed ,
the Persians in Asia M inor ; and her troops under Th imb ron , ,
D e rc yll i das and A g e sil aii s made the Persians tremble for their
, ,
Asiatic dominion Wisely resolving to find her enemy em

.
ploym ent at hom e Persia brought about a league between the

,
chief of the secondary powers of Greece— Argos Thebes , ,
Athens an d Co rinth— supplying them with th e sinews o f war

, ,
and contributing a contingent Of ships which at once turned ,
the scale an d by the battle o f Cnidus B C 3 94 ga ve the mas

, ,
. .
,
t e r y o f the s e a to the confederates A g e sil aii s was recalled to

.
Europ e and Sparta found herself so press ed that she was glad
,
to a g ree to the peace known as that Of A ntal c idas whereby ,
the Gree k s o f Europ e generally relinquished to Persia their

Asiatic brethren and allowed the Great King to assume the
,
part of a uthoritative arbiter in the Grecian quarrels B C 3 8 7 ,

. . .
Glorious as the peace of A n t al ci das w as for Persia a n d satis ,
fac t or v as it must have been t o her to see her m ost formidable

enemies engaged in internecine conflict o ne with another yet ,
the i nternal condition O f the empire showed no si gns of i m

provement The revolt of E v ag oras Greek tyrant of Salamis
.
,
i n Cyprus was with di ffi cult y put down a fter a long and doubt
, ,
AN CIENT H I ST O RY 9:
ful struggle B C 39 1 to 3 79 in which disa ffection was exhib

, . .
,
i t e d by the Ph oenicians the Cilicians the Carians and the , , ,
Idum ae an Arabs The terms made with E v ag oras were a c o n

.
fe ssion o f weakness S ince he retained h i s sovereignty and

, ,
merely consented to pay the Persian king an annual tribute .
The revolt of the C adu sian s o n the shores o f the Caspian

about this sam e period B C 3 84 gave Artaxerxes I I an O p , . .
, .
p or t u nit y o f trying his o w n qualific a tions for military c o m

m and . The trial was unfavorable ; for he was only save d
from disaster by the skill of T irib az u s o n e of his O fficers , ,
who procured with consumm a te art the submission of the

rebels .
Artaxerxes however proud o f the success which might b e

, ,
said on the whole to have attended his arms w as not content

, , ,
with the mere recovery o f newly — revolted provinces but as ,
p r e d to restore to the empire i t s ancient limits

i His generals .
com menced the reduction o f th e Greek islands by th e occup a

tion of Samos and in B C 3 75 havi n g s ecured the services . .
,
o f the Athenian commander I p h i cr at e s he se n t a great e x p e , ,
dition against Egypt which was intended to reconquer that

,
country Ip h ic r at e s however and P h arnab az u s th e Persian

.
, , ,
com mander quarrelled The exp edition wholly failed ; and

, .
the knowledge of the failure provoked a general spirit of dis

a ffection in the western satrapies which brought the emp ire ,
t o the verge o f destruction B ut corruption and treachery .

,
n ow the usual Persian weapons were successful once m ore ,

.
O rontes and R h e om it h ras took bribes to desert their confed

crates ; D at am e s was entrapped and executed An attempt .
o f Egypt favored by Sparta and promoted by A g e sil aii s in

, ,
p erson B C 3 6 1 to ann ex Ph oenicia and Syria was frustrated

, . .
, ,
by internal com m otions and the reign of Artaxerxes closed ,
without any further contraction of the Persian territory .
The court conti n ued during the reign of Artaxerxes I I a .
scene of horrors and atrocities o f the s a m e ki n d that had pre

vailed since the tim e of X erxes I Parysatis the quee n .
,
m other was its presiding spirit ; and th e long catalogue of her

,
cruel a n d bloody deeds is a lm ost without a parallel even in the

history o f O rie n tal despotisms The m embers of the royal .
household beca me now the speci a l Ob j ects Of j e a lous y to on e

92 R AW L I N S O N
another ; fa mil y a ffection had disappe a red ; and executions ,
a ssassinations and suicides decimated the royal stock

,
.
O c h u s the youngest legitimate so n o f Artaxerxes I I who

,
.
,
had Obtained the throne by the execution of h is eldest and the

suicide of his second brother assumed on his accessio n ( B C , . .
3 5 9) the nam e o f his father and is known as Artaxerxes I I I ,

.
H e w as a prince of more vigor and spirit than any monarch

since Darius H ystasp i s ; and the power reputation and gen , ,
eral prosperity O f the emp ire were greatly advanced under his
administration The court however w as incurably corrupt ;
.
, ,
and O c h u s can n ot be said to have at all improved it s condition .
Rather it was a j ust Nem esis by which after a reign of twenty

, ,
o n e years B C 3 59
,
t o 3 3 8 he fell
. a victi m. t o a conspir a cy of ,
the seraglio .
The first step taken by the new king was the complete de
struction of the royal family o r at any rate of a ll but its m ore , , ,
remote branches Having thus secured himself against rivals.

,
h e proceeded t o arrange a nd execute som e important enter

prises .
The revolt O f A r tab az u s in Asia M i n or fomented at first ,
by Athens a n d afterwards by Thebes was important both as

, ,
delaying the grand e n terprise Of O c h u s and a s leading to the ,
first betrayal of a spirit inimical to Persia on the part of Philip ,
of Macedon Philip received A rtab az u s as a refugee at his

.
court a nd thus provoked those hostile measures t o which

,
O c h u s had recourse later in his rei gn — m easures which fur

n i sh e d a ground of complaint t o Alexander .
About B C 3 5 1 O ch u s marched a large army into Egypt

. .
, ,
bent on recovering that province to the empire N e c t an e b o .

,
however the Egyptian king met him in the field defeated him
, , , ,
and completely repulsed his expedition O c h u s returned t o .
Persia to collect fresh forces and imm ediately the whole Of the ,
West was in a flam e Phoenicia reclaimed her independence .

,
and placed herself under the governm ent of Tennes king of ,
S idon Cyprus revolted and set up n ine n ative sovereigns

.
,
.
In Asi a Minor a dozen petty C hieft a ins assumed the airs of

actual monarchs O ch u s however nothi n g daunted e m
.
, , ,
ployed his satraps to quell or check the revolts while h e h im ,
self collected a second arm a me n t Obtai n ed the s e rvice s of ,

Greek generals and hired Greek m ercenaries to the number

,
of He the n proceeded in person against Phoe n icia and

Egypt B C 346
,
. . .
Partly by force but m ainly by treachery Sidon was taken

, ,
and Ph oenicia reduced to subj ection ; M e n tor with ,
Greeks deserting and j oining the Persians Egypt was then

,
.
a second tim e invaded ; N e ctan e b o w as defeated and driven

from the cou n try ; and the Egyptian satrapy was recovered .
The glory which O c h u s thus acquired was great ; but th e value

o f his success as an indication o f revivin g Persian vigor was
, ,
dim inished by the fact that it w as mainly owing to the conduct

o f Greek generals and the courage o f Greek m ercenaries Still .
,
t o B a g oas the eunuch and t o O c h u s him self som e of the credit

, , ,
must be allowed ; and the vigorous administration which fol

lowed O n th e Egyptian campaign gave promise of a real r e c ov
ery of pristine force and stren gt h B ut this prospect was soon .
clouded by a fresh revolution in the palace which removed the ,
m ost capable Of the later Ach aem enian monarchs .
A savage cruelty w as one of the m ost prominent features in

the char a cter of O c h u s ; and hi s fi e r c e n e ss and violence h a d
rendered him unpopular with h i s subj ects when the eunuch ,
B ag o as his chief minister ventured o n his assassi n atio n B C

, , ,
. .
33 8
. B ag o a s pl a ced Arses the king s youn gest s o n up on the ,
’
throne and destroyed th e rest Of the seed royal It was his

,
.
Obj ect t o reign a s minister o f a prince who was little more than
a b oy ; but after two years he grew alarm ed at some threats
that Arses had uttered an d secured himself by a fresh murder ,
.
N o t venturin g t o assum e the vaca n t crown himself he c o n ,
ferred it on a friend nam ed C odo mannu s— perhaps descended

,
from Darius I I —who mou n ted the throne under the title o f
.
Darius I I I and imm ediately put to death th e wretch to whom

.
,
he owed his elevation B C 336 ,

. . .
Superior m orally t o the greater number Of his predecessors ,
Darius I I I did not p ossess su fficient intellectual ability to e n

.
able him to grapple with the di fficulties of th e circum stances

in which he was placed Th e M acedonian invasion of Asia . ,
which had commenced before he mounted th e thro n e failed ,
t o alarm him as it ought to have done H e probably despised .
Alexander s youth and inexp erie n ce ; at an y rate it is cert a in

’
,
94 RA W L I N S O N
that he took no su ffi cient measures t o guard his countr y

against the attack with which it was threatened Had Per .
si a j oined the European enemies Of Alexander in the first
year of his reign the Macedonian conquest of Asia might

,
never have taken place Still Darius was not wholly want
.
,
ing to the occasion An important native and mercenary

.
force was collected in Mysia to Oppose the invader if he should ,
land ; and a large fleet was sent to the coast which ought to ,
have made the passage o f the Hellespont a matter of di fficulty .
B ut the remissness and over c onfi de n c e of the Persia n leaders

-
rendered these measures ine ffectual Alexander s landing was .

’
unopposed and the batt l e of the Granicus ( B C

,
which . .
might have bee n avoided caused the immediate loss o f all

,
Asia Minor Soon afterwards th e death Of M emnon deprived

.
,
D arius of h i s last chance O f success by disconcerting all his

plans for th e invasion of Europe Compelled to act wholly .
o n the defensive h e levied two great armies

, and fought two ,
great battles against his foe In the first o f these at I ssus.

,
( B C
. . h e no doubt threw away all chance o f victory by
engaging his adversary in a defile ; but in the second all the

advantages that nature had placed on the side of the Persians
were gi ven full play The battle of Arbela ( O ct 1 B C
. .
, . .
fought in the broad plains of A diabé n é on ground carefull y ,
s elected and prepared by the Persians fairly tested th e relativ e ,
stren gth of the two powers ; and when it was lost the empir e ,
of Persia cam e naturally to an e n d The result Of the contes t .
might have been predicted from th e tim e o f the battle Of M a ra

thon The inveterate tendency of Greece to disunion and the
.
,
liberal employment of Persian gold had deferred a result that ,
could not be prevented for n early two centuries

,
*
.
d e ta ils of th e Gr e e k w ars w ith P e rsi a

For th e , se e B ook II I Third .
,
P e ri o d an d for th os e of th e w ar b e twe e n D ari us a n d Al e xan d e r se e ,
B ook I V F i rs t P e r i od
.
, .
BO O K III
HI S T O R Y O F G R EEC E
BO O K l l I
H I S T O RY O F T H E G R E C I A N S T A T E S FR O M T H E E A R L I
EST T I M E S TO TH E A C C ES S I O N OF A L E XA N D E R .
G E O G R A P H I CAL O U T L I NE .
Hella s or Greece Pro p er is a p e ni nsul a O f m od erate s ize

, , ,
boun ded on th e nort h b y O l ymp us th e C a m b uni an m o un ,
ta in s an d an ar tifi c ial li n e p r olong e d w e st w ard t o t h e A cr oc e

,
r a uni an prom on t ory ; on th e wes t by the A dri a tic or Ion ia n

G u lf ; on t h e so u th by the M edi t erran ean ; and on t h e e ast
b y the E g ean Sea I t s great es t len gt h fro m nort h to sou t h
.
,
be t ween the C am b uni an m o u n t ain s an d Cape T mna r us is ,
about 2 5 0 Engl ish mil es its g rea t est widt h be t w ee n Ac o r
c e rauni an prom onto r y ah

, ,
d th e m outh O f t h e Peneus or agai n ,
be t wee n th e coast O f A car nani a an d Marath on i n A t t ica is ,
a b out 1 80 mi l es I t s super fi ci al ext en t h as be en esti m a t ed at

.
s qua re mil es whi ch is so m ewha t l e s s t h an t h e siz e of

,
Po rt ugal .
The geogr a phi cal fea tur e s whi ch m ost dist in ct l v c h ar a ct eri ze
the Hell e ni c Peni n sul a ar e th e n u m be r of it mo u ntai n s an d s
t h e ext ent of its sea — bo ar d N u m er o u s deep bays s t ro n gly i n

.
dent th e coast whil e long an d n arr ow pro m onto r i e s r un o ut

,
far i n to th e sea on all side caus i n g t h e propo rti o n of coa t

s
,
s
to ar e a to be ve r y m u ch gr ea ter tha n i fo u nd i n an y o t h er s
co un tr y of S o u t hern E ur ope Excell ent h ar bo s ab o un d ; t h e

.
r
ti deless sea h as few d an gers 03 t h e coast li e n u m ero us li tt o ra l

is l an ds of grea t be au t v and fe r til it v Natur e ha s do n e h e r
.
utm ost to tempt t h e po p u la ti on t o ma ritim e p u rs ui ts an d t o ,
mak e them cul t i v ate th e ar t O f n avi gati on Comm uni c a t ion .
be t w een m ost parts of the co un t ry is short er and eas ier b y sea

th an by l an d ; for th e mo u n tai n c h ai ns w hi ch i n ter s e ct t h e
—7
-
V01 . I .
97
98 RA W L IN S O N
region in all directions are for the most part lofty and rugged ,
traversable only by a few passes ofte n blocked by snow in ,
the W inter time -

.
The M ountain system o f Greece may best be regarded as

-
an o ffshoot from the great European chain of the Alp s At .
a point a little to the west of the Z I St degree of longitude ( E -

.
from Greenwich ) the Albanian Alps throw ou t a spur which

, , ,
under th e nam es of Sc ar du s Pindus C or ax T ap h i assu s Pana , , , ,
c h ai c u s Lamp ea P h o l o é P ar rh asiu s and T ay g e t u s runs in

'
, , , , ,
a direction a little east of south from the 4 2 d parallel to the

promontory o f T ae nar u m From this great longitudinal chain .
are thrown out at brief intervals on either side a series of

, ,
lateral branches having a general latitudinal direction ; from

,
which again there start off other cross r a nges which follow ,
the course of the main chain or backbo n e o f the region poi n t , ,
i n g n early south east The latitudinal chains are especi a ll y

-
.
marked and important in the easter n divisio n of the country ,
between Pindus a n d the ZE g e an Here are thrown o ff su c .

,
c e s siv e l y the C amb u nian and O lympic range which formed

, ,
the northern boundary of Greece Proper ; the range o f O th rys ,
which separ a ted Thessaly fro m M alis a n d ZE niania ; th a t o f

( E t a which divided between M alis and D oris ; and that o f
,
Parnassus Helico n Cith aero n an d Parnes which starting

, , , , ,
from n e a r Delphi termi n ated in the R h amnu si an promontory

, ,
opposit e Euboea form i n g i n it s eastern portion a strong bar

,
rier between B oeotia and Attica O f a similar character on the .
opposite side were Mount L ing u s i n Northern Epirus which ,
struck westward from Pi n dus at a point nearly opposite the

C amb u n ian s ; together with M ount T y mp h r e st u s in Northern ,
a n d Mount B omiu s in Central ZE t olia In the Peloponnese .

,
the main chain which stretched from R h iu m to Tae nar u m

,
threw off on the west M ount S c ol l is which divided Ach aea

, , ,
from Elis and M ount E l ae on which separated Elis from M es

, ,
senia ; while towards the east the lateral bra n ches were first
, , , ,
o n e which u n der th e nam es o f Erymanthus Aroania and Cyl

, , ,
lene divided Ach aea from Arcadia and which was then p ro
, ,
longed eastward to the S c yllae an promontory in Argolis a nd ,
secondly M ount Parthenium which intervened between Ar

, ,
g ol i s and Laco n ia O f secondary longitudin a l chains the onl y

.
AN C I ENT H I S T O RY 99
o n es which need special mention are the range of Pelion and

O ssa which shut in Thessaly o n the east ; that o f Pentelicus
, ,
Hymettus and A n h ydru s in Attica ; and that of P arn on in

, ,
the Peloponnese which stretched from near Tege a to Malea

,
.
The M ountai n chains o f Greece occupy so l a rge a p ortion

-
o f the area that but little is left for level ground o r plains Still .
,
a certain n umber o f such spaces existed and were th e m ore ,
valued for their rarity The greater portion o f Thessaly was

.
a vast plain surrou n ded by m ountains and dr a ined by a single

, ,
river the Pe n eus I n B oeotia there were two large plains on e

, .
,
the marshy pl a in of the C e ph issus much of which was o c c u ,
pied by Lake C op ai s an d the other the plain o f Asop us on

'
, ,
the verge of which stood Thebes Thespi ae and Plat aea Attica , , .
boasted of three pri n cip a l plains that of Eleusis adj oining the , ,
city of the nam e th a t of Athens itself a n d that of M aratho n

, , .
I n Wester n a n d Souther n Peloponnese were the lowlands o f

Cav a Elis on either side of the Peneus river of Macaria about , ,
the m outh o f the Pami su s and o f Helos at the embouchure , ,
o f the Eurotas ; in the ce n tral region were the high upland
plains o r basins o f Tegea Mantinea Ph e n e u s and O rc h om e

, , , , ,
n us ; while Easter n Peloponnese b oasted the fertil e alluvium

o f Argos watered by th e C h imarrh u s E r asinu s Phrixus
, , , ,
C h aradr u s and Inachus , .
The Rivers of Greece were numerous but o f small volum e , ,
t h e maj ority being little more th a n winter torre n ts and carry ,
ing little o r no water in the summ er tim e The only streams -

.
o f a n y real magn itude were the Achelo u s which rose in Epirus , ,
a n d divided ZE tol ia from A c ar nania ; the northern Peneus ,
which drai n ed the great Thessalian plain ; and the Alpheus ,
the strea m on whos e banks stood O lympia Am ong secondary .
rivers may be n oticed the T h yami s O ropus and A rach th u s , , ,
in Epirus ; the Evenus and D aph nu s in ZEt olia ; the Sper ,
c h e i u s i n M a lis
, the C e p h issu s and Asopus in B oeotia ; the ,
Peneus P ami su s Eurotas and Inachus in the Peloponnese

, , , , .
It is a characteristic o f the Grecian rivers to disappear in

C atabothm o r subterraneous passages The lim estone rocks .
are full of caves and fissures while the plains consist often o f ,
land locked basins which prese n t t o th e eye n o manifest outlet

-
.
Here the stream s co mmo n l y for m l a kes the waters o f which ,

I OO RAWL I N S O N
flow o ff through an undergrou n d chan n el sometimes visible , ,
som etim es only conj ectured to exist to the se a Instances o f , .
such visible outlets are those by which the C e p h i ssu s finds an

egress from Lake C o p ai s i n B oeotia (where art however has
'
, , ,
assisted nature ) a n d those b y which the sup erfluous waters

,
are carried off fro m most of the lakes in the Peloponnese .
I nvisible channels are believed to give a means o f escape to

the waters of Lakes H yl ic é and T r e p h ia in B oeotia , .
The Lakes of Greece are num erous but not very remark ,
able The largest is Lake Copal s in Boeotia the area o f which

.
, ,
has been estimated at forty — o n e square miles Next in size to .
this is probably B oe b e i s in Thessaly formed mainly by the

'
, , , ,
ov e r fl ow i n g s o f the Peneus T o these may be added Lake .
P amb ot i s in Epirus o n the southern shores of which was the

, ,
oracular shrine o f Dodo n a ; Lakes T r i c h onis and C onop é i n ,
ZE t o l i a between the Evenus and A c h e l o ii s ; Lake N e sso ni s

, ,
n ear Lake B oeb e i s in Thessaly ; Lake X ynias in Ach aea , ,
P h t h iot i s ; the sm a ller B oeotian lakes H yli c é and T re p h ia ; ,
and the Arcadia n lakes of P h e n e u s Stymphalus O rc h o me nu s , , ,
M antinea and Tegea , .
It h as been observed th a t the littoral isla n ds of Greece were

both numerous and important The principal o n e w as Euboea .
,
which lay as a great breakwater along the whole east coast of

Attica B oeotia and Locris extending in length rather more
, , ,
than 1 00 m iles with an average breadth of about fifteen miles

,
.
Very inferior to this in size but nearly equal in importance , ,
was Corcyra o n the opposite o r western side of the peninsula

, ,
which had a length o f forty and a breadth varying from fifteen ,
to five miles B esides these there lay o ff the west coast P ax os

.
, ,
Leucas o r Leucadia Ithaca C e p h al l e n ia and Zacynthus ( now

, , ,
Zante ) ; off the south the ( E nu ssae and Cythera ; off the east , ,
T i p ar e nu s H ydria C al au r i a ZE g i na Salamis C yt h n u s Ceos

, , , , , , ,
Helen e A n dros S cyros P e p are th u s H alo nn e su s and Scia

, , , , ,
thus From the south eastern shores o f Eub oea and Attica
.
-
,
the Cyclades and Sporades extended in a continuous series ,
like a se t of stepping stones across the ZE g e an Sea to Asia -

,
.
O n the other side from Corcyra and the Acroceraunian prom

,
o n t o r y the eye could see o n a clear day the Opposite co a st

, , ,
of It a l y .
A N C I EN T H I STO R Y 1 01
The na tural divisio n o f Greece is into Norther n Ce n tral , ,
a nd Southern Norther n Greece extends from the north boun

.
dary —lin e to the point where the e a ster n and western shores
are resp ectively indented by the Gulfs o f M a lis a n d A mb rac ia
o r Actium Central Greece reaches from this point to the I sth
.
mus of Corinth Southern Greece is identical with the Pelo

.
p o n n e se .
Northern Greece contained i n ancient times tw o pri n cipal

countries Thes saly and Ep irus which were separ a ted fro m
, ,
each other by th e high chain of Pindus B esides these there .

,
were on the eastern side o f the m ountai n barrier Magnesi a

, ,
and Ach aea P h t h i ot is ; and i n the m ou n t a i n region itself half ,
way between the two gulfs D olop ia or the cou n try of the , ,
D 010p e s .
Thessaly the largest and most fertile cou n tr y of Greece

,
Prop er was alm ost identical with the basi n o f the Peneus
, .
It was a region ne a rly circular in shap e with a di a m eter of ,
a bout seventy miles M ountai n s surrounded it on every side .

,
from which descended n um erous strea ms all of the m c onv e r g ,
ing and flowing ultimately into the Peneus The united w a ters
,
.
passed to the s e a through a s ingle n a rrow gorge the celebrated ,
vale o f T e mp é which was said to have been c a used by a n

,
earthqu a ke Thessaly w a s divided into four provi n ces

.
( a) P e r r h ae b ia on the n orth a lo n g the skirts o f O lympus a nd ,
the C amb u n ians ; ( b ) H i stimot is tow a rds th e west on the , ,
flanks of Pindus and a long the upper course of the Peneus ;

,
( c ) Th e ssa li o t i s towards the south bordering

, o n Ach ae a P h t h i ,
otis a n d D ol op ia ; a nd ( d ) P e lasg iot is towards the e a st b e , ,
tween the E n ip e u s an d M a gnesi a Its chief cities were i n .

,
P e r r h ae bi a Go u ni and P h al anna ; in H i st imot is G omp h i a nd

, ,
Tricca in T h e ssali ot is C ie riu m an d Ph a rs a lus i n P e l asgi o

,
t i s L a riss a and P h e rm
, .
Epirus the n ext l a rgest cou n tr y t o Thess a l y w a s i n shap e

, ,
an oblong squ a re seventy m iles lo n g fro m n orth t o south and

, ,
about fift y fiv e miles across It co n sisted of a series of loft y

-
.
mountai n s twisted spurs fro m Pi n dus with n arrow v a lleys

, ,
between along the courses of the n u m erous stre a ms Th e

, .
mai n divisions wer e —o n th e e a st M ol ossi s chief cities D o , ,
do na A mbracia : t o t h e n orth w e st Ch a o u i a c ities P h oe ni cé

,
-
, , ,
1 02 RAWL I N S O N
B u t h rot u m, C to the south west Thesprotia ; cities

e st ri a : -
, ,
P an do si a C asso p e and in later times Nicopolis

, ,
Epirus dur , .
,
ing the real historical period was Illyrian rather than Greek , .
Magnesia and Ach aea Ph t h iot is are sometimes reckoned as

parts o f Thessaly ; but in the early times at any rate they , , ,
were distinct countries Magnesia was the coast tract b etwee n

.
-
the mouth of the Peneus and the P ag asman Gul f comprising ,
the two connected ra n ges of O ss a and Pelion with the cou n try ,
immediately at their base It measured in length about sixty .
fiv e and in width from ten to fifteen miles

, Its chief cities .
were M yrae M eliboea and C ast h anae a upon the easter n coast ;
, ,
Iolcus in the Gulf of Pagas se ; and Boeb e n ear Lake B oeb e i s

, , ,
in the interior Ach aea P h t h ioti s was the tract im mediately

.
south of Thessaly extending from th e P ag asae an Gulf on the

,
east to the part o f Pindus inhabited by the D ol op e s It was .
a region nearly s quare in shape e a ch side o f the s quare meas ,
uring about thirty miles It co n sisted of M ount O t h rys with .

,
the country at its bas e The chief cities were Halos Theb ae .
,
P h t h iot i de s I t onu s M elit ae a L a mia and X ynias on L a ke

, , , , ,
X y n i as .
D ol op i a or the country of the D ol op e s, comprised a portio n

,
o f the range o f Pindus , together with the more wester n part
o f O t h r y s and the upp er valleys o f several stre a ms which r a n

,
into the A c h e l oii s It was a s m a ll tract n ot m ore th a n fo r ty

.
,
miles long by fiftee n bro a d an d w a s very rugged an d mou n ,
t ai n o u s .
Ce n tr a l Greece o r the tr a ct interv e n ing between Northern

,
Greece a nd the Pelopon n ese contai n ed eleven cou n tries ; viz , .

,
A c ar nania ZE t ol ia Wester n Locris E ni an ia D oris Malis

, , , , , ,
Easter n Locris Phocis B oeoti a Attic a and M egaris

, , , ,
.
A carnan ia the most wester n o f the countries w a s a tri an

, ,
gular tract bounded on th e n orth by th e A mb rac i an Gulf on

, ,
the east by the A ch e l oii s an d on th e south west b y the Adri ,

-
a tic. Its sides m easured resp ectively fifty thirty fiv e a nd ,

-
,
thirty m iles Its chief cities were i n th e i n terior Str a tus ;

.
, ,
on the coast A n act or iu m Solium Ast a cus an d (E niadae

, , , , .
E t ol i a a dj oined A c arnani a o n the east a nd exte n ded in ,
th a t direction as far as ZE nian ia a n d Doris O n th e n orth it .
w a s bou n ded by D ol op ia ; o n the south by the Corinthian Gulf .

A N C I ENT H I STO R Y 1 03
I n size i t w a s a bout double A c arnania a n d its area consider ably ,
exceeded that of a n y other cou n try in this part of Hell a s It .
was generally mountainous but contained a flat a nd m a rshy ,
tract betwee n the mouths of the Eve n us an d A c h e l o ii s ; a nd

som ewh a t farther t o the n orth a l a rge pl a i n i n which were , ,
two great l a kes the C on O p é a nd the T ri c h onis Its chief cities

, .
were Pleuron Calydon and Thermon

, , .
Wester n Locris or the countr y o f the Locri O z olae lay on

, ,
the co a st of the Cori n thi an Gulf im mediately to the east o f ,
E t ol i a .Its le n gth a lo n g t h e co a st was about thirty seven -
miles and its depth i n la n d from about two m iles to twe n ty

,
three Its chief cities were Naup a etus on the co a st a nd A m

.
,
p hi ssa i n the interior .
i E n iania o r E t ae a a s it w a s sometimes c a lled l ay a lso east

, , ,
of X E t o lia but tow a rds the n orth whereas Locris adj oined it
, ,
towards the south ZE nian ia was separated from ZE t ol i a by

.
the continuation o f Pindus southward a n d was bou n ded on ,
the n orth by O th rys and o n th e south by ( E ta It la y thus o n .
the course of the upp er Sp e r ch e iu s River It w a s an oval .
sh a ped cou n t ry about twe n ty — , se v e n m iles long b y eighte e n

broad The chief town w a s H yp ata
. .
D oris i n terv ened between ZE niania and Wester n Locris .
This w a s a small an d rugged countr y inclosed b etween M ounts ,
P a r na ssus a nd C al l idromus on the u pper course of the Pi n dus

,
River a tributar y of th e B oeotia n C e p h issu s Its greatest

, .
le n gt h w a s a bout s eve n tee n a nd its g reatest width about ten

mile s It co n t a i n ed the four citi e s o f Pi n dus E r ine u s B oe um
.
, , ,
an d C yt iniu m whe n ce it was k n own a s t h e D oria n Tetrapolis

, .
M a li s la y n orth o f D oris south o f Ach ae a P h th iot is a nd

, ,
e a st of ZE niania It was eve n sm aller th a n D oris which it

.
,
rese mbled i n shap e The gre a test len gth w a s about fifteen
.
an d the gr e a test wi dth ab out eight m iles The chief cities .
were A nt i c yra and T r ach i s ; and in l a ter tim es Heracle a , , .
At th e e xtre me e a ster n edge of Malis betwee n the m ou n t a ins ,
a n d the se a w a s th e pass of Thermopyl ae

,
.
E a ster n Locri s l a y next t o M a lis along the sh ore o f the ,
Euripus or Eub oe a n ch an nel It was p olitic a lly divided into .
two p a rts E pi cne midia a n d O pu ntia ; which i n l a ter time s

, , ,
were physic a lly sep a rated by a s mall strip of grou n d r eckoned ,

1 04 RAWL I N S O N
a s belo n ging to Phocis E p ic n e midia exte n ded about seven .
teen m iles from near T h e rm op ylm to n ear D ap h nu s averaging

, ,
about eight miles in width Its chief town was Cnemides . .
O punti a reached from A l op é to beyond the mouth of the C e

p i ssu s a distance o f twenty six miles
h Its width was a bout -
, .
equal to that of E p icn e midia It derived its na m e from its .
chief city O pus , .
Phocis reached fro m Easter n Locris on th e north to the

Corinthian Gulf o n the south I t was bounded on the west by .
Doris and Western Locris o n the east by B oeotia It was , .
squarish in shape with an average length of twenty fiv e and

,
-
an average breadth of twenty miles The central and southern .
parts were extremel y mountainous ; but along the course of

the C e p h i ssu s and its tributaries there were some fertile plains .
The chief cities were D elphi on the southern flank o f M ount ,
Parnassus E l atae a P arap otamii Pa n opeus Ab ae famous for

, , , , ,
its temple and H yamp oli s, .
B oeotia w as above twice the size of Phocis h a ving a length ,
o f fifty and an average breadth o f twenty three miles It was -

.
generally flat and marshy but contained the m ountain range ,
o f H elicon o n the south and the lofty hills known a s Pto u s , ,
M e ssap i u s H yp at u s and T e u m e ssu s towards the more eastern

, , ,
portion o f the country The lake C op ai s covered an area o f .
forty — one square m iles or above one thirtieth o f th e surface ,

-
.
There were also two smaller lakes between C op ai s a nd the

Euboean Sea called respectively H yli c é and T re p h i a The
, .
chief rivers o f Boeotia were ( besides th e C e p h issu s which e n ,
t e r e d it from Phocis ) the Asopus the T e r m e ssu s the Thes , ,
pius and the O ero e B oeotia was noted for th e number and
,
.
greatness of its cities The chief of these was Thebes ; but .
the following were also of import a nce : O r ch om e n u s Thespiae , ,
Tanagra C or onma L e b ade i a H aliart u s C h ae r one i a Leuctra

, , , , , ,
a n d Cop ae .
Attica was the forel an d or pe n i n sula which proj ected fro m

B oeotia to the south east Its len g th fro m Cith aeron to Su -
.
,
n ium was seventy miles ; its gre a test width fro m Munychi a
, ,
to Rhamnus was thirty miles I t s a rea h a s been estimated a t

,
.
72 0 square miles o r about o ne fourth less than B oe otia The

-
.
,
general ch a racter o f the tract was m ount a i n ous a nd i n fert ile .

AN C I ENT H I STO R Y 1 05
O n the n orth Cith aeron Par n es and P h e ll e u s formed a

, , , c on
t i n u ou sline running nearly east and west ; from this descend

ed three spurs : o ne which divided Attica from the M e g ar i d
, ,
known as Ke r at a ; another which separated the Eleusini an ,
from the Athenian plain called ZE g al e o s ; a nd the third which, ,
ran out from Parnes by D e c e l e a and M a r a thon t o Cape Zoster ,
named in the north Pentelicus in the ce n tre Hymettus an d , ,
near the south coast A n h ydr u s The towns of Attica except .

,
Athens were unimportant Its rivers the tw o C e p hi ssu se s

, .
, ,
the I lissus the E r asinu s a nd the C h aradru s were little m ore

, , ,
than torrent courses -

.
M egaris which adj oi n ed on Attica to the west occupied

, ,
the n orther n portion of the I sthmus uniti n g Ce n tral Greece

with th e Peloponnese It was the smallest of all the central
.
Greek countries excepti n g Doris and Malis being about four

, ,
teen miles lo n g by eleven broad and co n t a i n i n g less than 1 50 ,
square m iles It had o ne cit y onl y viz M egar a with the

.
, .
, ,
ports N isae a a nd P e g ae .
Southern Greece o r the Pelopo nn ese cont a i n ed eleve n

, ,
countries— viz Corinth Sicyo n A c h ma Elis Arc a dia M es

.
, , , , , ,
s enia Laconia Argolis E pi dau r ia T r oe z e nia and H e rmioni s

, , , , ,
.
The territory of Corinth a dj oined M egaris a nd included th e ,
larger portion of the Isthmus together with a tr a ct of som e ,
what greater magnitude in the Pelop o nn ese Its greatest .
length was twe n ty —fiv e a n d its gre a test width about twe n t y
three m iles I t s shape however was extre m el y irregul a r ; an d
.
, ,
its area ca n not be recko n ed at more tha n 2 30 square miles .
The only city o f imp ortance was Corinth the capit a l which had , ,
a port on either se a— on the Corinthia n Gulf L e c h aeu m a nd , ,
o n the Saro n ic Gulf Cenchre ae , .
Sicyon or Sic yon ia a dj oined Corinth on the west It lay

, ,
.
along the shore of the Corinthian Gulf for a dist a nce o f about
fiftee n miles a nd extended inl an d about twelve or thirtee n
,
miles It co n tained but on e city viz Sicyon

.
,
.
,
.
A ch ma c a me next to S ic yon ia a nd extended along th e co a st ,
a dist an ce o f about sixty fiv e miles Its a verage width w a s -

.
about ten miles ; a nd its a rea m ay be recko n ed a t 6 50 square

miles It contained twelve cities o f which D ym é P a trae ( now
.
, ,
P a tr as) an d P e l l e n é were th e m ost i mpo rt a nt

,
.
106 RAWL I N S O N
Elis lay o n the west coast o f the Pelopo nn ese exte n ding ,
from the m outh of the L ari s u s to that of the Neda a distance ,
o f fi fty seven miles -

and reaching inland to the foot of Ery
,
mant h u s about twenty fi v e miles It w as a more level cou n try

,
-
.
tha n w as common in Greece containing broad tracts of plain ,
along the coast and som e tolerably wide valleys along the
,
courses of the Peneus Alpheus an d Neda rivers Its chief , , .
cities were Elis on the Peneus the p ort Cyll en e on th e gulf

, , ,
o f the sam e nam e O lympia and Pisa o n the Alpheus a nd

, , ,
L e p r e u m in Souther n Elis o r T r ip h yl i a
,
Arcadia was the central mountain country—the Switzerl a nd

.
-
o f the Peloponnese It reached from the mountain chain of
.
-
Erymanthus Aroania and C yll é n é in the north to the sources

, , ,
of the Alpheus towards the south a distance o f about sixt y ,
miles The average width w a s about forty m iles The area

. .
is reckoned at 1 700 square m iles The country is for th e most .
part a mountainous table land the rivers o f which excepting -

, ,
towards the west and the south —west are absorbed in cata ,
both m and have n o visible outlet to the sea

, High plains and .
small lakes are num erous ; but by far the greater part of the
area is occupied by mou n tai n s a n d narrow but fertile valleys .
Important cities were num ero us Among them may b e named .
Manti n ea Tegea O r ch ome n u s P h e ne us Her ma P soph i s

, , , , , ,
and in the later times M egalopolis

, ,
.
Messenia lay south of Elis and Wester n Arcadia occupying ,
the m ost westerly of the three forelands i n which the Pelo

p onn e se terminates and circli n g round the gulf between this
,
forela n d a n d the centr a l on e as far a s the m outh o f the C h oe r iu s .
Its len g th from th e N ed a to the promontory of Acritas w a s

, ,
forty fi v e miles ; its g reatest width between Laconia and the

-
western coast was thirt y seven miles The area is estimated at -

.
1 1 60 square miles Much of the country was mountainous ;

.
but along the course of the main river the P amisu s were some , ,
broad plains and the entire territory was fertile The origi
,
.
nal c a pital was St e nycl e r u s but afterwards M ess en e o n the ,
south western fl ank of M ount Ith om e becam e the chief town

-
,
.
O ther important places were Eir a on the upper Neda P yl u s ,
( now Navarino ) a nd M e t h on é south

, o f P y l u s ( ow M odo n)
n ,
.
Laconia embr a ced the two other Pelopon n esian forel an ds ,

A N C I E NT H I STO R Y 1 07
together with a co n siderable tract to the n orth Of them Its .
greatest length betwee n Argolis and the promontory Of Malea

, ,
w a s n early eighty miles while its greatest width was n ot much

,
short Of fifty miles The area approached nearly to 1 900

.
s q uare m iles The country consisted mainly O f a si n gle na r

.
r o w i sh v a lley— that O f the Eurot a s — i n closed betwee n two
lofty m ou n tai n ranges — those of P arnon and T ayg e tu s He n ce

-
.
”
the expression Hollow L ac e dmmon
, Sp a rta the capital .
, ,
la y o n the Eurotas at the distance of a bout twenty m iles from

,
the sea The other towns were u n importa n t ; the chief were
.
G yt h i u m an d T h y r e a o n the co a st a n d Sellasi a i n the v a lle y ,
o f the ZE n u s .
Argolis is a term s om etim es a pplied t o the whole tr a ct p ro

j e c t i n g e a stward fro m Ach ae a a nd Arc a dia with th e exceptio n ,
Of th e small territory Of Corinth : but the word will b e here

used in a n arrower sense Argolis Prop er was bounded by .
Si c yo n ia and Cori n thi a o n the n orth by Epidaurus o n the east , ,
by C yn ur ia— a portion of Laconia—o n the south a nd by Ar ,
cadia o n the west Its greatest exte n t fro m north to south was
.
about thirty and fro m east t o west a bout thirty —

, o n e m iles .
Its entire are a did not exceed 700 s quare miles Like the rest .
Of the Peloponnese it was mou n tainous but co n tained a l a rge

, ,
a n d rich plai n a t the head Of the Argolic Gulf Its c a pital w a s .

,
i n early times M y cen ae ; afterwards Argos

, O ther cities Of .
imp ortance were P h liu s C l e onm and Tiry n s The port of

, , , .
Argos w a s Nauplia .
E p i dau ria lay east Of Argolis east and south Of Corinthi a , .
Its length fro m n orth to south w a s a bout twe n ty —three m iles ,
and its breadth in the opposite direction about eight m iles It .
contained but o ne city Of any n ote viz Ep idaurus the c a pital , .

, , .
T r oe z e n ia adj oined E p i dau r ia o n the south east It c o m -

.
prised the north eastern half Of the Argolic forel an d togethe r

-
,
with the rocky pe n insula Of M ethana Its greatest len gth was .
sixteen m iles and its greatest width excludi n g M ethana nine

, , ,
m iles It contained t w o cities Of note T r oe z e n an d M ethana

.
, .
H e r m io ni s adj oined E p i dau r i a on the n orth a nd T r oe z e n ia

o n the e a st . It for m ed the wester n termin a tio n of the Argolic
foreland I n size it was about equal t o T r oe z e nia It co n t a ined
. .
but one tow n Of a ny conse q uence viz H e rmioné ,

.
, .
1 08 RAWL I N S O N
B esides the littor a l isla n ds of Greece which have bee n al ,
ready enum erated there were several others studding the , ,
ZE g e an Sea which deserve n otice ; as p a rticul a rly the follow

,
i n g z— ( a) In the Northern ZE g e an Lemnos I mb r u s Th a sos , , , ,
a nd Samothrace ( b ) I n the Centr a l ZE g e an besides Andros .

, ,
Ceos and C yth nu s which m ay be called littoral Tenos Syros

, , , , ,
G yar u s Delos M yc on u s Naxos Paros S ip h nu s M elos

, , , , , , ,
Ther a A mor g u s etc ( c) I n the Southern ZE g e an Crete

, , .
, .
This last na med island w a s of considerable size It extended

-
.
from west t o east a distance of 1 5 0 miles and had an average ,
width of about fifteen miles The are a considerably exceeded .
2 000 square miles The chief cities were Cydonia and G nos .
sus on the n orth coast and G o rt yna i n the i n terior The whole , .
isla n d was m ountainous but fertile .
O n the ch a r a cter Of the Greek Isl an ds , se e the work Of

R o ss ,
L .
, R e ise n au f de n Gr i e ch i sch e n In s e l n . S tutt gart ,
1 840 —
52
3 v ols .
, 8v o .
O n the ge n er a l geogr a ph y Of Greece the follow mg may be ,
consulted with a dv a ntage :

Kru s e F G H ,
H e ll a s . L e ip s i c 1 825 2 7 ; 3 vols 8v o A g e n
. .
, .
,
-
.
, .
e r al d e scrip t i on O f t h e g e o gr aph y o f Gr e e c e fr om t h e b e s t s o u rc e s e x is t
i ng at t h e t i me S t ill O f val u e t o t h e s tu d e nt
. .
Cr ame r J A G e o gr aph i c al and H is to ric al D e scrip t i on of A n c ie nt

, . .
,
Gr e e c e ”
O x fo rd 1 828 ; 3 vols 8v o
.
, .
, .
L e ak e C o l Tr ave ls i n N ort h e rn Gre e c e

, .
, L on d on 1 83 5 ; 4 vo ls .
,
8v o .
L e ak e C ol Tr ave ls i n t h e M o r e a L on d on 1 830 3 vo ls 8v o
, .
,
.
,
°
.
, .
”
L e ak e C O l P e l o p onne si ac a s u ppl e me ntal t o t h e Trave ls i n t h e
,
.
, ,
M o r e a L on d on 1 846 ; 8v o
”
.
,
.
C u rt i u s E P e l o p onne s u s G ot h a 1 85 1 5 2 ; 2 vols 8v o
, .
,
.
,
-
.
, .
Cl ark W G P e l op onn e s u s N ot e s O f S tu d y and Trave l

, . .
,
L on , .
do n , 1 85 8 ; 8v o .
N i e b u hr B G L e c tu r e s on th e E t h no gr aph y
, . .
,
an dG e o graph y O f
A n ci e nt Gr e e c e e di t e d b y L S ch mi tz L on d on
”
.
. .
,
1 85 3 ; 2 v o ls 8v 0 ; .
,
from t h e G e rman e di ti on of D r I sl e r . .
S KETCH O F THE H I ST O R Y .
F I RST P ER I O D .
The A n cient Traditional History from the Earliest Times t o ,
the Dorian O ccupation of the Pelopo nn ese about B C 1 1 00 , . .
to
The Greeks of the historical times see m to have had no tra
dit io ns Of a migration from Asia Their ancestors they held .
, ,
had always been in the country though they had not always ,
been called Hellenes Greece had been inhabited from a r e.
m ote age by races more or less hom oge n eous and m ore o r less ,
closely a llied with their own— Pelasgi L e l e g e s Cur etes Cau , , ,
cones Aones D O l O p e s Dryopes and the like O f these the

, , , ,
.
,
Pelasgi had been the m ost important The Hellenes proper .
had originally been but on e tribe out Of many cognate ones .
They had dwelt in Ach aea P h t h ioti s o r according to others , , ,
n ear D odona a nd h a d origi n all y bee n insignificant in n umbers

,
S ou r ces . N ative onl y H o me r —Th e tw o p o e m s w h i ch p ass un d e r

. .
t his ve n e r abl e n ame w h ate ve r t h e i r a ctu al o rigi n mu s t al w ay s c o n

, ,
t i n u e t o b e o n a cc o u nt o f t h e i r gr e at anti q u i t y t h e pr im e au t h o ri t y
, ,
fo r t h e e arl y c on di t i on of t hi n g s i n Gr e e c e M o d e rn cri t icis m a gr e e s

.
w i t h an ci e nt i n v i e w i n g t h e m as t h e e a rli e s t r e ma i n s O f Gr e e k l i t e r at u r e
th at h ave c ome d ow n t o u s ; an d if t h e i r a ct u al d at e i s ab ou t B C 8 50
,
. .
,
as n o w g e n e r all y b e l i e v e d t h e y mu s t b e r e g ard e d a s s t an di n g a p a r t o n
,
a v ant a g e gr o u n d O f t h e ir o w n ; fo r w e h ave n o t hi n g e ls e c ont i nu o u s

-
o r c om pl e t e i n Gr e e k li t e r at u r e fo r n e arl y f o u r c e nt u r i e s H e r o d ot u s
—This w ri te r t h ou gh t h e i mme di at e s u b j e c t O f h is h i s t o r y is t h e gr e at
. .
P e rsi an W ar y e t c arri e s u s b ack i n t h e e pis o dic al p o rt i on s O f h i s w o rk

,
t o v e r y r e m o t e t i me s a n d i s e nt it l e d t o c on sid e r at i o n a s a c ar e f u l i n
,
q u i r e r i nt o t h e ant i q u i t i e s O f man y n at i on s his o w n am on g t h e nu m b e r, .
Th u c y did e s —Th e sk e t ch w it h w hich t h e his t o r y of Th u c y did e s O p e n s

.
.
a ma s t e rl y pr o d u c t i o n gi ve s t h e j u dgm e nt O f a shr e w d an d w e ll r e a d
,
-
A t h e ni an O f t h e f ou rt h c e ntu r y B C o n t h e ant i q u i t i e s O f Gr e e c e
. . .
D i o do r u s S i c u l u s c o ll e c t e d fr om pr e v i o u s w r ite rs p a rt ic u l arl y Eph o r u s ,
an d Ti m a e us t h e e arl y t r a dit i on al his t o r y o f Gr e e c e an d r e l at e d i t i n

, ,
his f ou r t h fift h sixt h an d s e v e nt h b o oks ; O f t h e s e t h e fo u rt h an d fift h

, , ,
r e mai n w hil e t h e ot h e r t w o ar e l o s t e x c e p t in g a fe w fr agme nt s M u ch

, , .
i nt e r e s t i n g i nfo rmat i on o n t h e e arl y h i s t o r y O f Gr e e c e is c ontai ne d i n

t h e g e o gr aph e rs as p a r t ic u l a rl y i n S t r ab o P au s an i as an d S cy m nu s
, , ,
Ch iu s O f Pl utarch s L ive s one onl y t h at of Th e s e u s b e l on g s t o t h e

.
’
, ,
e arl y p e r i o d .
1 10 RAWL I N S O N
and Of sm a ll a ccou n t In process o f tim e however they ac.

, ,
quired a reputation above that Of the other tribes ; recourse

w as had to them fo r advice and aid in circumstances o f diffi
culty ; other tribes cam e over to them adopted their name , ,
their form Of speech and the general character O f their civiliza

,
tio n The growth and spread of the Helle n es was thus n ot by

.
conquest but by in fl uence they did not overpower or expel

the Pelasgi L e l e g e s e t c but gradually assimilated them
, , .
, .
The original Hellenic tribes seem to have been t w o o n ly ,
th e Dorians and the Ach aeans Of whom the latter preponder ,
ated in the more ancient times Settled in Ach aea P h th i ot i s .
from a rem ote antiquity they were also before the D orian , ,
occupation the leading race O f the Peloponnese H ere the y

, .
are said to have had three kingdoms— those of Argos M y ,
cen ae and Spart a— which attained to a considerable degree

,
o f prosperity and civilization The Dorians were reported to .
have dwelt originally with the Ach aeans in P h th iot is ; but

their earliest ascertained locality was the tract on the Upp er
Pindus which retained the name o f Doris down to Roma n
times In this small a n d sad region they grew to great n ess
.
,
increasing i n n umbers acquiring martial habits a nd p erhaps , ,
developing a p eculiar discipline .
The most important of the Pelasgic tribes w a s that Of the

Ionians which occupied in the earliest times the whole n orth
,
coast Of the Peloponn ese the M e g ar i d Attica an d Euboe a , , ,

.
Another ( S O called) tribe (which is however perhaps only

-
, , ,
a convenient designation under which to include such i n h ab i

tants Of the cou n try as were n ot Ach aean D orian or I o n ian ) , ,
was th a t of the ZE oli an s to which the Thessali an s Boeotia n s , , ,
ZE O l ian s Locria n s Phocians Eleans P yli an s etc were r e

, , , , , .
,
garded as belongin g These races having been gradually Hel.
l e n i z e d the entire four tribes cam e t o b e regarded as Helle n ic

, ,
and a mythic genealo gy was framed t o express at once the

ethnic unity and th e trib a l diversity of the four great divisio n s
Of the Hellenic people .
H e ll e n .
D or u s . X ut h u s . o lu s .
' _
l
A c h a ns . Ion .
AN C I ENT H I STO R Y 1 1 1
According to the traditions Of the Greeks som e imp ortant ,
foreign elem ents were received into the natio n during the
p eriod of which we a re treati n g Egyptia n s settled in Attica .
a n d Argolis ; Phoe n icia n s i n Boeotia and M ysians or P h ry g ,
ians a t Argos The civilization O f the settlers was higher than

, .
that o f the people among whom they settled and some c o n ,
si de r ab l e benefits were Obtained from these foreign sources .
Amo n g them may be especially m entio n ed letters which were ,
derived from the Phoenici a ns probably a n terior to B C 1 1 00

,
. . .
Although writing for som e centuries after its introduction

, ,
w as n ot much used yet its occasio na l employm e n t esp eci a lly

, ,
for public purposes w as an importa n t check upo n the erratic

,
te n dencies o f oral tr a dition Inscriptions on the off erings in

.
temples a nd registers o f the successio n Of kings a n d s a cerdotal

,
p erso n s were among the e a rliest of the Greek historical doc

,
u me nt s ; and though there i s n o a ctu a l proof that they re a ched

”
back as far as this First Period yet th ere is certainly no ,
proof Of the contrary and many Of the best critics believe i n

,
the public employme n t O f writing i n Greece thus early .
B ut wh a tever be n efits were derived by the Greeks from

,
the foreign ers w h o settled a mong them it is evident that ,
n either the purity Of their race nor the gen eral character an d ,
course Of their civiliz a tio n w as much a ff ected by extraneous

,
influe n ces Th e i n com ers were compar a tively few in n umber

.
,
and were absorbed into the H elle n ic n a tio n without leaving

any thing m ore tha n a fai n t tr a ce Of themselves upo n the la n
gu a ge customs or religio n o f th e peopl e which received them
, ,
into its bosom Greek civilizatio n w a s in th e main Of h Om e

.
growth Eve n the ideas a dopted from without acquired in the

.
process Of receptio n so new a st a mp a s to becom e almost ori g

inal ; a nd the Greek people must b e held t o have on the whole , ,
elabor a ted for themselves that form O i civilizatio n an d those ,

,
ideas o n th e subj ects of art politics m or a ls an d religio n

, , , ,
which have give n the m their peculi a r reputation .
History proper c a n scarcely be regarded as comm e n ci n g

u n til the very close o f th e period now u n der consideration ,
when we first meet with na m es which have some claim t o b e

regarded as those of a ctu a l perso na ges B ut the ge n er a l c on .
dition Of the p eople a t the period an d so m e Of the m ove m ents ,

1 12 RAW L I N S O N
of the r a ces an d eve n their causes may b e laid down with an

, ,
appro a ch t o certainty .
The Homeric poems represe n t t o us the general state of Greek

society in the earliest times The most n oticeable features are : .
—The predom i nan ce Of the tribe or nation over the city ,
which exists i n deed but h as nowhere the monopoly of political

,
life The universality of kingly government which is heredi

.
,
”
tary and based upon the notion O f divine right The exist .
ence o f an hereditary nobility Of a rank not much below that

o f the king who for m his council (Boi, ) both in peace and
war but exercise n o e ffectual control over h is actions The
, .
existence o f an assembly (ci yopci ) which is convened by the r
king o r in his absence by o n e Of the chiefs to receive com

, , , ,
m u n i cat i on s and witness trials but not either to advise o r

, ,
j udge The absence O f polygamy and the high regard in which

.
women are held Slavery everywhere established and c on sid

.
,
ered t o be right Perpetual wars not only between the Greeks

.
,
and neighboring barbarians but between the various Greek ,
tribes and nations ; preference o f the military virtues over all

o thers ; excessive regard for stature and physical strength .
Wide prevalence of nautical habits combined with a di sin c lina

tion to ve n ture into unknow n seas ; dependence Of the Greeks
o n foreigners for necessary imports Piracy comm on ; cities .
built at a distance from the se a from fear Of pirates Strong .
religi ous feeling ; belief in polytheism in fate in the divine , ,
Nem esis and the punishme n t o f heinous crimes by the Furies

,
.
Respect for the priestly character for heralds guests and sup , , ,
pliants Peculiar sanctity o f temples a n d festival seasons

. .
The religious sentiment always strong in th e Greek mind , ,
formed in the early times o ne of the most important Of the

bonds Of unio n which held men a n d even tribes together , ,
.
Community of belief led t o com mu n ity Of worship ; and tem

ples cam e to be frequented by all the tribes d w elling around
them who were thus induced to contract engagem ents with
,
o n e another and t o form leagues o f a peculiar character

,
These .
leagues know n as Amphictyonies were not political alliances

, , ,
much less confederations ; they were in their original c on ce p ,
tio n limited altogether to religious purposes ; th e tribes o r

, ,
states contr a cti n g them bou n d the m selves to protect certai n

, ,
sacred buildi n gs rites a n d p erso n s but undertook no other

, , ,
engagements towards on e an other The most noted o f these .
leagues was that whereof the oracular shrine Of D elphi was

the centre ; which acquired its peculiar dignity a n d importance ,
n ot so much fro m the wealth and influence o f the D elphic

temple as fro m the fact that a mong its twelve constituent
,
m embers were included the two leading races o f Greece .
Important moveme n ts Of som e of the princip a l races seem

to have take place towards the close of the early p eriod It .
ma y be suspected that these had their origin in the pressure

upon North — western Greece Of the Illyrian people th e pare n t ,
( probably ) Of the modern Alba n i an s The tr ibes to the west .
Of Pindus were always rega rded as less Hellenic than thos e

to the east ; and the ground O f disti n ctio n seem s to have been
the greater Illyrian element i n that qu a rter The Troj an War .
,
if a real event may have resulted fro m the Illyrian pressure

, ,
being an endeavor to Obtain a ve n t for a popul a tion cramped ,
for room in the m ost accessible part of Asia T O th e sam e

, .
cause may be assigned the great movement which c om m e n c ,
ing in Epirus ( about B C produced a general shift o f

. .
the populations Of Northern and Centr a l H ellas Q uitting .
Thesprotia in Epirus the Thessalians crossed the Pi n dus

,
m ountain chain and desce n di n g on the fertile valley Of th e

-
,
Peneus drove o u t th e B oeotians a n d occupied it The B oeo

, , .
tians proceeded southward over O t h rys a n d ( E t a into the plain

Of th e C e p h issu s and driving ou t the C adme ian s a n d M iny a ns
, ,
acquired th e territory t o which they the n ceforth ga ve nam e .
The C adm e i an s and M inyaa dispersed and are fou n d in Attic a , ,
i n Laced aemo n and elsewhere The D orians a t the sam e tim e

, .
m oved fro m their Old ho m e an d occupied Dryopis which ,
thenceforward w as k n ow n a s D oris expelling the Dryopi a ns , ,
who fled by sea and found a refuge i n Eub oea i n C yth nu s an d , ,
in th e Peloponnese .
N ot many years later a further but apparently distinct , ,
movem e n t took place The Dorians cramp ed for room i n

.
,
their narrow valleys betwee n (E ta and P a rnassus having a llied ,
themselves with their n eighbors the ZE t olians crossed th e , ,
Corinthia n Gulf a t its narrowest poi n t between R h iu m and ,
A nt ir rh iu m a nd e ffected a lodgm e n t i n the Pelopo nn ese Elis

,
—
.
,
VO L . I . 8
21 4 RAWL I N S O N
Mes se n i a L a co n i a a n d Argolis were successivel y i n vaded and

, , ,
a t le ast partially conquered E lis bei n g a ssigned to the ZE to .
lia n s D oria n ki n gdom s w e re est a blished i n the three other

,
cou n tri e s The previou s Ach aea n i n habit a nts i n part submit
.
t e d i n pa rt fled northward an d occupied the n orth co a st Of the

, ,
Pelopo nn ese dispossessi n g the Io n i an s who fou n d a tempo

, ,
rary refuge i n Attic a .
A further result followed fro m the migr a tio n s an d co n q uests

here spoken of The popul a tio n Of Greece finding the co n ti
.
,
’
n ent too na rrow for it was forced t o flow ou t into the isl an ds
,
of the M e diterra n ea n and the shores to whi ch those islands

co n ducted The B oeotia n occupatio n Of the p lai n of the C c
.
p h i ssu s led to t h e first Greek settle m ents in Asia those know n ,
a s ZE O l ian i n L esb os an d on th e adj ace n t coast The Ach aea n

, .
co nquest Of Io n ia c a used the I onia n s after a brief soj our n i n ,
Attica t o p a ss on through the Cyclades t o Chios Samos and

, , , ,
the p a rt s of Asi a directly Opposite Fi n ally th e success Of the .

,
Dorian s aga inst the Ach aeans caused these last to emigr a te ,
in pa rt t o Asi a under D oric l eaders in part t o Italy ,
Fo r the hi st ory Of these settlem ents see t h e followi n g p a r a ,
gr aph .
S E CO N D P ER I O D .
Fro m the D ori an Co nq uest O f the Pelopo nn ese ( about B C . .
1 1 00- 1000 ) to t h e Com m e nce m e nt Of the W a r s with Per m
sia, B C 5 00
. . .
PAR T I .
fl f fire p r i ncipal H e l l e ni c Si az es i n G r e ece P r op e r

'
‘ ‘
z sz e ry o .
T h e history o f th e Helle nes subsequently t o the D o rian o c

c up at i o n o f the Pel opo nn ese resolves itself into that o f the
sev e r al st a te s Still a fe w ge n eral remarks may be made

.
,
before proceeding to the special history of the more important

citi e s a nd countries The p ro g ress of civilizatio n w as for a
.
,
tim e an d to a certai n exte n t checked by the migration s and ,
the troubles which they brought in their train Stro n ger a nd .
m o re e n ergeti c but ruder races took the place of weaker but

m ore p olished o nes Physic a l qualities asserted a sup eriority
.
over gr a ce refi ne m e n t an d ingenuit y

, What the rough D O ,
.
ri a ns were i n compariso n with the refined A ch man s o f th e P e lo

p onne se such were ge n erall y the co n queri n g as compared with
,
th e co nq uered peoples B ut a gai n st this loss must b e se t the

.
greater politic a l vigor of the new er a W a r an d move me n t .

,
bri n ging out the p erso na l qualities Of each i n dividual man ,
favored the growth of self resp ect a n d self— a ssertio n Am id -

.
toils an d da n gers which were shared alike by all the ide a Of ,
political equalit y took its rise A n ovel an d u n settled state .
of things stimulated politic a l inve n tive n ess ; a n d various ex ,
p e di e nt s being tried the stock Of p olitical ideas increased r a p

,
idly Th e simple hereditary m onarchy O f the heroic times w a s

.
succeeded everywhere except in Ep irus by som e m ore c om , ,
plic a ted syste m of government— som e syste m far more favor

a ble to freedo m an d t o the political education of the individu a l .
A n other n atur a l consequence Of the new co n ditio n of thi n gs

w a s the ch a nge by which the City acquired its sp eci a l dig n it y
an d importa n ce The conquerors naturally s ettled themselves
.
i n some stronghold a n d kept together for their greater se c ur

,
ity E a ch such stro n ghold beca me a separ a te state holdi n g i n

.
,
subj ection a cert a i n tract of circumj acent country At th e .
s a m e ti me the u n co nq uered cou n tries a lso s eei n g the stre n g th

, ,
th a t resulted fro m u n ity were induced i n m any cases to abolish ,
their ol d s y ste m of vill a ge life an d t o centralize the mselves b y

establishi n g c a pit a ls an d tr an sferri n g the bulk Of their p op u
,
'
l atio n t o the m (a vvouceo e os) This w a s the c a se with Athens -
.
,
M an ti n e a Tegea D ymé etc I n cou n tries occupied b y a s in

, , , .
gle r a ce but broken up i n to man y disti n ct states e a ch ce n tral

, ,
i z e d i n a single city the idea Of p olitical confederatio n grew

,
up sometim es ( it may be ) su ggested by a pre existing am

,
-
p h i cty ony but occasio n all y it would s eem without an y such

, , ,
prep a rative The federal b o n d w a s i n m ost cases weak ; an d

.
in B oeoti a alone was the unio n such as t o co n stitute per ma

n e nt ly a st a te of fi r st r a te importa n ce -
.
The subdivisio n o f Greece into a vast n u mber of sm a ll

st a tes u n ited by n o comm o n p olitical bo n d an d co n stan t ly a t
, ,
w a r with one a n other did not preve n t the form a tio n an d m ai n

,
t e nanc e of a cert a i n ge n er a l Pa n Helle n ic feeli n g—a conscious -
n ess of u n ity a friendli n ess a nd a readi n ess t o ma ke com m o n

, ,
c a us e a ga i n st a foreign e n e m y At the root of this feeli n g l ay .

1 16 RAWL I N S O N
a co n victio n Of identity Of r a ce It was further fostered by .
the possessio n o f a commo n language an d a com mon literature ;

o f similar h a bits an d ideas an d of a com mon religion of rites , ,
temples a n d festivals which were e q ually Open to all

, , .
The first state which att a i n ed to political importance under

the new condition Of a ff airs in Greece was Argos From Ar .
gos according to the tr a ditio n went forth the Dorian colonists

, , ,
w h o formed settlements in Epidaurus T r oe z e n P h liu s Sicyon , , , ,
and Corinth ; while fro m som e of these places a further exten

sion o f Doric power was m a de as from Epidaurus which , ,
colonized ZE g ina and Epidaurus Limera and from Corinth , ,
which colo n ized M egara Argos the prolific mother of S O .

,
ma n y children stood to most o f them in the relation Of p r o

,
t e c t r e ss an d a lmost of m istress
, Her dominion reached o n .
,
the on e h a nd to the Isthmus ; o n the other to Cap e M alea

, ,
and the island of Cythera For three or four centuries from .

,
the D orian conquest t o the de a th o f P h e idon ( about B C . .
s h e was the le a ding power o f the Peloponnese a fact which ,
sh e never forgot a nd which h a d an import a nt influence o n her

,
later history .
The governm e n t Of Argos was at th e first a m o n archy Of the

heroic typ e the suprem e power being hereditary in the house
,
O f the T e m e n idae supposed descendants from Tem enus the ,
Heracleid the eldest of the sons Of Aristomachus It was not

,
.
long however before a spir a tio n s after political liberty arose

, , ,
a nd the power Of the kings being greatly curtailed a govern

, ,
m ent m onarchical in form but republican in reality was e s

, , ,
t ab li sh e d This state Of things l a sted for some centuries ; but

.
about B C 780 t o 770 on the accession of a monarch Of more

. .
,
than ordin a ry capacity a cert a in P h e i don a reaction se t i n , ,

.
Ph e i don not o n ly recovered all the lost royal privileges but , ,
exceeding them constituted himself the first known Grecian ,

”
tyrant A great man i n every way he enabled Argos to
.
,
exercise something like a practical hegemony over the whole

Peloponnese Under him probably were sent forth th e c ol
.
, ,
o u ies whi ch carried the Argive n ame to Crete Rhodes C o s , , ,
Cnidus and Halicar n assus The co n nection thus established

,
.
with Asi a led him t o introduce into Greece coined m oney a —

Lydia n i n ve n tion— a n d a s y ste m Of weights a n d me a sures
A N C I ENT H I STO R Y 1 1 7
’
( Q a SaSve ca p p )
e
. r a believed to have bee n identic a l with the
B abylon i an .
After the death Of P h e idon Argos declined in power ; the ,
ties uniting the confederacy becam e relaxed ; the govern me n t

returned to it s previous form ; an d the history Of the state is
a lm ost a blank N o doubt the development Of Sp a rt an power
.
was the m ain cause o f this decline ; but it m a y be a tt ributed

also in part to the lack of e mi n e n t me n an d in p a rt to the
, , ,
inj udicious s everity with which Argos tre a ted her Perioecic
citie s and her confederat es .
Among the othe r st a te s Of Gre ece the t w o whose history is ,
m ost a mp le and m o st i n t eresting even during thi s early period , ,
are undoubtedly Sparta and Athens Every History of .
Greece must mainly concern itself with th e a ff a irs of thes e

two states which are a lo n e c a p a ble of bei n g tre a ted with any
,
thing like completeness .
f Sp ar ta E ate ry o .
The D oria n s who in the eleventh ce n tur y e ff ected a l O dg

,
m ent in the upper v a lle y Of the Eurot a s occupied a t first a ,
n a rrow space betwee n T ayg e tu s an d P arnon extendi n g n orth

'
ward no farther than the v a rious he a d stre a m s o f the Eurotas -
and ZE nu s rivers and southw a rd o n ly t o a little beyond Spart a

, .
This was a tract about twe n ty fiv e miles lo n g by twenty broad -

,
the area of which might b e 4 00 s quare miles I n the lower .
valley from a little below Sp a rt a t o the se a the Ach ae an s still

, ,
maintained themselves having their c a pit a l a t Amycl ae on the

, ,
Eurotas within two m iles of the chief cit y Of their enemies

, .
Perpetual war went on between the tw o p owers ; but Spart a

fo r the sp a ce of three ce n turies m a de little or no adva n ce
southward Amycl ae comm an ding the valley and the fort ifi
, ,
cations O f Amycl ae defyin g her incess an t a tt a cks B a ffled in .
this quarter sh e m ade a ttempts t o reduce Arcadia which failed

, , ,
and even picked quarrels with her ki n dred states M esse n i a ,
and Argos which led t o petty w a rs Of no co n seque n ce

,
.
The gover n ment o f Sparta during this period underwe n t

changes akin t o those which took pl a ce i n Argos The m on .
archs were a t first absolute ; but disco n te n t soo n man ifested

itself : co n cessio n s were ma de which were a ga i n revoked ; and
1 18 RAWL I N S O N
the whole p eriod was on e Of inter n al struggle and disturb an ce .
N or were the di fferences between the kings and their Dorian

su b j ects the only tro u bles of the ti me The submitted Ach ae .
ans o f whom there were many were disple a sed at their treat
, ,
m ent murmured and even sometimes revolted an d being re

, ,
du ce d by force Of arms were degraded to a lower position .
The double monarchy which according t o the tradition had

, , ,
existed from the time of the conquest and which was peculi a r ,
t o Sparta amo n g all the Greek states d a ted really it is prob , ,
able from the tim e of struggle being a device Of those who

, ,
sought to limit and curtail the royal authority The t w o kings .

,
like the t w o consuls at Rome acted as checks upo n e a ch other ;

,
a nd the regal p ower thus divided against itself natur a lly b e

, ,
cam e weaker and weaker It had su n k evidently into a .

, ,
sh a dow of its former self when L y curgus a member of the

, ,
royal family but not in the direct line o f succession gave to

, ,
Sparta that constitution which raised her in a little while to

a proud and wonderful eminence .
The adoptio n Of th e L ycu rg e an syste m had the al m ost im me

diate e ffect O f raising Sp a rta to the first place in Gr e ece Amy .
c l ae fell in the next ge n eration t o Lycurgus Ph a ris and Ge

r o nt h rae subm itted soon after A generatio n later Helos was
.
taken and the whole valley of the Eurotas occupied The

,
.
Ach aeans subm itted o r retired to Italy W a rs followed with

,
.
Arcadia and Argos the latter o f whom lost all her territory
,
south Of C ynu r ia Qu a rrels began with M esse n ia which led

.
,
o n to a great struggle .
The conquest o f M esse n ia by Spart a which m a de her a t ,
once the domin an t power Of the Peloponnese w as the result ,
o f t w o great w a rs each lasting a bout twe n ty ye a rs an d sep a

, ,
rated fro m e a ch other by the space Of a bout forty ye a rs The .
wars seem to have bee n purely aggressive on the part Of Sparta ,
and t o have bee n prompted i n part by the mere lust Of c on

, ,
quest in part by dislike of the liber a l policy which the Dori an s

,
Of M essenia had a dopted tow a rds their Ach ae a n subj ects De .
spite the heroism O f the M esse n i an s a n d the a ssista n ce le n t

the m by Arcadia a nd Argos Sp a rt a ga ined her o b j ect i n c o n
, ,
sequence O f her superior military orga n izatio n an d tr a ini n g ,
j oi n ed t o the a dv an tage Of her ce n tr a l positio n which enabled ,

her t o strike suddenly with her full force any one Of her three
foes .
Closel y co n nected with the M esseni a n wars were certain

changes in the government and internal condition o f Sparta ,
the general tendency O f which was towards p opularizing the

constitution The constant absence o f the tw o kings from
.
Spart a during the M esse n ian struggle increased the power

o f the E p hors who when no king was pre s ent a ssu m ed that
, , ,
to the m belonged the exercise Of the royal fu n ctions The .
los s Of citize n s in the wars led to the admission O f n ew blood

into the st ate and pr obably c a used t h e disti n ction i n t o two
,
cl a s se s of citize n s ( 674 0104 and which i s found

to exist at a later date The Ephors elected annually by the .
,
entire body Of the citizens becam e the popular element in the ,
government ; and the gradual augmentation of their power

w as i n a certai n se n se the triumph Of th e p opul a r cause
, , At .
the sam e tim e it m ust be al lo wed that the co n stitution al

ch a nges made did not content the a spirations o f the de m ocr a tic
p a rty ; a nd that the colony se n t ou t tO T ar e nt um a t o n ce indi . ;
cat e d a n d relieved the diss a tisfa ctio n Of the lower gr a de of

‘
'
, , .
citizens .
The co n quest of M ess e n ia w a s followed b y so me w a rs of les s

.
imp o rt an ce which tended however to i n crease the power of

, , ,
Sp a rt a an d to render her still more decidedly the leading state

,
o f Greec e P i sat i s a n d T ri p h yl ia were reduced directl y a fter

.
the close Of the seco n d M essenia n w a r an d were h an ded over ,
to th e E leans Arcadi a w as the n a ttacked but made a vigorous

.
,
resista n ce ; an d the sole fruit Of a war which l asted three ge n

e rat i on s w as the submission Of Tege a Argos about the sam e .
time lost th e T h yre at i s ( a bout B C 5 54) a n d Spart an infl u . .
ence was thus exte n ded over p erh a ps two t h irds of t h e P C IO , ,

-
z
p onne se .
H itherto th e e fforts a nd eve n th e views Of Spart a h a d bee n

confined to the narro w p e n insul a within which her o wn terri
.
tory lay ; but th e course o f events n ow led her to a fuller recog

n it io n Of her ow n greatn ess and a s a natural co n seque n ce to , , ,
active exertions in a more exten ded sphere The embassy Of .
C r msu s i n B C 5 5 5 w a s the first public acknowledgm e n t which

. .
she received of h e r i mport an ce ; an d the r e adine ss wi th whic h

1 20 RAWL I NS O N
sh e embr a ced the O ffer o f alliance and prep a red a n expeditio n ,
to assist the Lydian monarch indicates the satisf a ction which ,
s h e felt in the new prospects which were opening o u t on her .
Thirty years later ( B C she a ctually s ent a n expedition

. .
,
conj ointly with Corinth to the coast of Asia which failed

, , ,
however to e ffect its Obj ect the deposition Of Polycrates Of

, ,
Samos Soon afterwards ( B C

. sh e a ssumed the right Of
. .
interference in the intern a l aff airs Of the Greek st a tes beyond

the Peloponnese and by her repe a ted inv a sions Of Attic a and
, ,
her e fforts in favor o f the Athenia n oligarchs sowed the s eeds ,
o f that fear and dislike with which sh e was for nearly a ce n tur y
a nd a h a lf rega rded b y the gre a t de mocr a tic republic .
f A l fie m
fl z lrtory o .
The traditio n al history o f Athens com me n ces with a Ki n gly

Period M onarchs of the Old heroic type are said to have g ov
.
erned the country fro m a tim e considerably anterior t o the

Troj a n W a r dow n t o the death Of Codrus B C 1 300 to 1 050 , . . .
The most celebrated Of these kings was Theseus t o whom is ,
ascribed the o uvomw y bs whereby Athens becam e th e c apital

,
O f a ce n tr a lized m on a rch y instead Of on e ou t Of m an y ne a rly

,
equal country towns Another king M e n estheus was said to

.
, ,
have fought at Troy Codrus the last Of the monarchs fell

.
, , ,
according to the traditio n in resisti n g a D ori an inv a sion made

, ,
from the recently conquered Peloponnese .
The Kingly Period was followed at Athens by the gr a dual

developm ent Of an aristocr a cy The Eup a trids had acquired .
power enough under the kings t o abolish m onarchy at the

death o f Codrus and to substitute fo r it the life a rchonship
,
-
,
which though confined to the descendants Of Codrus was not

, ,
a royal dignity but a m ere chief magistracy The Eup atrids

, .
elected from among th e qualified persons ; a nd the archon was ,
at least in theory responsible Thi rteen such archons held

, .
O ffice before any further change was ma de their united reig n s ,
covering a space of about three ce n turies B C 1 050 to 7 5 2 ,

. . .
O n the death O f Alcm aeon the last archon for life the Eu , ,
p at ri ds made a further change Archo n s were to b e elected .
for te n y e a r s o nl y so th at re spo nsibil it y coul d be e nforc e d

, ,
A N C I ENT H I STO R Y 121
ex a rchons bei n g liable to prosecution and pu n ishment The

-
.
descend a nts Of Codrus were a t first preserved in their Old

dignity ; but the fourth dece nn i a l a rcho n Hippoma n es b eing , ,
deposed for his cruelty the right of the M e dont i dae w a s de ,
c l ar e d to be forfeited ( B C a nd the O ffice w a s throw n Open

. .
to all Eupatrids .
Finall y after seve n dece nn ial a rcho n s h a d held O ffice the

, ,
suprem e power was put in com missio n ( B C I n lieu . .
o f a single chief magistrate a board Of nine archons a n nuall y , ,
elected w a s s et up the origin a l kingl y functions being divided

, ,
a mong them The aristocracy was n ow fully inst a lled i n power

.
,
o ffice being confined t o Eupatrids a nd every O ffice being Ope n ,
t o all such persons Eupatrids a lone h a ving the su ff rage and

, ,
the Agor a its elf o r general assembl y Of the people havin g

, ,
ceas ed to m eet or becom e purely formal and p a ssive

, .
The full triumph of the olig a rchy did n ot very long precede
the first stir of dem ocratic life Withi n sixty years of the ti m e .
Of complete aristocratical a scenden cy p opular discontent b e ,
gan to manifest itself and a demand for written laws a rose , ,
Ofte n the earliest cry Of a n oppressed people Al a r m ed but n ot .

,
intimidated the nobles e n deavored t o crush the rising de mo

,
cratic spirit by an unsparing seve rity ; their a nswer t o the de

mands m ade on them w a s the legislatio n of D raco ( B C . .
which by makin g death the penalty for a l most a ll crimes

, ,
placed the very lives Of th e citizens at the dispos a l Of the ruling

order The increased dissatisfactio n which this legislatio n
.
caused probably encour a ged Cylon t o m ake his rash a ttempt

(B C
. . which was easily put down by the oliga rch s ; w h o ,
however contrived to lose ground b y their victory incurri n g

, , ,
as they did in the cours e o f it the guilt Of sacrilege and a t , ,
th e same tim e exasperating th e people wh o had hoped much ,
from C yl on s e ff o rt Under these circum sta n ces after a v a in

’
.
,
a ttempt had bee n m ade to quiet matters by the purification of

Epim enides ( B C an d a fter the p olitical discontent had
. .
taken the new a nd dangerous shape involved in the for mation

o f loc a l factions ( P e di ae i Parali and D i acr i i) Solon an E up at
, , , ,
rid but of so poor a family that h e h a d himself been e n g a ged

,
in tr a de was by com m o n conse n t i n tru st e d with th e t a sk of

,
fr am i n g a ne w con stit ution R C 594 , . .

1 22 RAWL I N S O N
The legisl a tio n o f Solon wise as it see ms to moder n s w a s , ,
far from satisfying h i s contempor a ries Like most moder a te .
politicians he was accused by o ne part y Of having gone too

,
fa r by a nother Of n ot h a ving done enough His p ersonal in

, .
fl u e n c e su fficed for a time to restrain the discontented ; b ut

when this influence was withdrawn ( about B C violent . .
co n te n tions b roke o u t The local fa ctio n s revived A strug

. .
g l e com me n ced between a re action a r y p a rty under Lycurgus ,
a conservative part y u n der the A l cmaeoni d M e g ac l e s and a ,
p a rty Of progress under Pisistr a tus which terminated i n the ,
triumph o f the l a st — n a med le a der wh o artfully tur n ed h i s suc ,
cess to his Own personal a dva n t a ge by assum i n g the positio n

o f Dictator o r ( as the Greeks called it ) Tyrant B C
, 5 60 , . . .
The expulsion Of the tyra n t was followed by fresh troubles .
A contest for power arose between I sag o ras the friend of Cle ,
o m e n e s and Clisthenes
,
the he a d o f th e A l c mae oni d family
, ,
which ter minated i n favor of the latter despite the armed inter ,
ference of Sp a rta Clisthe n es however had to purchase his

.
, ,
victor y by an a llia n ce with the democratical party ; and the

natural result Of his S uccess was a further change in the con
st it u ti o n which w as m odified in a democratic sense
, .
The establishme n t Of de m ocrac y ga ve an impulse to the

spirit of patriotism which resulted almost immedi ately in some
,
splendid milit a ry successes Athens had for som e tim e bee n .

-
growing in warlike power Under Solo n she had t a ken Sal a .
mi s from M egara and played an imp ortant part in the first

,
Sacred War ( B C 600 to . About B C 5 1 8 o r a little

. . .
,
earlier she had a ccepted the protectorate Of the Plat aeans

,
.
Now ( B C 507) being attacked at on e and the sam e tim e by

. .
Sparta by Boeotia and by the C h al c ide an s o f Eu b oea she com

, ,
p l e t e l y triumphed over th e coalition The Spartan k i ngs quar .
r e ll e d and the force u n der their command withdrew without

,
r isking a battle The B oeotians and C h al c i de an s were sign all y

.
defeated Chalcis itself w as conquered a nd occupied A naval

. .
struggle with E g ina the ally o f B ce ot ia followed during the

, , ,
continu ance Of which the first hostilities took place betwee n

Athens a n d Persia Proud Of her recent victories a nd c on
.
,
fide nt in her strength Athens complied with the re q uest o f

,
Ar i stag ora s a n d sent twent y ships t o support the revolt whic h

,
thre a te n ed t o deprive the Gre a t Ki n g Of the whole sea board -
o f Asia M inor Though the bur n ing Of S a rdis was followed

.
b y the defeat Of Ephesus y et the Persi a n monarch deem ed his ,
honor involved in the further chastisem ent on her o w n soil Of

the a ud a cious p ower which h a d presumed to invade his do
m i n io n s A n a ttempt to conquer Greece would no do u bt have
.
, ,
bee n made eve n without provocation ; but the part t a ke n by

Athens in th e I o n ic revolt precipitated the struggle It was .
well th a t the co n test cam e when it did Had it b een delayed .
u n til Athe n s h a d grow n i n to a rival t o Sparta the result might ,
have bee n di fferent Greece m ight the n have succumbed ; and

.
Europe an freedom an d civilizatio n tr a mpled u n der foot by the ,
hordes Of Asi a might h a ve bee n u na ble t o recover itself

, .
PA R T II .
fl zirl ory o f th e ol lz e r G r e ci a n S l a i er .
The history Of the s maller st a tes will be m ost co n ve n ie n tl y

given under the five heads Of the Pelopon n esian St a tes ; the
St a tes o f Central Greece ; those Of Norther n Greece ; those
situated in the islands ; a n d those which either were or were ,
regarded a s colo n ies

, .
S mal l e r P e l op onnesi a n S tarter .
Ac h a a —Th e tr a ditio n s s a id that when the D ori an s c on

'
quered Sparta the Spart an ki n g Ti same nu s son o f O restes led

, , ,
the Ach aeans northw a rd and expelling the I onians from the , ,
tract which lay along the Cori n thi an Gulf set up an Ach aean ,
kingdo m in those p arts which lasted for sever a l ge n eratio n s

,
.
O gygus however the l a test Of these mon a rchs having left b e

, , ,
hind him so n s Of a tyr ann ic a l temper the Ach ae an s destroyed ,
the m o na rchy and s et up a feder a l republic Twelve cities

,
.
composed the league which were origi n ally P e l l en é E g e i ra

, ,
( o r H yp are si a) l E g m B ura
,
Helic e PE g i,
u m R h y p e s Patr a
e , , , , ,
P h arae O le n us D ymé a n d T rit ae a a ll situ a ted o n or n e a r the

, , , ,
co a st except the last tw o which were i n the interior The ,

.
com mon place of meeting for the le a gue w a s H elic e where an ,

1 24 RAWL I N S O N
a nnual festival was held and com mo n s a crifices were O ff ered

,
to Heliconian Neptune The constitution O f the several ci t ies

.
i s said to have b een democratic The league was n o doubt .

, ,
political as well as religious ; but n o details are known Of it .
According to Polybius it was adm ired for it s fairness and equal

ity and w as taken as a model by the cities Of Magna G r ae c ia in
,
the early part Of the fifth century We may gather from T h u c y d .
ides that it was Of the loose typ e so common in Greece The .
Ach aeans seem to have manifested in th e early tim es a dispo

sitio u to stay at hom e and t o keep aloof from the quarrels Of
their neighbors Hence the history Of the country scarcely
.
begins till the time o f Antigo n us from which period the league ,
formed a nucleus round which independent Greece rallied itself .
Arcadi a — The Arcadians were regarded as aboriginal in

habitants of their country They called themselves r poa éh jvoc
. .
The Dorian conquests in the Pelopo n nese left them untouched ;

and they retained to a late date i n their remote valleys and cold ,
high mountain pastures very primitive habits The tradition

, .
makes the entire cou n try form in the ol d times a single m on , ,
a rchy which conti n ues till B C 668 ; but it may b e dou b te d

,
. .
whether there had really ever existed in Arcadia any t h ing

m ore than an Amphictyo n ic union prior to Epam i nondas .
The whole country is physically broke n up into separate val

leys and basins whose inhabitants would naturally form sep
,
arate and distinct com m unities while retaining a certain sense ,
o f ethnic relationship The most important Of these communi

.
ties were Mantinea and Tegea neighboring towns between , ,
which there were frequent wars Next to these may b e placed .
O rc h om e nu s P h e ne u s and Stymphalus towards the north

, ,
east ; C l e itor and Her aea towards the west ; and P h i g al e ia o n ,
the north — western border n ear Messenia The Arcadians ,

.
,
however loved villages rather than towns ; and the numero u s

,
population was chiefly loc a ted in s ma ll hamlets scattered about

the m ountains Arcadia was subj ect t o constant aggressions
.
at the hands of Sparta which she sought to revenge upon fit

,
ting occasions These a ggressions began in the times previous

.
to Lycurgus ( see p a n d continued a fterwards alm ost c o n

.
st ant l y . I n ret a li a tio n the Arcadi an s a ssisted Messe n i a

,
throughout both the M ess e n i an w a rs Tege a a s the n e a rest .

,
AN C I EN T H I STO R Y 1 25
state to Sparta su ff ered m ost at her ha n ds ; and after a long

,
struggle it would seem that Arc a dia generall y ( about B C

, . .
5 60) acknowledged the Laced ae moni a n hegemony placing her ,
full military strengt h at the disposal of Sparta in her wars but ,
retaining her internal independence M a nti n ea even upon oc .

,
casions thwarted the policy of Sparta

, .
Corint h — Corinth a rich and famous city even i n the times

,
anterior to the Doric conquests was occupied by Dorian set ,
t l e rs from Argos soon after the reduction of that state A m on .
archy was established under ki n gs w h o claimed descent fro m

Hercules twelve such rulers holding the throne durin g the
,
space o f 3 2 7 years At the end o f this time monarchy was ex

.
changed for oligarchy power remaining ( as at Athens ) in the

,
hands Of a branch O f the royal family the B ac ch iadae who i n , ,
t e r mar ri e d only among them selves and elected each year fro m ,
their ow n body a Prytanis or chief magistrate This state of , .
things co n tinued for n i n ety y e a rs whe n a revolution was e f ,
fe ct e d by Cypselus w h o havi n g ingrati a ted hi m self with the

, ,
people rose up against the oligarchs expelled them and made

, , ,
himself tyrant Cyp selus reig n ed fro m B C 6 5 7 t o 62 7 whe n

. . .
,
he was succeeded by his son Peria n der who reigned from B C , , . .
62 7 to 5 8 7 A third m o n arch of the dynasty P sam me t i ch u s

.
, ,
the nephew or grandson of Periander mou n ted the throne but , ,
was expelled after a reign Of three ye a rs by the people per

, , ,
h a ps a ssisted by Sparta B C 5 84 The tim e of the Cypselids , . . .
was one Of great materi a l we a lth an d prosperity ; literature

an d the arts flourished ; co mmerce w as e n couraged ; colonies
were sent o ut ; an d the hege mony of the mother cou n try over
her colonies successfully asserted ( The chief Cori n thia n .
settlements were Corcyra A mb racia Leuc a s A nact oriu m , , , ,
E p i damnu s Apollonia Syracuse a n d Potid ae a

, O f these A m
, ,
.
,
bracia Leucas A nactor ium E p i damnus Apollo n i a and Poti

, , , , ,
d oe a were content t o be subj ect Corcyr a generally asserted .
i n depe n dence but w as forced t o submit to the Cypselids Syr

,
.
a cuse must h a ve been fro m th e first practic a lly i n dependent ) .
After the downfall of th e tyrants w h o are said to have ruled ,
h a rshly a republic was established on a tolerably wide basis

,
.
Power was placed in th e ha n ds Of the wealthy class ; and eve n

co mmerce an d tr a de were no b a rs t o the holding Of o ffi ce .
1 26 RAWL I N S O N
Corinth becam e o n e Of the ri chest Of the Greek states ; but a s ,
sh e increased in wealth she sank in p olitical importance , Re .
gard for her material interests induced her to accept the p r o

t e ct i on of Sparta and from a b out B C 55 0 sh e becam e merely
,
. .
th e second p ower in the Spartan league a p osition which she ,
occupied with slight interruptions till B C 394 . . .
Eli s — The s ettlem ent O f the ZE t O l O —D orians under O xylus

( se e p 1 1.
3 ) had b een m ade in the m ore nort h ern p ortion Of the
country between the L ari su s and the Ladon or S e ll e i s The
, .
region south Of this as far as the N eda remained in th e p osses

sion of the O ld inha b itants and w as divided into two distri cts , ,
P i sat i s or the tract between th e Ladon and the Al pheus Of

, ,
which Pisa was the capital and T r ip h yl ia the tract between the , ,
Alpheus and the Neda o f which the chief city was L e p r e u m

, .
The Ele a ns however claim ed a hegemony over the whol e

, ,
country ; and this claim gave rise to frequent wars in which ,
th e Eleans had the advantage though they never succeeded ,
in completely absor b ing even P i sat i s The chief importance .
O f Elis was derived from the celebration within her territory
Of the O lymp ic Games a festival originally Pisan of which the

, ,
direction was assumed by the Eleans but constantly disputed ,
by the P i sat an s Sparta in th e early tim es suppo r ted the Ele a n

.
claims but in and after the Peloponnesian stru ggle it b ecam e

her policy to uphold the independence of L e p r e u m The Eleans .
dwelt chiefly in villages till after the close Of the great Persi a n
War when the city O f Elis was first founded B C 4 77
, , . . .
Sicyo n — Sicyon was believed to have been on e o f the Oldest

cities in Greece and to have had kings o f its ow n at a ver y
,
remote p eriod Hom er however represents it as forming at

.
, , ,
the time O f the Troj an War p art of the dominions of A g ame m ,
non Nothing c an be said to be really known of Sicyon until

.
the tim e of th e Dori c immigration into the Peloponnes e whe n ,
it was occupied by a body of Dori a ns from Argos at whose ,
head was Ph al c e s son of Tem enus A Heracleid monarchy

,
.
was established in the line Of this prince s descendants which ’

,
was superseded after som e centuries by a n oligarchy Power .
duri n g this period was wholly confined to the D oria n s th e

native n on D o ri c elem ent in the population which w a s n ume r
-
,
ous bei n g destitute Of political privilege B ut tow a rds the

, .
AN C I EN T H I STO R Y 11 2 7
begi n ni n g of the seve n th century B C a ch an ge occurred . . .
O rt h ag or as a non Dorian said to have been by profession a

,
-
,
cook subverted the oligarchy established himself upon the

, ,
thro n e a n d quietly tra n sferred the predominance i n the state

,
fro m the Dorian to the n o n — Dorian population H e left his .
throne to his posterity who ruled for above a hundred years ,

.
Clisthenes the last m onarch of the line adding insult to inj ury
, , ,
ch a nged the na m es O f th e D orian tribes in Sicyon from H yllae i ,
D y mane s an d P am p h yli to H yat ze O n e at ae and C h ae re at ae o r

, , , , ,
” ” ”
Pig folk
-
Ass folk and Swine folk
,
-
H e rei g n ed from
,
-
.
a bout B C 5 95 to 5 60 About sixty years after his death the

. . .
,
Doria n s i n Sicyo n seem t o have recovered their preponderance ,
a n d the state becam e one of the m ost submissive m embers of

the L ace dmmonian confeder a cy .
S ma l l e r S ta tes f
o C e ntr a l G r e e ce .
M ega ri s —M ega ri s was occup ied by D orians fro m Cori n th ,
shortly a fter the great im migration into the Peloponnese At .
first the colo n y s eems to h ave been subj ect to the mother cou n
try ; but this subj ectio n w a s s oo n thrown O ff a nd we fi n d C or ,
int h fom e n ti n g qua r rels am on g th e various M egarian town s

M ega r a Heraea P e iraea T rip odi sc u s and Cynosura— in the
, , , ,
hope of recoveri n g her i n flu e n ce About B C 72 6 th e Corin . . .
t h ian s seem to have m ade an attempt at co n quest which was ,
repulsed by O rsipp u s the O lym pian runner Nearly at th e , .
s am e tim e com menced th e series of M egarian colonies which ,
form so rem a rkable a feature in the history Of this state The .
first of these was M egara Hybl aea n ear Syracuse founded , ,
( according to Thucydides ) in B C 72 8 from which was s ent . .

,
o u t a s ub colony to S e l in u s ; then followed Chalcedon in B C

-
,
. .
6 74 ; B yzantium in B C 6 5 7 Selymbria in B C 66 2 ; H e r ac
, . .
,
. .
lea Pontica in B C 55 9 ; a n d C h e rson e su s n ear th e m odern

, . .
,
Sebastopol not long afterwards Th e naval power Of M egara

,
.
must have b een considerable ; and it is not surprising to find '
th a t a bout this tim e ( B C 600) she disputed wi th A th e ns th e . .
possessio n of Salam is H er despot T h e ag e ne s was an e n ter

.
, ,
prisi n g an d e n ergetic m onarch Risin g to power as the r e p r e .
se nt at i v e of the popular caus e he supported

1 28 RAWL I N S O N
his son in law Cylo n i n his attempt to occupy a similar

- -
, ,
position at Athens He adorned M egara with splendid build .
ings He proba b ly seized Salamis and gained the victories

.
,
which i n duced the Athenians for a time to put up with their

l oss O n h i s deposition by the oligarchs ( about B C
. . .
the war w as renewed— N i sae a was taken by Pisistratus and ,
Salamis recovered by Cylon The oligarchs r u led without .
bloodshed but still oppressively ; so that shortly afterwards

,
there was a second dem ocratic revolution Debts were now .
abolished and even the return O f the interest paid on them

,
exacted The rich were forced to entertain the

p oor in their houses Temples a n d pilgrims are said to have .
been plundered Vast numbers Of the n obles were banished . .
At length the exiles were so numerous that they formed an

army invaded the country and reinstating themselves by
, , ,
force established a somewhat narrow oligarchy which ruled

, ,
at least till B C 4 60 . . .
B oe oti a —When the B oeoti an s expelled from A r n é by th e ,
Thessalians settled i n the country to which they henceforth

,
gave n am e expelli n g from it in their turn the C admae an s

, ,
Miny m etc they seem to have divided themselves into as

, .
,
many states as there were cities What the form O f govern .
ment in the several states was at first is uncertain ; we c an only

say that there is n o trace o f monarchy and that as soon as we ,
Obtain a glimpse Of the internal a ff airs Of any Of them they are ,
oligarchical republics The numb er Of the states seems to have .
been originally fourteen but by the tim e of the Peloponnesian ,
War it had dwindled to ten partly by a process O f absorption , ,
partly by separation O ropus Eleutherae and Plat aea had been .

, ,
lost to Athens ; C h aer on e ia had been incorporated with O r

c h om e n u s the remaining ten states were Thebes O rc h o me n u s , ,
Thespi ae L e b ade ia C or one ia C op ae H aliart u s Tanagra A n

, , , , , ,
t h e don and perhaps Ch a lia

, B etween these states there had .
existed probably from the first an Amphictyony or religious

, , ,
union which had th e temple Of I t onian Ath en e near C or on e ia

,
for its ce n tre ; and there took place once a year the celebration
o f th e P amb oe ot ia o r ge n eral festival o f the Boeotians
,
By .
degrees o ut Of this religious a ssociation there grew up a fed

,
eral u n ion ; the st a tes recog n ized themselves a s co n stituting

a single political u n it and a rranged am o n g themselves a real

,
federal government The suprem e authority was placed in the

.
hands o f a council (Boi ) which had a curious fourfold divi

,
sion ; while the executive functions were exercised by eleve n

B oe o t arc h s ( two from Thebes o n e from each O f the other cities )
, ,
who were at once the generals of the league and i t s presidin g

magistrates Though the place O f m eeting for the council
.
seems to have been C oron e ia yet Thebes by her sup erior size
,
and power obtained a n undue predom inance in the confedera

tion and used it i n such a way as to excite th e j ealousy and
,
disa ffection o f alm ost all the other cities As early as B C 5 1 0 . . .

,
Plat aea was drive n to detach herself from th e confederation ,
and to put herself under the protectio n Of Athens In later .
times T h e sp im made more than on e attempt to follow the Pla

taean example B C 4 2 3 and 4 1 4 The readiness O f Athens to
, . . .
receive and protect revolted m embers Of the league was among

the causes o f that hostility which B oeotia was always ready
to display towards her ; and the general tendency of m embers
Of the lea g ue to revolt was amo n g the chief causes Of that p o
l it i cal weakness which B oeotia exhibits as compared with ,
Athens and Sparta .
Phoci s — There can be n o d oubt that Phocis w as like B oe o ,
tia a co n federation ; but from the comparative i n sig nifi can c e

,
o f the state no details Of the constitution have com e down t o
us. The place Of meeti n g fo r the deputies s eem s to have bee n

an isolated building ( 7 6 c a m s ) on the route from D au l is t o
D elphi N O Phocian city had any such prepo n der an ce as be
.
longed t o Thebes am o n g th e cities o f B oeotia and he n ce the ,
league appears t o have bee n free from those perpetual je al

o u si e s a n d h eartburnings which we remark in the n eighboring
country Still certain secessio n s from the co n federacy appear

.
to have taken place as that o f D elphi and again that o f

, , , ,
C i rr h a which was a sep a rate state about B C 600 A constant

, . . .
enm ity existed between Phocis and Thessaly consequent upo n ,
the attempts made by the Thessali an s from tim e to time t o

conquer the country These attempts were successfully r e
.
sisted but they were so far inj urious to the i n depe n dence of
Phocis th a t they produced a tende n c y to le a n o n B oeotia an d
,
t o look t o h er for aid Still th e m ilit a r y history Of Phoci s

.
,
9
1 30 RAWL I N S O N
dow n to the close Of the Persian War is credit a ble to the n a tion ,
which frequently repulsed the invasions O f the Thessalians and ,
which o ffered a brave resista n ce to the enormous host o f

X erxes .
Locri s —There were three countries Of this name ; a n d

though a certain ethnic connection between them may be as
sumed from the comm on appellation yet politically the three ,
countries appear to have been entirely separate and distinct .
The Locri O z ol ae ( the stin k ing Locri possessed the largest

and m ost important tract that lying between Parnassus and
,
the Corinthian Gulf bounded on the west by ZE t olia They

, .
probably formed a confederacy under the presidency Of A m

p h i ssa The Locri E p i cn e m i dii or Locrians o f M ount Cnemis
.
, ,
a nd the Locri O p u nt i i or those Of O pus were separated from

, ,
their western brethren by the whole bre a dth Of the territory

o f Phocis They were also separated from each other but only
.
,
a narrow strip or tongue of Phocian territory which ran down ,
to the Euripus a t the town Of D ap h n u s O f the internal o r .
g an iz ati on O f the E p i c n e mi dii we know nothing The O pun .
tians were probably a confeder a c y under the hegemo ny of

O pus .
ZE t oli a — }E t olia th e country o f D i o m e d though famous in

.
, ,
the early tim es fell back during the migratory period almost
,
into a savage condition probably through the influx into it Of

,
an Illyrian population which became only parti a lly Hellenized .
The nation was divided i n to n um erous tribes among which ,
the m ost important were the A p odoti the O p h ione is the Eu , ,
ry t an e s a n d the A g rze ans There were scarcely any cities

, .
,
village life being preferred universally N O traces appear o f .
a confederation of the tribes until the tim e of Alexander though ,
in times of danger they co u ld unite for purposes O f defense

against the com mon enemy The A g rae an s so late as the Pelo
.
,
p on n e si an War were under th e government Of a king : the

,
political condition Of th e other tribes is unknown It was not .
till the wars which arose among Alexander s successors that ’
the ZE t O l ian s formed a real political unio n and became an i m ,
port ant power in Greece .
A c ar nania —The Acarn an ia n s were among th e more back

w a rd O f the Greek natio n s i n th e historical times but the y ,
were co n sider a bly m ore advanced than the ZE t olian s They .
possessed a number O f cities among which the m ost important

,
were Stratus A mp h ilo c h ian Argos and ( E niadae Fro m a ver y

, ,
.
remote date they had formed themselves into a feder a tion ,
which not only held the usual assemblies for federal purposes
( probably at Stratus ) but had also a common Court Of Justice
,
for the decision Of causes at O lp ae There was , .
great j ealous y betwee n the native Acarnanians and the colonies

pl a nted b y the Cori n thians on o r near their coasts A m b rac ia , ,
Leucas A nac t or iu m Solliu m and Astacus which in the early

, , , ,
times certainly did n ot belong to the league The league itself .
was of the lax character usual i n Greece and allowed of the ,
several cities formi n g their ow n alliances a nd eve n t a ki n g O p ,
p o sit e sides i n a war .
S ta te s o f N or f/z e r rz G r e ece .
Thessal y —The T h e sp r ot ian con querors o f Thessal y estab

lish e d a condition Of thi n gs in that country n ot ver y unlike that
which th e D orians i n troduced into Laconi a The co n querors .
themselves form ed a n oble class which clai m ed the ow n ership

Of most of the territory and confi n ed to itself the possessio n
o f political p ower .The co n quered were reduced t o t w o very
di ff erent p ositions : som e retai n ed their p erson a l freedom a nd
the right to their l an ds but were m a de subj ect t o t ribute ;
,
others ( th e P e ne st ae) were reduced t o th e conditio n of serfs ,
cultivatin g the la n ds Of their masters but were protected in ,
their holdings could n ot b e sold o u t Of the cou n try an d both

, ,
might and did Ofte n a c q uire co n sider a ble property The chief .
di ff erences betwee n the tw o countries were ( I ) that in Thess a l y

the interm ediate cl a ss Ach aeans M agnetes P e rrh ze b i etc
, , , ,
.
,
i n stead Of bei n g s c a ttered over the cou n tr y an d interm ixed

with the nobles and serfs were the sole occupa n ts Of cert a in dis
,
t r i c t s retained their old ethnic n ame their Amphictyo n ic vote

, , ,
and their gover n me n tal organization ; and (2 ) that th e co n

q u e r or s instead o f concentratin g themselves in o n e cit y took
, ,
possessio n Of sever a l establishing in each a disti n ct an d sep

,
a r ate gover n m e n t The gover n me n ts seem to h a ve b ee n orig

.
, 3 2 RAWL I N S O N
i nally m onarchies which merged i n aristocr a cies wherei n one

, ,
famil y held a quasi ro y al positio n The A l e u adae at L a riss a

-
.
an d Pharsalus and the S c op adae a t C ranon correspond

closely to the M e don tidae at Athens A federal tie of the .
wea k est character united the several states of Thessal y i n

ordinar y times ; but upon occasio n s this extrem e l a xity was
replaced by a most stringent centralizatio n A Tagus ( Com .
mander in Chief) Of all Thessaly w as appointed who e x e r

- -
,
c i se d powers little short of despotic over the whole country .
Such apparently was the p ower wielded ( about B C 5 1 0) b y

, , . .
C in e as and such beyond all question was the dominion o f Ja

,
~
s o n O f Pher ae and his three brothers, Polydorus P ol yp h ron , , ,
a nd Alexander B C 3 80 to 3 5 6 I n the remoter times Thess

, . . .
a ly was aggressive and m enaced the indep endence of the states

o f Central Greece ; but from the dawn O f exact history to the
tim e O f Jason her general policy was p eaceful and except as , ,
a n occasional ally O f Athens sh e is not fou n d to have take n any ,
part in the internal quarrels o f the Greeks Her aristocracies .
were selfish luxurious and devoid of patrioti c feeling : con

, ,
tent with their position at home they did not desire t h e glor y ,
Of foreign conquest Thus Thessaly plays a part i n the history .
o f Greece very disproportioned to her power and resources ,
n ot rising into an y importance till very shortl y b efore th e Mace
do n ian p eriod .
Epiru s — Anterior to the Persia n w a rs and indeed u n til the ,
time Of Philip o f Macedo n Epirus w a s a m ere geographical ,
expression designati n g no eth n ic nor political u n ity The

, .
tr a ct so called w a s p a rcelled ou t a mong a n umber of st a tes ,
some of which were Greek others barbari an O f th es e the ,

.
chief were : ( 1 ) the semi barb a rous kingdom of the Molossi a ns -

,
ruled over a family which claimed descent from Achilles—a

constitutional m onarchy where the king a n d p eople alike ,
swore t o Observe the laws ; ( 2) the ki n gdom of the O re stae ,
bar b arian ; ( 3 ) th e ki n gdom of th e P ara uaei likewise barba ,
rian ; (4) the republic of th e C h ao ni ans barbari an administered , ,
by two annual magistrat e s chos en ou t o f a s ingle ruling family ;

( 5 ) th e republic Of the Thesp rotians bar b arian ; and ( 6) the ,
A mb raci an republic Gre ek a colo n y and dep ende n c y of C o r , ,
i nt h B y allia n ce with Philip o f Macedon the Molossi an kings

.
,
were e na bled to bri n g the Ep irotic states u n der their dominion ,
a bout B C 3 5 0 After their fall B C 2 39 Epirus bec a me a

. . .
, . .
,
feder a l republic .
G r e ek I nsu l a r S ta te s .
Corc y r a — Corcyra the most western Of the Greek isl an ds

, ,
w a s c olo n ized fro m Corinth about B C 7 3 0 — Fro m th e fer . .
tili ty Of the island and the advantages Of its situation the s et

, ,
t l e m e nt soon became important : a j ealousy sprang up betwee n

it and the m other country which led to hostilities as earl y a s ,
B C 6 70 D uring the rule o f the Cypselid princes at Cori n th

. . .
,
Corcyr a was forced to subm it t o the m ; but s oon after their

fall indep endence was recovered From this tim e till th e c o m .
me n c e me nt o f the Peloponnesian War th e com merce and ,
n aval power o f Corcyra went on increasing ; so early as the

tim e of the invasion o f X erxes ( B C 4 80) their navy was the . .
second in Greece and j ust before th e Peloponnesia n War it

,
am ounted t o 1 2 0 triremes The governm ent was a republic .

,
wh ich fluctuated between aristocracy a nd democracy ; party

spirit r a n high ; an d both sides were guilty of grievous ex
cesses
C e p h all e ni a —This island thou gh co n siderabl y larger th an
.
Corcyra and exceedingl y fertile w a s politically insi gnificant

, , .
It contained four cities e a ch Of whi ch w a s a distinct state P al é

, , ,
Cranii Sam e an d Pro mus or P r one su s Probabl y th e four

, ,
.
were united i n a s ort o f loos e confederation Pal e s eems t o .
have been th e m ost important Of th e cities .
Zacynthus which was originally p eopled by Ach aeans fro m

,
the Pelopon n ese form ed an i n dep endent state till th e tim e o f

,
the Athenian confederacy It had a single city of the s am e .

,
na me with the island itself an d is chiefly noted in the e a rl y ,
a ges as fur n ishin g an asylum to fug itives from Spart a .
ZE g i n a is said to have been occupied b y D oria n colonists

from Epidaurus shortly after the invasion Of th e Pelop o n nese .
It was at first completely depe n dent on the m other country ;

but growing i n n a v a l p ower it in a little tim e shook O ff th e
, ,
y oke a nd b ec a m e on e Of the m ost flourishin g Of the Grecian

,
communities The n i n e t an s e a rl y provoked the j e a lous y Of

.
1 34 RAWL I N S O N
Sam os an d a war followed between the tw o powers which h a d

, ,
no very important consequences About B C 500 E g ina . . .

,
found a m ore dangerous rival in her n e a r n eighbor Athens , ,
whose growing greatness sh e e n de a vored t o check in combi ,
nation with B oeotia A naval war which lasted a b out twenty

.
,
years was terminated B C 4 8 1 by the common danger which

, , . .
,
threatened all Greece from th e armament collected by Xerxes .
ZE g i n a played an important part in the Pers i an struggle ; but

still it was on e o f the e ffects of the war to exalt her rival ,
Athens to a very decided pre eminence above a ll the other

,
-
naval powers Of Greece N ot content however with m ere pre

.
, ,
ponderance Athens on breaking with Sparta B C 46 1 p m

.
, , . .
,
c e e de d to crush ZE g ina which resisted fo r four ye a rs, but i n ,
B C 4 5 7 becam e an Athe n ia n dep endenc y

. . .
Euboe a — This large island co n tained a n umber Of separ ate

and independent st ates whereof the two most important were
,
Eretria and Chalcis These cities rose to eminen ce at an early

.
period and contended together in a great war wherein m ost

, ,
o f the Greeks o f Europe and even som e fro m Asi a took part , , .
The balance of advantage seem s to have rested with Chalcis ,
which in the later times always app ears as th e chief city Of the
island Chalcis sent ou t num erous a nd import an t colonies
.
,
as Cuma and Rhegium in Italy ; Naxos L e ont in i Catana and , , ,
Zancl e in Sicily ; O lynthus T or oné and many other places o n , ,
the coast of Thrace Its constitution was oligarchical the chief

.
,
power being lodged i n the hands Of the Horse kee pers ” -
( Zm roBé ra c) or Knights About B C 5 00 Chalcis was i n

-
, . . .
,
du c e d to j oin the Spartans a nd Boeotians in an attempt to crush

A thens which failed and cost Chalcis its independence
, , The .
lands Of the H ipp ob otae were confiscated and an Atheni a n c ol ,
o n y established in the place Chalcis together with the rest .

,
o f Eub oea revolted from Athens in B C

, 44 5 but w a s again . .
,
reduced by Pericles In the Pelopon n esi an War B C 4 1 1

.
, . .
,
better success a ttended a second e ffort .
The Cyclade s — These isla n ds a re said t o h a ve been origi

n ally peopled by Caria n s from Asia Mi n or ; but about the tim e
Of the great migrations ( B C 1 200 to 1 000) they were occupied . .
by th e Greeks the more northern by Ionian the more souther n

, ,
b y D orian a dventurers After a while a n I o n ian Amphict y o ny

.
A N CI E N T H I STO R Y 1 35
grew up i n the n orthern group having the islet of Delos for ,
its centre a n d the Temple of Apollo there for its place Of meet
,
ing whence the p osition occupied by D elos o n the formation

o f the Athenia n co n federacy The largest an d politically .
, ,
speaki n g most import an t Of the Cyclades were A n dros and

,
Naxos the form er of which fou n ded the colo n ies Of Acanthus ,
San é A r g ilu s an d Stag e ir u s i n Thrace while the latter r e

, , ,
pulsed a Persia n attack in B C 5 01 a n d co n tended a gainst the . .

,
whole force Of Athens in B C 466 Paros famous for its . . .

,
marble may be placed next t o A n dros a nd Naxos It w as the

, .
mother city of Thasos and Of Pharos in Illyria Little is

, .
known Of the constitutional history of any Of the Cycl a des .
Naxos however seems to have gon e through the usual course

, ,
o f Greek revolutionary change being governed by an oligarchy ,
u n til the time Of L yg dami s ( B C 54 0 to who professing . .

,
to esp ouse the p opular c a use made himself king H is tyranny , .
did not last lo n g and a n oligarchy w as once more established

, ,
which in its turn gave way to a democracy before B C 5 01 . . .
Lemno s —This island which had a Thracian population in

,
the earliest tim es and then a Pelasgic one was first Hellenized ,
after it s conquest about B C 5 00 by the great M iltiades It

, . .
, .
w as from this tim e regarded as an Athenian possession a nd ,
seems to have received a strong body Of colonists from Athe n s .
Lemnos contained two tow n s H e p h ae sti a and Myrina which , ,
formed separate states a t the tim e of the Atheni a n conquest .
H e p h ae st i a was at that tim e under a ki n g .
Thasos which w a s peculiarly rich i n minerals was early

, ,
colonized by the Ph oe n icia n s w h o worked the mines very suc ,
c e ssfu ll y I onians from Paros H ellenized it about B C 72 0 t o

. . .
7 00,
a n d soon raised it into a powerful state Settlem e n ts were .
made by the Thasians up o n the mai n land Opposite their north -
ern shores whereof the most important were Sc ap t é Hyl e and

,
-
Datum The gold —. m ines in this qu a rt er were largely worked ,
and i n B C 492 the Thasia n s h a d an an n ual revenue O f fro m

. .
2 00 to 3 00 talents to In B C 4 94 H i st iae u s . .
,
Of Miletus attempted to reduce the island but failed ; it was , ,
however i n the following year forced to sub mit t o the Persians

,
.
O n th e defeat Of X erxes Thasos b ecam e a me mber Of the ,
Athenia n confederac y but revolting B C 465 w a s a ttacked

, , . .
,
1 36 RAWL I N S O N
and forced to submit B C 4 63 I n the Pelopo nn esia n War an

, . . .
other revolt ( B C 4 1 1 ) was again followed by submission B C

. .
, . .
4 08 and Thasos thenceforth continued except for short i n ter

, ,
v a ls subj ect to Athens

, .
Cret e —The p op ulatio n o f Crete i n the e a rly times was o f a

very mixed character Hom er enumer a tes a mong its i n
.
habitants Ach aeans Eteocretes Cydonians D orians and

, , , ,
Pelasgi O f these th e Eteocretes a n d Cydonians were eve n

.
farther removed than the Pelasgi from the Hellenic type I n .
th e early days the Cretans were fam ous pirates whence prob ,
ably the traditions o i M inos and his naval p ower Whether .
the D orian population was really s ettled in the island from a

rem ote antiquity or reached Crete from th e Pelop onnese after
,
the D orian con quest of th e Ach aean kingdom s is a disputed ,
p oint ; but the latter view is o n th e wh ole the m ore probable

, , .
I n the historical times the Dorian element had a decided pre

ponderance over all the rest and institutions prevailed in all ,
th e chief cities which had a strong resemblance to th ose o f

Sparta The Spartan division Of the freemen into citizens and
.
per i oeci existed only in Crete ; and though the latter country ,
h ad no Helots their place was supplied by slav e s public a n d

, ,
private who cultivated the lands for their masters

, Amon g .
these last a syste m Of syssitia closely resembling the Spartan , ,
was established ; and a m ilitary trai n ing S im ilar in ch a r a cter ,
though less severe The island was parcelled out am ong a

.
n um b er O f separate states Often at w a r with one another but

, ,
wise enough to unite generally against a com m on enemy O f .
these states the m ost p owerful were Gnossus and G ortyna each ,
o f which aspired to exercise a h egem ony over the whole island .
Next in importance w a s Cydonia a n d in later times Lyctus , ,
o r L yt t u s O riginally the cities were ruled by hereditary

.
kings ; but ere long th eir places were taken by elected Cosmi ,
ten in each comm unity who held O ffice for a certain p eriod
, ,
probably a year and were chosen from certain families Side

,
.
by side with this executive board there existed in each c om ,
munity a senate composed Of all who had served the

o ffice of Cosmos with credit a n d constituting really the chief ,
p ower in the state There was further an assembl y (ema na t es)

.
, ,
comprising all the citizens which accepted or rej ected the ,

m easures subm itted to it but had n o i n itiative an d no power o f , ,
debate o r amendment Crete took n o part in the gener a l af .
fairs O f Greece till after the tim e Of Alexander It maintai n ed .
a p olicy O f abstinence during both the Persian and P e l op on

mesian Wars The military character Of the Cretans was how
.
,
ever m ai n tained both by the frequent quarrels O f the states

, ,
o n e with a n other and by the common practice o f taking ser

,
vice as mercenaries .
Cypru s — This island s eems to have been originally o c c u

p ied by the Kittim a Japhetic race w h o left their nam e i n the, ,
o ld capital Citium ( Klr cov) Soon after the first develop ment
, .
Of Phoenician power h owever it passed into the p ossession Of , ,
that p eople wh o long continued the predominant race in the

,
island When Hellenic colonists first began to flow into it is

.
doubtful ; but there i s evidenc e that by the tim e O f Sargon

( B C 72 0 to 700) a large portion Of the island was Gree k and
. .
,
under Esarhaddon all the cities except Paph os T am i su s and , , ,
Aph rodisias appeared to have been ruled by Greek kings

, .
Cyprus seem s scarcely ever for any length Of tim e to have bee n
independent It was held by the Phoenicia n s from about B C
. . .
1 1 00 to 72 5 by the Assyrians from about B C

, 700 t o 6 5 0 by . .
,
the Egyptians from about B C 5 5 0 to 5 2 5 and b y the Persia n s . .

,
from B C 5 2 5 to 3 33 . Th e m ost important o f th e cities

. .
,
which by whomsoever founded eventually beca m e Greek

, , ,
were Salamis and A mm o c h ost a ( now Fam agusta ) on the east

ern coast ; Citium Curium and Paphos o n the southern ; Soli , ,
and L ap é th u s on the north ern ; and Lim enia T am asu s and , ,
I dali u m in the interior A m at h u s continued always Ph oe n i .
c ian The m ost flourishing Of the Greek states was Salam is

.
and th e later history Of the island is closely connected with

that o f the Salaminian kings Among these were : 1 E v e l . .
thon contemporary with Arcesilaus I I I Of Cyrene about B C

, .
, . .
5 3 0 ; 2 Gorgus and 3 O ne sil u s contemp orary with D arius

. .
,
H y st asp i s B C 5 2 0 to 5 00 ,
The latter j oined in th e Ionian re
. . .
volt but was defeated and slain

, 4 E v ag o ras I conte m . . .
,
p o rar y with Artaxerxes L on g i m an u s B C 4 49 5 E v a g o r as , . . . .
I I contemporary with Artaxerxes M nem on B C 391 t o 3 70

.
, , . . .
This prince rebelled and assisted by th e Atheni a ns and E g yp , ,
tia n s c a rried o n a long war against the Persia n s but a fter the
, , ,
1 38 RAWL I N S O N
Peace Of A ntal cidas was forced to submit B C 3 80 retai n i n g

, , . .
, ,
however his sovereignty 6 Protagoras brother of E v ag o

,
. .
,
ras I I contemporary with Artaxerxes O c h u s B C 3 50 He

.
, ,
. . .
banished E v ag oras son Of E v ag oras I I and j oined the great

,
.
,
revolt which followed O c h u s s first and unsuccessful expedi ’
tio n against Egypt This revolt was put down before B C

. . .
3 4 6 by,
the aid Of m ercenaries commanded by Phocion ; and
thenceforth Cyprus continued faithful to Persia till Alexan ,
der s victory at Issus when th e nine kings Of the island v ol u n

’
,
tar ily transferred their allegiance to M acedon B C 3 33 , . . .
G r e e k C ol oni e s .
The n umber o f the Greek colonies and their wide di ffusion , ,
are very remarkable Fro m the extrem e recess o f the Sea Of

.
Azov to the m outh Of the M editerranean almost the entire ,
coast both Of continents and islands w as studded with the

, ,
settlements Of this active and energetic people M ost thickly .
were these sown towards the north and th e north east more -
,
sparingly towards the south and west where a rival civilization ,
—the Phoenician— cramp ed tho u gh it could not crush Gre , ,
c i an enterprise Carthage and Tyre would fain have kept ex

.
elusively in their ow n hands these regions ; but the Greeks

forced themselves in here and there as in Egypt and in the ,
Cyrenai ca ; wh ile o f their own northern shore except i n Spain , ,
they held exclusive p ossession m eeting their rivals i n the isl ,
ands O f Corsica Sardinia Sicily and Cyprus

, , , .
Th e main causes O f the spread O f th e Greeks from their

prop er home in the Hellenic peninsula over so many and such ,
distant regions were two in number The race was prolific

, .
,
and Often found itself cramped for room either from the mere ,
natural increase Of population o r from the pressure upon it ,
Of larger and m ore p owerful nations Hence arose m ove .
m ents which were properly speaking migrations though the

, , ,
”
term colonization h as been improperly applied to them T O .
this class belon g the ZE O l ian I onian and D orian settlements , ,
in Asia and th e Ach aean in Italy B ut the more usual cause of

, .
m ovement was comm ercial o r p olitical enterprise the state ,
which founded a settlement being desirous Of extending its in

A N C I E NT H I STO R Y 139
fl ue n ce its trade i n to a n ew region Such settleme n ts were

or .
colonies prop er ; and between these and the mother country

there was always at any rate at first a certain connection
, , ,
which w as absent in the case Of settlem ents aris in g out of mi

g rat io ns O ccasionally individual caprice or political distur b
.
a n ce led to th e foundation O f a n e w city ; but such cases were

comparatively rare and require only a passing m ention
, .
The colonies proper of the Greeks were Of two ki nds ,
cwr ocm a l and xl mov ca c

’ ’ '
.
p x In the form er th e political
. connec ,
tion between the mother country and the colony was slight
and weak ; in the latter it w as exceedingly close and strong
,
.
’
A 7roucla c were in fact independent communities attached to
, , ,
th e mother country m erely by a ff ection and by certain gener

ally prevalent usages which however were neither altogether
, , ,
Obligatory nor very definite The colony usually worshipped .
as a hero its original founder (ol m a s ) an d honored the sam e ,
gods as th e p arent city It bore part in the great festivals o f

.
its m etropolis and contributed O fferin gs to them It distin

,
.
g u i sh e d by special honors at its o w n games and festivals th e

citizens of the parent commu n ity It used the sam e emblem s .
up on its coins Its ch ief priests were i n som e instances

.
-
, ,
drawn continually from th e m other state ; and if it designed ,
t o found a n ew settlement itself it sought a leader from the ,
same quarter War between a p arent city an d a colony was

.
regarded as impious and a certain Obligation lay on each t o

,
assist the other in times Of danger B ut the Observance o f .
these various usages was altogether voluntary ; n o attempt was

ever m ade t o enforce them th e complete p olitical in de p e n ,
’
dence Of th e en r ocma bein g always understood an d ac kn ow l
’
edged In the xxnpovxia the case was wholly di ff erent There

. .
th e state sent ou t a body of its citizens t o for m a new c om

m unity in territory which it regarded as its ow n ; the settlers
retained all their rights as citizens of their ol d country and i n ,
th eir new on e were m ainly a garrison intended to maintain the

authority O f those w h o sent them ou t The dependence Of .
xxnpov la c o n the parent state was thus entire and absolute

x .
The cleruch s were m ainly citizens of th eir Old state to who m ,
certain special duties had bee n assig n ed a n d certain b enefits

granted .
1 40 RA WL I N S O N
The Greek settlem ents O f whatsoever kind m ay b e divided

geographically into the Eastern the Wester n and the South , ,
ern Under th e first head will com e those of the e a ster n and
.
n orther n shores o f the E g e an thos e o f the Propo n tis of the , ,
B l a ck Sea a nd of the Se a o f Azov ; u n der the seco n d those of

, ,
Italy Sicily Gaul Spai n an d the a dj a ce n t isl an ds ; u n der th e

, , , ,
third those of Africa

,
.
From the Comm encem ent O f th e Wars with Persia , B C . .

500,
to the B attle of C h oe r one ia B C , . .
The tendency Of th e Greek States i n spite o f their separatist ,
leanings towards consolidation a nd union round one o r m ore

,
centres has bee n already n oticed Up to the date of the Per

,
.
S ou r ces Fo r t h e firs t p o rt i on o f t his p e r i o d fr om B C 5 00 t o 4 79

.
, . . ,
H e r o d ot u s ( b oo ks v t o i x ) is o u r chi e f aut h o r it y ; b u t h e m ay b e
. .
s u ppl e me nt e d t o a c on sid e r abl e e xt e nt fr om Pl ut arch V it T h e mi st . .
a n d Aris t id and N e p o s
. V i t M il t i ad T h e m i st Ar i s ti d an d . .
, .
, .
,
Fo r t h e s e c o n d p o r t i o n O f t h e p e r i o d fr om B C 4 79 t o 43 1 , . .
,
t h e o ut li n e o f Th u c y did e s ( b o o k i ch aps 24 t o 1 46 ) i s O f pri mar y i m . .
p o rt an c e e sp e ci all y for t h e chr on o l o g y ; b u t t h e d e t ail s mu s t b e fill e d

,
i n fr o m D i o do r u s ( b oo k x i an d firs t h alf O f b oo k . an d as b e f o r e , ,
fr om Pl ut arch an d N e p o s ( T h e l att e r h as on e Life onl y b e ari n g

.
o n t his p e ri o d t h at O f Ci m o n ; t h e f o r me r h as t w o t h o s e O f Ci m o n a n d
, ,
P e ricl e s ) Fo r m o s t O f t h e t h i rd p o rtio n O f t h e p e ri o d t h e t i me O f t h e
.
,
P e l o p onne si an W ar— B C 43 1 t o 404— w e h ave t h e i nval u abl e w o rk O f

. .
Th u c y did e s ( b o oks ii t o v iii ) as ou r si n gl e and s u ffici e nt gu id e ; b ut

. .
,
w h e r e t h e w o rk O f Th u c y did e s br e aks O ff w e m u s t s u ppl e m e nt hi s c o n ,
t i n u at o r X e n o ph on
”
,
H e l l e ni ca b o o ks i and b D i o do r u s ( l a s t
, . y
h alf O f b o ok Fo r t h e f o u rt h p o r t i o n O f t h e p e ri o d fr om t h e cl o s e ,
O f t h e P e l o p onn e si an W ar t o t h e b att l e O f M ant i n e i a— B C 404 t o 3 62 . .
X e n o ph on i n his H e ll e ni c a his A nab as i s an d his A g e sil au s

”
, ,
, ,
is ou r mai n aut h o r it y : h e i s t o b e c omp ar e d w i t h D i o doru s ( b o o ks xiii .
to N e p os V i t L y san d C on on P e l op E p ami no n d an d
. .
, .
, .
,
“
an d Pl u t arch ( V it P e l O p Ar taxe rxe s an d . Fo r ,
t h e r e m a i n d e r o f t h e h i s t o r y— fr o m B C 3 62 t o 3 3 8—i n d e fa u l t o f c o n
.
,
. .
t e m p o r ar y w rit e rs w e ar e t hr o w n pr imaril y on t h e sixt e e nt h b o o k O f

,
D i o d o r u s ; b u t p e rh aps m o r e r e al k n ow l e dg e O f t h e p e ri o d i s t o b e
d e rive d fr om t h e sp e e ch e s O f th e o r at o rs e sp e ci all y t h o s e o f D e mo s ,
t h e me s and E sch i ne s T h e liv e s O f Ph o ci on and D e mo sth e n e s i n Pl u

.
t arch an d th o s e O f I p hi cr at e s C h ab r i as Timot h e u s an d D at ame s i n

, , , ,
N e p o s f u rth e r ill u s t r at e t h e p e ri o d w hich als o r e c e i ve s s ome ligh t

, ,
fr om J u s tin P au s an i as and a fe w ot h e r aut h o rs

, , .
sian War Sp a rt a was the state wh ich exercised th e greatest

,
centralizing force and gave the m ost prom ise Of uniti n g under
,
its leadership the scattered members o f the H ellenic body .
Eve n ts prior to the Persian War had been gra d ually leading
up to the recognition Of a Sparta n headship It required .
,
however the actual occurrence Of the war to bri n g rap idly to

,
maturit y what hitherto had on l y existed i n embr y o— to p lace

at once vividly before the whole race the co n scious n ess Of
H ellenic unity to drive Spart a to the a ssumption O f leader
,
ship and to induce the other Greek s tates to acquiesce c a lm l y

,
i n the new p osition occupied by one o f their n umber .
The beneficial influence Of an extrem e comm o n da n ger was

n ot limited to the tim e O f i t s actual existe n ce The tendency .
towards co n solid a tio n havi n g once Obtained a certai n am ount

,
o f strength did n ot disappear with th e cause which brought it

,
into being Fro m the tim e O f the Persian i n vasion we n otice

.
,
a general incli n ation Of th e Greeks to g a ther th emselves to

gether into co n feder a tions under leaders The chief states .
,
Sparta Athens B oeotia Argos are recognized as p ossible

, , , ,
h olders of such a hegem o n y ; and th e history fro m this tim e

thus possesses a ch a racter Of u n it y for which we look i n v a in at
a n earlier period .
The first exp editio n Of M ar don iu s havi n g b ee n frustrated ,
in part by a storm i n part by the Opposition o f the B ry g e s a

, ,
tribe o f Thracia n s it w as resolved before a s econd expeditio n

, ,
was sent ou t to send heral ds and summon the Greek States

,
s everally to surrender The result o f this policy w as striking .

.
Th e island states generally and m any o f the continental ones , ,
m ade their submission Few comparativel y rej ected t h e .

, ,
overture Ath ens and Sparta however m arked their abhor

.
, ,
re n ce of th e prop osal made them in the stro n gest p ossible wa y .
I n sp it e of th e un iversally received law that th e p ersons o f -

,
heralds were sacred th ey put th e envoys Of Darius t o death, ,
and thus placed themselves beyo n d a ll p ossibilit y o f further

p a rley with th e e n em y .
The victory o f Maratho n ga ve Greece a breathi n g sp a ce b e -
fore the decisive trial O f strength betwee n herself and Persia ,
which w as m an ifestly impendi n g N O one co n ceived th at th e .
d an ge r was p a st or th a t the Great Ki n g would p a tie n tl y ac cep t

,
1 42 RAWL I N S O N
his defeat without seeking to ave n ge it The ten years which

, .
intervened between Marathon and Thermopyl ae were y ears o f

preparation as m uch to Greece as to Persia Athens esp e .
c i al ly under the wise guidance Of Themistocles m ade herself

, ,
ready for the com ing conflict by the app lication of her great
pecu n iary resources to the increase Of her navy and by the ,
traini n g of her people in nautical habits The war betwee n .
this state and E g in a which continued till B C 4 8 1 was very, . .

,
advantageous to the Grecian cause by stimulating these naval ,
e fforts an d enabling Them istocles to p ersuade h is country

,
men to their good .
The military prep a r a tions o f Darius i n th e y ears B C 4 89 to . .
8
4 7 , and those o f X erxes i n B C 4 8 4 to 4 8 1 must have been . .
,
well k n ow n to the Greeks who could not doubt the q uarter in ,
which it was i n te n ded to strike a blow Accordi n gly we find .

,
the year B C 4 8 1 give n up to cou n ter prep a rations A gen

. .
-
.
er a l congress held at th e Isthm us— a n ew feature in Greek his

tory— arr a nged or suppressed the i n ternal qu a rrels Of the
, ,
states attendi n g it ; assigned th e command Of the confederate

forces both by la n d a n d se a to Sparta ; and made an attempt
, ,
to Obtain assistance from dista n t or reluctant m embers o f the , ,
H ellenic body— Argos Crete Corcyra and Sicily A resolu , , , .
tion was at the sam e tim e taken to meet the invader at the ex
trem e north ern boundary Of Greece wh ere it was thought that ,
the pass Of T e mp é O ffered a favorable position for resistance .
The force sent to Thessaly finding th e p ass o f Temp e u m ,
tenable with draws at once ; and th e position Of Thermopyl ae

,
‘
and Artemisium is chosen for th e combi n ed resista n ce t o th e

foe b y sea a n d lan d Th ough that position is forced Attic a
.
,
overrun and Athe n s taken a n d bur n t in revenge for Sardis

, , ,
yet th e defeat Of his vast fleet at Salamis ( B C 480) alarms . .
Xerxes and causes him to retire with all his remai n ing vessels
,
and th e greater part Of his troops M ardo niu s stays beh ind .
with picked m e n an d the fate Of Greece h as to be de ,
t e r m in e d by a land battle This is fought th e next year B C .

, . .
4 79 a t Plat aea by th e Spartan king Paus an i a s and the Athen

, , , ,
ia n general Aristides who with , men completely defeat

,
the Persia n general t a ke his camp and destroy his army A

, , .
b a ttl e a t M ycal é ( i n Asi a M i n or) on the s a me da y e ffects the , ,

destructio n of the remna n t of th e Persia n fleet ; a n d thus the

entire i n vadi n g armament both n aval and m ilitary is swept
, ,
away the attempt at co n quest having issued in utter failure

, .
The disco mfit u re Of th e assailing force which had threatened

the liberties o f Greece while it was far from bri n ging the war
,
to an end entirely changed its character Greece n ow took

, .
th e O ff ensive Not content with driving her foe beyo n d her

.
borders sh e aim ed at pressing Persia back fro m the advanced

,
p osition which she had occupied in this quarter regarding it as ,
m enacing to her ow n security At th e same time Sh e pun .

,
i sh e d severely the Grecian States which had i n vited or e n c ou r

aged the invader M oreover she vindicated to herself a s the
.
, ,
natural consequence o f th e victories of Salam is a n d M ycal é ,
the complete comm and Of th e Levan t or Eastern M e dit e r ,
r an e an a nd the sovereig n ty over all th e littoral isla n ds includ

, ,
i n g Cyprus .
The new positio n into which Greece had bee n brought b y

the course Of events a p osition requiri n g a ctivity enterprise
, , ,
th e constant employme n t o f considerable forces at a distance

from home a n d the occupatio n Of the ZE g e an with a p owerful
,
n avy led naturally to the great ch a nge which n ow took place

,
in Grecian arrangem e n ts— the with drawal o f Sparta from the

conduct Of the Persian War and the substitution Of Athens as ,
le a der N O doubt Sparta did n ot se e at once a ll which this

.
ch a nge i n volved The m isco n duct Of Pausanias wh o e n tered

.
,
into treasonable negotiations with X erxes and the want o f ,
elasticity in her system which u nfitt e d her for distant foreig n

,
wars made Sparta glad to retire from a n u n ple a sa n t duty the

, ,
burden Of which sh e threw upon Ath ens without suspecting ,
the profit and advantage which th a t ambitious state would de

rive fro m u n dertaking it She did not suppose that sh e was
.
thereby yieldi n g up her claim to the headship Of all Greece at

home or erecting Athens into a rival She imagined that she
,
.
could shift on to a subordinate responsibilities which were t oo

much for h er without changing the attitude Of that su b o rdi
,
nate towards herself This was a fatal m istake so far a s her

.
,
o w n interests were concerned an d had t o be redeem ed a t a ,
vast cost duri n g a w a r which lasted with short i n terruptio ns , ,
for th e s pa ce o f mor e th an fift y y e a rs .

1 44 RAWL I N S O N
O n Athens the change m ade by th e transference Of the lead

e r sh ip had an e ff ect which if not really advantageous in all re,
sp e c t s seemed at any rate for a time to be extraordinarily

,
beneficial Her patriotic exertions during the war Of invasion

.
appeared to have received thereby their due reward She had .
Obtained a free vent for h er supera b undant activity energy , ,
and enterprise She was to be at the head O f a league Of the

.
naval powers O f Greece O ff ensive and defensive against Per , ,
si a. The original idea Of th e league w as that o f a free co n

federation D elos was appointed as its centre
. There the .
Congress was to sit and there w as to be the common treasury

, .
B ut Athe n s soo n converted her acknowledged headship

e/c omb
( fiv ) into a sovereignty ( pxj) First the right Of states
d r .
,
to secede fro m the confederacy which w as left undecided by ,
the term s Of the confederation was denied ; and upon it s as , ,
sertion was decided in the negative by the unanswerable argu

,
m e n t o f force Next the treasury was transferred from D elos

.
,
to Ath ens a n d the m eetings o f the Congress were di sc o n tin

,
ued Finally the separate treasury O f the league w as merged

.
,
in that o f Athens ; the money and ships Of the allies were

e mployed for her o w n aggrandizem ent in whatever way Athens
pleased ; and the various m embers Of the league excepting a ,
few Of the more powerful were treated as Athen ian subj ects , ,
compelled to m odel their governm ents in accordance with
Athenian views and even forced to allow all important causes

,
to be transferred by app eal from their ow n local courts to thos e

Of th e I mp erial City These changes while they im mensely
.
,
increased the wealth and th e apparent importance and p ower

o f Athens did nevertheless , by arousing a deep and general ,
feeling Of discontent among h er subj ect allies introduce an -

,
elem ent of internal weakness into her system which when the , ,
tim e o f trial came was sure to show itself and to issue in dis
,
aster if not i n ruin

, .
Internal changes o f co n siderable importa n ce accompanied

this exaltation Of Athens to the headship o f an Empire The .
p ower o f the C l i sth e ni c str ateg i increased while that Of the O ld ,
archons declined until it becam e a m ere shadow The de .
mo c r ac y advanced B y a law o f Aristides B C 4 78 the last

.
, . .
,
vestige of a prop erty qualificatio n was swept away a n d every ,

AN C I ENT H I STO R Y 145
Athe n ian citize n was m ade eligible to every Offi ce The law .
courts were rem odelled and system a tized by Pericles who a lso ,
introduced the plan Of payin g th e poorer citizens for their at

tendance The Old council of the Areopagus was assailed its
.
,
p olitic a l p ower destro y ed an d its functions m ade simply j udi

,
c i al
. At the s a m e tim e however certain conservative altera
, ,
tions were introduced b y way o f balance The establishm ent .
o f the N o m o p h yl ac e s and th e N om ot h e t ae together with th e ,

’
institution o f the Indictment for Illegality w a pa vop w v)
had a decided tendency to check the over rapid progress o f -
change The practice o f re —

. electing year after year a favorite
s trateg u s gave t o the republic s omething Of the stability O f
m onarch y and rendered fluctuations in p olicy less frequent

,
than they would otherwise have been and less extreme , .
M eanwhile the convenient institutio n Of ostracis m diminished

,
th e violence o f party struggles and preserved th e state from ,
all attempts upon its liberties The sixty years which followed .
Salamis form o n the whole the m ost brilliant period Of A th e

, ,
n ian history and exhibit to us the exceptional spectacle of a

,
full blown democracy which has nevertheless all the ste adi
-
,
ness the firm ness a n d the prudent s elf—

, , control of a limited
m onarchy or other m ixed government .
Athens also during this p eriod became the m ost splendid

Of Greek cities and was the general resort Of all w h o excelled
,
in literature or in th e arts The Partheno n the T h e se iu m the

.
, ,
temple Of Victory the Propyl aea were built a n d ador n ed with

, ,
the paintings Of Polygnotus an d the exquisite sculptures Of

Phidias a n d his school Ci mon a n d Pericles vied with each
.
other in the be a utifying of th e city of their birth ; an d the e n

c o u r a g e m e n t which th e latter esp ecially gave to talent o f every
ki n d collected to Athens a galaxy Of intellectual lights such as

,
i s a lm ost without parallel in the history Of mankind At the .
sam e time works of u t ilit v were not neglected but adv an ced
, ,
at a n equal pace with th ose whose character w a s or na m ent a l .
The defenses of Athens were rebuilt im mediately after th e de

parture o f th e Persians and not long afterwards the fort i fi ca
,
tions were exte n ded t o the se a on either side by th e Long

W a lls to the tw o ports o f Pir aeus and P h al é r u m The triple .
h a rbor of Pirae us was artificially enlarged and stre n gthened .
10
146 RAWL I N S O N
New docks were made and a tow n was l a id out on a gra n d

,
plan for th e maritim e population A m a gnificent force of tri .
rem es was kept up maintained always at the highest point o f

,
e fficiency Colonies were m oreover sent out to distant shores

.
,
and new towns arose at Amphipolis T h u r ii and elsewhere

, , , ,
which reproduced in rem ote and barbarous regions the sple n

dor and taste o f th e m other city on a reduced scale .
Although Aristides was the chief under whom Athens ob

t ain e d her leadership and Themistocles the statesman t o
,
whom she owed it that she was thought Of for such a position ,
yet the guida n ce o f th e state o n h er new c a reer w a s intrusted

to neither the o n e nor the other but to Cim o n Aristides ap ,
.
p ears to have been regarded as deficient in m ilitary talent ; a nd

the dishonest conduct Of Them istocles had rendered him j ustl y
open t o suspicion It w as thus to the son o f th e victor at
.
Marathon that the further humiliation Of Persi a w a s n ow c om

m it t e d .
The revolt Of the Sparta n Helots simulta n eousl y with the

s iege Of Thasos B C 4 64 was an event the importance Of
, . .
,
which c an scarcely be over estimated It led to th e first a ctual

-
.
rupture Of frie n dly relations between Athens and Sparta ; and

it occupied the attention Of Sparta so completely for te n years
th a t sh e could do n othing during that tim e t o ch eck the rapid
advance which Ath ens m ade so soon as she found herself free ,
to take whatever part sh e pleased in Grecian p olitics It like .
wise caused the banishment of Ci m o n ( B C 4 6 1 ) a n d the ele . .
vation O f Pericles t o the chief directio n Of a ffairs—a ch a nge Of

n o small m oment being the substitutio n o f a co n summ ate
,
statesme n as chief Of the state for a mere moderately skilful

general .
The ambition Of Pericles a imed at securing t o Athe n s the

first position in Greece both by land a nd sea He understood .
that Sparta would no t tolerate such pretensions and was pre ,
pared to contest with that p ower the supremacy on shore .
B ut h e believed that ultimately in such a country as Greece , ,
th e comm and Of the se a would carry with it a predominant

p ower over the land also He did not design to withdraw
.
Athens from her position o f le a der against Persia ; but treating ,
th e Persian War as a secondary and subordin a te a ff a ir he ,

wished to direct the m ain e n ergies Of hi s country towards the

acquisition o f such authority a nd influence in central and
norther n Greece as would place her on a par with Sparta as a
land power At the sam e time he sought to strengthe n h im
.
,
self by alliances with such states O f the Peloponnese as were

j ealous of Sparta ; a n d h e was willing when danger threate n ed , ,
to relinquish the contest with Persia altogether and to devote ,
all h is e ff orts to the est a blishme n t Of th e suprem acy o f Athens

over Greece .
Th e culm inating p eriod Of Athe n ian greatness was the i n

te rv al between ( E n O p h y t a and C o r o n e ia B C 4 5 6 to 44 7 , . . .
Pericles wh o at the outset appeared likely to succeed in all

,
that he had p la n ned lear n ed gr a duall y by the course o f events

,
that he had overrated his country s powers and wisely acqui ’

,
e sc e d in th e inevitable From about B C 4 54 his aim w as t o

. . .
consolidate and conserve not t o enlarge the dominion of , ,
Athens B ut the policy o f m oderation cam e t O O late B oe o

. .
tia Phocis and Locris burned to be free an d determi n ed to tr y

, , ,
the chance Of arms so soon as a convenient occasion O ffered

,
.
C o r o n e ia came and Athens was struck dow n up on h er knees

,
.
T w o years later on th e expir a tion Of th e five ye a rs peace ( B C

’
. .
,
Sparta arra n ged a combi n atio n which threatened h er

rival with actual destruction M egar a on th e one side and .
Euboea on th e other were stirred t o revolt while a P e l op on ,
n e sian force under P l e i st oa n ax and C l e an dr i da s invaded Attica
a t Eleu sis B ut the crisis w as m et by Pericles with firmness

.
a nd wisdom The Sp a rta n le a ders were a ccessible to bribes

.
,
a nd the expe n diture Of a few talents relieved Athens from her

greatest danger Euboea th e possession of which was of vital
.
,
consequence to th e u n productive Attica received a severe pu n ,
i sh m e nt for her disa ff ectio n at the hands O f Pericles himself .
M egara and a few outlying remnants Of the land empire e m

,
j oyed from B C 4 5 6 t o 44 7 were made the price Of peace B y

. .
, .
th e cessio n of what it would have been impossible to retai n ,
Athens purchased for herself a long ter m o f rest d uring which ,
she might hop e t o recruit her strength and prepare herself t o

m ake another struggle fo r the supremacy .
Th e struggle which n ow comm e n ced is known by the n a m e

”
o f the Pelopo nn esi an W a r It lasted twenty seve n years
.
-
,
1 4s RAWL I N S O N
from B C 4 3 1 to 4 04 a n d extended itself over a lmost th e whole

. .
,
o f the Grecian world i n volving a lm ost every state from S e linu s

,
a t the extrem e west Of Sicily to Cnidus and Rhodes i n the

ZE g e an Though in th e mai n a war for suprem acy betwee n
.
the two great p owers o f Greece Athe n s and Sparta it w as also , ,

”
to a certain extent a struggle of pri n ciples and likewise , ,
”
though to a lesser exte n t a war of races Speaking ge n
,
.
e rall y the Ionian Greeks were banded together o n the o n e

,
side and made comm on cause with th e Ath enia n s ; while th e

,
Dorian Greeks with a few remarkable exceptions gave their

, ,
aid to the Spartans B ut political sympathy determi n ed to a

.
,
greater degree tha n race th e side to which each state should,
attach itself Athens a n d Spart a were resp ectively i n the eyes

.
O f the Greeks the representati ves o f the two principles of de
mo cr acy and oliga rchy and it was felt that according as the ,
one or the other prep onderated th e cause o f oliga rchical or ,
dem ocratical government was in th e a scendant The prin .
c ip l e of n on —
intervention w as unknown B oth powers alike .
were propagandist ; and revolutionized as occasio n o ffered , ,
the constitutions o f their dependencies Even without inter .
v e n t ion party spirit w as constantly at work and the triumph

, ,
o f a faction over its rival in this o r that p etty state might at a n y
tim e disturb the balance o f power betwee n the two chief bel
l i g e r e nt s .
These two belligere n ts offered a rem a rkable contrast to each

other in many respects Athens w a s predom ina n tly a mari
.
tim e Sparta a land power Athens h a d i n fluence chiefly on

,
.
the easter n side Of Greece a n d i n Asi a ; Sp a rta o n the wester n ,
side o f Greece a n d in Ital y an d Sicily Again the position o f

,
.
,
Sparta with respect to her a llies was ver y di ffere n t from th a t

of Athens .
Sp a rt a w as at the he a d of a purely volu n ta ry co n feder a cy ,
the members of which rega rded their i n terests as bou n d

up in hers and accepted her on a ccou n t Of her superior
, ,
military strength a s their na tural leader ,

Athens was m is .
tress of an empire which she had acquired to a considera b le ,
extent by force ; and w a s disliked by m ost o f h er subj ect al

,
-
lies who accepted her le a der ship not from choice but fro m
, , ,
compulsion Thus Sparta w as able to prese n t herself before

.
AN C I E NT H I STO R Y 1 49
m e n s m inds in the ch a racter

’
liberator o f Greece ; thoughof ,
had sh e obtained a complete ascendancy over the rest o f

Greece her yoke would prob a bly have been found at le a st as
,
galling as the Athenian .
Among th e principal advantages which Athens p ossessed

over Sparta a t the comm encem ent of the w a r was the better
arrangem e n t o f her finance Spart a c an sc a rcely be s a id to
.
have had a revenue a t a ll H er military expenses were m et by

.
extraordin a ry co n tributio n s which she and h er a llies levied

,
upo n them selves as occasio n seemed t o require Athens o n

, .
,
the contrary had an organized system wh ich secured h er an

, ,
a nnual reve n ue greatly exceeding h er n eeds i n tim e o f p eace ,
and su fficient to suppor t the whole expense of a m oderate war .
Whe n extr a ordinary e fforts were required sh e could f a ll back ,
o n her accumulations which were large o r sh e could augment

,
her incom e by requiring from her citizens an incre a sed rate Of

propert y tax -
.
The Pelopon n esia n War may be divided i n to three periods

I st . From the co m m e n cement until the conclusio n o f the
Peace of Nicias—te n ye a rs— B C 4 3 1 to 4 2 1 2 d From the . . . .
Peace Of Nicias to it s form al rupture by Spart a— eight years ,
B C 4 2 1 to 4 1 3
. .
3 d From the rupture of the Peace Of N i c ias
. .
to the capture o f Athens— rather m ore than nine ye a rs— B C . .
4 1 3 to 404 .
First Perio d — Th e struggle w a s co n ducted for tw o y ears

an d a h a lf b y Pericles ; the n by N icias but u n der the check Of ,
a strong opp osition led by Cleon Ath ens was continually .
more and m ore successful up t o B C 4 24 wh en th e fortune Of . .

,
war ch a nged The rash exp edition into B oeotia in that year
.
lost Athens the flower Of her troop s at D elium ; while th e

genius of the young Sparta n B rasidas first saved M egara and , , ,
the n transferrin g the war i n t o Thrace threatened t o deprive

, ,
the Ath enian s o f the entire m a ss of th eir allies in this q uarter .
The e ff ort m ade to recover Amphipolis ( B C 4 2 2 ) having . .
failed a n d Athens fearing greatly the further spre a d o f dis

,
a ffection am ong h er subj ect cities p eace was m ade o n terms

-
,
dis a dvantageous but not dishonorable t o Athe n s — the general

pri n ciple o f th e p e a ce being the statu quo ante bellum but cer ,
t a in exceptio n s b e i n g m a de with regard to Plat ae a and t h e

Th racian to w n s which placed Ath ens in a worse p ositio n th an

,
th a t which sh e held when th e war began .
Second Pe r io d — The continuance of hostilities during this

p e r iod while there was p eace and even for som e tim e alliance
, , ,
b etween th e t w o chief b elligerents was att ri b u ta b le at first , , ,
to th e hatred w hich Corinth b ore to Athens an d to the e n ,
e r gy w hich sh e showed in forming coalitions against h er de
tested rival A f ter wards it was owing also in part to th e am

.
b i t i on and influence O f Al ci b iades w h o desired a renewal of the

,
war hop ing thereby to Obtain a sphere suita b le to his talents

,
.
Argos during this p eriod rose for a tim e i n to considerati o n

, , ,
h er alliance being sought on all hands ; b ut the b attle of Man

tinea by destroying th e flower of her troops once m ore broke
, ,
h er power and her fi n al gravitatio n to th e Athenian side w a s

,
of no consequence .
Far m ore important than his Pelop onnesian schem es was

th e proj ect which Alci b iades now brought forward Of con
, ,
q u ering S i c il v Th e success O f this attempt would have c om

.
p l e t e l y destro y ed the balan ce O f power in Greece and have ,
made Athens I rresistible Th e proj ect though p erhap s som e

.
,
what over b old would pro b a b ly have succeeded had the task
-
, ,
of carryin g it through to th e en d been intru sted to the genius

which conceived it Unfortunately for Athens sh e was forced
.
,
t o choose between endangering her libe rties by maintaining

Alcibiades in power and riski n g th e f ai lure of an expedition
t o w hich sh e w as too far committed for h er to be abl e to r e
cede .
Th e recall of Alcibiades w as injurious to Ath ens i n v a rious

ways It dep rived her of h er best general and O f th e only
.
,
statesm an sh e possessed who was comp etent to deal with all

the p ec u liar diflflc u l t i e s of the expedition It made Sparta .
f u lly acquainted wi th th e Athenian schem es for the m anage

ment O f Sicilian a ff airs and so enabled her to counteract th em
, .
Finally it transferred to th e enemy the m ost keen and subtle

,
i ntellect O f th e tim e an intellect alm ost certain to secure su c

,
ces s to the side which it esp oused Still if th e choice lay ( as .

,
probably it did ) b etwe e n accepting Al ci b ia des as tyrant and

d riving h im into exile we m ust hold Athens j ustified in the
,
cours e which sh e took There m ight e a sily be a rap id r e c ov

.
A N C I E NT H I ST O R Y 1 51
c ry from the e ff ects of a di sastrous expedition Who co u ld .
predict the tim e at which th e state would recover from the loss
o f those liberties on which her prosp erity had recently de
p ended ?
Third Perio d —The maintenance of the Peace of N icias
had long been rather nominal than real Athens and Sparta .
had indeed a b stained h ithert o from direct at t ac k s upon ea ch

’
other s territories ; but they had b een continually employed in
p lots against each other s interests an d they had m et in c on
’
fl ic t both in th e Peloponnes e and in Sicily N ow at len gt h .

,
after eight y ea rs the worn out fiction of a pretended ami t y was

,
-
discarded ; and the Spartans by the advic e of Al cibiades not , ,
only once m ore invaded Attica but made a p erm anent settle ,
m ent at D e ce l e ia within sight O f A t hens Th e main theatre of .
th e struggl e continued h owever to be Sicil y ; where the

, ,
Athenians clun g with desp eration to a s chem e which pru dence

required them to reli n quish and lavishly sent fleet aft er fleet
,
and army after arm y to m aintain a conflict which w as hop eless .
Still th e expedition m ight have re embarked w i thout suff erin g -

,
any irreparable disaster had it not been for an i mprovem ent

,
in ship building devised by th e Corinth ians and ea gerly adopt

-
,
ed by the Syracusans which deprived Athens O f her com mand

,
o f the se a an d forced her arm ies to s urrender at di s creti on

, .
Thus th e fatal blow fro m whi ch Athens never recovered was

, ,
struck by the hatred of Cori n th wh ich in the co ur s e of a few , ,
weeks m ore than avenged th e inj uries of half a centu ry

, .
The im m edi ate res ul t Of th e disasters in Sicily was th e t rans

ference of the war to Asia M inor Her great losses in shi p s .
and sailors had so crippled th e naval p ower O f Athens t hat her ,
comm and O f th e s ea w as gone ; t h e m ore so as h er adversaries ,
were stren g thened by th e accession to the ir fleet o f a powe r ful

Sicilian contingent The kn owledge of th i s entire change in
.
th e relati ve p osition O f th e two bel l igerents at sea encouraged ,
th e su b j ect allies generally to shake 06 the Athenian yoke

-
.
Spart a saw the imp ortance of encoura gi ng this defection ; and

crossin g the ZE g e an S ea in force m ade the t hea t re of war Asia ,
M inor th e islan ds and th e H ellesp ont

, ,
Here for the first .
,
tim e sh e was able to make the Persian a l lia n ce w hi ch she had

, ,
so long sought o f u se t o her

,
Persian gold enabled her to .
152 RAWL I N S O N
mai n tain a fleet equal or superior to that of Athens and ulti ,
m ately gave her the victory in th e long doubtful contest .
What most surprises u s in the third and last period of the ,
war is the vigor of the Athenian defense ; th e elasticity Of

,
spirit th e energy and the fertility of resource which seemed

, ,
for a tim e to have completely surmou n ted the Sicilian calamity ,
and made the final issue once m ore appear to be doubtful .
This wonderful recovery of stre ngth and power was no doubt , ,
in a great measure due to the genius of one m an— Alcibiades .
B ut something must be attributed t o the temper and character

o f the people Athens like Rom e i s the greatest and most
.
, ,
admirable in misfortune ; it is th en that her courage her p a ,
t ie n ce and her p atriotism deserve a nd co mm a n d o u r sympa

,
thies .
The a rrival o f the younger Cyrus in Asi a M i n or was Of gre a t

a dvantage to Sparta and must be regarded as mainl y e ffective
,
in bringing the war rapidly to a successful issue Hitherto .
the satraps had pursued the policy which the interests Of Persi a
required had trimm ed the balance and contrived that n either
, ,
side should Obtain a decided preponderance over the other .
B ut Cyrus had personal views which such a course would not ,
have subserved He required the assistance Of Greek troops

.
and ships i n the great enterprise that he was meditating ; and ,
to obtain such aid it w as necessary for him to m a ke a re a l

,
friend Of one belligere n t or the other H e chose Sparta a s .

,
best suited to furnish him th e aid he required ; and having ,
m a de his choice he threw himself i n to the c a use with all the

,
energy Of his nature It was his prompt a n d lavish ge n erosity

.
which prevented the victory Of A r g in u sm from being o f any

real service to Athens and enabled Lysa n der to undo its e f
,
feets and regain the mastery of the se a within the space Of ,
thirteen m onths by the crowning victory Of ZE g os potam i

,
-
.
That victory may also have been in a n other way the result o f
Lysander s comm and O f Persian gold ; for it is a re a sonable
’
susp icion that some of the Athe n ian com manders were bribed ,
and that the negligence which lost the battle had been paid for
ou t o f the stores Of Cyrus .
The internal history of Athe n s duri n g the third p eriod of th e

Peloponnesian W ar i s full Of interest The dis a strous term i .
nation of the Sicilian expedition threw discredit upon dem o

c r at i c al institutions ; and imm ediately after the news o f it
reached Athens the constitution was m odified in a n aristo

,
cratic direction B C 4 1 2 The change however the n m a de

, . . .
, ,
was not regarded as su fficie n t ; a nd in B C 4 1 1 a m ore c o m . .
p l e te revolution w a s eff ected Cowed by a terrorism which .
the political clubs knew well how to exercise the Athenia n ,
democracy subm itted to se e itself abolished in a perfectl y legal

manner A nom inated Cou n cil Of 4 00 succeeded to the elect
.
ive Bovh r) and a pretended comm ittee of 5000 took the place
’
Of the tim e ho n ored e fc/cq o la This government wh ich was
-
.
,
practic a lly that of three or four individuals lasted for about ,
four months when it was overthrown by violence and the de

, ,
mo c rac y was restored again u n der certain restrictions .
The triumph of Sparta was the triumph throughout Greece

o f oligarchical principles At Athe n s the democracy w a s .
abolished and the entire control Of th e gover n ment placed in

,
the ha n ds O f a B oard Of Thirty a board which has acquired in ,

”
history the omi n ous na m e o f Th e Thirty Tyr an ts B o a rds .
o f Ten chose n by himself were set up b y Lys an der ,
as the suprem e authority i n Sa m os and i n other cities while ,

”
Spart a n harmosts with i n definite powers were established
, ,
everywhere Th e Greeks found th a t i n stead of g a i n i n g by

.
,
the change o f m a sters they had lost ; they h a d exch a nged the
,
yoke of a p ower which if r apacious was at a ny rate refined

, , , ,
civilized and polished for that of one which added to r a pacity

, ,
a coarse a rrog a nce and a cruel harshness which were infinitel y

exasp erating and O ffensive Eve n i n the m atter of the tribute .
there was n o relaxation Sparta fou n d that t o ma i n tai n an .

,
empire S h e m ust h a ve a revenue ; a nd the contributions Of her

,
subj ect a llies were a ssessed a t th e a nn u a l rate of 1 000 tale n ts

-
The expedition Of the Ten Thous an d B C 401 t o 400 b e , . .

,
longs less t o the histor y Of Greece tha n to th a t Of Persia ; but

it had so me important conseque n ces o n the after course Of
Greek p olicy The weakness of Pers i a was laid b a re ; it w as
.
seen th a t her c a pital m ight b e re a ched a nd that Greek troop s ,
m ight m arch i n security from e n d to end of th e E mpire H ith .
erto eve n the a tt a cks Of th e Gr e eks on Persi an territor y h a d

1 54 RAWL I N S O N
bee n in a m easure defensive having for their Obj ect the S e c ur ,
ity o f European Hellas o r the liberation O f the Greek cities in

,
Asia Henceforth ideas o f actual conquest floated before the

.
Grecian m ind ; and the more restless spirits look e d to this quar
ter as the best field for their ambitio n O n the S ide o f the Per .
sians alarm at the possible results Of Greek audacity began to

,
b e felt and a new policy w as developed in consequence The

,
.
Court of Susa henceforth took an active part in the Greek

struggles allying itself continually with one side o r the other
, ,
and em ploying the treasures of th e state in defraying the cost

Of Greek a rm a me n ts or in corrupting Greek statesmen ,
.
Finally Persi a cam e t o be viewed as the ultimate a rbit e r Of the

,
Greek q u arrels ; and rescripts Of the Great King at o n ce i m

posed p eace o n the belligerents and defined the term s o n ,
which it should be concluded .
The im mediate consequence Of th e C yre i an expedition w as

war between Sparta and Persia Sparta was known to have .
lent her aid to Cyrus and Ti ssaph e rn e s had orders on his r e ,
turn to the coast to retaliate by severities on the Greek cities

, ,
which were now under the protection of the Spartans The .
challenge thus throw n down was readily accepted ; and for six
years— B C 3 99 to 3 94— Sparta carried on war in Asia Minor
. .
,
first under generals Of no great talent but finally under Age , , ,
sila u s who succeeded in m akin g the Great Ki n g tremble fo r

,
his emp ire The consequences would probably have bee n

.
serious if Persia had not succeeded in e ffecting a combi n atio n

,
against the Spartans in Greece itself which forced them t o r e ,
call A g e silaii s from Asia .
I nstigated b y the Persia n s a nd j ealous Of the power o f ,
Sparta Argos Thebes Corinth and Athens form ed an alli

, , , ,
ance against her in the year B C 3 95 A war O f a checkered . . .
character followed Spart a lost the command Of the se a by

.
the great victory of Cono n a t Cnidus but m aintained her su ,
p e r i o r i t y o n land in th e battles Of Corinth C o r onaea and L e , ,
c h ae u m Still sh e fou n d th e strain upon her resources S O

.
great a n d the di fficulty o f resisting the confederatio n sup

, ,
ported as it was by the gold and the ships of Persia so extrem e , ,
that after a few years she felt it necessary to procure peace at

any cost It w as a t h er insta n ce an d b y her energetic e xe r
.
,
tio n s that Persia was i n duced to com e fo rward in the new

ch aracter of arbiter an d t o require the acceptance by the
,
Greeks generally of th e terms contained in the Peace of

A n t al c idas — term s disgraceful t o the Greeks b ut a dv ant a ,
geons to Sparta as the clause establishi n g th e independence of

,
all the Greek states (w h e re) inj ured Corinth a n d Thebes while ,
it left her ow n power untouched .
The im m ediate conse quences o f th e Peace Of A nt al c i das

were the separation of Corinth from Argos a n d the deposi ,
tion Of Th ebes fro m her hegem ony over th e B oeotian cities .
The r e establishm ent of Plat aea followed a j udicious m easure

-
,
o n the part o f Sparta tendin g to produce estrangement b e

tween Thebes and Athens Sp arta was now at th e zenith o f .
her power Claiming the right of seeing to the execution o f

.
the treaty which sh e had negotiated S h e extended her i nfl u ,
ence o n all sides nowhere m eetin g with resistance B ut th e

,
.
intoxication of success h ad its usual e ffect in developing sel

fi sh n e ss a n d arrogance— fatal defects in a ruling state always ,
stirring up s entim ents o f hostility which sooner o r later pro ,
duce th e downfall of the p ower that provokes the m The .
dom ineerin g i n solence which dictated to M antineia and P h l iu s ,
might indeed if confined to those cities o r others like them

, , ,
have had no ill results but when in tim e o f p eace the citadel , ,
o f Thebes was occupied and the act if not com m anded was at
, , ,
least approved an d adopted by Sp arta th e bitter e n mity Of o n e ,
o f the m ost powerful states Of Greece was aroused an d every ,
other state was m ade to feel that in its tur n it m ight by som e , ,
similar deed b e deprived o f independence B ut the aggressor .
w as fo r the tim e triumphant ; and having n o open enemy now

within th e lim its Of Greece Proper sought on e on th e borders ,
o f Thrace and M acedon where under the headship o f O l yn

, ,
thus a p owerful co n federacy was growing up consisting in

, ,
part Of Greek in part of M acedonian cities A war o f four

, ,
.
years B C 3 82 to 3 79 su fli c e d to crush this risi n g power an d

, . .
, ,
thus t o remove fro m Northern Greece the only riv a l which

M acedon had seriousl y to fear— the only state which by its ,
situatio n its m aterial resources and its numerical strength

, , ,
might have O ffered a considerable Obst a cle to the a dv an ce of

the M acedonian kings t o empire .
1
56 R AWL I N S O N
Thus far success had a ttended every e n terprise Of Sparta ,
however cruel o r wicked ; but at length th e day of retribution

came P e l op i das and his friends e ffected a bloody revolutio n
.
at Thebes recovered the C adm e ia expelling the Spartan gar

, ,
rison a nd set about the restor a tion o f the old Boeotia n league
, .
Athens inj ured and i n sulted declared war against her o l d

, ,
rival made alliance with Thebes revived her ol d confederacy

, ,
on fair a n d equit a ble terms and recovered the emp ire of the ,
se a s by th e victories Of N a xos a n d Leucas All the e fforts Of .
Sparta against her two antago n ists failed a nd after seven years ,
o f unsuccessful war she was reduced to make a second appeal
to Persia w h o once more dictated the term s on which peace

,
was t o be made Athens n ow grown j ealous o f Thebes was

.
, ,
conte n t to S ign and her confederates followed her lead ; but

,
Thebes by the m outh of Epaminondas declined unless she ,
were recognized as head o f B oeotia As Sparta p ositively r e .
fused to admit this claim Thebes w a s publicly a n d formall y ,
excluded from the Treaty O f Peace .
Sp a rta now having only Thebes to contend with imagined

, ,
that her triumph was secure and sent her troops into B oeotia ,
under C l e omb rot us hoping t o crush and destroy Thebes

, .
B ut the m agnificent victor y of Epaminondas at Leuctra— the

fruit at o n ce Of extraordinary strategic skill at the tim e and of ,
a n excellent tr a ini n g Of his soldiers p reviously— dashed all

these hopes to the ground Sparta fell suddenly and forever .
, ,
from her high estate Alm ost all Ce n tral Greece j oine d
.
'
Thebes Arcadia rose and began to organize itself as a federa

.
tion . The Laced aemonian harm osts were expelled from all
the cities a n d the philo —Laconian party was everywhere put
,
dow n Epami n ondas m oreover as soon as the murder o f

.
, ,
Jason of Pher ae left him free to ac t redoubled his blows E u ,

.
tering th e Pelopon n ese he ravaged the whole Spartan terri

,
tor y at will and even threatened the city ; which A g e silaii s with
,
som e di fficulty preserved B ut these temporary losses and dis

.
graces were as nothin g compared with the permanent inj uries

which the prudent policy Of the Theban le a der inflicted on his
foe i n the constitution o f the Arcadian league and foundation
,
Of Mega lopolis ; a nd still more i n the t e establish me n t O f an ,

-
i n d e p e n de n t Messe n i a an d th e buildi n g of M e s sene H e n ce .

57
forth Sp a rta was a seco n d rate rather tha n fir st rate power - -

.
She ceased to exercise a hegemony a n d was territori a lly n ot ,
much larger than Arcadia or Argos .
In her distress Sparta makes appeal to Athe n s for aid ; and

,
an alliance is form ed between these two powers o n term s o f

equality which i s j oin ed after a tim e by Ach ae a Elis and even
, , ,
by m ost Of Arcadia where a j ealousy of Th eba n power and

,
interference is gradu a lly developed Thebes partly b y m is .

,
managem ent partly by th e m ere circum stance Of her being

,
now the leading state arouses hostility and loses ground in

, ,
the Pelopo n nese wh ich sh e e n deavors to recover by Obtai n ing

,
and exh ibiting a Persian rescript declaring her th e head of ,
Greece and requiring the other states to submit to her u n der

,
pain Of th e Great King s displeasure B ut m issives O f th is

’
.
character have now lost th eir force The rescript is gener .
ally rej ected ; and the p ower Of Thebes i n the Peloponnes e c on

t i n u e s to decline .
Meanwhile however sh e was extending her influen ce in

, ,
Northern Greece and even beyond its borders H er armies

, .
were sent into Thessaly where they contended with Alexander ,
o f Pher ae the brother o f Jason and after som e reverses suc

, , , ,
c e e d e d in reducing h i m to dependence All Thessaly to .

,
gether with Magnesia and Ach ae a P h th iot is were thus brought ,
under h er sway I n M acedonia sh e arbitrated between the

.
,
di ffere n t claimants Of the throne and took hostages amo n g , ,
whom was the young prince Philip H er fl eet about th e same .
tim e proceeded to the coast Of Asia .
B ut th e honor O f Thebes required that her influen ce should

b e r e established in th e Peloponnese and her friends there re
-
,
leased from a situation wh ich had becom e o ne o f danger A c .
c o r di ng l y in B C 3 6 2 Epam inondas once m ore took the field

, . .
, ,
a n d entering th e Peloponnese was withi n a little Of surprising ,
Sparta D isappointed however of this p rey by the activity of

.
, ,
A g e silau s and Of Mantineia by the sudden arrival o f an A t h e

,
n ian conti n gent he brought matters t o a decision by a pitched

,
battle ; in which repeating the tactics o f Leuctra he once m ore

, ,
completely defeated the Spartan s and th eir allies dyin g h ow , ,
ever in th e arm s Of victory B C 3 62 His death almost c om

, ,
. . .
p e nsat e d Spart a fo r her defeat since he left n o worthy su c ,

1 58 RAWL I N S O N
cessor and Thebes which he a n d his frie n d P e l op idas had

, ,
raised to greatness sank back at o n ce to a level with several

,
other powers .
The result of the struggle which Sp a rta h a d provoked b y her

seizure of the Theban citadel was th e ge n eral exhaustio n Of
Greece N O state was left with any decided predominance
. .
The loss of all in m en an d m oney was great ; and the battle of

Mantineia deprived Greece Of her ablest general If profit was .
derived by any state from the war it was by Athens who r e , ,
covered her maritim e superiority (since th e attempt O i E p am i

mondas t o establish a rival navy proved a failure ) re c on st i ,
t u t e d her Old confederacy and even by th e occupation o f , ,
Sam os and the Cherso n ese began to restore her empire I n ,

.
Macedonia her influe n ce to som e extent balanced th a t of

Thebes .
The general exhaustio n n aturally led to a p eace which was ,
m ade o n the principle Of leaving things as they were Th e .
indepen dence o f M e ss é n é and the unification o f Arcadia were

expressly recognized while the headship of Thebes and Athens ,
over their resp ective confederacies was tacitly sanctioned .
Sparta alone declined t o S ign the terms s ince she would o n n o ,
account forego her right to reconquer M essenia She had n o .
intention however Of m akin g any im m ediate appeal to a rm s

, , ,
and allowed her king A g e sil aus to quit Sparta and take ser , ,
vice under th e native m onarch of Egypt .
The peace Of B C 3 6 2 was not disturbed on the co n ti n ent of

. .
Greece till after the lapse o f six years M eanwhile however .

, ,
hostilities continued at se a between Alexa n der O f Pher ae and

Athens and in the conti n ental districts beyond th e limits o f
, ,
Greece Proper between Athens o n the o n e hand and A m

, ,
p h ip o l is P e di c c as o f Macedo n an d the Thracian pri n ces Cotys

, , ,
and his son C e r sobl e pt e s on the other Ath ens was intent on , .
recovering her Old dominion in these parts while the Mace ,
d omian and Thracia n kings were n a turally j ealous of her grow

i n g power Nothing however a s yet S howed that any i m
.
, ,
portant consequences would a rise ou t o f these petty struggles .
Macedonia was still o n e o f the weakest O f th e states which bor

dered on Greece ; and even when on the death of P e r dicc as , ,
B C 3 5 9 his b rother Philip who had escap ed from Thebes

. .
, , , ,
m ou n ted the thro n e it was impossible for th e m ost sagacious

,
intellect to foresee danger to Greece from this quarter .
The year B C 3 5 8 was th e culmin a ting point of the second

. .
period Of Athenia n prosperity Athens had once m ore made .
herself m istress of the Chersonese ; she had recovered Euboe a ,
which had recently attached itself to Thebes ; a nd she had O b

t ain e d fro m Philip the acknowledgm ent o f her right to A m
p h ipo li s whe n th e revolt o f a co n siderable number Of her m ore

,
distant allies e n gaged her in the Social War the results of ,
which inj ured her greatly Th e war cost her the services o f
.
her three best generals C h ab r ias Tim otheus and Ip h ic rat e s ;

, , ,
exh a usted her treasury and p ermanently diminished h er re

,
sources . I t likewise greatly tar n ished her half recovered -
reputatio n .
The period o f th e Social War was also disastrous for

Athens i n another respect S O completely did th e struggle
.
with her a llies occupy her attention so incapable was she at ,
this period Of carrying on m ore than o n e war at a tim e that ,
she allowed Ph ilip to absorb on e after another Amphipolis , ,
Pydna Potid aea and M e th On e and thus to sweep her from th e

, , ,
Thermaic Gulf almost without O ffering resistance At first

, .
,
indeed she was caj oled by th e crafty m onarch ; but even whe n
, ,
the m ask w a s thrown O ff sh e m ade no adequate e ffort but

, ,
patiently allowed the establishm ent Of Macedonia n a scendenc y

over th e entire region extendin g fro m the Pe n eus t o the N e s
tus.
B efore th e Social W a r h a d com e t o a n e n d a n other ex ,
h au stin g struggle— fatal t o Greece in its conseque n ces — w a s

begun in the ce n tral region o f Hellas through th e vindictive ,
n ess of Thebes D own t o th e b a ttle o f Leuctr a Phocis h a d

.
,
fought on the Sp a rtan side an d had thus provoked the e n m it y

,
o f Thebes w h o now resolved o n h er destruction

, The A m .
p h i ct y oni c assembly su ffered itself to be made th e tool Of the

oppressors and by condem n in g Phocis t o a fi n e which sh e
could n ot possibly pay compelled h er t o fight for her exist
,
ence A war followed in which Phocis by the seizure a nd ex

.
, ,
p e n dit u r e Of the Delphic tre a sures and the assist a nce in so me , ,
important conju n cture of Ach aea Athens a nd Sp a rt a mai n

, , , ,
tai ne d herself for eleve n y e a rs a g a i n st Thebes a n d h er a llies .

1 60 RAWL I N S O N
At last Thebes blinded by her passionate hatred called i n

, ,
Philip to her assistance and thus purchased th e destruction of

,
her enemy at a cost which involved her ow n rui n a nd that o f

Greece generally .
The rui n o f Greece was n ow rapidly consum mated With i n .
six years o f the su b m ission and punishment Of Phocis Philip ,
Openly declared war against Athens the only power in Greece

,
capable o f O ff ering him any important oppositio n H is e fforts

.
at first were directed towards obtaini n g the comm and o f the

B osphorus an d Hellespo n t ; but the second Sacred War
gave him a pretext for m arching his forces through Ther
m o p l yae i n to Central Greece ; and though Thebes a n d Athens
joined to Oppos e h im the sign a l victory of C h ae ron e ia ( B C
,
. .
3 3 8 ) laid Greece prostrate at his feet All the states excepting

.
,
Sparta at once acknowledged his supremacy ; a n d to mark

, ,
distinctly the extinction Of indep ende n t Hellas and its ab sorp

,
tion int o the Macedonian m onarchy Philip was i n B C 33 7

, , . .
,
formally app ointed gener a lissim o of united Greece against the

Persians . His assassinatio n in the n ext year excited hopes ,
but produced n o real chan ge The a spir a tions of the patriotic

.
party in Greece after freedom were que n ched i n the blood

which deluged revolted Thebes B C 3 3 5 ; a n d a ssembled
, . .
Greece at Corinth once more admitted th e headship Of Mace

don and conferred o n the youthful Alex an der the dign it y
,
previously granted t o his father .

B O O K lV
H i STO RY O F MAC EDO NIA

BO O K lV .
H I STO R Y OF TH E MA C ED O N I A N M O N AR C H Y .
GE O GRAPH I CAL O UTLI N E .
Macedonia Proper was the country lyin g immediately to the

n orth o f Thessaly between M ou n t Sc ar du s on the one hand
,
and the m aritim e plain of the Pierians and B otti ae an s ( Thra

c i an s) on the other It was bounded towards the north by P ae
.
Onia or the country O f the P mon ians from which it w as se p

, ,
a r at e d b y an irregular line run n i n g probably a little north of

,
the 4 1 5 t parallel Its greatest length from north to south was

.
about ninety miles while its width from east to west m ay have
,
averaged seventy miles Its area w as probably not much short

.
Of 6000 s quare m iles o r about half that of B elgium

, .
The character of th e tract comprised within these limits was

multiform but for the m ost part fertile High mountain
,
.
chains capp ed with snow during the greater part O f the year
, ,
and very varied in the directions that they take divide the ,
territory into a number o f distinct basins Som e O f thes e have .
a lake in th e centre into which all the superfluous m oisture

,
drains ; others are watered by rivers which with on e e x c e p , ,
tion flow eastward to the ZE g e an In both cases th e basins

,
.
are of large extent o fferin g to the eye the appeara n ce Of a su c

,
cessio n of plai n s The m ore elevated regions are for the m ost
.
p a rt richly wooded and abound with sparkling rivulets deep

, ,
gorges a n d frequ ent waterfalls ; but in places this character

,
gi ves way t o one o f dulness and monotony th e traveller pass ,
ing for m iles over a succession Of bleak downs and bare hill
sides sto n y an d shrubless
,
.
The pri n cipal Rivers of the regio n were th e Lydias or L n ,
dias now the Karasmak and the H al i ac mon now the Vist ritz a
, , , .
1 63
1 64 RAWL I N S O N
B esides these there was a third stream of some importance

, ,
the E ri g on a tributary of the A x i u s The chief Lakes were

,
.
those o f Castoria on a tributary Of the H aliac mon Of B egor

, ,
ritis ( O strovo in the country Of the E ordaean s a n d the L yd ,
ias Palus n ear Pella

,
.
Macedonia was divided into Upper and Lower Up .
per Macedonia comprised the whole of the broad mountainous

tract which lay between S car du s and B e rm iu s while Lower ,
Macedonia was the comparatively narrow strip along the east

ern flank and at the foot o f B e r miu s between that range and ,
the tracts k n own as Pieria and B ott iaea Upper M acedonia .
was divided into a number Of districts which for the m ost ,
part took their nam es fro m the tribes inhabiting them The .
principal were to the n orth P e l ag o nia and L yn c e st i s o n the

, , ,
river E rig on to the west O r e st i s and E ly m e ia on the upper, ,
H al iacmon ; a nd in the centre E o r dae a about Lake B e g or ri t i s , ,

.
H I ST O RI CAL S KETCH .
From the Comm e n cement Of the Monarchy to the D eath Of

Alexander the Great about B C 700 to B C ,
. . . .
According to the tradition generally accepted by the Greeks ,
the Macedonian kingdom which under Philip and Alexander ,
attained t o such extraordinary greatness was founded by Hel ,
le n i e emigrants from Argos The Macedonians them selves .
S ources . For t h e firs t

c e ntu ri e s M ac e d on i an his to r y is al mo s t
tw o
a bl an k n ot hi n g b u t a fe w n ame s a n d s o m e my t hic t al e s b e i n g pr e s e r ve d
,
t o u s i n H e r o d ot u s Th at w rit e r i s t h e b e s t aut h o rit y for t h e r e ig n s

.
o f A m y n t as I a n d his so n Al e x an d e r ;
.
b u t h e mu s t b e s u ppl e me nt e d
fr o m Th u c y did e s ( ii 99) and J u st i n Th u c y did e s is th e chi e f au th o ri ty
. .
fo r t h e r e ign o f P e r di c cas For t h e p e ri o d fr om A r c h e l aii s t o Al e xan d e r

.
w e d e p e n d mai n l y o n J u s t i n an d D i o do r u s Philip s his t o r y h ow e ve r ’

.
, ,
m a b e C o pi o u sl y ill u s t r at e d fr om t h e A tti c o r at o rs e sp e ci all y E sch i n e s

y ,
and D e m o st h e ne s ; b u t t h e s e p a rt i s an w rit e rs mu s t n o t b e t r u s t e d i m
p li c i t l.
y O n t h e h i s t o r y o f Al e x a n d e r t h e m o s t t r u s t w o rt h y O f t h e
an ci e nt au t h o ri t i e s i s A r r i an E xp e dit i o Al e xan dr i w h o f o ll o w e d
c ont e m p o r ar y w ri t e rs e sp e c i a ll y Aris t o b u l u s an d P t o l e my L a gi
,
S ome .
int e re stin g p ar ti c u l ars ar e al s o f urn ish e d b y Pl ut arch V it .

were n ot Hellenes they belonged to the b a rbaric races n ot ,
greatly di ffering from the Greeks in ethnic type but far behind ,
them in civilization which bordered Hellas upon the north ,

.
They were a distinct race not Paeonian not Illyrian not Thra , , ,
c i an but of the three their connection was closest with the

, ,
I llyrians The Argive colony received hospitably gr a duall y

.
, ,
acquired power in the region about M ount B e r mi u s ; and Per

di c cas o n e of the original emigrants w as ( according to Herod
, ,
otus ) acknowledged as king ( O ther writers m entioned three .
kings anterior to P e r diccas whose j oi n t reigns covered the ,
space Of about a century ) The period which follows is o ne .
of great Obscurity little being k n own Of it but the names o f

,
th e kings .
W ith A myntas I who was contemporary with Darius Hys .

,
t a sp i s light dawns upon Macedonian history

, We find that .
b y this tim e the Macedonian m onarchs of this line had made

themselves masters of Pieri a and B otti ae a had crossed the ,
A x i u s and conquered M yg donia and A nt h e mu s had dislodged ,
the original B ordi fro m E o r dia and them selves occupied it ,
and had dealt similarly with the A l m Op e s i n A l m op ia o n the ,
R h ae dias B ut the adv a nce o f the Persians i n to Europ e gave

.
a sudden check to this period o f prosperity After a su b mis .
sion which was m ore nominal than real i n B C 5 07 the Mace , . .

,
don ian s in B C 4 92 became Persian sub j ects retaining h o w

,
. .
, , ,
ever their ow n kings who accepted th e position Of tributaries

, , .
A myn tas I who appears to have died a bout B C 498 was

.
, . .
,
succeeded by his son Alexander I king at the tim e Of the , .

,
great invasion Of Xerxes w h o pl a yed no unimportant part in ,
the expedition B C 4 80 t o 4 70 , . . .
The repulse Of the Persians set M a cedo n ia free ; and the

career of conquest appears to have been at once resumed .
C re st o naea and B i sal t ia were reduced and the Macedonian ,
dominion pushed eastward almost to the Str y mo n The au .
N e ar c h u s P e ripl u s an d D i o do r u s ( b ook T h e b i o gr aph y

of Q .C u rtiu s i s a rh e t o r i c al e xe rci tat i on, o n w hich i t i s i mp o ssibl e t o
pl a c e any d e p e n d e n c e ( A g oo d e di t i on of t h e P e ripl u s O f N e ar e h u s,
.
”
t h e o n l y w ri t i n g O f a c o m p an i on o f Al e xan d e r t h at h a s c ome d o w n t o
u s is c ont a i n e d i n C M ull e r s G e o g r ap h i G rae ci M in or e s P aris ,
’
.
, .
1 85 5 ; 2 v ols t all .
, 8v o .
)
1 66 RAWL I N S O N
t h or i ty O f the monarchs Of Pella was likewise extended over

most of the inland Macedonian tribes as the L yn c e stm the , ,
E l e i mi ot s and others who however retained t heir o w n kings

, , .
B ut M acedonia w as about this time herself exposed to

attacks from two unquiet neighbors The maritime con .
federacy of Athens which gave her a paramount authorit y ,
over the Greek cities in Chalcidice and eve n over M e

th on e in Pieria brought the Athenians into the near neigh
,
b o rh o o d o f Macedon and necessitated relations between the ,
two powers which were at first friendly but which grew to be

, ,
hostile when Athens by her colony at Amphipolis put a check

to the f u rther progres s of Macedon in that direction and were
still mo r e embittered by the encouragement which Athens gave
to Macedonian chiefs who rebelled against their sovereign .
A b out the sam e time a powerful Thracian ki n gdom was formed ,
under S ital c e s B C 440 to 4 2 0 which threatened destruction

, . .
,
to the far smaller Macedonian st a te with which it was conter

minous Macedonia however under the adroit P e r di cc as e s
.
, , ,
caped both dangers ; and on the whole increased in pros , ,
p e r ity .
The reign of Archelaus the bastard son Of P e r di ccas I I , .

,
though short was very important for M acedon since this

, ,
prince laid the foundation Of her military greatness by the at

tention which he paid to the army while at the same tim e he ,
strengthened and improved the cou n try by the co n structio n

o f highways and Of forts He w as also the first O f the Mace .
don i an princes who endeavored to e n courage a mong his people

a taste for Greek literature Euripides the tragedian was wel .
comed to his court as also was Plato the philosopher and per
, ,
haps H e l lan i c u s the historian He engaged in wars with some .
of the Macedonian princes as particularly with A rrh ibae u s ; ,
but he was relieved from all hostile collision with Athens by

the Sicilian disaster The character Of Archela u s was s a nguin
.
ary and treacherous ; in his habits he was licentious After .
reignin g fourteen years h e was a ss a ssi n ated by the victi ms ,
of his lust B C 3 99 , . . .
The murder of Archelaus introduced a period Of disturbance ,
both internal and external which lasted till th e accession of ,
Philip B C 3 5 9 During this interv a l the Macedonian court

, . . .
AN C I E N T H I STO R Y 1 67
w a s a c o n st an t sce n e o f plots a n d a ss a ssi na tions The direct .
li n e of succession having failed n umerous prete n der s to the ,
crow n Spr an g u p who a t di fferent tim es fou n d su pp orters i n

,
t h e Illyria n s the Laced ae m o n i an s the Theb an s an d the A t h e

, , ,
n ian s . Civil w a rs were a lmost perpetu al Kings w e r e drive n .
fro m their thro n es an d recovered th e m There were at l e a st .
two regencie s SO violent were the co m motions that it se e m ed

.
doubtf u l whether the k i n gdo m could lo ng conti nue to m ai n tain

it s e xiste n ce ; a nd if t h e O l y nthi an le a gu e h a d bee n allowed
,
to constitute itself without i n terfere n ce it i s not u n likel y th at ,
M a cedon would h ave bee n a bs orbed either b y that confeder ,
a c y or b y the Ill y ria n s .
The reig n of Philip is the turning-p oint i n M ac e d oni an h is

tor y Hitherto if we e xce pt Archela u s M acedo n i a had n ot
.
, ,
pos se ssed a si n gle ki ng whose abilities e xc eed e d t h e c o mmon

av e rage or who se a i m s had about the m any thi n g of g ra ndeur
, .
N otwithst an di n g th e ir a ss e rt e d an d eve n a dm itt e d H e lle nis m ,
the b arb a ri an ch a r acter of th e i r trai n ing and associ a ti on s

h a d its eff e ct on t h e whole lin e of soverei g ns ; and their
high e st q u a litie s w e re t h e rud e v a lor a n d the saga cit y border
i n g upo n cu nn i n g which ar e seldo m w an ti n g i n s av age s B ut .
Philip w a s a mo narch of a di ff e re n t st am p I n n atural abilit y .
he was a t l e ast the e q ual of any of h i s Gr e ek C onte mporarie s ;

whil e the cir cu m st an ce s u n der which h e gr e w t o ma nho od
were peculiarl y favorable to t h e d e vel opme nt of h i s t al e nts .
At th e i mpre ssibl e ag e of fifte e n h e was sent as a h osta g e to ,
T h e b e s where h e re sid e d for t h e g reater p a rt o f th r ee y e ars

,
C 6 while that t a t w s at t h e h eight o f i t s pro s

( B .
3. 8 t o s e a
p e r it y u n d e r P e l o p i das a n d Ep am i n on da s H e w as thu s .
brou g ht i n to co n tact with th ose gre at me n was led to study ,
their s y ste m and e mul at e their a ctio n s H e le ar n t t h e gre at

,
.
import an ce of militar y tr a i n in g an d th e v alu e of i nve nti ven e ss

,
t o tho se who w i sh to suc ce ed i n war ; h e a lso a cq ui re d a facilit y

of e xpre ss ing hi m self in Gr e ek which was u ncom mon i n a ,
M ac e do n i an .
The situ atio n of P hili p at h is acces si on was one of e xtre me

e m b arr ass m e nt and di fficult y B e sid e s A myntas h i s ne ph ew
.
, ,
for who m h e at fi r st prof e s sed to b e r e g e nt th e r e we re a t l e ast ,
fi ve prete n d e r s t o the thron e two of who m Pau san i a s and

, ,
1 68 RAWL I N S O N
A r g mu s, were supported by the arms of foreig n ers The I ll yr .
ians m oreover had recently gained a great victory over Per

, ,
di c cas and flushed with success had adva n ced into M a cedonia
, , ,
and occupied most o f the western provinces Paeo n ia o n the .
north and Thrace upon the east were u n quiet n eighbors

, , ,
whose hostility might be counted o n whenever other perils

threatened Within two years however Philip h a d repressed
.
, ,
or overthrown all these enemies and found himself free to ,
commence those wars of aggression by which he co n verted the

monarchy of Macedon into an empire .
Hitherto it had been the policy o f Philip t o profess himself

a friend o f the Athenians N ow however that his hands were.
, ,
free it was his first obj ect to disembarrass himself o f thes e

,
near n eighbors who b locked up his coast —,

line watched his ,
movem ents and might seriously interfere with the execution

,
o f his proj ects Accordingly towards the close o f B C 3 5 8

.
, . .
,
when Athens was already engaged in the Social War h e ,
suddenly laid siege to Amphipolis Havi n g taken the town .

,
while he amused Athens with promises he proceeded to attack ,
and capture Pydna an d Potid aea actual Athenian possessions , ,
making over the latter to O lynthus to foment j ealousy between
"
,
her and Athens He then conquered the entire coast district

.
between the Strymon and the N e st u s thus b ecoming master ,
o f the important Thracian gold mines from which he shortl y -

,
d erived an annual revenue o f a thousand talents

The year after these conquests we find Philip i n Thessaly ,
where h e interferes t o protect the A l e u adae of Larissa against

the tyrants of Pher ae The tyr a nts call in the a id of the Pho
.
eiaus the n at the zenith o f their power and Philip su ffers

, ,
certain reverses ; but a fe w years l a ter he is completely vic

t o r i ou s defeats and kills O n omar c h u s and brings under his
, ,
dominio n the whole o f Thess a ly together with M agnesia and ,
Ach aea P h th i ot is At the sam e time he conquers M eth on e

.
, ,
the last Athenian possession on the co a st of Macedon attacks ,
M aro ne ia and threate n s th e Cherso n ese

,
Athens the sole .
,
power which could e ffectu a ll y have check ed these successes ,
made only slight and feeble e fforts to preve n t them Already .
Philip had found th e advantage of having friends among th e

Attic or a tors ; and their labors backed b y the selfish indolence ,
AN C I EN T H I STOR Y 1 69
which n ow characterized th e Athenians produced an inaction , ,
which had the most fat a l co n sequences .
The victory of Philip over O nomar ch u s roused Athe n s to

exertion Adv an cing t o Therm opyl ae Philip found the p ass
.
,
already occupied by an Athenian army a nd did n ot venture ,
to attack it Greece was saved for the time ; but six y ears
.
later the folly o f the Thebans and the fears of the Athenians , ,
who were driven to despair by the ill success of the O l y nthia n

and Euboic wars admitted the Macedonian conqueror within
,
the barrier Accepted as head of the league against the impi

.
o u s Phocia n s Philip i n a few weeks brought the Sacred

,
War t o an end obtaini n g as his reward the se a t in the A m

,
p hi ctyo ni c Council o f which the Phocians were deprived a n d ,
thus acquiring a sort o f right to i n term eddle a s m uch as he

liked i n the a ffairs o f Ce n tral an d even Souther n Hellas .
The m ain causes of Philip s wonderful success were twofold ’
—B ettering the lesso n s taught him b h is m odel in the art

'
y
o f war ,
Epaminondas h e had a rm ed equipped a nd trained
, , ,
the Macedonian forces till the y were decidedly superior to the

troops of an y st a te i n Greece The M a cedoni an phalanx i h .
,
vincible u n til it c a m e to be opp osed t o the Ro man s was his ,
conceptio n a nd his work N or was he conte n t with excellence

.
in one ar m of the service O n ever y branch he bestowed equal

.
care a nd thought Each w a s brought into a st a te n early ap

.
p r o ac hi n g perfection H i s c a valry heav y a n d light his pel

.
, ,
t ast s archers slingers darters were all the best o f their kind ;
, , , ,
his artillery was numerous and e ffective ; hi s com missariat

service was well arranged At the sam e tim e he was a master .
,
o f finesse .Taking adva n t a ge of the divided co n ditio n o f

Greece an d of th e general prev a lence o f corruption a m o n g
,
the citize n s of almost ever y commu n it y h e played o ff state ,
against st a te a nd politici a n a gainst politici an M asking his .
purposes up to the last mome n t promisi n g c aj oling bribin g , , , ,
intimidating protesting he adv a nced his interests even more

, ,
by diplomac y th an by force havi n g an i n finite fund o f a rtifice

,
from which t o draw and sc a rcely ever recurring t o m ea n s

,
which h e h a d used previously .
Philip h a d made pe a ce with Athe n s i n order t o l ay h old on

T h e r mopyl m—a hold which he n ever a fterw a rds r el a xed B ut .
1 70 RAWL I N S O N
it w a s far from his inte n tio n to ma i n t a i n the p e a ce an hou r

lo n ger than suited his purpose Havi n g o n ce m ore ch a stised.
the Illyri a n and P aeonian tribes he proceeded to i n v a de E a st ,
ern Thrace a nd to threate n the Athe n ia n possessions in th a t

,
q u a rter At the same tim e he a i med a t getti n g i n to his ha n ds

.
,
the command of the B osp horus which would have e n abled hi m ,
to starve Greece into sub m ission by stoppi n g the importatio n

o f corn H ere however Persia (which h a d at l ast co me to feel
'
.
, ,
alarm at h i s progress ) co mbined with Athe n s to resist him .
Perinthus and B y za n tium were saved an d the a m bitio n of ,
Philip was for the time thwarted .
B ut the indefatigable warrior b a lked of his pre y an d obliged

, ,
to wait till Grecian a ffairs should take a tur n more fa vor a ble
t o hi m marched suddenly northw a rd a nd eng a ged in a c am
,
~
p ai g n o n the Lower Danube a ga i n st a Scythia n prince who

held the tract n ow know n a s B ulgari a Victorious here he .
,
recrossed the B alka n with a large b od y o f captives whe n he ,
was se t upon by the T r ib al l i ( Thracia n s) defe a ted an d wou n d , ,
ed i n the thigh B C 339 The wou n d necessit ated a short

, . . .
p eriod o f i na ction ; but while the arch plotter rested his a gents -
,
were busily at work a nd the ye a r of the T r ib allian defe a t saw

,
the fatal step taken which was o n ce more to bri n g a M ace

,
don ian a rm y i n to the he a rt o f Greece a nd t o destro y the las t ,
remai n i n g ch an ce of th e c a use of Hellenic freedo m .
Appoi n ted b y the A mphict y ons as their leader i n a n ew

”
Sacred War Philip once more passed Thermopyl ae an d
,
entered Phocis B ut h e soo n showed that he cam e o n n o

.
trivial or temporar y err an d The occupatio n of Nic aea C ytini

.
,
um an d more especiall y o f El a tei a betra y ed hi s inte n tio n of

, ,
henceforth holding possession of Central Greece a n d roused ,
the two pri n cipal powers of th e region to a last desper a te c i

fort Thebe s a nd Ath ens m et him at C h aerone ia in full force
.
,
with continge n ts fro m Corinth Phocis an d A ch ma B ut th e , ,

.
M acedo n ian ph a lanx w a s irresistible ; and the complete defe a t

’
o f the allies laid Greece a t Philip s feet The Co n gress of C or .
i nt h ( B C . .a tte n ded by al l the states except Sp art a which ,
p roudly stood aloof a ccepted th e headship o f Macedo n ; and

,
th e cities ge n er a ll y u n dertook t o supply co n tinge n ts t o th e

force which he designed to le a d a ga inst Persi a .
A N C I E NT H I S TO RY 1 71
This design however w as not executed Great prepara

, , .
tions were made in the course o f B C 3 37 ; a n d early in B C . . . .
33 6 th e vanguard o f the Macedo n ian army w as sent across

into Asia B ut a few months later the sword of Pausa n i a s
.
, ,
term inated the career o f the Macedonian monarch who fell ,
a victim in part to his unwillingness or his inabilit y t o execute

, ,
j ustice up on p owerful o ffenders in part to the qu a rrels an d ,
dissensions in his ow n family O lympi a s certainly Alex an der.

,
probably co n nived at the assassinatio n of Philip whose r e

, ,
m oval w as necessary to their own safety H e died a t the a ge .
o f forty — seven after a reign o f twenty three y e a rs

,
-
.
It is di fficult to say what exactly was the governme n t o f

Macedonia under this prince Practicall y the monarch must .
,
have been nearly absolute ; but it would a pp ear that t h e ore t ,

e
i call y h e was bound to govern according to certai n lo n g

,
established laws and customs ; a nd it m a y be questioned

whether he would have dared at a n y tim e to tra n sgress fl a ,
grantly and openly any such law or usage The M a cedo n i an

, .
n obles were turbulent and free o f sp eech If a ccused o f c on .
s p i rac y o r other crim e they were entitled to b e tried before

,
the public assembly Their power must cert a inly h a ve bee n

.
t o som e extent a check upo n the m onarch A n d after the for .
mation of a great standing arm y it becam e necessar y for the ,
m onarch to consult the feeli n gs and confor m his a cts t o th e

wish es o f the soldiers B ut there seems t o have bee n n o such
.
regular machiner y for checkin g a nd co n trolli n g th e ro ya l au

t h o ri ty as is implied in constitution a l gover n me n t .
Th e reign o f Alexander the Great h a s in th e history of the

world much th e sam e imp ortance which th a t of his father h a s
i n the history o f M acedonia and of Greece Alexander revo .
l u t i oni z e d the East or at a n y rate so much of it as was c on

, , ,
n e c t e d with the West by intercours e o r reciprocal influe n ce .
The results o f a conquest e ff ected in ten y ears conti n ued for

as man y centuries and remain in som e respects to the prese n t
,
day The Hellenization of Wester n Asi a a n d North e a stern

.
-
’
Africa which dates from Alex a nder s successes i s one of th e
, ,
m ost re m ark a ble facts i n the history of the hu man r a ce an d ,
one of those m ost pregn ant with import an t co n se q ue n ces It .
is as absurd t o den y t o the author o f such a revolutio n th e

1 72 RAWL I N S O N
possessio n of extraordinary genius as to suppose that the I liad

could have been written by a man of no particular a b ility .
The situation of Alexander on his accession was extremely , ,
critical ; and it depended wholly o n his own energy and force

o f character whether he would retain his father s power or lose
’
it H i s position was far from assured at hom e where he had

.
,
many rivals ; and am ong the conquered nations there was a

general inclination to test the qualities o f the new and young
prince by the assertion of independence B ut Alexander was .
equal to the occasion Seizing the throne without a moment s

.
’
hesitation he executed or drove out h i s rivals Forestalling

, .
any open hostility on the part of the Greeks he marched hast ,
ily at the head of a large army through Thessaly Phocis and

, , , ,
Boeotia to Corinth and there required and obtained from the

, , , ,
deputies whom he had convened to meet h i m the sam e hege ,

”
mony o r leadership which had been granted to his father
, , .
Sparta alone as sh e had done before stood aloof From C o r

, , .
i nt h Alexander retraced his steps to Macedon and thence pro

, ,
c e e de d to chastise his enemies in the North and West invading ,
Thrace defeating the T rib al li and the Get ae and even crossing
, ,
the Danube ; after which he turned southward and attacked ,
a nd defeated the Illyrians under Clitus and Glaucias .
M eanwhile in Greece a false report o f Alexander s death

, ,
’
induced Thebes to raise the standard of revolt A general i n .
surrection m ight have followed but for the promptness and

celerity of the young m onarch M arching straight from Illyria .
southward h e appeared suddenly in B oeotia stormed and took

, ,
Thebes and after a wholesale massacre punished the survivors

, , ,
by completely destroying their city and selling them all as

slaves This s ignal vengeance had the e ff ect intended All
. .
Greece was terror — struck ; and Alexander could feel that he

might commence his Asiatic enterprise in tolerable security .
Greece was n ow not likely t o rebel unless he su ff ered some ,
considerable reverse .
In the spring of B C 3 34 Alexander passed the Hellespont

. .
with an army numbering about men The usual re .
m i ssn e ss of the Persians allowed him t o cross without opposi

tion A plan o f operations suggested by Memnon the Rhod
.
,
ian which consisted in avoidin g an engagem e n t in Asia Minor

, ,
AN C I EN T H I STO R Y
a nd carrying the war into Macedonia b y m eans of the over

whelming Persian fleet was rej ected and battle was given to , ,
Alexander o n the Granicus by a force only a little superior

, ,
to his ow n Th e victory o f the invader placed Asia M inor

.
at h i s m ercy and Alexander with his usual celerity proceeded

,
to overrun it Still he seem s to have been unwilling to remove

.
,
his army very far from the ZE g e an coast so long as M emnon ,
w as alive B ut the death of that able commander in th e spring

.
,
o f B C 33 3 left h i m free to ac t ; and he at once took the road

. .
,
which led to the heart of the Persian empire .
The conflict at I ssus between Alexander and Darius himself

w as brought o n under circumstances peculiarly favorable to
the Macedonian monarch Darius had intended to fight in the .
plain o f Antioch where his vast army would have had room
,
to act B ut as Alexander did not come to m eet him he grew

.
, ,
impatie n t and advanced i n to th e de fil e s which lie between

,
Syria and Cilicia The a rmies m et almost without w a r n ing

.
, ,
in a position where numbers gave n o advantage Under such .
circumstances the defeat of th e Persians was a matter of course .
Alexander deserves less credit for the victory of I ssus than for
the use he made o f it It w as a wise and farseein g policy which
.
disdained the simple pl a n of pressing forward on a defeated foe ,
and preferred t o let him escap e and reorganize his forces while ,
the victory was utilized in another way O nce possessed of the .
command of the sea Alexa n der would be completely secure at,
home He therefore proceeded from I ssus against Tyre Gaza

.
, ,
and Egypt Twenty months su fficed for th e reduction o f th ese

.
places Having possessed himself of all the m aritim e provinces

.
o f Persia Alexander in B C
, 3 3 1 proceeded to seek his enemy
, . .
,
in th e heart o f his empire .
In the final conflict near Arbela the relative stre n gth o f the , ,
two contending parties was fairly tried Darius had collected .
the full force o f his empire had selected and prepared his ,
ground and had eve n obtained the aid of allies His defeat
,
.
was owin g in part to th e intrinsic superiority of th e Europea n

, ,
over the Asiatic soldier ; in part a n d in great part t o th e c on , ,
summ ate ability of the Macedonian comma n der The conflict .
was absolutely decisive for it was impossibl e th a t a ny b a ttle ,
should b e fought u n der conditio n s m ore favor a bl e t o Persi a .

1 74 RAWL I N S O N
Accordingl y the three cap itals B abylon Sus a a nd P e rse p

, , , ,
olis surrendered almost without resistance ; and th e Persia n

, ,
monarch bec a m e a fugitive a n d w a s ere long murdered b y his ,
servants .
The most remark a ble part o f Alexander s c a reer now c om ’
me n ce s . An ordinary conqueror would have bee n s a tisfied

with the submission o f the great capitals and would have ,
awaited in the luxu ri ous abodes which they o ffered the a dhe
, ,
sion o f the m ore distant provinces B ut for Alex an der res t .
possessed no attractions So long as there were la n ds or me n

.
to conquer it was his delight to subj ugate them The pursuit

, .
of Darius and then of B e ss u s drew him on t o the n orth easter n ,

-
corner of the Persi a n Empire whence the way w a s op en i n to ,
a new world generally believed to be one of imm e n se wealth

, .
From B a ctria and Sogdi an a Alexander proceeded through ,
Afghanistan t o I n dia which he entered o n the side whe n ce

,
a lone India is a ccessible by l an d viz the n orth west At first , .

,
-
.
h e warred with the princes w h o held their gover n me n ts as

dep endencies o f Persia ; but when these h a d submitted h e , ,
desired still t o pres s eastw a rd a n d complete the subj ugatio n ,
o f the conti n ent which w as believed to terminate at n o great

,
distance The refusal of his soldiers t o proceed stopped him

.
at the Sutlej and forced him t o reli n quish his design s a nd

, ,
t o bend his steps hom eward .
It was characteri stic o f Alexander that even when compelled , ,
t o desist from a forward movement h e did not retrace his steps , ,
but return ed to the Persian capit a l by a n entirely new route .
Following the course of the I n dus in ships built for the purp ose ,
while h is army m arched along the banks h e conquered the ,
valley as he descended and h a ving re a ched the ocean p ro

, , ,
c e e de d with the bulk o f his troops westward thro ugh G e dro si a

( B e l o o c h i st an ) and Carmania into Persi a Me an while his ad .
miral N e arc h u s sailed from the Indus t o the E u phrates thus

, , ,
reopening a line o f communication which had probably been

little used since the time o f Darius H yst asp is Alexander in .
,
his march experienced terrible di fficulties ; a nd th e losses i n

,
curred in the G e dro sian desert exceeded those o f all the rest
o f the expedition Still he brought b a ck t o Persepolis the
.
g re a ter portion of his a rmy and found himself in a p ositio

,
n ,
not o n ly t o ma i n t a i n his co nq uests but to undertake fresh ones , ,
for the purp os e of rou n ding off a n d co m pleti n g hi s empire .
It was the i n te n tio n o f Alex an der a fter taki n g the measures ,
which he th ought advis a ble for the co n solidatio n of his e mpire ,
a n d the i m provem e n t of his i n te n ded c a pital B a bylo n to at , ,
te m pt th e co n q uest o i the pe n i n sul a o f Ar a bi a—e v a st tract

inconvenie n tly interposed between his western a n d his e a ster n
provi n ces A fleet u n der N e arch u s w as to h a ve proce e ded
.
, ,
a lo n g the coast whilst Alex an der with an imm e n se host tr a v

, , ,
e r se d the i n terior B ut these pla n s were brought to a n e n d

.
by the sudden death o f their proj ector at B a bylo n i n the thir ,
t e e nt h y ear o f h i s reign and the thirty third o f h i s age June -

, ,
B C 32 3
. . . This premature demise m akes it impossible to de
termine whether or no the political wisdom o f Alexander
, ,
was on a par with h is strategic ability— whether o r no he , ,
would have succeeded i n co n solidati n g a n d uniting his heter

o g e n e ou s conquests and have proved the D arius a s well as
,
the Cyrus o f h is empir e Cut o ff u n expectedly i n the vigor

.
o f early m a nhood he left no inheritor eith e r o f h is power o r

, ,
o f his pro j ects The empire which h e h a d co n structed broke

.
into fragm e nts s oo n a fter h i s de a th ; an d h is p l an s wh a tever ,
they were perished with hi m

, .
The p olicy of Ale xander so f a r as a pp e a rs a i m ed at c om

, ,
p l e te fusio n a n d a m al g a ma tio n of h i s o w n G rmc o M a cedo n i an

-
subj ects with th e dom inant r a ce of th e sub j uga ted cou n tries ,
the Me do Persia n s H e felt th e difli cu lt y of holdi n g such ex

-
.
te nsive co n quests by g a rrisons of Europe an s an d therefore de ,
t e rm i ne d to a ssociate in the t a sk o f ruli ng an d gover n ing the

Asiatic race wh ich had show n itself m ost c a p ab le of those h igh
functio n s Ultim ately h e would have fused th e two p eoples
.
,
i n to one by tra n sl a tio n s of p opul a tio n s a nd i n term a rriages .
M e an while h e u n ited th e two in the m ilitary a n d civil services

, ,
i n corp orating Persi an s i n to h i s ph a la n x a ppointing ,
m any Persi a ns to s a tra pies an d co m p osi n g h is court p retty

,
e q u a ll y of Persi an an d M a cedo n i an n oble m e n H is sche m e .
h a d the m erits of origi n ality an d i n tri n sic f a ir n ess Its e x e c u .
tio n would undoubtedly h a ve elev a ted A si a to a poi n t which

sh e h a s n ever yet re a ched B ut th is a dv an t a ge could not
.
h a ve bee n ga ined without so m e counterb a l an ci n g loss The .

1
75 RAWL I N S O N
mixed people which it was his ob j ect to produce wh ile vastl y ,
sup erior to ordinary Asiatics would have fallen far below the ,
Hellenic perhap s even below the M a cedo n ian typ e It i s thus

, .
n ot much to be regretted th a t the s chem e was nipped in the
bud a n d Helle n ic culture prese rved in tolerable purity to ex

,
e r c i se a paramou n t influence over the Roma n and so over the ,
m odern world ,
.
The death of Alexander has been ascribed by som e to poi

s o n b y others to habitual drunkennes s
,
B ut the hardships of ,
the G e drosian march and the unhe a lthi n ess o f th e Ch a ld ae an

m arshes su fficie n tly account for it .
S ECO N D P ER I O D .
From the Death of Alexander th e Great to the B attle of Ipsus ,
B C 3 2 3 to
. .
The circum stances under which Alexa n der died led natu
rally to a period o f convulsio n He left at his death no l e g iti .
mate issue and design ated n o successor

, The Macedonian .
law o f succession w as u n certain ; a n d o f those wh o had th e ,
best title to the throne there was n ot one who could be c on

,
s ide re d by any unprej udiced p erson worthy o f it The great .
generals of the deceased king became thus alm ost o f necessity , ,
aspirants to the regal dignity ; and it w as scarcely possible that

their rival claim s could be settled without an appeal to arm s
and a long and bloody struggle Fo r a tim e the fiction o f a .
,
united M acedonian Empire under the sovereignty o f the o l d

royal family was kept up ; but from the first the generals were
S our ce s mai n aut h o rit y fo r t h i s p e ri o d i s D io do r u s b o oks
. The ,
xv iii t o xx. app e a rs t o h ave f o ll o w e d i n t his p o r t i on o f his H i s

. He ,
to r y th e c ont e mp o r a r y aut h or H i e r on ymu s of C ardi a w h o w r ot e an

, , ,
a cc ount o f Al e x an d e r a n d his s u cc e ss o rs ab ou t B C Pl ut arch s ’

2 70 , . . .
live s of E ume n e s D e me tri u s and Ph o c ion ar e als o o f c on sid e r abl e

, ,
val u e ; for t h ou gh h e dr aw s ge ne r all y fr om D i odoru s y e t o cc asi on all y

, ,
h e h as r e c ou rs e t o in d e p e n d e nt aut h o r it i e s e g D u r i s o f S amo s w h o , . .
, ,
w r ot e a Gr e e k an d al s o a M ac e d on i an H is to r y ab ou t B C 280 T he , . . .
thirte e nth b ook of J u st in s H isto r y and th e fr agme nt s of Ar t ian and

’
D e x ip p u s sh ou l d al s o b e c on s u l t e d Fo r th e s e fr agme nt s se e t h e
.
,
Frag ment a H i stori cor u m G rmc oru m of C M ii l l e r v ol i ii .

, . .
the real dep ositaries o f power a n d practically a divisio n o f au,
t h or i ty took e ff ect almost from Alexander s

’
Th e di fficulty with respect to the succession was terminated

without bloodshed The C laims of Hercules being passed
.
over A r rh i dae u s who was at B abylon was proclaim ed king

, , ,
under the n am e of Philip an d with the understanding that he

,
was to S hare th e empire with Roxa na s child if sh e should give ’
birth t o a b oy At the sam e time four guardians o r regents

.
, , ,
were appointed—A n tipater a nd C rate ru s in Europ e P e r di c cas ,
and L e o nnatu s ( for whom was soo n afterwards substitute d

M eleager) i n Asia B ut the murder o f M eleager by P e r dic cas
.
shortly reduced the n umber o f guardians to three .
The sole com mand o f the great army o f Asia assumed b y ,
P e r di cc as on the death of M eleager made his p osition vastly ,
superior to that o f his Europ ean colleagues an d enabled h i m ,
to take the entire direction of a ffairs on his ow n side o f the

H ellesp ont B ut to maintain this p osition it was necessar y
.
, ,
for him to c ontent the other great military chiefs who had ,
lately been h i s equals and w h o woul d not have bee n satisfied

,
to remain very much his inferiors Accordingly a dist rib u .

,
tion of satrapies was m ade with in a few weeks of Alexander s ’
death ; and each chief of any pretensions received a province

proportioned t o his m erits o r his influe n ce .
It was n ot th e intention o f P e r di c c as to break up the unit y

o f Alexander s empire Roxana having given birth to a boy
’
.
,
the government was carried o n i n the nam e o f th e tw o j oint

’
kings P e r dic cas s ow n o ffice was that of vizier or prim e m in
.
ister The gen erals w h o had receive d provinces were viewed

.
by P e r di c cas a s m ere governors i n trusted with their admi nis

t rat i o n a n d a nswerable t o th e ki n gs for it
, H e him self as .
,
prime m inister u n dertook t o give com ma n ds to the governors

,
as to their courses of a ctio n B ut he soo n fou n d that they de

.
c li n e d t o pay h is com m an ds an y respect The centrifugal .
force was greater tha n th e centrip etal ; a nd th e disintegratio n

o f th e em pire was n ot t o be avoided .
It was probably the uncertainty of his actual position an d ,
th e di fficulty of improving it without som e violent step that ,
‘
Al exan d e r l e ft an ill e g it imate son nam e d H e rc u l e s ,
w h o w as t e n
or tw e l ve y e ars ol d at th e t ime of Al e xan d e r s d e at h ’
.
12
1 78 RAWL I N S O N
led P e rdic c as to entertain the ide a o f removing the kings an d ,
himself seizi n g the empire Though he had married N icae a

.
,
the d aughter of Antipater h e arranged to repudi a te her a nd

, ,
n egotiated a marriage with Cleopatra Alexander s sister ,

’
.
Such a unio n would have give n to his claims the color o f l e g it i

macy Th e Opposition which he had chiefly to fear w a s that
.
o f h i s colleagues in the rege n cy Antipater and C r at e r u s and

, ,
o f th e powerful satraps Ptolemy Lagi and Antigonus The

, .
former he hoped to caj ole while he crushed the latter B ut

, .
his designs were p e n etrated Antigo n us fled to M acedo n ia

.
,
B C 3 2 2 a n d war n ed C r at e r u s and A n tipater o f their danger

. .
, .
A league was made between them and Ptolemy ; a n d thus in ,
the war which followed P e rdi c c as and his friend Eum e n es

,
were engaged o n the o n e side a gai n st Antipater C rat e r u s A n , ,
t i g onu s and Ptolemy Lagi o n the oth er

, .
P e r di c c as leaving Eumenes to defend Asia ma rched i n p er

, ,
son against Ptole m y His army was fro m the first disaffected ;
.
and when the military op eratio n s with which h e com menced

,
the campaig n f a iled th ey op enly mutinied attacked him and

, , ,
S lew him in h is te n t M eanwhile Eum enes remai n ing on the

.
,
defensive in Asia M i n or repulsed th e assaults made upon him

, ,
defeated and S lew C rat e r u s a nd made himself a great reput a

,
tion .
Th e rem oval o f P e r di ccas fro m th e sce n e n ecessitated a n ew

arrangem e n t Ptolemy declining the regency it w as c on
.
,
ferred by the a rmy of P e r di c cas on Pitho n a nd A rrh i dae u s ,
two o f th eir generals who with di fficulty m ai n tained th eir p osi

,
tio n against th e i n trigues o f Eurydic e the young wife of the ,
m ock m on a rch Philip A r rh i dae u s until the arrival of Anti

, ,
pater i n Syria to whom th ey resigned their o ffice Antipater

, .
n ow bec a me sol e rege n t sile n ced Eurydic e and made a fresh

, ,
division of th e provinces a t T rip aradisu s i n Norther n Syri a , ,
B C . .
3 20 .
A w a r followed between A n tigo n us an d Eum e n es D e .
feated in th e open field through the tre a chery of A p ol l oni de s ,
whom Antigonus had bribed Eume n es took refuge i n the ,
mou n tain fast n ess of Nora where h e defended himself success

,
fully against every att a ck for ma n y months Antigo n us .
turned his arm s aga inst other so— called rebels defeated them , ,
an d bec a m e master o f the greater part o f Asia M i n or M ean .
while Ptolemy picked a quarrel with Laom edon satrap o f

, ,
Syria sent a n a rmy into h i s province and annexed it

, ,
.
The death o f th e rege n t Antipater in Macedoni a produced a

further complication O verlooking the claim s o f h is son Cas .
,
sander he bequeathed the regency to his friend th e a ged P o

, ,
l ysp e r c h on a n d thus drove Cassander into opp osition

, Cas .
sander fled to Antigonus and a league was form ed between

Ptolemy Cassa n der and Antigonus on the o n e hand and P o
, , ,
l y sp e r c h on an d Eumenes o n the other ; the two latter defe n d

ing the cause o f unity and o f the M acedonia n monarchs th e ,
three form er that o f disruption and o f sat rap ial indep ende n ce .
Antigonus began the war by absorbing Lydia and attacki n g

Mysi a H e was soo n however called away to the East by the
.
, ,
threate n ing attitude of Eum enes wh o had collected a force i n ,
Cilicia with which he me n aced Syria and Phoenicia

,
The .
com mand of the se a which Phoenicia m ight h a ve given would, ,
h ave enabled Eumenes and P o l y sp e rc h o n to unite their forces

an d act together It was th e p olicy o f Antigonus to prevent
.
this Accordingly after defeating the royal fleet com m an ded

.
, ,
by Clitus near B yzantium h e m arched in p erson against Eu

, ,
m e n es who retreated before him crossed the Euphr a tes and

, ,
Tigris and united his troop s with those of a number o f the

,
E a ster n satraps who m h e found le a gued together t o resist th e

,
aggressions of Seleucus a n d Pithon Antigonus advanced t o .
Susa while Eu menes retreated into Persia Proper T w o bat

,
.
tles were fou ght with little advantage to either sid e ; but at l a st
the M acedo n ian j ealousy of a foreigner and the insubordina
tio n o f Alex an der s veterans prevailed Eum enes was seized
’
.
by his ow n troops delivered up t o A n tigonus and put to de a th

, , ,
B C
. .
3 16 .
M eanwhile i n Europ e Cassander had proved fully c a pable

, ,
o f m aking head agai n st P ol y sp e rc h o n After counteracti n g .
th e e ffect o f P ol ysp e rch on s proceedi n gs in Attic a and the Pel ’
O p onn e se h e had m arched i n to Macedonia where impor

, ,
tant chan ges had taken place amon g the members o f th e ro ya l

family E u r y di c é th e young wife o f Philip A r rh i dae u s h a d
.
, ,
raised a p a rty an d so a larmed P ol ysp e rch on fo r his ow n power

,
th at he h a d deter m i n ed on ma ki n g co mm o n c a use with O lym

1 80 RAWL I N S O N
p ias who returned from Epirus to M acedon o n his invit a tio n

, .
Eurydic e foun d herself powerless in th e presence of the m ore

august princess and betaking herself to flight w as arrested
, , , ,
and together with her husband put to death by her rival B C

, , , . .
3 17 .B u t Cassander avenged h er the next year Entering .
M acedonia suddenly he carried all before him besieged O lym , ,
pias in Pydna and though she surrendered on terms allowed

, , ,
her to be k illed by her enemies Roxana an d the young Alex .
ander h e held as prisoners while he stren gthened his title to the ,
Macedonian throne b v a marriage with Thessalonica the ,
daughter of King Philip .
Thus the rebellious satraps had everywhere triumphed over

the royalists and th e M acedonian throne had fallen though
, ,
Roxana and the young Alexander were still living B ut now .
the victors fell o u t among themselves Antigonus after the .

,
death o f Eumenes had begun to let it be seen that nothing less

,
than the entire e mpire o f Alexander would content him H e .
slew Pithon drove Seleucus from B abylonia and distributed

, ,
the Eastern provinces to his creatures He then marched .
westward where important changes had occurred during his

,
absence Cassander had m ade him self complete master o f

.
M acedonia and Greece ; Lysimachus had firmly esta b lish ed

himself in Thrace ; and Asander satrap of Caria had extended , ,
his dominion over Lycia and Cappadocia These C hiefs fear .

,
ing the ambition o f Antigonus entered into a league with ,
Ptolemy L agi and Seleucus now a fugitive at his C ourt and ,
when the terms which they proposed were rej ected made prep ,
arat i o n s for war .
The war of Antigonus against Ptolemy Cassander Se l e u , ,
c u s Asander ( or the Carian Cassander ) and Lysimachus lasted

, ,
for three years Antigonus had the assistance o f his son De

.
m e t r iu s in Asia and ( at first ) o f P o l ysp e rc h o n and his so n

,
Alexander in Europe He was on th e whole m oderately su c .

, ,
c e ssfu l in Syria Asia M inor and Greece ; b ut th e recovery o f

, ,
B a b ylonia b y Seleucus and the general adhesion to his cause ,
of the Eastern provinces more than counterbalanced these ,
gains .
The terms o f the peace negotiated i n B C 3 1 1 were that . .

,
each should keep what he p ossessed ; that the Greek cities

should be independent ; that Cassander S hould retain h is power

till the young Alexander came of age Seleucus was no party .
t o the treaty and was not m entioned in it It w as probably

,
.
thought that he could well hold his ow n ; though had he bee n

seriously m enaced the treaty would have been at once throw n
,
to the winds A s it was only a few mo n ths passed before there

.
,
w as a renewal o f hostilities .
The murder o f Roxa n a an d the young Alexander by th e

orders of Cassander was a natural consequence of the third arti
c l e o f the treaty and was no doubt expected by Antigonus
,
.
He gladly saw these royal personages rem oved o u t of his way ;

while it suited him that the odiu m of the act should attach to
o n e o f his adversaries .
H ostilities recomm enced in the year following th e treaty ,
B C 3 10
. . They were precipitated by the breach which took
.
place between Antigo n us and his neph e w Ptolemy wh o had ,
b een employed by him against Cassander i n Greece Ptolemy .
Lagi was th e first to take up arms Complaining that A n .
t i g o n u s had not withdrawn his garrisons from the Greek cities

o f Asia M inor he undertook to liberate them
, Antigonus on .
,
his side complained th a t Cassander did n ot withdraw his gar

,
risons from the cities of European Greece Thus th e war was .
renewed nominally for the freedom o f Greece I n reality the

, .
,
contest was fo r suprem acy on the part o f A n tigonus for inde ,
p e n d e n c e o n that o f the satraps ; an d the only question with

respect to Greece was wh o should be her master , .
The conquerors at Ipsus Seleucus and Lysimachus divided , ,
the dom inions of Alexander afresh As was natural they took .

,
to them selves the lion s S hare Th e greater part of Asia M inor

’
.
w as made over to Lysimachus Seleucus received Capp a .
docia part of Phrygia Upper Syria M esopotam ia and the val

, , , ,
ley of the Euphrates Cilicia was given to Cass a nder s

.
’
brother P l e i star c h u s
,
Neither Ca ss a nder himself n or P tol
.
emy received any additions to their dom inions .
War had now raged over m ost o f the countries co n qu ered b y

Alexa n der for the space o f twenty years The loss o f lives and .
th e consumption of treasure had been immense Greece Asia .

,
Minor Cyprus and Syria which had been the chief scenes o f
, , ,
conflict must hav e su ffered especi a ll y

,
N owhere h a d ther e .
1 82 RAWL I N S O N
been much attempt at organization o r i nte rna I mprove ments l ,
the attention o f the rulers having bee n continually fixed o n

m ilitary a ffairs Still the evils of constant warfare had been
.
, ,
o u t o f Greece at any rate partly counterbalanced by th e foun

,
dation O f large and magnificent cities intended partly as indi ,
cations o i the wealth and greatness o f their founders partly ,
as mem orials to hand down their nam es to after ages ; by the

’
habits of military discipline imparted t o a certai n number
o f the Asiatics ; and by the spread o f the Greek language and
o f Greek ideas over most o f Western Asia and North easter n -
Africa The many dialects of Asia M inor died away and c o m

.
p l e te l y disappeared before the tongue o f th e conqueror ; which ,
even where it did not wholly oust the vernacular (as In Egypt ,
i n Syria a n d in Upper Asia) stood beside it and above it as

, ,
the language Of the ruling C lasses and of the educated gener ,
ally intelligible to such persons from the sh ores of the Adriatic

to the banks of th e I ndus and from the Crimea to Elephantin e
, .
Knowledge rapidly progressed ; for not only did the native

histories of Egypt B abylon Phoenicia Jud aea and other East
, , , ,
ern countries becom e now for the first time really k n own to
the Greeks but the philosophic thought and the a ccumulated
,
scientific stores o f th e m ost advanced O riental nations were

thrown open to them an d Greek intelligence was able to em
,
ploy itself o n m aterials of considerable value which had h ith ,
erto been quite inaccessible A great advance was made i n .
the sciences of math ematics astronomy geography ethnology , , , ,
and natural history partly through this opening up of O riental

,
stores partly throu gh the enlarged acquaintance with the

,
world ari d its phenom ena wh ich followed o n th e occupation b y

the Greeks o f vast tracts previously untrodden by Europeans
‘
Commerce too in spite o f th e unsettled state o f the newly O C

, ,
-
c u p i e d countries exten ded i t s operations

,
O n the other hand .
,
upon Greece itself familiarity with Asiatic ideas and modes of

life produced a debasing e ffect The O riental habits o f se r .
vility and adulatio n superseded the o l d free spoken i n de p e n -
dence an d m anli n ess ; p a triotism and public spirit disappeared

luxury increased ; literature lost its vigor ; art deteriorated ;
an d th e people sa n k i n to a n atio n of pedants parasites an d , ,
a dve n turers .
T H I RD P ER I O D .
Histor y of th e States into which the M a cedo n ia n M o na rch y

was broke n up after the B attle o f Ip sus .
PA RT I .
K i ng dom of til e S e l e u cz ow, B C 3 1 2

'
'
f
’
f z z lrtory o Ike Sy r i a n . . to
The ki n gdom o f th e S eleucid ae w a s origi na lly est a blish ed i n

I n ner Asia It dates from the y ear B C 3 1 2 whe n its fou n der
. . .
, ,
Seleucus N i c at or or the Conqueror taking adv an t a ge of, ,
the C heck which Antigonus had received by the victor y of

Ptolemy Lagi over D emetrius near Gaz a retur n ed t o the prov , ,
ince from which h e had been a few y ears earlier exp elled b y his
great adversary and re establishin g hi mself without m uch dif
, ,
-
fi cu l ty assum ed the diadem

,
At first th e kingdo m consisted .
,
merely of B abylonia a nd th e a dj acent regio n s Susi ana M edi a , , ,
and Persia ; but a fter the u n successful exp editio n of D e me

,
tri ns ( B C . the O riental provi n ces ge n er a ll y submitted

.
themselves and with i n six y ears fro m th e date o f his retur n

,
to B abylon Seleucus was master of a ll the cou n tries lyi n g

,
between the Indus an d Euphr a tes on the on e h an d the J a x ,
artes and th e I n dia n O cean on th e other .
Shortly afterw a rds he undertook a gre a t c a mp a i gn a gai n st

S an dr ac ott u s ( Ch a ndragupta) a n I ndia n m on a rch wh o bor e , ,
sway in th e region about th e western h e a d strea ms of the G an

ges After a brief struggl e h e concluded a p eace with thi s
.
,
powerful pri n ce who furnish ed h im with 5 00 eleph an ts an d

, ,
threw I n dia op en to his traders I t is p robable th a t h e pur .
S ou rces . ri ginal aut h o ri ti e s fo r t h e h i st o ry of S y ri a d u ri n g

Th e o
t h i s p e ri o d ar e t w o b o oks ( x ix an d t h e fr a gm e nt s of s e v e r al l o s t
.
,
b ook s of D i odoru s ( lib x x i

, t h e e p it ome o f J u s t in s om e b oo ks
. .
,
a n d fr a gm e nt s o f P o l y b iu s ( e sp e ci all y b oo ks v v ii an d th e .
, .
S y ri ac a o f App i an Livy ( b ooks xxxi t o , th e B o oks o f M ac .
c ab e e s and th e A nt i q u it i e s o f J o s e ph u s N one o f t h e s e w o rks c on

”
,
.
tain a c ont inuo u s o r c ompl e te a cc ount of t h e w h ol e p e r io d ; and th e

his to r y h as t o b e c on s t r u c t e d b y p ie c in g t o g e th e r t h e d i ffe r e nt narr a
t iv e s . Th e chr o n o l o g y o f t h e l at e r k in g s d e p e n ds main l y u p on t h e
dat e s w h i ch app e ar o n t h e i r c oins .
1 84 RAWL I N S O N
chased the good will of Sandrac ottu s b y cedi n g to hi m a p or

-
tion o f his ow n I n dia n p ossessions .
In the year B C 3 02 Seleucus whose aid had bee n i n voked

. .
,
by Lysimachus and Cassander se t out from B abylon for Asia ,
M inor and having wintered in Cappadocia e ffected a j unctio n

, , ,
with the forces o f Lysimachus early in the spring of B C 3 01 . . .
The battle Of Ipsus followed Antigonus was defeated an d .
slain and h is dom inions shared by his conquerors T o the

, .
kingdom of Seleucus were added Cappadocia part o f Phrygi a , ,
Upper Syria and the right bank of the m iddle Euphr a tes
, .
B y this arrangement the territorial increase which the king

dom received was not large ; but the C hange in the seat o f
empire which the accession of territory brought ab out was
, ,
extrem ely important B y shifting h i s capital fro m B abyloni a .
to Syria fro m the Lower Tigris to th e O rontes Seleucus

, ,
thought to stren gthen himself against his rivals Lysim a chus ,
and Ptolemy H e forgot a pparentl y that by placing h is cap

.
, ,
ital at o ne extremity of his long kingdom he weake n ed it gen

e r all y and in particular loosened his grasp upon the more
, , ,
eastern provinces which were the least H ellenized and th e,
most liable to revolt Had B abylon or S eleucia continued the .
seat of gover n ment the East might probably have been r e ,
t ai n e d ; the kingdom o f the Parthians m ight never have grow n

up Rom e when sh e interfered i n the a ffairs o f Asia would
.
, ,
have found a great Greek Empire situated b eyo n d the Eu

p h r at e s and so almost inaccessible to her a rms ; the two civil
,
i z at i o n s would have C O —existed instead of being superseded ,
the o n e by the oth er and the history of Asi a a n d of the world ,
wo u ld have been widely di fferent .
The followers o f Alexander inherited from their m aster a

p eculiar fondness for the building of new cities which they ,
called after them selves their fathers o r their favorite wives , , .
Cassander built Thessalonica o n the bay o f the n am e and ,
C a ssan dr e i a in the p eninsula o f P all é n é Lysimachus fixed .
h i s seat of government at a new town which he called Lysi ,
m ac h e i a on the neck o f the Chersonese Antigonus was build

, .
ing Antigon eia on th e O rontes when he fell at Ipsus His

‘
, ,
.
s on , D em etrius m a de his capital Dem etrias on th e gulf of

, ,
Pagas se Seleucus eve n b efore he tr an sferred the se a t of g ov

.
,
e rn me nt Antioch had removed it from B abyl o n to h is cit y

to ,
o f Seleucia o n the Tigris Ptolemy alone maintained the cap

, .
ital which he found established on his arrival in Egypt The .
numerous Antiochs L aodi c e ias E p ip h an e ias and S e l e u c e ias

, , , ,
with which Asi a becam e covered attest the continuance of the ,
taste in the successors o f N i cator .
Though Seleuc u s had come t o the rescue o n the invitatio n ,
o f Ptolemy Cassander and Lysimachus yet he was well aware

, , ,
that he could place no depende n ce on the continuance of their

amity H i s success made them j ealous o f him and induced
.
,
them to draw nearer to each other and unite their interests by ,
intermarriages Seleucus th erefore cast about for an ally

.
, , ,
and found one in Demetrius the son O f Antigonus h is late , ,
adv e r sar v whom he attached to himself in the sam e way

, .
Demetrius who had escaped from Ipsus with a considerable

,
force was a personage o f importance ; and by supporting

, ,
him in his quarrels with Cassander and then Lysimachus , ,
Seleucu s was able to k eep those princes employed .
I n Asia a period of tranquillity followed the marriage of Se

leucus Cassander and Lysimachus were occupied with wars
.
in Europ e raised by the ambition o f D emetrius Ptolemy by .
himself was too weak to e ffect any thing and having been al , ,
lowed to retain Lower Syria and Palestine had n o ground of ,
complaint Seleucus employed the interval ( about twelve

.
years B C 2 99 to 2 87) in building his capital Antioch ; e n

, . .
,
l ar g i n g and beautifying its p ort S e l e u c e i a and consolidating , ,
a rranging and organizing his vast empire The whole terri

,
.
tory was divided into seventy — two satrapies which were placed ,
under the government o f Greeks or Macedonians n ot o f na ,
t iv e s. A large standing army was maintained composed main ,
] y of native troops o fli ce r e d by Macedonians o r Greeks

,
After .
a while Seleucus divided h i s empire with his son Antiochus

, ,
comm itting to h im th e entire gover n m ent o f all the provinces

b eyond the Euphrates— a dangerous precedent though on e ,
which can scarcely be said t o have had actual evil conseque n ces .
At the sam e tim e S eleucus yielded to Antiochus the possession

,
o f his consort St r at oni c é with whom that prince had f a lle n

, ,
desperately in love .
The first disturb an ce of the tr anq uillit y w as c a used b y the

1 86 RAWL I N S O N
wild pro j ects of Demetrius Th a t hare br a i n ed pri n ce a fter .

-
,
ga ining a n d then losing M a cedo n ia plunged sudde n l y into ,
Asia where he hop ed to wi n b y his sword a n ew dominio n

, .
Unable to make a n y serious impression on the kingdo m of

Lysimachus he e n tered Cilici a and bec a me engaged i n h os
,
t i l i t i e s with Seleucus who defe a ted him took him prisoner

, , ,
a n d kept him i n a private C ondition for th e r e st of his life

’
Shortly afterwards B C 2 8 1 occurred the rupture between

, . .
,
Seleucus and Lysimachus which led to the death o f that a ged ,
monarch a n d the conquest of great part of his dominio n s .
Dom estic troubles c a us ed by Arsinoe p a ved the way for the

, ,
attack of Seleucus who found his best support in the di saffe c

,
tion of his e n em y s subj ects The b a ttle of C oru p e dion C ost

’
.
Lysimachus h i s life ; a nd gave the whole of Asia M i n or i n to

the hands o f the Syrian k ing It might h a ve been exp ected .
that the Europe a n provinces would h a ve been gai n ed with

equal e a se a nd that with the exceptio n o f Egypt the s c at
, , ,
t e re d fragments o f Alex a nder s empire would have bee n o n ce

’
more reunited B ut a n avenger of Lysimachus appe a red in

.
the person o f th e Egyptian exile Ptolem y C e raunu s the eldest , ,
son of Ptolemy Lagi ; and a s Seleucus w a s proceeding t o t a ke

possessio n of L ysi mac h e ia his late riv a l s c a pital he was mur ,
’
dered in open day by the Egypti a n a dve n turer w h o thereup o n ,
became king O f Macedon .
Antiochus I ( Soter) succeeded t o his father s dominio n s

.
’
,
B C 2 80 and shortly bec a m e engaged in hostilities with Z i

. .
,
poetes an d N i co me de s n a tive kings of B ithynia the form er , ,
o f whom had successfully m a i n t ained his independence against
Lysim achus N i co m e de s ( B C
. finding his ow n resources . .
insufficient for th e struggle availed himself o f the ass ista n ce ,
o f the Gauls who had bee n now for som e y ears ravaging East
,
ern Europe a nd had already a ided him against his brother

.
Z i p oe t e s With their help he maintained his independence and

.
,
crippled the power of Antiochus w h o lost Norther n Phr y gi a , ,
which w as occupied by the G a uls and b ecam e Gal a tia and ,
North wester n Lydia which became the kingdom of Perga

-
,
mu s Antiochus succeeded i n i n flicti n g one co n siderable defeat

.
”
on the G a uls B C 2 75 whe n ce his cognomen o f
, . . Soter ,
( S a viour ) ; otherwise his expeditio n s were unfortu na te ; and

AN C I EN T H I ST O R Y 187
the Syria n empire at his death had declined considerably below

the poi n t o f greatness and splendor reached under N ic ator .
“ ”
A n tiochus I I sur n am ed 9 6 69 . th e G od succeeded his , ,
father H e w as a weak and e ffem i n ate prince su n k i n se n sual

.
,
ity an d p roflig acy who allowed the kingdom to be ruled by

,
his wives and male favorites U n der him the decline o f the .
empire becam e rapid The weakness o f his government tempt .
ed the provi n ces to rebel ; a n d the Parthia n and B a ctria n king

dom s date fro m his reig n The only success which atte n ded .
him was i n his war with Egypt a t the close of which he r e c ov ,
ered what he had previously lost to Phil a delphus in Asi a M inor .
Seleucus I I surnamed C all inic u s bec a m e king on th e as

.
, ,
sassinat i on o f his father Throughout his reign which lasted .

,
rather more than twenty ye a rs B C 2 46 to 2 2 6 he was most , . .

,
unfortu n ate being enga ged i n w a rs with Ptolem y Euergetes

, ,
with A n tiochus H i e rax his ow n brother an d with the Parthi an , ,
ki n g A r sac e s I I i n all o f which h e m et with disasters Still

, .
, .
,
it is rem a rkable that eve n when h is fortu n es were at the lowest

,
ebb h e always fou n d a mea n s of recovering himself s o that

, ,
”
h i s epithet o f C al li n i c u s the Victorious was not wholly in , ,
appropriate The kingdo m must have been greatly weakened

.
an d exhausted duri n g his reign ; but its limits were not seri
ou sl y contr a cted Portions o f Asia M i n or were i n deed lost
.
t o Ptolem y an d t o Att a lus a nd the Parthians appear to have ,
m a de th emselves m a sters of H y rcania ; but excepti n g i n th ese ,
two q uarters Seleucus recovered his losses a n d left the terri

, ,
tories wh ich he h a d inherited t o his son Seleucus C e rau nu s ,

.
—
Seleucus I I I surnam ed C e rau nu s
.
“
the Thunderb olt ,
had a reig n which lasted only three ye ar S Assisted by his .
cousi n the y ou n g A c h mu s he prepared a gre a t exp edition

, ,
agai n st th e Pergam e n e m o n arch Attalus whose dom i n io n s , ,
n ow reached t o the T a urus His ill p a id army however while .

-
, ,
o n the m arch becam e mutinous

,
a nd he w a s a ss a ssi na ted b y
so m e of his o fficers B C 2 2 3 , . . .
O n the death of Seleucus I I I Antiochus I I I su r na med .

, .
,
”
the Great a s ce n ded the throne His long reign which ex
,
.
,
c e e de d thirt y six y ears

- co n stitutes the m ost eventful p eriod
,
o f Syri an histor y A n tiochus did much to recover co n solid ate

.
, ,
an d i n so m e q uarters e n l a rge his e mpir e H e put dow n the , .

RAWL I N S O N
import an t rebellions of M olo and Ach aeus checked th e prog ,
ress of the Parthians and B actrians restored h is frontier to ,
wards India drove the Egyptians from Asia and even at o n e

, ,
time established his dominion over a portion of Europe B ut .
these successes were more than counterbalanced by the losses

which he sustained in his war with the Romans whom he need ,
lessl y drew into Asia The alliance between Rome and Perga .
m u s and the consequent aggrandizem ent of that kingdom

, ,
were deeply inj urious t o Syria and greatly accelerated her de ,
cline Antiochus w as unwise to provoke the hostility of the

.
Romans and foolish whe n he had provoked it not to take

, , ,
the advice Of Hannibal as t o th e m ode in which the war should

be conducted Had he united with M acedonia and Carthage
.
,
and transferred the contest into Italy the Roman power might ,
have been broken o r checked By standing alone and on the .

,
defensive he at once made h is defeat certain and rendered its

, ,
conseque n ces more in j urious tha n they would have been other
wise .
Antiochus was succeeded by his son Seleucus I V who took , .

,
the nam e o f P h il op ator and reigned eleven years B C 1 8 7 to , , . .
1 76
. This period was wholly uneventful The fear of Rom e .
,
and the weakness produced by exhaustion forced S eleucus t o ,
remain quiet even when Eum enes Of Pergamus seem ed about

,
to conquer and absorb Pontus Rome held as a hostage for .
his fidelity first his brother Antiochus and then his son
, , , , ,
Demetrius Seleucus w as murdered by H e li odoru s his treas

.
,
ure r
( B C . who hoped
. to succeed to his dominions .
O n the death of Seleucus the thro n e was seized by Helio ,
dorus ; but it was n ot lon g before Antiochus the brother o f the ,
late kin g with the help of the Pergamene monarch Eum enes
, , ,
recovered it This prince who is known in history as Antio

.
,
chus IV or ( m ore commonly ) as Antiochus E p ip h an e s was

.
, ,
a man of courage and energy He engaged in i mportant wars .
with Armenia and Egypt ; and would beyond a doubt have

conquered th e latter country had it not been for the interposi ,
tion o f the Romans Still the energy of E p ip h an e s was of

.
,
little benefit to his country H e gained no permanent a dv an .
tage from his Egyptian campaigns since the Romans deprived ,
him even of C yprus He made no serious impressio n on Ar

.
m e n ia though he captured A rtaxias its sovereign O n the

, ,
.
other hand h i s religious intolerance raised him u p an enemy

,
in the heart o f his empire whose bitter hostility proved under

,
h i s successors a prolific source of weakness The J ews favored .

,
by form er kings o f Syria were driven to desperation b y the

,
mad proj ect of this self— willed monarch who not content with , ,
plundering the Temple to satisfy his necessities profaned it ,
by setting up in the Holy o f Holies the image o f Jupiter

O ly mp i u s His luxury and extravagance also tended to ruin
.
his empire and made him seek to enrich him self with the p l u n
,
der of other temples besides that at Jerusalem An attempt .
o f this kind which was ba ffled in E l y m ai s is said to have been

, , ,
followed by an access o f superstitious terror which led to h is ,
death at Tab ac B C 1 64 ,
. . .
E p ip h an e s was succeeded by Antiochus V surnam ed Eu .

,
p at or a boy not m ore tha n twelve years old

,
The chief p ower .
during his reign was in the hands of Lysias whom E p ip h ane s ,
had left as regent when he quitted Antioch Lysias attempts .
to reduce the rebel Jews but allows him self to be diverted from
,
the war by the attitude o f his rival Philip whom he attacks , ,
defeats and puts to death He takes no steps however t o

, .
, ,
resist the Parthians when they overrun the Easter n provinces ,
o r the Romans when th ey harshly enforce the term s of the
treaty concluded after the battle o f Magnesia The position .
o f a ffairs which we c an well understand the Romans favoring

, ,
w as most inj urious t o the p ower o f Syria which in the hands , ,
o f a m inor and a regent w as equally incapable of maintaining

,
internal order and rep elling foreig n attack It w as an adv an .
tage to Syria when D emetrius th e a dult s on of Seleucus Philo ,
p at or escaped from Rom e where he had been long detained

, ,
as a hostage and putting Lysias an d E up at or t o death him

, , ,
self m ounted the throne .
Demetrius havi n g succeeded in obtaini n g the s an ction o f

,
Rome t o his usurpation occupied hims elf for som e ye a rs in

,
attempts to reduce the Jews He appears to have b een a vig .
o r o u s administrator and a man o f considerable ambition and

,
energy ; but he could not arrest the decline of the Syri a n state .
The Romans comp elled him to desist from his attacks on the
Jews ; and whe n he ve n tured on an expeditio n i n to C a pp a
1
90 RAWL I N S O N
docia for the purpose of expelling the king A r iarath e s and

, ,
giving the crown to O r o p h e r n e s his bast a rd brother a league , ,
was form ed against him by the neighboring kings to which ,
the Romans becam e parties and a pretender Alexander B alas , ,
an illegitimate son of E p ip h an e s was encouraged to come for ,
ward and claim the throne So low had the Syria n power now .
sunk that both D emetrius and his rival courted the favor of
,
the despised Jews ; and their adhesion to the cause of the pre
tender probably turned the scale in h i s favor After two years .
o f warfare and two important b attles D emetrius w a s defeated , ,
a n d lost both h i s crown and life .
Alexander B alas who had bee n supp orted in his struggle

,
with Demetrius by th e kings o f Pergamus and Egypt was ,
given by th e latter the hand of Cleopatra his daughter B ut , .
he soon proved himself unfit to rule Committing the man .
ag e m e nt of a ffairs to an unworthy favorite A mm on i u s h e gave , ,
him self up to every kind of self indulgence Upon this D eme -

.
,
t r i u s the eldest son of the late king p erceiving that B alas had
, ,
becom e odious to his subj ects took heart a n d landi n g in Cili , , ,
c i a com men ced a struggle for the throne

,
The fidelity of the .
Jews protected Alexander for a while ; but when his father

in law Ptolemy Ph i l o m e t or pass ed over to the side o f his an
-
, ,
t ag o n i st th e contest was decided against him

,
D efeated in .
a pitched battle near Antioch h e fled to Ab ae in Arabia where , ,
he was assassinated by his ow n O fficers who sent his head to ,
Ptolemy .
Demetrius I I surnam ed N i cat o r the n a scended the throne

.
, , .
He had already while prete n der married Cleopatra the wife

, , ,
of his rival whom Ptolemy had forced B al a s t o give up O n

,
.
obtaining full possession of the ki n gdom he ruled tyr a nnically , ,
and disgusted many of his subj ects The p eople of Antioch .
having risen in revolt and D em etrius havi n g allowed his Jew

,
i sh body — guard to plunder the town D iodot u s of Ap a mea set ,
up a rival king in the perso n of Antiochus VI so n o f Alexan .

,
der B alas a child of two years of age who bore the regal title
, ,
for three or four ye a rs ( B C 1 46 t o a fter which D i o dot u s

. .
removed him and takin g th e nam e of T ryp h o declared hi m

, , ,
s elf indep e n de n t monarch After vain e fforts t o

reduce his rivals for the space o f about seve n years Demetrius , ,
le a vi n g his wife Cleopatra to m aintain his i n terests i n Syria

, , ,
m arched into his Eastern provinces which were in danger o f ,
fa lling a prey to the Parthians Here though at first he gained .

,
such adva n tages as enabled him to assum e th e title of Con

q u e r or arm s soon met with a reverse D efeated .
by the Parthian monarch A r sace s V I in the year B C 1 40

, .
,
. .
,
he was taken prisoner an d remai n ed a captive at the Parthian

,
court for several years .
Duri n g th e absence of D em etrius in th e rem ote East his ,
wife Cleopatra unable to m ake head again st T ryph on looked

, , ,
o u t for som e e ff ectual support and found it in Antiochus of ,
Sida ( S ide t e s) h er h usband s brother wh o j oining his arm s

,
’
, ,
with hers attacked T r y p h o n and after a struggle which seem s

, , ,
t o have lasted nearly two years defeated him and put hi m to ,
death A n tiochus Side t e s up on this becam e sole m onarch o f

.
Syria B C 1 3 7 a n d contracted a marriage with Cleopatra his

, . .
, ,
captive brother s wife who considered h erself practically di

’
,
v o r c e d by her husband s captivity and marriage with a Par

’
thian princess His first step after establishi n g his authority

.
, ,
w a s to reduce th e Jews B C 1 3 5 t o 1 3 3 A few years later

, . . .
,
B C 1 2 9 he u n dertook an exp edition into Parthia for th e pur

. .
,
p ose O f delivering his broth er and gained som e important suc ,
cesses but w as finally defeated by th e Parthian m onarch who ,
attacked his a rm y i n its wi n ter qu a rters a n d destroyed it with -

,
its comm ander .
M ea n while D em etrius I I h a vi n g been rele a sed from cap.

,
t iv ity by th e Parthia n m o n arch w h o hop ed by exciting ,
troubles i n Syri a to force Antiochus t o retreat had reached ,
Antioch a n d recovered his form er kingdom B ut h e was n ot .
suffered t o remain long in tranquillity Ptolemy P h ysc on the .

,
ki n g o f Egypt raised up a pretender to his crown in the person

,
o f Alexander Z abi n as w h o professed to be th e s o n of B alas

,
.
A battle w as fought between th e rivals near D a mascus in ,
which D em etrius was completely defeated Forced to tak e .
flight h e sought a refuge with h is wife at Ptolemais but was

, ,
rej ected ; whereup on he endeavored to throw him self i n to Tyre ,
but was captured and slain B C 1 2 6 , . . .
War followed b etween Z ab inas a n d Cleopatr a w h o h a ving , ,
put to death Seleu cus h er eldest son because h e had assumed

, ,
1 92 RAWL I N S O N
the diadem without her perm ission a ssociated with herself o n ,
the throne her second son Antiochus and reigned conj ointly , ,
with him till B C 1 2 1 Z ab inas m aintained him self in parts of

. . .
Syria for seven years ; but having quarrelled with his patron , ,
Ptolemy P h y sc o n he was reduced to straits about B C 1 2 4

, , . .
,
and two years afterwards was completely cr u shed by Anti

o c h u s who forced him to swallow poison B C
, 1 22 Soon , . . .
afterwards— B C 1 2 1 — Antiochus found himself under the n e

. .
c e ssit y of putting his m other to death in order to secure his
o w n life against which he discovered her to be plotting

, .
Syria now enj oyed a period o f tranquillity under Antiochus

VI I I for the space o f eight years B C 1 2 2 to 1 1 4 Th e East
.
, ,
. . .
ern provinces were however completely lost and no attempt, , ,
w as m ade to recover them The Syrian kingdom was c o n .
fined within Taurus on the north th e Euphrates on the east , ,
and Palestine o n the south Jud ae a h ad become wholly inde .
pendent The great empire which had once reached from

.
,
Phrygia to the Indus had S hrunk to the dimensions o f a prov ,
i nce ; and there was no spirit in either prince or people t o

make any e ffort to regain what had been lost The country .
was exhausted by the constant wars the pillage o f the soldiers , ,
an d the rapacity o f the m onarchs Wealth was accumulated .
in a few hands The p eople o f th e capital were wholly given

.
up to luxury If Rom e had chosen to step in at any time after

.
the death of the second D emetrius sh e might have become ,
m istress of the whol e o f Syria alm ost without a struggle At .
first her dom estic troubles and then h er contest with M ith ,
r idat e s hindered her so that it was not till half a century later
, ,
that the m iseries o f Syria were ended by her absorption into

the Roma n Empire .
The tranquillity o f Antiochus VI I I was disturbed in B C . . .
1 1 4 by the revolt o f his half brother A n tiochus C yz i c e n u s the -

, ,
s o n of Cleopatra by Antiochus S i de t e s her third husband A , .
bloody contest followed which it was attempted to terminate ,
at the close of three years B C 1 1 1 by a partition of the terri , . .

,
tory B ut the feud soon broke o ut afresh

. War raged b e .
tween the brothers for nine years B C 1 05 to 96 with varied , . .

,
success but with no decided advantage to either while the dis

, ,
integration oi the empire rapidl y proceeded The towns on .

the coast Tyre Sidon Se l e u c e ia assumed independence Ci

, , , ,
.
licia revolted The Arabs ravaged Syria on the one hand and
.
,
the Egyptians o n the other At length a m id these various .

,
calamities the reign of Antiochus V I I I came to an end by his

, .
assassination in B C 96 by H e rac l e on an o ffi cer o f his court

, . .
, ,
.
H e r ac l e o n endeavored to seize the crown but failed It fell ,

.
t o Seleucus V ( E p ip h an e s) the eldest so n o f G ryp u s who con

.
, ,
tin ned th e war with Antiochus C y z i c e nu s and brought it to a ,
successful issue in the second year o f his reign B C 95 when , . .

,
C yz i c e n u s defeated in a great battle sle w h imself to prevent

, ,
his capture B ut th e struggle between th e two houses was n ot

.
yet ended . Antiochus E n sebes the so n o f C yz ic e n u s as , ,
sum ed th e royal title and attacking Seleucus drove h im o ut o f ,
Syria into Cilicia where he p erished m iserably being burnt

, ,
a live by the peopl e o f M o p su e st ia from whom he had required ,
a contribution .
Philip the second son of Antiochus G ryp u s succeeded a nd

, , ,
carried o n the war with E n sebes for some years in conj unction ,
with h is brothers Demetrius and Antiochus D ionysus until at

, , ,
last Ensebes was overcom e and forced to take refuge in Par

thia Philip and his brothers th en fell out and engaged in war
.
,
o n e against another At length th e Syrians seein g n o end to

.
,
these civil contests called to their aid the king o f the neigh
,
boring Arm enia Tigranes and putting them selves under h is

, ,
rule obtained a respite from su ffering for about fourteen years

, ,
B C 8 3 to 69
. . At the close o f this p eriod Tigranes having
.
, ,
m ixed himself up in the M ithridatic war was defeated by the ,
Romans a nd forced t o relinquish Syri a

, .
The Syrian thro n e seem s then to have fallen to A n tiochus

A si at i cu s the son of E n sebes wh o h eld it fo r four years only
, , ,
when he was disp ossessed by Pompey and th e rem n ant o f the ,
kingdom o f the Seleucid ae w a s reduced i n to the for m of a R o

m an province B C 65 , . . .
I3
1 94 RAWL I N S O N
PART II .
fl i sz ory f 1715 E gypi i a n K i ng dom f th e P tol e mi es , B C 3 23 to

‘
o o . .
The kingdom of the Ptolemies which owed its origi n to ,
Alexander the Great rose to a pitch of greatness and prosper

,
ity which it i s proba b le w as never dreamt of by the Conqueror

, ,
.
His subj ection o f Egypt was accomplished rapidly ; and he

spent but little tim e in the organization of h is conquest Still .
,
the foundation of all Egypt s later greatness w as laid a n d the

’
C haracter o f it s secon d civilization determined by him in th e , ,
act by which he transferred the seat o f governm ent from the

inland position o f M emphis to the m aritim e Alexandria B y .
this alteration n ot only was the continued pre eminence o f the -
M acedo Greek elem ent secured but the character of the E g yp

-
,
tians themselves was m odified Comm ercial pursuits were .
adopted b y a large part o f the nation Intercourse with for .
eigners hitherto C hecked and discouraged becam e com m on

, , .
Production was stimulated ; enterprise throve ; and the stereo

typed habits O i this m ost rigid o f ancient peoples were to a
large extent broken into In language and religion they still
.
continued separate from their co n querors ; but their m anners

and tone o f thought underwent a change The sti ff necked .
-
re b els against the authority of the Persian crown became th e

willing subj ects of the M acedonians Absorbed in the pur .
s uits O i industry o r in the novel employm ent o f literature the

, ,
Egyptian s forgot their O l d love o f independence and content ,
e dl y acquiesce d in the new regim e .
S ou r ces s ou rc e s fo r t h e Egy p t ian his t or y o f th i s p e r i o d are for

. The
t h e m o s t p a r t id e nt ic a l w i t h t h o s e w hich h av e b e e n m e nt i on e d at t h e
h e a d of t h e l a s t s e c t i o n as s ou rc e s fo r t h e his t o r y o f t h e S e l e u cid ae ; b u t
o n t h e w h o l e t h e y a r e s c ant i e r an d l e ss s at isf a c t o r y As t h e c ont a c t .
b e tw e e n J u d ae a and Egy p t d u ri n g t his p e ri o d w as o nl y o cc asi on al t h e ,
i nf o r mati on f u r n ish e d b y J o s e ph u s an d th e B o o ks of M acc ab e e s i s

disc ont i nu o u s an d fr agme ntar y Ag ai n t h e r e i s n o w o rk o n Eg y p t
.
,
c o rr e sp on din g t o t h e S y ri a c a o f Appi an T h e chr on o l o g y mo r e .

,
ov e r is i n c o n f u si on o w i n g t o t h e f a c t t h at t h e P t o l e m i e s a d o p t e d n o
, ,
e r a o n l y d at i n g t h e ir c o i n s i n s om e i n s t an c e s b y t h e ir r e gn al y e a rs ;
,
s o t h at t h e e xa c t n e ss w hich an e ra f u rn ish e s is w ant i n g S om e i m .
p o rtant d e tails w i t h r e sp e ct t o f o r e ign c onq u e s t s and t o t h e int e rnal

a d m i n is t r at i on ar e h o w e v e r p r e s e rv e d t o u s i n I n scri p ti on s
, , .
In th e history o f nations much depends on the characters o f

individuals ; and Egypt seem s to h ave been very largely i n
de b ted to the first Ptolemy for her extraordinary prosp erity .
Assigned the African provinces in the division of Alexander s ’
dominions after h is death ( B C he proceeded at once to

. .
h is government and resigning any great ambition sought to

, , ,
render h is ow n territory unassailable and to make such addi ,
tions to it as could be attempted without much risk It was .
am ong his special aims to ma k e Egypt a great naval power ;

and i n this he succeeded alm ost beyond his hopes having after ,
many vicissitudes established his authority over Palestine ,
Phoenicia and C oe l é Syria ; and also possessed him self of the

,
-
island of Cyprus Cilicia Caria and Pamphylia were open to

.
, ,
h i s attacks and so m etim es subj ect to his sway

,
For a time h e .
even held important positions in Greece e g Corinth and ,

. .
,
Sicyon ; b ut he n ever allowed th e maintenance o f these distant

acquisitions to enta n gle him inextricably in foreign wars or to ,
endanger h is h om e dominio n s Attacked twice in his ow n .
province once by P e r dic cas ( B C

, and once by D em etrius
. .
and Antigonus ( B C he both times repulsed h is assail

. .
ants and maintained his own territory intact Readily retiring .
if danger threatened he was always prompt to advance when

,
occasion o ffered H i s combined prude n ce an d vigor obtained

.
the reward o f ultim a te success ; and his death left Egypt in p os

session oi all the more important of h i s conquests .
In o n e q uarter alone did Ptolem y endeavor t o extend h i s

Africa n dominion The fl ourish ing country of the Cyre n ai ca
.
,
which lay not far from Egypt upon th e west had welcom ed ,
Alexander as a deliverer from th e power of Persia and had ,
been accepted by him into alliance Ptolemy who coveted it s .

,
natural wealth and disliked th e existence o f an independent

,
republic in his n eighborhood found an occasion in the troubles

,
which at this tim e fell upon Cyr en e t o establish his authority ,
over the whole region At the sam e tim e h e must have

.
brought under subj ection the Libyan tribes of the district b e

tween Egypt a n d the C y renaica wh o in form er times had been ,
depende n t up on the native Egyptian m onarchy and had su b ,
m i tt e d t o the Persi an s whe n Eg y pt was co n quered b y C a m

byse s.
1 96 RAWL I N S O N
The system o f gover n ment established by Ptolemy L a gi so ,
far as it c an be made o ut w as the following The m onarch , .
was supreme and indeed absolute having the sole direction o f

, ,
a ffairs and th e sole app ointment o f all O fficers The changes .

,
however m ade in the inter n al adm inistration were few The

,
.
division of the whole country into nomes was m a intained ; a n d

m ost o f the Old nom es were kept a certain n umber only bei n g ,
subdivided Each was ruled by it s nomarch who received his

.
,
appointm ent from th e crown and m ight at any tim e be sup er ,
s e de d The nomarchs were frequently perhaps even gener

.
,
ally native Egyptia n s They adm inistered in their provinces

,
.
the ol d Egyptia n laws and mai n tained the ol d Egyptian r e ,
li g i o n It was from first to last a part o f the established p olicy

.
o f the L ag i d m o na rchs t o protect a n d ho n or the religio n o f
their su b j ects which they regarded as closely aki n to their ow n

, ,
a n d of wh ich they ostentatiously made themselves the patro n s .
Ptolemy Lagi began the practice o f rebuilding a n d ornament

ing the temples o f th e Egyptian gods and paid particular ,
h onor to th e supposed incarnations of Ap is The o l d priv .
il e g e s O f the priests a n d esp ecially their exemption from land

,
tax were continued ; and th ey were allowed everywh ere th e

,
utmost freedom in the exercise o f every rite o f their religion .
I n return for th ese favors the priests were expected to ac kn ow l

edge a quasi divinity in the L ag i d m onarchs and to perform
-
,
certain ceremonies in their honor both in their lifetim e and ,
after their decease .
At the same tim e m any exclusive privileges were reserved

for th e conquering race The tranquillity o f the country was .
maintained by a standing army composed almost exclusively

o f Greeks and M acedonians and o ffi c e r e d wholly by m embers ,
o f the dom inant class This army was located in compar

.
,
at iv e l y a few sp ots so that its presence was not much felt by

, ,
the great bulk of the populatio n As positions o f auth ority in .
the military service were reserved for G r ae c o Macedonians so -

,
also in the civil service o f the country all O ffices of any i m

portance were filled up from the same class This C lass more .
,
over which was found chiefly i n a small number of the C hief

,
tow n s enj oyed full mu n icipal liberty in these places electing

, ,
its ow n o fficers an d for the most part administering it s ow n

, , ,
a ff airs without interference on the part o f the ce n tr a l gover n

m ent .
O ne of th e C hief peculiarities of the early L ag i d kingdom

a peculiarity for which it was indebted to i ts founder— was its
encouragement o f literature and scie n ce Ptolemy Lagi was .
himself an author and alone among the successors o f Alex

,
a n der inherited the regard for m en of lear n ing a nd research

,
which had distinguished his great patron Following the ex .
a mple o f Aristotle h e se t him self to co llect an extensive library

,
’
and lodged it in a building connected with the royal palace .
Men of learning were invited by him to take up their residence

at Alexandria ; and the M useum was founded a College o f ,
Professors wh ich rap idly drew to it a vast body o f students

, ,
a n d rendered Alexandri a the university o f the Eastern world .
It w a s too l a te in the history o f the Greek race to Obtai n by the ,
fosterin g influence o f j udicious patron a ge the creation o f m as ,
t e r p i e ce s ; but exact science criticism and eve n poetry o f an

, ,
unpretentious kin d were produced ; and m uch excellent liter

,
ary work was done t o th e gre a t benefit o f the m oderns Eu

, .
clid and Apollonius o f Perga in mathematics ; P h il e tas Calli

, , ,
m ach u s and Ap ollonius of Rhodes in p oetry ; Aristophanes

, ,
o f B yzantium and Aristarchus i n criticism ; Eratosthenes i n

, ,
chronology and geography ; Hipparchus in astronomical sc i

e n ce ; a nd Manetho in h istory— ador n ed the L ag i d period and ,
su fficiently indicate that th e L ag i d patronage o f learning was

n o t unfruitful Apelles too and A nt ip h il u s produced m a n y
.
, ,
o f their best pictures at the Alexandrian court .
The character o f Ptolemy Lagi was superior t o that o f most

o f the princes wh o were his contemporaries In an age o f .
treachery and violence h e appears t o have remained faithful to

,
his engagem ents and to have been r a rely guilty o f any blood
,
shed that was not absolutely n ecessary for his own safety and
that of h i s kingdo m H is m ode of life was simple and unos
.
tentatio ns He was a brave soldier and never scrupled to i n

.
,
~
c u r personal danger The generosity o f h is temper was

.
evinced by his frequently setting h is prisoners free without

ransom In h is dom estic relations he was however unh appy
.
, ,
.
H e married t w o wives Euridyc e the daughter of Antipater

, , ,
whom he divorced a n d B e r e ni c é her co mpanion By Eury

, , .
1
98 RAW L I N S O N
dic e h e had a son Ptolemy C e rau nu s who should naturally, ,
have been his successor ; b u t B erenic e prevailed o n him in his

old age to prefer her s on Philadelphus ; and Ptolemy Ceran ,
n us O ffended b ecame an exile from his cou n try and an in

, , ,
t r i g u e r against the interests of h is b rother and his other rel

atives Enmity and bloodshed were thus introduced into the
.
family ; and to that w as shortly afterwards added the crime of

incest a fatal cause of decay and corruption
,
.
Ptolemy Lagi adorned his capital with a number of great

works The principal of these were the royal palace the M u
.
,
se u m the lofty Pharos upon the island which formed the port
, , ,
the m ole or causeway nearly a m ile in le n gth ( H e p t ast adiu m) , ,
which connec ted this island with the S hore the Soma or mauso ,
leum containing the body of Alexander th e temple o f Serap is

, ,
( completed by his son Philadelphus ) and the Hipp o drome or , ,
great race —course H e likewise rebuilt the inner cham b er o f

.
the grand temple at Karnak and pro b ably repaired many other ,
Egyptian b uildings A f ter a reign of forty years having at .

,
t ain e d to th e advanced age of eighty four he died in Alexan -

,
dria B C 2 8 3 leaving his crown to his son Philadelphus th e

, . .
, , ,
eldest of h i s children by B e re ni c é whom he had already t w o ,
years before associated with him in the kingdom .
Ptolemy H surnam ed Philadelphus was bor n at C o s B C

.
, , , . .
3 09 and was consequently twenty six years o f age at the c o m

-
,
m e n c e m e nt o f h is sole reign H e inherited his father s love ’

.
for literature and genius fo r administration but not his m ili ,
tary capacity Still he di d not abstain altogether even from

.
,
aggressive wars b ut had an eye to th e events which were pass

,
ing in other countries and S ought to m aintain by h i s arm s the ,
balance of power established in his father s lifetime H is chief ’

.
wars were with th e re b el king o f C yr é n é his half brother ,

-
,
Magas ; with Antiochus I and Antiochus I I k ings o f Syria ; . .

,
and with Antigonus G o n at as k ing o f Macedon They o c c u , .
pied the space of about twenty years from B C 2 69 to 2 49 , . . .
Philadelphus was fairly successful in them excepting that he ,
was forced as th e result of h i s struggle with Magas to ac

, ,
k nowledge the independence o f that monarch .
The hom e administration of Ptolemy Philadelphus was in

all respects eminently successful To him belongs the credit .
of developing to their fullest extent the commercial adv a ntages

which the position of Egypt throws open t o her and of bring ,
ing by these m eans her m aterial prosperity to its culminating

point B y reopening the canal uniting the Red Sea with the
.
Nile— a construction of the greatest of the Ram esside kings

—and building the port o f Arsino e o n the site of the modern
Suez he united the East and West allowing the m erchandise
, ,
o f either region to reach the other by water carriage As this .

,
however owing to th e dangers of the Red Sea navigation was

, ,
not enough he constructed two oth er harbors and founded

, ,
two other cities each called B erenic e o n the eastern African

, ,
coast one nearly in lat

,
the other still farther to the south
.
,
probably about lat A high road w as opened fro m the

.
-
northern B erenic e to Coptos on the Nile ( near Thebes) and ,
the merchandise o f India Arabia a nd Ethiopia flowed to Eu , ,
rop e for several centuries chiefly b y this route Th e Ethiopian .
trade was particularly valuable N ot only was ivory imported .
largely from this region but the elephant was hunted o n a ,
large scale and the hunters captures were brought alive into
,
’
Egypt where they were used in the military service P t o le

, .
m ais in lat 1 8 w as the emporium fo r this traffi c

°
, . .
The material prosp erity of Egypt which these m easures in

sured w as n aturally acco mpanied by a flourishing conditio n
o f the re venue Philadelphus is said t o have derived fro m
.
Egypt alo n e without counting the tribute in grain an a nnual

, ,
incom e o f talents ( m ore tha n three and a half m illions

sterling) or as much as D arius H y st asp i s obtained fro m the
,
whole o f his vast empire The revenue w as raised chiefly from

.
customs but w as supplem e n ted from other sources The r e

, .
moter provinces Palestine Phoenicia Cyprus etc s eem to

, , , , .
,
have paid a tribute ; but of the mode of its assess m ent we know
n othing .
The military force which Philadelphus m a i n tained is said to

have amounted to foot and horse besides ele ,
p h ant s and war chariots H e had also a fleet of 1 500 vessels

-
.
,
many of which were of extraordi n ary size The number o f .
rowers required to m an these vessels must have exceeded ,
rather than fallen short of m en ,

.
The fam e o f Philadelphus dep e n ds however far less upon , ,

z oo RAWL I N S O N
his military exploits or his talents for orga n iz a tio n an d ad

,
ministration than upon his e fforts i n the cause o f learning

, .
I n this respect if in no other he surpassed his father and de

, , ,
serves to b e regarded as the special cause o f the literary glories

o f his country The li b rary which the first P tolemy had
.
founded was b y the second so largely increased that he has

often bee n regarded as its author The minor library of the .
S e rap e i u m was entirely o f his collection Learned men were .
invited to h i s court fro m every quarter a n d literary works o f

the highest value were undertaken at h is desire or under his
patronage Amo n g these the most important were the trans
.
lation o f the He b rew Scriptures into the Greek language ( which

was com menced in his reign and continued under several o f
h i s successors ) and the History of Egypt derived fro m the
, ,
n ative records which was composed in Greek during his rei g n

,
by the Egyptian priest M a n etho Philadelphus also patron .
i z e d p a inting and sculpture and adorned his capital with ,
architectural works of great magnificence .
In his personal character Philadelphus presents an u nfa

,
v o r ab l e contrast to his father I mmediately upon attaining th e

.
throne he banished Demetrius P h ale re u s for the sole o ffens e ,
that he had advised Ptolemy Lagi against altering the succes

sion Shortly afterwards he put t o death two o f his brothers
. .
He divorced his first wife Arsino e the daughter of L y si m a ,
chus and banished her to Coptos in Upper Egypt in order

, ,
that he might contract an incestuous m arriage with h is full

S ister Arsino e who had been already married to his half
, ,
brother C e rau nu s T o this princess who bore him no chil

.
,
dren he continued tenderly attached taking in reference t o

, ,
her the epithet Philadelphus and honoring her by giving ,
her name to several o f the cities which he built and erecting ,
to her memory a magnificent monument at Alexandria which ,
was known as the A rsin o é u m N or did he long survive her .
decease He died in B C 2 47 of disease at Alexandria hav

. . .
, , ,
ing lived sixty — two years and reigned thirty eight o r thirty
,
-
,
six from the death Of his father .
Ptolemy I I I surnam ed Euergetes

.
,
the B enefactor th e
eldest son o f Philadelphus b y his first wife succeeded him ,
.
This prince was the most enterprising of a ll the L ag id m on

AN C I ENT H I ST O R Y 201
archs ; and under him Egypt which had hitherto maint a ined ,
a defensive attitude becam e an aggressive power and a c c om

, ,
p li s h e d important conquests The greater part

. o f these were ,
it is tr u e retained for only a few years ; but others were more

,
permanent and became real additions t o the empire The

, .
empire obtained now its greatest extension comprising b e , ,
sides Egypt and Nubia the Cyrenai ca which was recovered

’
, ,
by the marriage o f B ere n ic e daughter and heiress of M agas

, ,
to Euergetes ; parts o f Ethiopia especially the tract about ,
Adul é a portio n o f the opposite or western coast of Arabia ;

Palestine Phoenicia and C oe l é Syria ; Cyprus Cilicia Pam
, ,
-
, ,
phylia Lycia Caria and I onia ; the Cyclades ; and a portio n

, , ,
o f Thrace including the city of L y si m ac h e i a in the Chersonese

, .
Friendly relation s had been established with Rom e by P tol

emy Philadelphus as early as B C 2 73 Euergetes continued
,
. . .
this policy but declined the assistance which the gre a t republic
,
was a nxious to lend him in his Syrian wars It would see m .
that the ambitious proj ects of Rom e and her aspirations after
universal dominion were already a t the least susp ected , , .
Like his father and grandfather Euergetes was a patro n ,
o f art and letters H e a dded largely to the great library at

.
Alexandria collecting the best manuscripts from all quarters

, ,
sometimes by very questionable m ea n s The poet Apollonius .

,
R h o di u s the geographer a n d chronologist Eratosthenes and

, , ,
the grammaria n Aristophanes of B yzantium adorned his court ,

.
Alexandria does n ot seem t o have owed to him m any of her

buildi n gs but he gratified his Egyptian subj ects by important
architectural works as well a s by the restoratio n of various
,
i mages o f their gods which he had recovered i n his Eastern

,
expeditio n .
After a reign of twenty — fiv e years durin g which h e had ,
enj o y ed almost uninterrupted success and had raised Egy pt ,
t o perhaps th e highest pitch Of prosperity that sh e ever at

t ai n e d Euergetes died according to the b est a uthority by
, , ,
a natural death ; though there were not wanting persons to

ascrib e his decease to the machinations o f his son He left .
behind him three children— Ptolemy w h o succeeded h im , ,
M a gas and Arsino e who becam e the wi fe o f her elder brother

, ,
.
The glorious p eriod o f the M a cedo Egyptian history ter mi -

2 02 RAWL I N S O N
nates with Euergetes Three kings of remarkable talent a n d .

,
o f moderately good moral character had held the throne for ,
a little more than a century ( 1 01 years ) and had rendered ,
Egypt the most flourishing of the kingdoms which had arisen

o u t o f the disruption of Alexander s empire They were fol ’
.
lowed by a succession of wicked and incapable monarchs ,
among whom it is di f fi c u lt to find o n e who has any claim to

our respect or esteem Historians reckon nine Ptolemies after .
Euergetes Except P h il o m e t or who was mild and humane

.
, ,
Lathyrus who was amiable but weak and Ptolemy X I I

, ,
.
( sometim es called Dionysus ) who w as merely young and i n ,
competent they were all almost equally detestable

, , , .
Ptolemy IV who assumed the title of P h il op at o r to disarm

.
,
the suspicions which ascribed to him the death of h i s father ,
was the eldest son of Euergetes and ascended the throne B C ,

. .
222 .H i s first acts after seating him self upon the throne were
, ,
the murder o f his m other B erenic e who had wished her , ,
younger son to obtain the succession ; of his brother M agas ; ,
and of his father s brother Lysimach u s H e followed up these

’
, .
outrages by quarrelling with the Spartan refugee C l e ome n e s ,
and driving him into a revolt which cost him and his family ,
their lives H e then contracted an incestuous marriage with

.
his sister Arsino e and abandoning the direction o f a ffairs to

, ,
his minister So sib i u s the adviser o f these measures gave

, , ,
himself up to a life of intemp erance and p r ofl i g acy A g at h o c .
lea a professional singer and her brother Agathocles the

, , , ,
C hildren of a famous courtesan became his favorites and ruled , ,
the court while S o sibi u s managed the kingdom To gratify

,
.
thes e minions o f his pleasures P h il op at or about B C 2 08 , ,

. .
,
put to death his wife Arsino e after sh e had bor n e h i m an heir

, ,
to th e empire .
The we akness o f P hi l op at or and the mism a n a geme n t of the ,
State b v S o sib iu s who was at once incapable and wicked laid

, ,
the empire Open to attack ; and it was not long b efore the
young king o f Syria Antiochus I I I took advantage of the ,
.
,
condition o f a ff airs to advance his ow n pretensions to the pos

session of the long disputed tract between Syri a Proper a nd
-
Egypt It might have been expected that under th e circum

.
,
stances he would have been successful B ut the Egypti a n

, .
3
forces relaxed though their discipline had been by S o sib iu s

, ,
were still superior to the Syrians ; and the battle of Raphia

C 2 1 7) was a repetition o f the lessons taught at P e l u si u m
( B
. .
and Gaza The invader was once more defeated upon the bor
.
ders and by the peace which followed the losses of the two
, ,
preceding y ears were with one exception recovered , , .
The Syrian war was only j ust b rought to a C lose when dis
a ffection showed itself among P h il op at or s Egyptian subj ects ’
.
The causes of their discontent are obscure ; and we are without

any details as to the course o f the struggle B ut there is evi .
dence that it lasted through a considerable number of years ,
and was only brought to a close after much e ff usion of blood

o n both sides .
Notwithstanding his inhumanity and addiction to the worst

forms o f vice P h il op ator so far observed the traditions o f his
,
house as to continue their patronage Of letters He lived on .
familiar terms with the m en of learning who frequented his

court and especially distinguished with his favor the gram
,
marian Aristarchus To show his adm iration for Homer he .

,
dedicated a temple to him H e further even engaged himself .

, ,
in literary pursuits composing tragedies and poems of various

,
kinds .
Worn ou t prematurely b y his excesses P hi l op at or died at ,
about the age of forty after he had held the throne for seven ,
teen years H e left behind h i m on e only child a son named

.
, ,
Ptolemy th e issue of his m arriage with Arsinoe This child

,
.
,
who at the tim e of his father s death was no more than five ’
years ol d was im m ediately acknowledged as king H e reigned

,
.
from B C 2 05 to 1 8 1 and is distinguished in history by the

. .
,
surname of E p ip h ane s The a ffairs o f Egypt durin g his minor .
ity were at first adm inistered by th e infamous Agathocles

, , ,
who however soon fell a victim to th e popular fury together

, , ,
with his sister his m other and his whole fa mily The honest
, ,
.
but incompetent Tlepolemus succeeded a s regent ; but in the

critical circum st a n ces wherein E gypt w a s n ow placed by the
league o f Antiochus with Philip of Macedon ( see B ook
it was felt that incompetency would be fatal ; a nd the impor
ta n t step was taken o f calling in th e assistance of th e Romans ,
who s ent M Lepidus B C 2 01 t o u n dert a ke the ma nagement

.
,
. .
,
of a ff airs Lepidus saved Egypt from co n quest ; but was u n

.
able or unwilling to o b tain for her the restoration of the terri

, ,
tory whereof the t w o spoilers had deprived her by their c om

b i n e d attack Antiochus succeeded in first deferring and the n
.
evading the restoration O f h i s share o f the spoil while Philip ,
did not even make a pretense of giving back a single foot of

territory Thus Egypt lost in this reign the whole of her for
.
i
e g n possessions except Cyprus a n d the Cyrena i ca— losses
’
which were n ever recovered .
Lep idus o n quitting Egypt B C 1 99 handed over the ad

, , . .
,
m inistration to A ri st o m e n e s the Acarnanian a man of vigor , ,
and probity w h o restored the fina n ces and put fresh life into
, ,
the administration B ut the exter n al were followed by internal .
troubles A revolt of the Egyptians and a conspiracy on the

.
,
part o f the general Scopas showed the danger of a lo n g mi , ,
n o r it y and induced the new regent t o curtail his own ter m of

,
o ffice At the age of fourteen E p iph ane s w as declared of full

.
,
age and assumed the reins of governm ent B C 1 96

, ,
. . .
B u t little is known o f E p ip h an e s from the time o f his a s

su m i n g th e governm ent H i s marriage with Cleopatra th e .
,
daughter o f Antiochus the Great which had been arranged in ,
B C 1 99 as a portion o f the terms o f peace was not celebrated

. .
,
till B C 1 93 when h e had attained th e age o f seventeen

. .
, .
Shortly after this the monarch appears to have quar relled with
his minister and late guardian A r i st o me n e s whom he bar , ,
b ar ou sl y removed by poison A certain Polycrates then b e .
cam e his chief adviser and assisted him to quell a s econd very
serious revolt on the part Of the native Egyptians Towards .
the close of his reign he form ed designs for the recovery of

C oe l é — Syria and Palestine which he proposed to wrest fro m ,
Seleucus who had succeeded his father Antiochus B ut b e

, , .
fore h e could carry his designs into e ff ect he was murdered ,
b y his o fficers whom h e had alarm ed by an unguarded ex ,
pression B C 1 8 1 , . . .
B y his marriage with Cleopatra E p ip h ane s had becom e the ,
father of three children two sons both of whom received the , ,
na me of Ptolemy and a daughter called after her mother Th e , ,

.
eldest o f these children w h o took the sur na me o f Ph il ome t or , ,
succeeded him and reigned as Ptolemy VI H is age at his , .

accession was only seven and during his early years he r e ,
m ained under the regency of his mother whos e administration ,
was vigorous and successful At h er death in B C 1 73 th e .

,
. .
,
young pri n ce fell under far inferior guardianshi p— that o f

E u lae u s the eunuch and Len ae us m inisters at once corrupt and ,
incapable These weak m en mistaking audacity for vigor

.
, ,
rash l y claimed from Antiochus E p ip h ane s the surre n der Of

C oe l é Syria and Palestine the nominal dowry of the l a te queen
-
,
mother and when their demand was contemptuousl y rej ecte d

, , ,
flew to arm s Their invasio n o f Syria quickl y brought upon

.
them the ve n geance of Antiochus w h o defeated their forces ,
a t P e l u si u m B C 1 70 a nd would certainl y have conquered

,
. .
,
all Egypt had it not been for the interposition of the Roma n s
, ,
who m a de h im retire and eve n deprived h im of all his c on

,
quests .
B y the timely aid thus given Rom e was brought into a n ew ,
position with respect to Egypt Hitherto sh e had merely bee n .
a friendly ally receiving more favors than she conferred

, .
Henceforth she was viewed as exercising a sort of protectorate

and her right w as recogni zed to interfere in the intern a l troubl es
o f the kingdom and to act as a rbiter between rival princes
, .
The claim s of such persons were discussed b efore th e Roma n

Senate a nd the princes them selves went t o Rom e in p erso n
,
to plead their caus e The decision Of the Senate was n ot in

.
,
deed always implicitl y obeyed ; but still Rom e exercised a

,
m ost important influence from this tim e not only over th e ,
external polic y but over the dy na stic s qu a bbles o f the

Egyptians .
The j oi n t reign of the tw o ki n gs P h il ome t or and P h ysc on , ,
which comm enced in B C 1 69 continued till B C 1 6 5 whe n . .

,
. .
,
th e brothers quarrelled and P h il ome tor was driven into e xile .
Havi ng gone to Rom e and implored assistance from the Se n

ate h e was r e instated in his kingdom by Roman deputies
,
-
,
w h o arran ged a p a rtition of the territor y between the brothers ,
which might have closed the dispute could P h y sc on h a ve ,
rem a ined co n te n ted with his a llotted portion B ut h is ambi .
tio n a nd intrigues caused fresh troubles which were however , , ,
quell ed after a tim e b y the fi na l est a blish m e n t of P h yscon as

ki n g o f C y r en e o n l y .
2 06 RAWL I N S O N
During the continua n ce o f the war between the two brothers ,
D emetrius I who had becom e k ing o f Syria B C 1 62 had

.
, , . .
,
made an attempt to obtain possession of Cyprus by bribing

the governor and had thereby provoked the hostility of Philo
,
m e t or No sooner therefore was P h il ome t or free from do

.
, ,
me st i c troubles than resolving to revenge himself he induced , ,
Alexander B alas to com e forward as a pretender to the Syrian

crown and lent him the full weight of h i s support even giving
, ,
him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage B C 1 50 B ut the , , , . . .
ingratitude of B alas after he had obtained the throne b y P t ol ,

~
emy s aid alienated h i s patron The Egyptian king having

’
, .
,
with some di fficulty escaped a treacherous attempt upon h i s

life passed over to the side o f the younger Demetrius gave
, ,
Cleopatra in m arriage to him and succeeded in seatin g him ,
upon the throne In the last battle however which was fought
.
, ,
n ear Antioch he was thrown from his horse and lost his life
, , ,
B C
. . 146 .
Ptolemy P h il om e t or left behind him three children the issue ,
o f his marriage with h i s full sister Cleopatra viz a son P t ol , , .

, ,
emy who was proclaim ed king under the nam e of E u p at or

, ,
( or P h il op ator according to Lepsius ) and two daughters b oth

, , ,
called Cleopatra the elder m arried first to Alexander B alas

,
and then to D emetrius I I the younger still a virgin E u p at or .

, .
,
after reigning a few days was deposed and then murdered by ,
his uncle P h y sc on the king o f C yr é n é who claimed and ob

, , ,
t ai n e d the throne .
Ptolem y P h y sc on called also Euergetes I I acquired the , .

,
throne i n consequence of an arrangement mediated by the

Romans who stipulated that he should marry h is sister Cleo
,
patra the widow of his brother P h i l o me t or Having become

, ,
.
king in this way h is first act was the murder of h i s nephew

, .
He then proceeded to treat with the utmost severity all those

who had taken part against him in the recent C ontest killing ,
som e and banishing others B y these measures he created such .
alarm that Alexandria b ecam e half emptied O f its inhabitants

, ,
and he was forced to invite new colonists to repeople it M ean .
while he gave himself up to gluttony and other vices and b e ,
cam e bloated t o an extr a ordinary degree a nd so corpulent th a t ,
h e could sc a rcely walk He further repudiated Cleop a tr a his .

,
A N C I EN T H I STO R Y 2o 7
S i ster , though Sh e had borne him a son M e mp h it i s and took , ,
to wife her daughter called also Cleopatra the C hild of his , ,
brother P h i l o me t o r After a while his cruelties and excesses

, .
disgusted the Alexa n drians who broke out into frequent re ,
volts Several of thes e were put down ; but at last P h ysc o n

.
was compelled to fly to Cyprus and his sister Cleopatra was ,
made queen B C 1 3 0 ,
. . .
O n the r e establishment of P h y sco n in his kingdom h e

-
,
resolved to revenge himself o n Demetrius for the support

which he had given to Cleopatra H e therefore brought for .
ward the pretender Alexander Z ab inas and lent him such su p ,
port that he shortl y becam e king o f Syria B C 1 2 6 B ut Z a , . . .
binas like his rep u ted father B alas proved un grateful ; and
, , ,
the o ffended P h ysc o n proceeded to pull down th e throne which

he had erected j oining Antiochus G ry p u s against Z abinas and
, ,
giving him his daughter T ryp h ae na in marriage The result , .
w as the ruin o f Z abin as and the peaceful establishment o f ,
G ryp u s with whom P h y s co n lived o n frie n dly terms during

,
the remainder of his life .
P h y sc o n died in B C 1 1 7 and was succeeded by his eldest

. .
,
s on Ptolemy I X
,
commonly distinguished by the epithet o f
.
,
Lathyrus Egypt now lost the Cyre n ai ca which was b e

'
.
,
q u e at h e d by P h y sc on to h i s natural so n Apion who at his , ,
death made it over t o the Rom ans T h e ties which bound .
Cyprus to Egypt also becam e relaxed for Lathyrus and his , ,
brother Alexander alternately held it almost as a s eparate

, , ,
kingdom The reign o f Lathyrus which com menced B C

.
, . .
1 1 7 did n ot terminate till B C

, 8 1 thus coverin g a space o f . .
,
thirty six years ; but during o ne half of this tim e he was a

- -
fugitive from Egypt ruling only over Cyprus while his

~
, ,
brother took his place at Alexandria We must divide his .
reign into three periods— the first lasting from B C 1 1 7 t o . .
1 07 a space of ten years

, during which he was nominal king ,
o f Egypt under the tutelage o f h i s mother ; the second from ,
B C 1 07 to 89 eighteen years which he spe n t in Cyprus and

. .
, ,
the third from B C 8 9 t o 8 1 eight years durin g which he

,
. .
, ,
ruled Egypt as actual and sole monarch .
Lathyrus left behind him o n e legitimate child o n ly B erenic e , ,
h i s d a ughter b y Se l é né w h o succeeded hi m upo n the thro n e , ,

2 08 RAWL I N S O N
and remai n ed for six m onths sole mo n arch She w a s the n .
married to her first cousin Ptolemy Alexander I I the son of , .

,
Ptolemy Alexander I who C laimed the crown of Egypt under

.
,
the patronage of the great Sulla It was agreed that they .
should reign conj ointly ; but withi n three wee ks of his mar
ri ag e Alexander put his wife to de a th
,
This ac t so enraged the .
Alexandrians that they r ose in revolt against the murderer

and slew him in the pu b lic gym n asium B C 80 ,
. . .
A tim e of trouble followed The succession was disputed .
between two illegitimat e sons of Lathyrus two legitimate sons ,
o f Sel en e the sister o f Lathyrus by Antiochus E u se b e s king

, , ,
of Syria her third husband and probably other claimants

, , .
Roman influence was wanted to decide the contest and Rome ,
for som e reason o r other hung back A further disi n tegratio n .
o f the empire was the conseque n ce The younger o f the tw o .
sons o f Ptolemy Lathyrus seized Cyprus and made it a se p ,
arate kingdom The elder seems to have p ossessed himself

.
of a part o f Egypt O ther parts of Egypt appear to have falle n

.
into the power of a certain Alexander called by some writers ,
Ptolemy Alexander I I I who was driven ou t after som e years

.
, ,
and flying t o Tyre died there and bequeathed Egypt to the

, ,
Romans .
Ultimately th e whole o f Egypt passed u n der the sway o f the

elder of the t w o illegitimate sons of Lathyrus who took the ,
titles o f N e os D ionysos th e New B acchus P h i l o p at or and ,
Philadelphus but was m ost co mmonly known as Auletes the

, ,
Flute player-
The years o f his reign were counted from
.
B C 80 though he c an s carcely have becom e kin g of all Egypt

. .
,
till fiftee n years later B C 6 5 It was his great Obj ect during
,
. . .
the earlier portion of h i s reign to get him self acknowledged

by the Romans ; but this he was n ot able t o e ff ect till B C 59 . .
,
the year of C aesar s consulship when his b ribes were e ffectu a l

’
, .
B ut his orgies and his fl ut ing had b y this tim e disgusted

the Alexa n drians ; so that whe n h e i n creased th e weight o f ,
taxation in order t o replenish his treasury exhausted by th e ,
v a st sums h e had spent in bribery they rose against him an d , ,
after a short struggle drove him from his kingdom Auletes

,
.
fled to Rom e ; and th e Alexandrians placed upon the thron e

his tw o d a ughters T r y p h mna and B erenic e o f whom the for
, ,
9
m e r lived o n l y a ye a r while the latter retained the crown till

,
the restoration of her father B C 5 5 He returned under th e ,

. . .
protection o f Pompey who sent G ab ini u s at the head o f a ,
strong Roma n force to reinstate him The Alexa n drians were .
compelled to su b mit ; and Auletes immediately executed B e

re n i c é who had endeavored to retain the crown and had resist
,
ed his return i n arm s Auletes then reigned about three years

.
and a half in tolerable pe a ce under the protection o f a Rom an ,
garrison H e died B C 5 1 having do n e as much as in him

. . .
,
lay to degrade and ruin hi s country .
Ptolemy Auletes left behind him four childre n— Cleopatra ,
aged seventeen ; a boy Ptolemy a ged thirteen ; another boy , , ,
c a lled also Ptolemy ; and a girl called Arsino e The last t w o , .
were of very tender age H e left the crown under approv a l .

,
o f the Romans to Cleopatra and the elder Ptolemy who were

, ,
t o rule conj ointly and t o be m arried when Ptolem y was o f full

,
age These directions were carried o u t ; but the imperious

.
spirit o f Cleopatra ill brooked any control and it w as not long ,
ere sh e quarrelled with her b oy—husb an d and endeavored to ,
deprive him of the kingdom War followed ; and Cleop a tra .

,
driven to take refuge in Syria was fortunate enough to secure ,
the protection of Julius C aesar whom sh e fascinated by her ,
charms B C 4 8 With his aid she obtained the victory over

,
. . .
her brother who p erish ed in th e struggle Cleopatra was n ow

,
.
established sol e queen B C 4 7 but o n condition that sh e , . .

,
m arried i n due tim e her other brother the younger son of ,
Auletes O bserving th e letter of this agreem ent Cleop a tra

.
,
violated its spirit by having her second husband shortly a fter ,
the wedding removed by poiso n B C 44 The remainder o f

, ,
. . .
fC l e op at r a s reign was a lm ost to its cl os e prosp erous Pro

’
, , .
t e c t e d by Julius C aesar during his lifetim e S h e succeeded soo n ,
after his decease in fascinating Antony B C 4 1 and making , . .

,
h i m h er slave for the rest o f his lifetim e The details of this .
p eriod belong to Roman rather than to Egyptian history ; and

will be treated in the last book o f this Manual It will be su ffi .
cient to note h ere that the latest descendant of the Ptolemies

retained the royal title to the end and showed som ethin g of th e ,
spirit of a queen in preferring death to captivit y an d p erishi n g ,
up o n the capture of her capital B C 3 0 , . . .
I 4
RAWL I N S O N
PART I II .
[ f i story o f M a ce doni a , a nd of G r ee ce ,
f r om t/z e B e a t}; of A l ex a nde r
to t/z e R om a n C o nq u est , B C 3 3 to I 4 6
2 >l<
. . ,
Grecian history had been suspended during the time of Alex

ander s career of conquest A slight disturbance o f the general
’
.
tranquillity had indeed occurred when Alexander pl u nged into ,
the unknown countries beyond the Z ag r o s range by the move ,
m ent against Antipater which the Spartan king Agis orig , , ,
i nat e d in B C 33 0 B ut the distur b ance w as soon quelled

. . . .
Agis was defeated and slain ; and from this tim e the whole o f
Greece remained perfectly tranquil until the news cam e o f A l
e x an de r s premature demise during the sum mer o f B C
’
2
3 3 . . .
Then i n deed hope rose high ; and a great e ffort w as made t o

, ,
burst the chains which bound Greece t o the footstool o f the

M acedonia n kings Athens under D emosthenes and Hyper
, ,
ides taking as was natural the lead in the struggle for free
, , ,
dom A large confederacy was form ed ; a nd the Lam ian War

.
w as entered upon in the confident expect a tion that th e e ffect

would be the liberation of Greece from the yoke of her o p
pressor B ut th e result disappointed these hopes After a
. .
bright gleam o f success the confederate Greeks were com ,
p l e t e l y defeated at C r an n on B C 3 2 2 and the yoke of Mace , . .

,
donia was riveted upon them m ore firmly than ever .
The position of Antipater a s suprem e ruler o f M acedoni a , ,
was far from being safe and assured The female m embers of .
the Macedonian royal family— O lympias th e widow of Philip ; ,
Cleopatra her daughter ; C ynan é daughter o f Philip by an

, ,
Illyrian m other ; and E u rydic é daughter Of C ynané by her ,
S our ces s o u rc e s for t h i s h i s t or y ar e n e arl y t h e s ame as t h o s e

. Th e
w hich h ave b e e n ci t e d fo r t h e c ont e m p o r ar y his t o r y o f S y ri a an d Eg y p t .
T h e chi e f an ci e nt au t h o ri t i e s ar e D i o do ru s S ic u l u s ( b o o ks x i x xxx ii .
-
.
,
t h e firs t t w o o f w hich on l y ar e c o m pl e t e ) P o l y bi u s J u st in Pl utarch , , ,
V i tae D e m e t r u P y r rh i E m il ii Pau ll i A g i di s C l e o m e ni s Arati Phil

, , , , , ,
O p oe m o n i s e t an d Li vy ( b o o ks xxv i x l v an d Epi t om e s o f .
-
.
,
b ooks xl vi T o t h e s e may b e a dd e d fo r th e M ac e d on i an chr on o l

.
,
”
og y ,
E u s e bi u s C h r o nic o r u m C an o nu m lib e r pr i or and ,
fo r o cc asi onal f ac t s i n t h e his t o r y P au s an i as , .

husba n d A myntas ( himself a first cousin o f Alexa n der) — were ,
o n e and all p ersons of ability and ambition who saw with

, ,
extreme dissatisfactio n the aggrandizement of the generals o f

Alexander and the low condition into which the royal power
had fallen shared between an infant and an imbecile D issat is
, .
fi e d moreover with their own positions and prospects they

, , ,
comm enced intrigues for the purpose of improving them .
O lympias first o ffered th e hand of Cleopatra to L e on nat u s ,
who was to have turned against Antipater if he had been suc ,
c e ssi nl in his Grecian expedition When the death of Leon .
n atus frustrated this schem e O lympias cast her eyes farther ,
abroad and fixed on P e rdic cas as the chief to whom she would
,
betroth her daughter M eanwhile C yn an é boldly crossed over

.
,
to Asia with Eurydic e and o ff ered her in marriage to Philip ,
A rr hi dae u s the nominal king T o gratify O lympias who hated

, .
,
these members of the royal house P e r di c c as put C yn an é to ,
death ; a nd he would prob a bl y have likewise removed Eu

r y di c é had n ot the soldiers exasperated at the m other s mur
’
, ,
der compelled him t o a llow the marriage of th e daughter with

,
Philip M e an while he consented to O l ymp ias s s chem es pre

.
,
’
,
pared to repudiate his wife Nic aea th e daughter of A n tipater , , ,
and hoped with the aid of his frie n d Eum enes t o make himself , ,
master of the whole of Alex an der s empire ( See Second ’

.
Period ) .
The design s of P e rdicc as an d his i n trigues with O lympias , ,
having bee n discovered by Antigonus and th e life o f that chief ,
being in danger fro m P e r di c c as in consequence h e fled to ,
Europ e in the course o f B C 3 2 2 and inform ed Antipater and . .

,
C rat e ru s o f their peril Fully appreciating the i mportance of

.
the intelligence those leaders at once co n cluded a league with

,
Ptolemy and in the spring o f B C 3 2 1 invaded Asia for th e

, . .
purpose o f att a cking their rival H ere they found Eumenes .
prepared to resist the m a nd so great was the ability o f that

general that though P e r di c c as had led the greater portion of
, ,
his forces against Egypt he maintain ed the war successfully , ,
defeating and killing C r at e r u s and holding Antipater in check ,

.
B ut the m urder of P e r di c c as by his troops and their fr a ter n i ,

~
z at i on with their Oppo n e n ts changed the whole face o f a ffairs ,

.
Antipater fou n d himself without an e ffort master o f th e situ a, ,

212 RAW L I N S O N
tion Procl a i med sole rege n t b y the soldiers h e took the c u s

.
,
tod y of the royal p ersons r e distributed the satrapies ( see ,

-
Second Period ) and returning into Macedo n ia held for about

, , ,
t w o years the first position in the empire H e w as now h ow .

,
ever an old man and his late campaigns had probably shaken
, ,
him at any rate soon after his return to Europe he died B C

, , , . .
3 1 8 leaving
,
the regency to h i s brother offi cer the aged Polys ,
p e r c h o n .
The disappointment of Cassander the e l de r o f the two sur ,

~
v i v i n g sons o f Antipater produced the second great war be ,
tween the generals o f Alexander Cassander having begun .

,
to intrigue against P olysp e rch on was driven from Macedonia ,
b y the regent and flyi ng to Antigonus induced him to e m

, , ,
b race his cause The league followed between Antigonus

.
,
Ptolemy an d Cassander on the on e h and and P ol ysp e r ch on

, ,
and Eum enes on the other ( see Second Period ) Antigonus ,
undertaking to contend with Eumenes in Asia while Cassa n ,
der a fforded employment t o P olysp e r ch on in Europ e .
I n the war which ensued betwee n Cassander and Polys ~
p e rc h o n the former,proved eventually superior P o l s

y p e r .
chon had on his side the influence o f O lympias which was ,
great ; a nd h is proclamation of freedom to the Greeks was

a j udicious step from which he derived considerable adv an
,
tage B ut neither a s a soldier n or as a statesman was he Cas

.
sander s equal H e lost Ath ens by an imprudent delay and

’
.
,
failed against M egalopolis through want o f military ability .
His policy i n a llowing O lympi a s t o gratify her hatreds with

ou t let or hindrance was ruinous t o his cause by thoroughl y ,
alienating the Macedonians C a ss an der s triu mph in B C 3 1 6 .

’
. .
reduced him t o a secondary position transferring the supreme ,
a uthorit y in M acedonia to his rival .
Th e reign of Cassander over Macedonia wh ich now c o m ,
me n c e d lasted from B C 3 1 6 to 2 96 a period o f twenty years

, . .
,
.
Th e talents of t h is prince are unquestionable but h is m oral ,
conduct fell below that o f even the maj ority of h i s contempo

raries which was su fficiently reprehensible
,
H i s bad faith .
towards O lym pias was followed within a few years by the , ,
murders o f Roxana and the infa n t Alexander by complicit y in ,
the murder o f Hercules the illegiti ma te son of Alex a nder the ,

Great a n d by treachery towards P ol ysp e r c h o n wh o w a s first

, ,
seduced into crim e and then defrauded o f his reward Cas .
sander however was a C lever statesman a good ge n eral and a

, , , ,
brave soldier H is first step o n obtaining possession o f Mace

.
doni a w a s t o marry T h e ssal on i c é the sister of Alexander the ,
Gre a t a n d thus to connect him self with the fam ily o f the c on
,
q u e ro r N ext fearing the ambition o f Antigonus who ai

.
, , ,
ter his victory over Eume n es aspired to rule the whole em ,
pire ( see Second Period ) he entered into the league o f the ,
satraps against that powerful commander and bore h is p art in ,
th e great war which com mencing B C 3 1 5 o n the return o f

, ,
. .
,
A n tigonus from th e East terminated B C 3 01 at the battle o f ,

. .
,
Ipsus In this war Cassander though he displayed unceasing

.
,
activity a n d much ability for intrigue was on the whole u nsuc

, ,
c e ssfu l and h e would probably have lost Greece and M ace

donia to his powerful adversary had n ot the advance of Se l e u ,
c u s from B abylo n and th e defeat o f Antigonus at Ipsus s a ved
him .
C a ss a nder did not live lon g t o e nj oy the tra n quillity which

th e defeat and death o f Antigo n us a t Ipsus brought him He .
died B C 2 98 three years after Ipsus leaving the crow n to the

. .
, ,
eld e st o f h is three so n s by T h e ssal oni c é Philip This prince , .
was c a rried O ff by sickness before he had reigned a y ear ; and the

Macedo n ia n dominions a t his de a th fell t o T h e ssal oni c é his ,
mother w h o m a de a divisio n o f th em between her two su r

,
v iv ing so n s Antipater and Alexander a ssigning t o the l a tter

, ,
Western and to the form er Eastern M acedonia

, .
A n tipater who rega rded him self as wronged in the partitio n

, ,
having wreaked his ve n geance on his m oth er by causing her to

be assassi na ted a pplied for aid t o his wife s father L y sima
,
’
chus ; while Alexander fearing his broth er s designs called i n,

’
th e help of Pyrrhus the Epirote a n d of D em etrius B C 2 97 , . . .
Demetrius after th e defeat o f Ipsus h a d still co n trived to mai n

, ,
tain the p ositio n o f a sovereign Re j ected at first by Athe n s .

,
he had besieged a n d taken th a t city had recovered possessio n ,
o f Attica the M e g ar id and gre a t portio n s o f th e Pelopo nn ese

, , ,
and h a d thus p ossessed h imself o f a considerable p ower A p .
pe a led t o by Alex a nder he professed t o embrace his cause ; but

,
ere lo n g he took a dv a nt a ge o f his p ositio n t o murder the you n g

2 14 RAWL I N S O N
p rince a n d possess him self of his kingdom

, Antipater was .
a bout the sam e tim e put to death by Lysimachus B C 2 94 ,

. . .
The kingdom o f Demetrius comprised not only Macedonia , ,
but Thessaly Attica M egaris and the greater part of the Pelo
, , ,
p o n n e se Had he been content with these territories he might

.
,
have remained q u ietly in the possession of them for the fam ,
i l i e s of Alexander the Great and o f Antipater were extinct ,
and th e connection of Demetrius with Seleucus who had mar ,
ried his daughter ( se e Third Period Part would have ,
rendered his neighbors cautious o f meddling with him B ut .
the ambition o f D emetrius was insatiate and his self c onfi de n ce ,

-
unbounded After establishing his authority in Central

.
Greece and twice taking Thebes he made an unprovoked at ,
tack upon Pyrrhus B C 290 from whom he desired to wrest, . .

,
som e provinces ceded to him by the late king Alexander I n , .
this attempt he completely failed whereupon he formed a n ew ,
proj ect Collecting a vast army h e let it b e understood that

.
,
he claim ed th e entire dominion of his father Antigonus and , ,
was abo u t to proceed to i t s recovery B C 2 88 Seleucus and ,

. . .
Lysimachus whom this proj ect threatened were induced i n

, , ,
consequence to encourage Pyrrhus to carry his arms into

,
M acedonia on the one side while Lysimachus himself invaded ,
it on the other Placed thus between t w o fires and finding at

.
,
the same tim e that his soldiers were not to be depended upo n ,
Demetrius in B C 2 8 7 relinquished the Macedonian throne

,
. .
, ,
and escaped secretly to Demetrias the city which he had built ,
o n the P ag ase an Gulf and had m ade a sort o f cap ital From .
he nce he proceeded on the expedition which cost h im his lib ,
e rt y against Asia
, ( See Third Period Part I )
.
, .
O n the flight of D emetrius Pyrrhus o f Epirus b ec a m e king ,
o f the greater part o f Macedonia ; but a share o f the spoil was
at once claimed by Lysimachus wh o received the tract adj oin ,
ing his own territories A m ere sh a re however did n ot long .

, ,
satisfy the Macedonian C hieftai n Finding that th e rule o f an .
Epirotic prince was dist a steful to the Macedo n ians h e c on ,
t r i v e d after a little while to pick a quarrel with h i s recent ally ,
and having invaded his Macedonian territories forced him to ,
relinquish them and retire to h i s ow n cou n try a fter a reign ,
which l a sted less th an a ye a r .

B y the success o f Lys im achus M acedo n i a becam e a mere ,
a ppendage to a large kingdom which reached from the H al ys ,
to the Pi n dus range its centre being Thrace and its capital
, ,
L y si m ac h e i a in the Chersonese These circum stances might

.
n ot by themselves have alienated the M acedonians though ,
they could scarcely have failed after a tim e to arouse discon

tent ; but when Lysimachus after su ff ering j ealousy and d is
,
sension to c a rry ruin into h is own fam ily proceeded to acts o f ,
tyranny and violence towards h is nobles and other subj ects ,
these last called o n Seleucus N i c ato r t o i n terfere for their pres

e r v at i o n and that m onarch having invaded the territories o f
,
his neighbor defeated h im in the battle o f C or up e dio n where

, ,
Lysim achus fighti n g with his usu a l g a lla n try w a s n ot onl y

, ,
beaten but slain .
B y the victory of C orup e di o n Seleucus N icat o r became ,
master o f the entire kingdo m o f Lysimachus and with the ex , ,
c e p t i o n of Egypt app eared t o have reunited almost the whole

,
o f the dom inions o f Alexander B ut this union was S hort

.
lived Within a few weeks o f h is victory Seleucus was mur

.
,
dered by Ptolemy C e rau nu s the Egyptian refugee who m h e

,
had protected ; and the M acedonians indi fferent by whom they ,
were ruled accepted th e Egyptia n prince without a m urm ur

,
.
The short reign o f Ptolemy C e raun u s ( B C 2 8 1 to 2 79) was . .
stai n ed by crim es a n d m a rked by m any imprudences Re .
ga rding the tw o so n s o f Lysimachus by Arsi n o e his half sister ,

-
,
as possible rivals h e p ersuaded her into a marriage in order t o

, ,
get her ch ildren into his power ; and having prevailed with the ,
credulous princess first murdered her sons before her eyes and
, ,
then banished her to Sam othrace Escaping to Egypt S he .

,
bec a m e the wife of her brother Philadelphus and would prob, ,
ably have induced him to avenge h er wrongs had not th e ,
crim e Of C e raunu s received its j ust punishme n t in an other w a y .
A great invasion o f th e Gauls— one of thos e v a st waves of m i

a t i n which from tim e to tim e sweep over th e world — oc
g r o
curring j ust as C e rau nu s felt himself in secure p ossession o f

h i s kingdom disturbed h i s ease and called for wise an d vigor
, ,
o u s m easures o f resistance C e rau nu s m et th e crisis with suf

.
fi c i e nt coura g e but with a complete absence o f prudent coun

,
se l
. Inste a d o f organizi n g a united resistance t o a com mo n
21 6 RAWL I N S O N
e n emy o r co n ciliating a foe whom he was too we a k to oppose

,
singly h e both exasp erated the Gauls by a contemptuous mes

,
sage and refused the pro ffers o f a ssist an ce which he received

from h is n eighbors O pposing the unaided force of M acedo n .
t o their furious onset he w as completely defeated in a gre a t ,
b a ttle B C 2 79 and falling into the ha n ds o f h is e n emies w as

, . .
, , ,
b a rbarously p ut to death The G a uls the n r a v a ged M ace .
donia far an d wide nor was it till B C 2 77 th a t M a cedo n i a o n c e . .
more obtained a settled governme n t .
O n the retirem e n t o f the Gauls Antip ater the n eph ew of , ,
C a ssander cam e forward for th e second time and was accepted

, ,
as king by a portio n at any rate o f the M a cedo n i an s B ut a , ,

.
n ew p retender soo n appeared up on the scene Antigonus .
G o nat as the so n o f D em etrius P o li o r c e t e s wh o had main

, ,
t ai ne d him self since that m onarch s captivity as an independent

’
prince i n Central or Souther n H ellas claim ed the throne once ,
filled by his father and having taken i n to his service a body o f

Gallic m ercenaries defeated A n tipater and made himself m
, ,
, as
ter of Macedo n ia H i s pretensions bei n g disputed by A n ti

.
o c h u s Soter the so n o f Seleucus w h o had succeeded to th e

, ,
thro n e o f Syria he engaged in w a r with that prince crossing

, ,
into Asia and uniting his forces with those of N i c om e de s the ,
B ithynian king whom Antiochus was endeavoring to conquer

, .
To this combination Antiochus was forced to yield ; r e l i q u i sh

ing his C laims he gave his sister Phila in m arriage to A n tigo
, , ,
n u s and recognized h im as king o f Macedo n ia

, Antigo n us .
upon this fully established his p ower repulsi n g a fresh attack ,
o f the Gauls a n d recovering C assand r e i a fro m the cruel t y r a nt

, ,
Apollodorus .
B ut he was n ot lo n g left in repose I n B C 2 74 Pyrrhus . . .

,
finally quitted Italy having failed in all h is schem es but having , ,
made himself a great reputation L an ding in Epirus with a .
s canty force h e found th e condition o f Macedoni a and of

,
Greece favorable to his ambitio n A n tigonus had no hold o n .
the a ffections of his subj ects whose recollections o f his father , ,
D em etrius were unpleasin g The Greek C ities were som e of

, .
,
them under tyrants others occupied a gainst their will by

, ,
M acedonian garriso n s Above a ll Greece an d M a cedo n i a .

,
were full of military adve n turers r e a d y to flock to a ny st an d ,

a rd wh ich off ered th em a fair prospect of plunder Pyrrhus .

,
therefore havi n g taken a body o f Celts i n to his pay declared

, ,
war against A n tigo n us B C 2 73 an d sudde n ly i n v a ded Mace

, . .
,
donia A n tigo n us gave h im battle but w a s worsted owing to

.
,
the dis a ffectio n o f h is soldiers a n d bei n g twice defeated b e

, , ,
cam e a fugitive and a wa n derer .
The victories o f Pyrrhus an d his son Ptolemy placed the, ,
M a cedo n ian crown upon the brow o f the form er who m ight ,
n o t imp robably have beco m e the fou n der o f a great power if ,
he could have tur n ed his attentio n to consolidatio n instead o f ,
looking out for fresh co n quests B ut th e arts and employ .
m ents o f p eace had n o charm for the Ep irotic knight —errant .
Hardly was he settled in h is seat when upo n the invitation o f , ,
C l e o nymu s o f Sparta he led an expedition into the P e l op on

,
nese and a ttempted the conquest of that rough and di fficult

,
region Repulsed from Sp arta which he had hoped to sur

.
,
prise h e sought to cover his disapp ointm e n t by the capture of

,
Argos ; but h ere he was still m ore unsuccessful Antigonus .

,
now once more at the he ad o f an a rmy watched the city pre , ,
pared to dispute its occupation while the lately threaten e d ,
Spartans hung upon the invader s rear In a desp erate at ’

.
tempt to seize th e place by night the adventurous Epirote was ,
first wounded by a soldier and then slain by the blow o f a tile ,
thrown from a house to p by an Argive wom an B C 2 7 1 .

-
,
. .
O n the death o f Pyrrhus th e M acedo n ian throne was r e c ov

ered by Antigonus who comm enced h i s s econd reign by e s
,
t ab l i shi n g his influence over m ost o f th e Peloponnese after ,
which he w as engaged in a long war with the Athenia n s ( B C . .
2 6 8 to who were supported by Sparta and by Egypt .
These allies rendered however but little help ; and Athens

, ,
m ust have soon succumbed had n o t Antigonus been called ,
away to M acedonia by th e i n vasion of Alexander so n o f Pyr ,
rhus This enterprising prince carried at first all before h i m

.
, , ,
and was even acknowledged as M acedonian king ; but ere

long D em etrius th e so n o f Antigonus having defeated Alex
, , ,
ander near D e r dia r e — established his father s dominion over

,
’
M a cedo n and invading Epirus succeeded i n driving the Epi

, , ,
r ot i c m onarch out o f his paternal kingdom The E p i r ot s soon .
restored h im ; but from th is ti m e he rem a i n ed a t p eace with

218 RAWL I N S O N
Antigonus who w a s a ble once more to devote his undivided

,
attention to the subj ugatio n o f the Greeks I n B C 2 63 he . . .

,
took Athens and rendered himself complete master o f Attica ;

,
and in B C 2 44 nineteen years afterwards he contrived by a

, . .
, ,
treacherous stratagem to obtain possession Of Corinth B ut .
at this point h i s successes ceased A p ower had been quietly .
growing up in a corner o f the Pelop onnese which was to b e

com e a counterpoise to Macedonia and to give to the C losing ,
scenes of Grecian history an interest little inferior to that which

had belonged to its earlier pages The Ach ae an League r e .
,
suscitated from its ashes a b out the tim e o f the invasion o f the
Gauls B C 2 80 had acquired in the space of thirty seven y ears
,
. .
,
-
su fficient strength and consisten cy to venture o n defyi n g the

puissant king of Macedon and braving his extreme disp l e as
ure In B C 2 4 3 Aratus th e general of the League and in a
. . .
, ,
certain sense its founder by a sudden and well planned attack ,

-
surprised and took Corinth ; which imm ediately j oined the

League whereto it owed its freedom This success w as fol
, .
lowed by others M egara T roe z e n and Ep idaurus threw o ff

.
, ,
their allegiance to Antigonus and attached them selves to th e

League in the course Of the sam e year Athens and Argos .
were threatened ; and th e League assum ed a n attitude o f u n

m istakable antagonism to the power and pretensions of Mace
do n .Antigonus grown tim orous in his ol d age m et th e bold
, ,
aggressions o f the League with no overt acts of hostility Con .
tenting him self with inciting the ZE t oli an s to attack the new
p ower he remained wholly on th e defensive neit h er attempt
, ,
ing to recover the lost towns n or to retaliate by any invasio n ,
o f Ach aea .
Antigonus G onatas died B C 2 39 at the age of eighty h av . .

, ,
ing reigned in all thirty seven years He left his crown to his -
.
so n,
D em etrius I I who inherited his ambition without his .
,
talents The first a cts o f D emetrius were to form a close

.
alliance with Epirus n ow under the rule of O lympias Alexan , ,
der s widow ; to accept the hand of her daughter Phthia where

’
by he o ffended his queen St r at oni c é and through her Se l e u , ,
c u s the SVr i an king ; and to break with the ZE t o l i an s wh o were

, ,
seekin g at this time to deprive O lymp ias o f a p ortion of h er

domi n ions The JE t ol ian s alarmed sought the alliance o f the
.
, ,
9
Ach aea n League ; a n d in the war which followed Demetrius ,
was opposed b y both these important powers H e contrived .

,
however to defeat Aratus in Thessaly to reduce B oeotia and

, , ,
t o r e establish Macedonian ascendancy a s far as the I sthmus

-
.
But this was all that he could e ffect N o impression was made .
by his arms o n either o f the great Leagues No aid was given .
to Epirus where the royal fam ily w a s shortl y afterwards ex

,
term inated Dem etrius was p erhap s recalled to M acedonia

.
by the aggressive attitude o f th e Dardanians who certainly at ,
tacked him i n his later years and gave him a severe defeat ,
.
It is thought by some that he perished in the battle B ut this .
i s uncertain .
The most importa n t fact o f this period was th e interference ,
n ow for th e first tim e o f the Romans in th e a ffairs o f Greece

, .
The embassy to the ZE tol i an s w a rning them against i n t e rfe r ,
ence with A c arnan ia belongs probably t o the year B C 2 3 8 ;

, . .
that to the ZE t ol ian s an d Ach aeans announcing th e success of

the Roman arm s against the I llyrians belon gs certainly to B C ,
. .
228 . In the sam e year or the year preceding Corcyra Apol

, , ,
lonia and E p idamn u s bec a me Rom an dependencies

, .
D em etrius left an only son Philip wh o was but eight years , ,
o l d at his decease He was at once acknowledged king ; but

.
owing to his tender age his guardianship was undertaken b y ,
his kinsm an Antigo n us the son o f his father s first cousin D e

, ,
’
”
m e t riu s ,the Handsom e It was consequently this prince .
, ,
w h o directed the policy o f Macedonia during th e period which

im mediately followed on the death o f D emetrius I I — who in .
,
fact ruled Macedonia for n ine years from B C 2 2 9 t o 2 20

, ,
. . .
The events of th is p eriod are of fi rst — rate interest including , ,
as they do the last display o f patriotism and vigor at Sparta

, ,
and the remarkable turn o f a ffairs whereby Macedonia from ,
being th e deadly foe o f the Ach aean League becam e its friend , ,
ally and protector

,
.
The other wars of Antigonus D o son were comparatively

unimp ortant H e repulsed an attack o f the Dardanians who
.
,
had defeat ed his predecessor suppressed an insurrection i n ,
Thessaly and made an expedition by sea against South west

,
-
ern Asia M inor which is said to have resulted in th e conquest

,
o f Caria It w a s impossible however that he should long hold

.
, ,
2 20 RAWL I N S O N
this distant dep e n dency which shortly reverted t o Egypt the , ,
chief maritim e power of this period Soon after his return .
from Greece Antigonus died o f disease having held the sov e r

, ,
e i g nt y for the space o f nine years He was succeeded by the .
rightful heir to the throne Philip the son of Demetrius I I , , .

,
in whose name he had carried on the government .
Philip who was still no more tha n seventeen ye a rs ol d w a s

, ,
left by his ki n sman to the care of tutors and g uardians H e .
seemed to ascend the throne at a favorable moment when ,
Macedonia at very little exp enditure o f either men o r money

, ,
had recovered Greece had repulsed her Illyrian adversaries , ,
and was released by the death o f Ptolemy Euergetes from

, ,
her m ost form idable enem y among the successors o f Alexan

der B ut all these advantages were neutralized by the rash
.
conduct of the king himself who first allied himself with Han ,
nibal against Rome and then with Antioch u s against Egypt

,
.
N O doubt Philip saw more clearly than most of his contempo

,
raries the dangerously aggressive character of the Roma n

,
power ; n or c an we blam e him for seeking to form c oalitio n s

against the conquerin g republic B ut before venturing to .
,
make Rome his enem y he should have consolidated h i s p ower ,
at hom e ; and when he made the venture he should have

, ,
been content with n o half m easures b u t should have thrown ,
himself heart and soul into the quarrel

, , .
The first war in which the young prince engaged was on e

that had broken out b etween the Ach aeans and ZE t ol ians The .
ZE t olian s who now for the first time show themselves a really
,
fi r st —rate Greek power had bee n gradually growing in impor

,
tance from the tim e when they provoked the special anger of
,
Antipater in the Lamian War and were threatened with trans ,
plantation into Asia Som ewhat earlier than this they had
.
organized themselves i n to a Federal Republic and had thus set ,
the example which th e Ach aeans followed half a century after

wards Some account o f their institutions and o f the extent
.
,
o f their power is requisite for the proper understandi n g both

,
o f their stren gt h and o f their weakness .
The war o f th e ZE t O l ian s and Ach aeans w a s provoked by

the former who thought they saw in the accession of so youn g
,
a prince a s Philip to the thro n e of Macedon a favorabl e oppor

t u nity fo r
advancing their i n terests after their ow n p eculiar
method It commenced with the invasion of M essenia a n d
.
,
would probably have been ruinous to Ach aea had Philip al ,
lowed hims elf to be detained in Macedonia b y apprehensions

o f danger from h i s Illyrian neighbors o r had he shown less ,
vigor and ability in his proceedings after he entered Greece .
Though thwarted by th e treachery of his minister and guard

ian Apelles wh o w as j ealous of the influence of Aratus and
, , ,
but little aided by any o f his Greek a llies he gained a series ,
o f brilliant successes overrunning most o f ZE t o l i a capturing

, ,
T h e r m o n t h e capital detaching from the League P h i g al e ia in

'
, ,
Arcadia and the P h t h ian Th ebes and sh owing himself in all ,
respects a worthy successor o f the O ld Macedonian conquerors .
B ut after four years of this successful warfare he allowed him ,
self to be diverted from what S hould have been his first Obj ect ,
the complete reduction of Greece by the prospect which ,
opened upon him after Hannibal s victory at Lake T h rasi me n e ’

.
At the instance of D emetrius o f Pharos h e concluded a peace

with the ZE t ol ian s on the principle o f mi posse detis and retiring , ,
into Macedonia entered upon those negotiations which i n

,
volved him shortly afterwards in a war with Rom e .
The negotiations opened by Philip with Hannibal B C 2 1 6 , . .

,
interrupted by the capture o f his ambassadors were brought ,
to a successful issue in B C 2 1 5 and in the ensuing year Philip

. .
began h is first war with Rom e by the siege of Apollonia the ,
chief Roman port in Illyricum B y securing this place he ex .

,
p e c t e d to facilitate the invasion o f Italy o n which h e w a s be n t ,
and to prepare the way for that complete expulsio n of the

Romans from the eastern coast o f the gulf which was on e of ,
the obj ects he had most at heart B ut h e soon learned that the .
Romans were an enemy with whom under any circumstan ces ,
whatever it was dangerous to contend D efeated by M Vale

,
. .
rius who surprised his camp at night he was obliged to burn

, ,
his ships and m ake a hasty retreat His schem es of inv a sion .
were rudely overthrown ; and three years later B C 2 1 1 the , ,

. .
,
Romans by concluding a treaty with ZE t olia and her allies

,
( Elis Sparta
,
the I llyrian C hief
,
S c e r di l aidas a n d Attalus king
, , ,
o f Pergam us ) gave the war a new character transferring it

, ,
into Philip s o w n dominions a n d so occupyi n g h im there that

’
,
222 RAWL I N S O N
he w as forced t o implore aid from Carthage inste a d o f bringing

succor to H annibal After many changes o f fortune the Mace
.
,
do mian monarch having by the hands o f h is ally Ph i l op oe m e n

, , ,
defeated the Spartans at M antineia induced the ZE t ol ianS to ,
conclude a separate peace ; after which the Romans anxious ,
to concentrate all their energies on the war with Carthage ,
consented to a treaty on term s not disho n orable to either

party .
Philip had now a breathing space and might have employed

-
,
it to consolidate his p ower in Macedonia and Greece before ,
the storm b rok e upon h im which w as m anifestly impending .
B ut his ambition w as too great and his views were too grand , ,
to allow of h i s engaging in a work SO humble and unexciting

as consolidation The Macedonian m onarch had by this time
.
disappointed all his earlier promise of virtue and mode ration .
He had grown p ro fl i g at e in morals criminal in his acts both , ,
p u blic and private and strangely reckless in his policy Grasp

, .
ing after a vast empire he neglected to secure what he already

,
possessed and while enlarging the bounds he diminish ed the

, , ,
real strength of h is kingdom It becam e now his obj ect t o

.
extend h i s dominion o n the side o f Asia and with this view he ,
first ( about B C 2 05 ) concluded a treaty with Antiochus the

. .
Great for the partition of the territories of Egypt and then ,
( B
. C 2.03) plunged into a war with Attalus and the Rhodians .
His ow n S hare of the Egyptian spoils was to comprise Lysi

mac h e i a and the adj oining parts o f Thrace Samos Ephesus , , ,
Caria and perhaps other p ortions of Asia M inor H e began

,
.
at once to take possession o f these places A war with Attalus .
and Rhodes was almost the necessary result o f such proceed

ings since their existence depended o n the maintenance o f a
,
balance of power in these parts and the instinct of self preser,

-
vation naturally threw them on the Egyptian side Philip .

,
moreover took no steps to disarm their hostility : o n the con

,
t r ar y before war was declared he burnt the arsenal of the

, ,
Rhodians by the hands of an emissary ; and in the war itself ,
o n e of his opening acts was to strengthen P r u si as the enemy ,
o f Attalus by m aking over to him the ZE t ol i an dependency

, ,
Cius The m ain event o f the w a r was the great defeat o f his
.
fleet by the combined squadrons of the t w o powers off Chios ,

AN C I ENT H I ST O R Y 22
3
B C
. . a defeat ill compensated by the subsequent victory of
2 01 ,
Lad e Still Philip was o n the whole successful and acc o m

.
, , ,
p li sh e d the main obj ects which he had in view making himself ,
master of Thasos Samos Chios of Caria and o f m an y places

, , , ,
in I oni a Unassisted by Egypt the allies were too weak to

.
,
protect her territory and Philip obtained the extension o f do

,
minio n which he had desired but at the cost o f provoking the ,
intense hostility of two powerful naval states and the ill — will ,
o f ZE t olia which he had inj ured by his con quest o f Cius

,
.
Th ese proceedings o f Philip in the ZE g e an had moreover , ,
bee n well calc u lated to bring about a rupture o f the peace with
Rome Friendly relations had existed between the Romans
.
and Egypt from the tim e of Ptolemy Philadelphus and even ,
fro m an earlier date Rhodes and Rom e had been on term s

o f intimacy Attalus was an actual ally of Rom e and had
.
,
been included in the late treaty It is therefore no t surprising .
that in B C 2 00 Rom e remonstrated and when Philip rej ected

. .
, ,
every dema n d declared the p eace at an end and renewed the

,
war .
The Second War of Philip with Rom e is th e tur n i n g p oi n t -
in the history of Ancient Europe deciding as it did the ques , , ,
tion whether Macedon and Rome should continue two parall el

forces dividing between them the gen eral direction o f Euro
,
pean a ff airs or whether the p ower o f the form er should be

,
completely swept away and the do m inion of th e latter over the

,
civilized West finally and firmly established It is perhaps .
doubtful what the result would have been if Philip had guided ,
his co n duct b y th e comm onest rules of prudence ; if aware ,
o f the n ature o f the conflict into which he was about t o be
plunged he had conciliated instead of alienating his natural

,
supports and had so been able to meet Rom e at th e head of

,
a general co n federacy of the Helle n es As it was Greece was .

,
at first divided the Rhodians Athenians and A t h aman ian s

, , ,
S iding with Rom e ; ZE t o li a Epirus Ach aea and Sparta bein g , , ,
neutr a l ; and Thessaly B oeotia A carnani a M egalopolis and

, , , ,
Argos supp orting Philip ; while in the latter part of the war ,
after Fl a mi n i n us had proclaimed himself the champion of Gre

c ian freedo m a lmost the entire force of Hellas was thrown o n
,
the side of the Ro man s Ro me h a d a lso the allia n ce of t h e.

2 24 RAWL I N S ON
Illyria n tribe s always hostile t o their Macedonian n ei g hbors

, ,
and o f Att alus king of Pergamus Philip was left a t 1 st with

,
.
o u t a friend o r ally excepting A c ar n ani a which exhibite d th e

, ,
unusual sp ectacle of a grateful nation firmly adhering to its

benefactor in his adversity .
The terms of p eace agreed t o by Philip after th e battle of

Cynosceph al ae were th e following — H e w a s to evacuate all t he
Greek cities which he held whether in Europe or Asia som e , ,
imm ediately the oth ers within a given tim e He was to su r

,
.
render his state galley a n d all his navy except five light ship s
-
.
He was to restore all th e Roman prisoners and deserters ; and

he was to pay to the Romans 1 000 talents 5 00 at once the rest , ,
in ten annual installm ents H e was also to a bstain from all .
aggressive war and to surre n der any C laim t o his revolted

,
province O re st is These terms though hard were as favor

, .
, ,
able as he had a ny right to expect Had the ZE tolian s been .
a llowed to have their way h e would have bee n far more se ,
v e r e l y treated .
The policy of Rom e in proclaim ing freedom t o th e Greeks ,
a nd even withdrawing h er garrisons from the great fortresses

o f D emetrias Chalcis and Corinth — the
, fetters o f Greece
,
— was undou b tedly sound Greek freedom could n ot be main .
t ai n e d excepting under her protection ; a n d by undertaking ,
the protectorate sh e attached the bulk of the Greek people to

,
her cause At the sam e tim e the establishm ent o f universal

.
,
freedom prevented any state from having much p ower ; and

i n th e quarrels that were sure to ensue Rom e would find her
advantage .
War broke out in Greece i n th e very year o f Flamininus s ’
departure B C 1 94 by the intrigues o f th e E t ol ian s who e n

, . .
, ,
c ou r ag e d Nabis to attack the Ach aeans then murdered Nabis , ,
and finally invited Antiochus over from Asia The defeat of .
Antiochus at Thermopyl ae B C 1 9 1 left the ZE t olian s t o bear , . .

,
the brunt of the war which they had provoked and after the ,
battle Of Magnesia B C 1 90 there w as nothing left for them

, . .
,
but complete submission Rom e curtailed their territory and .

,
made them s u bj ect allies but forbore to crush them utterly

-
, ,
si n c e they might still b e useful a gai n st M a cedonia .
The degradatio n of ZE t olia w a s fa vor a ble to the growth an d

AN C I EN T H I STO R Y 22
5
adva n cement o f the A c h ze an League which at one and the ,
same tim e w as patronized by Rome and seemed to patriotic ,
Greeks the only rem a ining rallyi n g— point for a national par t y .
The Le a gue at this tim e was under the guidance o f th e able

a n d honest P hilop oe me n whose e ff orts for its extension were
,
crow n ed with remarkable success After the murder of Nabis .
by the ZE t ol ian s Spart a was induced to j oin th e League B C

, , . .
1 92 ; and a year later the last o f th e Peloponnesian states

, ,
which had remained separate M e ssé n é and Elis c a m e i n Th e , ,

.
League now reached its widest territorial extent comprising ,
all the Peloponnese together with M egara and other places

,
beyond its limits .
After th e conclusion o f his peace with Rome Philip fo r some ,
years remai n ed q uiet B ut having assisted the Romans in their

.
struggle with A n tiochus and the ZE tol ians h e was a llowed to ,
extend his dominions by w a rs not only with Thr a ce but also ,
with the D ol op ians A t h amanian s a n d eve n the Thessali an s

, ,
an d M ag ne sians When however his assistance w as no

.
, ,
longer needed Rom e re q uired him to give up all his c on

,
quests and retire withi n the limit o f M acedonia Prolonged .
n egotiations followed u n til at last ( B C 1 8 3 ) the Senate w as

,
. .
induced to relax i n their demands b y the m ediatio n of D e

m e t riu s Philip s seco n d son long a hostage a t Rom e for
,
’
, ,
whom they professed t o h a ve a war m regard The favor .
openly show n tow a rds this prince by the Roman government

was not p erh a ps intended t o i n j ure him ; but it n aturally had
that result It aroused the suspicio n of his fa ther a nd the je al
.
o u sy of his elder brother Perseus a n d led t o th e series o f ac

, ,
c u sat io n s agai n st the i n noce n t youth which at length i n d uced ,
h i s father t o consent to his death B C 1 8 1 It ma y h a ve been , . . .
remorse for his hasty act which brought Philip himself to the
grave withi n two y e a rs of his so n s decease at the a ge of fifty ’
,
eight .
I t i s said that Philip had inte n ded on discoveri n g th e i n no ,
cence of Demetrius and the guilt of his false a ccuser Perseus

, , ,
to debar the latter from the succession H e brought forward .
into public life a certain Antigonus a nephew of A n tigo n us ,
Doso u and would it is believed h ave m ade him his heir h a d

, , , ,
he not died both pre maturely and suddenly Antigo n us b e .
15
2 26 RAWL I N SO N
i n g absent from the court Pers eus m ounted the throne with
,
o u t oppositio n ; but he too k care t o s ecure himself i n i t s p o s
s essio n by soo n afterwards murdering his riv a l .
It had bee n the aim of Philip ever si n ce the battle of C ynos ,
c e p h al ae and it co n tinued t o be the a im o f Perseus to m ai n tai n

, ,
the peace with Rom e as lon g a s might be feasible but at the ,
sam e tim e t o i n vigorate a n d stren gt he n Macedo n ia in every

possible way a n d so to prepare her for a seco n d struggle
, ,
which it was hoped might term i n ate di ff ere n tly fro m the first .
Philip repopulated his exhausted provi n ces by transplant a tio n s

o f Thracia n s a n d oth ers recruited h is fi n a n ces b y careful work
,
ing of the m ineral treasures in which Macedonia abou n ded ,
raised and disciplined a l a rge military force an d entered into ,
a llia n ces with several Of the Norther n n ations Illyria n Celtic , , ,
a nd perhaps eve n Germ an who m he hoped t o launch against,
Rome whe n th e proper time should a rrive Perseus i n he rit

, .
,
ing this p olicy pursued it d iligently for eight years a llyi n g

, ,
himself by i nt ermarriages with P ru sias o f B ithyni a an d Se l e u

cus o f Syri a winni n g to his cause Cotys the O drysian G e nt iu s
, ,
the Illyrian the S c or disc i the B ast arnae and others Even i n
, , , .
Greece he had a considerabl e party who thought his yoke ,
would be m ore tolerable than th at Of Rome Boe otia actually .
entered into his alliance ; and the oth er states m ostly wavere d
an d might have been w o n h a d proper m easures been taken ,
.
’
B ut a s the da n ger of a rupture drew n ear Perseus s good ,
genius seemed to forsake him He continued to pursue the .
policy of procrastinatio n long after the tim e had arrived for

vigorous an d prompt actio n H e allowed Rome t o crush his .
frie n ds in Greece without reachin g ou t a ha n d to their assist

an ce Above all by a foolish and ill —timed niggardliness he
.
, ,
lost the adv a ntage of almost all the alliances wh ich he had c on
tracted disgusting an d alie n ating his allies one a fter another
, , ,
by the refusal o f his subsidies which they required before set

ting their troops i n m otion He thus derived no benefit from .
his well fi ll e d treasury which simply went to swell the Ro man

-
,
gains at the end o f th e war .
The Romans la n ded in Epirus in the spring of B C 1 7 1 and . .

,
employed themselves for som e months i n detachin g from Per

s eus his a llies a n d in putting dow n his p a rt y in the Greek
,
A N C I EN T H I STO R Y 227
st a tes They dissolved the B oeotian League secured the elec

.
,
tion o f their partisans i n various places and obtained prom ises ,
o f aid fro m Ach aea and Thessaly Perseus allowed himself to .
be e n tr a pped into making a truce during these months and the ,
Roma n s were thus able to complete their preparations at their

leisure At le n gth towards autumn both arm ies took the
.
, ,
fi e l d— Perseus with foot a nd 4 000 horse the Romans ,
with a n equ a l n um ber of horse but with foot not m uch ex ,
c e e din g I n the first battle which was fought in Thes ,
s a ly Perseus was victorious but he m ade no u se o f h is victor y

, ,
except to su e for peace which was denied h im The war th e n

, .
languished for two years ; but in B C 1 68 the comm a n d b e in g . .

,
taken by L ZE miliu s Paullus Perseus w as forced to an engage

.
,
m ent n e a r Pydna ( June which decided the fate of the mon

archy The defeated pri n ce fled to Samothrace carrying with
.
,
him 6000 talents— a su m th e j udicious expenditure o f which

might have turned the sc a le a gai n st the Romans Here h e .
was shortly a fterwards c a ptured by the pr aetor O ctavius a n d , ,
being carried t o Ro me by the victorious consul was led in ,
triumph a n d within a few years killed by ill usage about B C

, , . .
1 66 .
The conquered ki n gdom of Macedo n ia was n ot at once r e

du c e d i n to the form o f a Rom an province but was divided up ,
i n to four disti n ct states each o f them it w ould seem a kind o f

, , ,
federal republic which were expressly forbidden to have any

,
dealings one with an other Amphipolis Thessalonica Pella .

, , ,
a n d P e lag onia were made the c a pitals o f the four states To .
preve n t any outburst o f disco n te n t a t the loss o f political status ,
the burde n s hitherto laid upon the p eople were lightened .
Rom e was co n tent to receive in tribute from the M acedonians

on e — half the am ou n t which they had been in th e habit o f pay
i n g t o their kings .
I n Greece th e im mediate e ff ect of the last Macedonian War

,
was the disappeara n ce o f four ou t o f the five Federal U n ions ,
which had rece n tly divided almost the whole of th e Helle n ic

soil amo n g them Th e allegiance of i E t o l ia had wavered dur
.
i n g the struggle ; and at i ts close the Romans either form a lly

dissolved the League or m ade it simply m u n icip a l
, Acar .
nan ia which went over t o Ro me in the course o f the w a r was

, ,
2 28 RAWL I N S O N
n om in a lly a llowed to continue a confederacy but pr a ctically ,
vanishes from Grecian history from this mom ent Boeotia .
having submitted B C 1 7 1 w as form ally broken up into dis

, . .
,
tin ct C ities Epirus was punished for deserting the Roman

.
side by desolation a n d depopulation the remnant of her people ,
being handed over to the rule o f a tyrant The only p ower .
remaining in Greece which possessed at once some strength

and a rem nant o f independe n ce w as Ach ae a whose fidelity to , ,
Rome during the whole course o f the war made it imp ossible
even for the Rom an Se na te to proceed at once to treat her as
an enemy .
Ach ae a nevertheless was doomed from the m om ent that

, ,
Macedo n ia fell The policy o f Rom e was at this time not

.
guided by a sense o f honor but wholly by a regard for her ow n ,
interests Having crush ed Macedoni a and mastered all

.
Greece except Ach aea sh e required for the completion of her

,
work in this quarter that Ach ae a should either becom e wholly

subm issive to her will or be conquered It was at once to test
, .
the submissiveness of the Ach aean people and to Obtain host ,
ages for their continued good behavior that Rome in B C , , . .
1 6 7 required by her ambassadors the trial o f above a thousand

,
Of the chief Ach aeans on the charge o f having secretly aided

Perseus ; and when the Ach aea n Assembly did not dare to re
,
fuse carried o ff to Italy the whole o f the accused persons All

, .
the m ore m oderate and independent o f the A c h man s were thus

deported and the strong partisans o f Rom e Callicrates and
, ,
his friends were left in sole possession o f the gover n m ent

, .
For seventeen years the accused persons were kept in prison in

Etruscan towns without a hearing Then when their number .
,
had dwindled to three hundred and their unj ust detention had ,
so exasperated them that a rash and reckless policy m ight be
expected from their retur n to power Rom e suddenly released ,
the remnant a n d sent them back to their country .
The natural consequences followed Power fell into the .
hands of D iae u s C r it ol aii s and D am ocrit u s three o f the exiles

, , ,
who were m ost bitterly enraged against Rom e ; and these per
sons played into th e hands o f their hated enemies by exciting
troubles intended t o annoy the Romans but which really gave ,
the m the pretext — which w a s exactl y what th e y wanted— for

9
a n a rmed i n terference The rebellion of A ndriscu s a prete n ded

.
,
son o f Perseus i n Macedonia ( B C 1 4 9 to , caused a brief . .
del a y ; but in B C 1 4 6 four years after the return of the exiles

. .
, ,
war was actually declared M etellus first and the n M u mmi u s .

, ,
defeated the forces o f the League ; C r it olaii s fell in battle ;

D i ae u s slew him self ; Corinth where the remnant o f the Ach ae ,
an army had taken refuge was taken and sacked and the last , ,
faint spark o f Grecian independence was extinguished Ach aea .
w as n ot indeed at once reduced into a province ; and th ough

, , ,
the League was formally dissolved yet after an interval i ts , , ,
n ominal revival w as permitted ; but the substance of liberty had

vanished at the battle o f L e u c o p e t ra and the image o f it which ,
Polybius was allowed to restore was a mere shadow known by ,
both p a rties to be illusory B efore m any years were past .

,
Ach aea received like th e other provinces her proconsul and

, , ,
became an integral part of the great empire against which sh e

had fou n d it vain to a tte mpt to struggle .
P A RT IV .
fi i story o f til e S ma l l e r S ta te s a nd K i ng doms f or med ou t o f th e

Fr ag me nts of A l exa nder
’
s
B esides the three m ain ki n gdom s of Syri a Egypt and M ace , ,
donia which were form ed o u t of the great empire of Alexander

, ,
there arose in the East at this tim e partly ou t of Alexander s ,

’
dominions p a rtly o u t of unconquered portions o f the Persia n

,
territory a number o f independent lesser states m ostly m on

, ,
archies which played an important part in O riental history

,
S our ces B e sid e s mo s t of th e an ci e nt w rit e rs me nt i on e d ab ove as

.
aut h o ri t i e s fo r t h e his t o r y o f t h e S y ri an E g y p t i an and M ac e d on i an , ,
ki n gd om s t h e f o ll ow in g ar e o f val u e T h e fr a gme nt s of M e mnon o f

,
-
H e r ac l e i a P o nt ic a p u blish e d i n t h e , Fr a gme nt a H i st o ri c or u m Gr ae
c o r um of C M iill e r P aris 1 849 ; v ol iii T h e P ar t h i ca of A r ri an
. .
,
. .
,
c onta in e d i n t h e B ibli ot h e c a of Ph ot i u s ( e d B e kk e r B e r oli ni 1 824 . .

,
2 v o ls .
4t o ) T h e gr e at w o rk o f t h e J e w ish his t o ri an Fl J o s e ph u s
. .
,
e nt i tl e d A nt i q u it at u m J u dai c a r u m libri xx
”
( e d K E Rich t e r Lip . . . . .
siae 1 82 5 7 ; 4 vo l s 8v o ) A mmi anu s M arc e lli nu s H is t o r i a R o

-
, . .
,
mana ( e d W a gn e r e t E rfu r dt L ip si ae 1 808 ; 3 v ols 8v o ) A nd

. .
, . .
,
e sp e ci all y fo r t h e J e w ish his t o r y t h e B oo ks of M acc ab e e s “

, .
2
30 RAWL I N S O N
during the decline of the M acedonian and th e rise o f the R o

man power and of which therefore some account m ust be
,
given in a work li k e the present The principal of these were .

,
first in Asia Minor Perga mus B ithynia Paphlagonia Pontus

, , , , ,
and Cappadocia ; secondly i n the region adj oining Greater , ,
and Lesser Armenia ; thirdly in the rem oter East B actria and , ,
Parthia ; and fourthly in the tract between Syria and Egypt

, , ,
Jud aea .
O ur information o n the subj ect o f these kingdoms is very

scanty N o ancient writer gives us any continuous o r se p
.
arate history of any of them It i s only so far as they becom e .
implicated in the a ffairs of th e gre a ter kingdom s that they at

tract the ancient writers attention Their history is thus very ’
.
incomplete and som etim es quite fragmentary M uch h ow

, .
,
ever has been done towards making out a continuous nar

,
r at iv e in some cases by a skilful combination o f scattered

, ,
notices and a j udicious use of the knowledge derived from

,
coins .
K i ng dom of P e rg a mus .
I n Western Asia the most important of th e lesser kingdoms

was that o f Pergamus which arose in the course of the war ,
waged between Seleucus N i cato r and Lysimachus Small and .
insignificant at its origin this kingdom gradually grew into ,
power and importance by the combined military genius and

prudence of its princes who had the S kill to side always with ,
the stro n ger party B y assisting Syria aga i nst the revolted
.
satrap Ach aeus and Rom e against Macedon and Syria the
, ,
kings of Pergamus gradually enlarged their dominion u n til ,
they were at length masters o f fully half Asia M inor At the .
same time they had the good t a ste to encourage art and
,
literature and to render the capital o f their kingdom a sort of

,
rival to Alexandria Th ey adorned Pergamus with n oble

.
b uildings th e remains o f which may be seen at the present day

,
.
They warmly fostered the kindred arts o f painting and sculpt

ure To advance literature they established an extensive
.
,
public library and attracted to their capital a considerable

,
number o f learned m e n A grammatical a n d critical s chool .
grew up at Pergamus only second to the Alexandrian ; and the

Egypti an papyrus was outdone a s a liter a ry m aterial b y the , ,
char ta P e rg ame ua ( parchment ) .
The founder o f the kingdom w as a certain Philet aerus a ,
eunuch whom Lysimachus had made gover n or o f th e pl a ce

,
a nd gu a rdi a n o f his treasures O n the de a th of Ly sim achus .
a t the battle of C o ru p e dio n Philet aerus mai n tai n ed possessio n,
o f the fortress o n h is own accou n t a n d by a j udicious em plo y , ,
m e n t o f the wealth whereof h e had become p ossessed in th e ,
hire of m erce n aries a n d otherwise h e succeeded in establishing ,
his independence and eve n in transmitti n g his pri n cipalit y a nd

,
treasure t o his nephew Eumenes the son of Eu m e n es his , , ,
brother
Eum e n es I the successor of Philet ae rus w a s a ttacked very
.
, , ,
shortly after his succession by A n tiochu s I th e son an d suc , .

,
cessor o f Seleucus but defeated him in a p itch ed b a ttle n ear

,
Sardis a n d obtained a n increase of territor y by his victor y

,
.
He reigned twe n ty tw o y ears a n d died from the e ff ects of over

-
,
dri n king B C 2 4 1 bequeathi n g Pergam us to h is first cousi n

, . .
, ,
Attalus — the son o f his father s brother Att a lus b y A ntioch i s ’
, , ,
the daughter o f A c h mu s .
Att a lus I disti n guished him self e a rl y in his reig n (a bout

.
B C 23 9) by a gre a t victor y over the Gauls wh o h ad bee n n ow

. .
,
for above thirt y years settled i n No rth ern Phrygia ( G al atia) ,
whence they m ade co n tinual plu n d e ring raids upon their neigh
bors O n obtaining this success he fo r th e first time a ssum ed
.
,
”
the titl e o f ki n g having previously like his t w o p r e de c e s
, ,
”
sor s bor n e only that o f dynast
,
Fro m this tim e we h ear .
n othi n g of him for th e space o f about te n y ears whe n we fi n d ,
h im engaged in a war with A n tiochus H i e r ax the brother of ,
Seleucus C allini c u s who was e n deavori n g to make him self

,
ki n g o f Asia Minor H a vin g defe a ted this ambitious prince

.
,
a n d drive n him ou t of Asia Attalus succeeded in vastl y e n ,
l ar g in g his ow n dom i n ions which ab out B C 2 26 i n cluded , ,

. .
,
m ost o f the countries west of th e H aly s a n d north of T a urus .
B ut the Syri a n mo n archs were n ot inclined to subm it t o thi s

loss of territory First Seleucus C e raunu s ( B C
. an d . .
the n Antiochu s the Great by his general Ach aeus ( B C , . .
m ade w a r upo n Attalus a n d by th e year B C 22 1 h is con , . .
q uests were a ll lost an d his do m i n io n s o n ce m ore reduced t o

,
23 2 RAWL I N S O N
the m ere Perga mene principality B ut in B C 2 1 8 the tide . . .
again turned B y the help of Gallic mercenaries Attalus re

.
covered ] Eolis ; an d two years later he made a treaty with A n

t i oc h u s the Great against Ach aeus who had been driven into ,
revolt which led to his receiving back from Antiochus after

, ,
Ach aeus s defeat and death B C 2 1 4 m ost of the territory

’
,
. .
,
wh ereof he had been deprived seven years previously Three .
y ears after th is B C 2 1 1 by j oining the ZE t olian s and Romans

,
. .
,
against Philip he laid the foundation of the latter prosperity o f

,
his kingdom which depended o n its enj oying the favor and
,
patronage of Rom e In vain Philip after peace had been .

,
made B C 2 04 turned up on Attalus invading an d ravaging

, . .
, ,
his territory and endeavoring to sweep h is fleet from the se a

, .
Attalus in alliance with Rhodes proved m ore than a match

, ,
for this antagonist ; and the battle of Chios B C 2 01 avenged ,

. .
,
the desolation o f Pergamus I n the second war between .
Rome and Philip B C 1 99 the Pergam ene monarch though ,

. .
, ,
he was seventy years o f age took again an active part su p , ,
p ortin g the Rom ans with his fleet and giving them very valu ,
able aid B ut the exertion proved too much for his physical
.
strength : h e was seized with illness as he pleaded the cause o f

Rom e in an assembly of the B oe otians B C 1 97 and having ,
. .
, ,
been conveyed to Pergamus died there in the course o f the ,
sam e year He left behind him four sons by h i s wife Apol

.
lonias viz Eum enes Attalus Philet ae rus and Athe n aeus
, .
, , , , .
Eum enes H the eldest o f the sons of Attalus succeeded h im

.
, , .
He was a prudent and warlike prince the inheritor at once of ,
his fath er s talents and his policy I n th e wars which Rom e

’
.
waged with Philip with Antiochus and with Perseus he threw , , ,
his weight o n the Rom an side only on on e occasio n showing ,
som e slight symptom s of wavering when in B C 1 69 he h eld , . .
some separate correspondence with Perseus In return for the .
aid which h e furnished against Antiochus Rome a fter the bat , ,
tle o f Magnesi a m ade over to him the gre a ter part o f the ter
,
r i t o r y whereof sh e had deprived the Syrian kin g N ot only .
were Mysia Lydia Phrygia Lycaonia Pamphyli a and por

, , , , ,
tions o f C a ri a a nd Lycia acknowledged now by the a uthority ,
o f Rom e t o be integral parts o f th e kingdom of Perg a mus but ,
even th e Chersonese with its cap ital L ysimac h e ia a nd the ad , ,

j a ce n t parts o f Thrace were attached to it The Pergame n e , .
mo n archy becam e in this way o n e of the greatest kingdom s o f

the East ; and in the war which followed with P ru sias of B i
t h y n ia B C 1 8 3 it was still further e n larged by the a dditio n
, . .
,
o f the Hellespontine Phr y gi a I n those waged with Ph a r .
n aces o f Pontus B C 1 83 to 1 79 and with the Gauls a bout , . .

, ,
B C 1 68 it was however the obj ect of Eumenes t o maintain

. .
, , , ,
rather th a n to enlarge his boundaries Towards the C lose o f , .
his long reign he seem s to have becom e susp icious of the i n

cre a sing power of th e Romans and to have been inclined to ,
counteract their influence so far as he dared Hence the R 0 , .
mans distrusted him and were disposed to support against h i m ,
his brother Attalus w h o w as m ore thoroughly attached to their ,
interests It was p erhaps fortunate fo r Eum enes that he died

.
whe n he did : otherwise he m ight have had t o contend for th e ,
possession of his kingdom with his o w n brother supported b y ,
all th e power o f Rom e .
Though Eumenes left behind him a son c a lled Att a lus ye t , , ,
as this Attalus w as a m ere b oy the crown w a s a ssum ed by h is ,
uncle Attalus wh o took the surnam e o f Philadelphus Phil a

, , .
delphus reigned twenty —o n e years from B C 1 5 9 t o 1 3 8 I n , . . .
th e earlier p art of his reign he was a ctively e n gaged i n various

wars restoring A ri arath e s t o his kin gdom about B C 1 5 7
, , . .
,
h elping Alexander B ala against D em etrius B C 1 52 assisting ,

. .
,
th e Rom ans to crush A n dr i sc u s the pseudo —Philip B C 1 49 t o , , . .
1 48 ,
a nd above all engaging in a prolonged contest with
, ,
P r u sias I I w h o would undoubtedly have conquered him and

.
,
annexed Pergamus to B ithynia if Attalus had n ot called i n the ,
aid of A riarath e s of Cappadocia an d M ithridates of Pontus ,
a nd also that o f the Romans The threats o f Rom e forced .
P r u si as to abstain and eve n t o compensate Attalus for his ,
losses Attalus nevertheless was glad when B C 1 4 9 an op

.
, , , . .
,
p o r t u n i t y o f
f ered itself o f exch a nging P r u si as for a m ore peace
ful and frie n dly neighbor With this view h e supp orted N ic o .
m edes in his rebellio n a gainst h is fath er and helped to establish ,
him in his kingdom A quiet time followed which Attalus de .

,
voted to the strengthening o f his power by the building of n e w

cities and t o th e encouragem ent of literature and art B e
, .
coming i n fir m a s he a ppro a ched his eightieth y ear he devolved ,

2
34 RAWL I N S O N
th e cares of the governm ent on his mi n ister P h il op oe me n who , ,
becam e the real ruler of the country Finally at the age o f .

,
eighty — two Philadelphus died leaving the crown t o h is

, ,
nephew and ward Attalu s the so n o f Eumenes I I who must

, , .
,
h ave been now about thirty y ears o l d .
Attalus I I I the son o f Eum enes I I o n a scending the thro n e

.
, .
,
took the nam e o f P h il o m e t or i n honor of h is mother Strato , ,
ni c é , the daughter o f A r iarath e s king of Cappadocia He , .
reigned five years only from B C 1 3 8 to 1 3 3 yet i n to this

, . .
short space he crowded m ore crimes and odious actio n s th a n

are ascri b ed to all the other kings o f h is house put togeth er .
He condemned t o death without tri a l all the old counsellors

and friends of his father and uncle and at the s a m e time de ,
stroyed their families He the n caused to be ass a ssinated al

.
most a ll those who held a ny o ffice o f trust in the k ingdom .
Fin a lly he turned against his ow n relations a n d even put to

, ,
death h is mother for whom he had professed a warm a ffectio n

, .
At length rem orse seized him and he abandoned the c a res of ,
s tate devoting him self to painti n g sculpture and ga rdening

, , , ,
o n which last subj ect h e wrote a work H e died o f a fever .

,
brought on it is said b y a su n stroke ; and by a will as stra n ge

, ,
-
,
as his conduct le ft the Rom an People h i s heir

,
.
Rome readily accepted the legacy ; but A r i stonic u s a bas ,
tard so n of Eumenes H boldly disputed the prize with them .

, ,
C laiming the kingdom as his n a tural inheritance H e co m .
p e l l e d the cities to ack n owledge him which had at first refused ,
through fear of the Rom ans ; a n d whe n Licinius Cr a ssus was

sent to take forcible possessio n o f the countr y A ri stonic u s de ,
feated him and took him prisoner B C 1 3 1 I n the year fol

, , . . .
lowing however A r i st on i c u s was himself defeated a nd mad e

, ,
priso n er by P e p e rna ; and the kingdom o f Pergamus bec a m e

shortly a fterw a rds a Roman provi n ce .
K i ng dom of B i t/zy ni a .
Though B ith y nia was conquered b y Cr oesus a n d submitted

readily to Cyrus when he absorbed the Lyd i a n empire into
,
his own dominions yet we find somewhat early in the Persi an

, ,
period that the co u nt r y is governed by n a tive kings who a re

, ,
35
not unfrequently at war with th e s a tr a ps o f Asia Minor The .
first of these semi independent m onarchs is D ydal su s who -

,
must have been c ont e mp o rar v with the earlier part of the
Peloponnesia n War H e w as succeeded by B ot e iras probably.
,
the opponent of P h arnabaz u s ( about B C who left the . .
crown to his son B as B C 3 76 This king the last under , , . . .

,
the Persians held the throne for the long term of fifty years
, ,
and thus saw the comm e n cement o f the new state of things
under the Macedoni ans .
With the dissolution of the Persian empire which Alexan ,
der s conquests brought about B ithynia acquired complete

’
independence B as successfully resisted the attempts which

.
Alexander made by his general C aran tu s ( C ar anu s to re

duce him and at h i s death in B C 3 2 6 he left to his so n
, , . .
, ,
Z ip oe t e s a flourishing and wholly autonomous ki n gdom

, .
Z ip oe t e s the son and successor Of B as successfully mai n

, ,
tai n e d the indepe n dence which he had inherited against the , ,
attacks of Lysim achus and Antiochus Soter while h e thre a t ,
ened the Greek cities in his neighborhood H e r ac l e ia Pontic a , ,
Astacus and Chalcedon He reigned forty eight years from

, .
-
,
B C 3 2 6 to B C 2 78 and left behind him four sons Nico

. . . .
, ,
m edes Z i p oe t e s an d two others

, , .
It would seem that at the d eath of Z ip oe t e s a dispute co n

, ,
cerning th e succession aros e between two of his sons The .
eldest of them N i c om e de s finding himself in danger o f losing

, ,
the kingdom to Z i p oe t e s his younger brother invited th e , ,
Gauls t o cross over from Europ e t o his assistance a n d by their ,
aid defeated h is brother and fully established his authority .
H e repelled by the sam e aid an attack on his independence

m ade by Antiochus I Nothing m ore i s known of N i c o me de s .
,
except that he founded N ic o m e de ia on the Gulf of Astacus ,
and that he m arried two wives D it i z e l é and E t az e ta by the , ,
former of whom h e had a singl e son Z e i l as while by th e latter , ,
he had th ree children P r u si as T ib oet e s and Lysandra to , , , ,
whom for their mother s sake he desired t o leave his kingdom

,
’
, .
Z e i l as who was living as an exile in Armenia havi n g ob

, ,
t ain e d the services o f a band o f Gauls entered B ithy n ia and , ,
establish ed h i s authority by a war in which he frequently de

feated th e partisans of his half brothers Very little i s known -
.
23 5 RAWL I N S O N
of hi s history ; but we may gather from some p a ssages th a t

he carried on successful wars with Paphlagonia and Cappa
docia in both of which countries he founded cities H e reigned
,
.
a b out twenty years and finally perished in an attempt which ,
he made to destroy by treachery a number o f Gallic C hiefs a t

a banquet He w as succeeded by his son P r u sias
.
, .
“ ”
P r u si as I k nown as P r u sias the Lame ascended the
.
, ,
throne pro b ably about B C 2 2 8 and held it at least forty fi v e . .

,
-
years The earlier years o f his reign were uneventful ; but

.
,
from about B C 2 2 0 nearly to h i s death he was engage d i n

. .
,
a series of important wars and brought into contact with some ,
o f the C hief powers o f Asia and Europ e B y his unceasing e n .
e r g y he extended his dominions in several directions and ,
would have raised B ithynia into o n e o f the most important of

the Asiatic kingdoms had he not unfortunately given o ffence ,
to the Romans first b y attacking their ally Eumenes o f Per

, , ,
gamus and secondly by sheltering Hannibal Not content

, , , .
with extorting the consent o f P ru sias to the surrender of the

Carthaginian refugee who was thereby driven to put an end ,
to his own life Rome under the threat o f war compelled the
, , ,
B ithynian monarch to cede t o Eum enes the whole o f t h e Hel

l e sp o nt i n e Phrygia He compensated himself to som e extent
.
by attacking H e rac l e i a Pontica ; but here he received the

”
wound from which he derived his surnam e o f the Lame ,
and shortly after this he died leaving the crown to a son called , ,
like himself P r u sias , .
P r u sias I I the so n and successor o f P r u sias I was the m ost

.
,
.
,
wicked and contemptible o f the B ithynian monarchs Though .
he had married at his own request the sister o f the Macedo

, ,
nian king Perseus yet when that monarch was attacked by the
, , ,
Romans he lent him n o aid only venturing once B C 1 69

, , , . .
,
to intercede for h is brother — i n law by an embassy When vic -

.
tory declared itself on the Rom an side he made the most abj ect ,
submission and thus obtained the assent of Rome to his reten

,
tion of his kingdom Like his father he lived o n bad term s .

,
with Eumenes and when that king died and was succeeded ,
by Attalus I I he ventured t o begin a war B C 1 5 6 which

.
, ,
. .
,
would certainly have been successfu l had the Romans ab ,
stained from interference They however by threats induced .

, ,
37
P r u sias to co n sent to a pe a ce b y which h e relinquished the ,
fruits of his victories and eve n engaged to pay to Attalus the ,
su m o f 5 00 talents M eanwhile he had alienated the a ffections .

,
o f h i s subj ects by his cruelties and impieties while N i c o me de s , ,
his son had conciliated their regard Viewing therefore his

, .
, ,
s o n as a rival P r u s i as first sent him t o Rome and then gave

, ,
orders that he should be assassinated B ut his emissary b e .
t ray e d him and N i c o me de s learni n g his danger with the con , ,
n i v an c e of the Senate quitted Rom e and returned a s a pre ,
tender to his ow n country There being openly supported .

,
by Attalus and known to have the good wishes of the Romans

, ,
h e was received with general favor ; and having besieged his ,
father in N i c ome de ia obtained possessio n of his p erson a nd ,
put him t o death B C 1 49 , . . .
N i c o m e de s I I who now mounted the thro n e followed the

.
, ,
example of the Syrian and Egypti an kin gs in assuming the

” ”
title of E p ip h ane s or I llustrious H e reigned fi fty eight,
.
-
years from B C 1 4 9 to 9 1 and took an active part in the wars

,
. .
,
which at this time d solated Asia Mi n or I t was his Obj ect to e

.
stand well with the Romans an d h ence h e willi n gly s ent a c on ,
tingent to their aid when the y warred with A r ist on ic u s o f Per

gamus B C 1 33 to 1 30 a n d professedly at any rate rendered
, . .
, , ,
obedience to the various commands which they addressed to

him Still h e made several attempts all o f them more or less
.
,
displeasing to Rom e at i n creasing th e power and extent o f h i s ,
kingdom In B C 1 02 h e a ttacked Paphlagonia in co mbi

. . .
nation with Mithridates the Great and took p ossession o f ,
a portion o f it Required by Rome to restore his conquest .
to the legitimate heir he handed it over to on e of his o w n ,
sons whom he pretended to be a Paphlagonian prince and

, ,
made him ta k e the nam e o f Pyl ae menes Shortly afterwards .

,
B C 96 when M ithridates endeavored to annex Cappadocia

. .
, ,
and Laodic e the widow o f the late king fled to him he mar
, , ,
ried her and warmly espousing her cause established her as

, , ,
queen in Cappadocia ; whence however sh e was shortly ex , ,
p e ll e d by M ithridates Finally in B C 93 after the deaths o f .

, . .
,
the tw o sons o f L aodic é he brought forw a rd an impostor who , ,
claim ed to be a lso h er son a nd endeavored to obtain for him ,
th e crow n of C a pp a doci a Here however he overre a ched .

, ,
2
3 8 RAWL I N S O N
himself The imposture was detected ; and Rome n ot o n l y

.
refused to admit the title o f his pr oteg e to the Cappadocian

crown but required him likewis e t o abandon possession of
,
Paphlagonia which was to be restored to independence Soo n

,
.
after this the long reign of N i c o m e de s I I came to a n end

,
. .
H i s age at h i s decease cannot have been much less th a n eighty .
N i c o m e de s I I left behin d him two sons N i co m e de s and

.
,
Socrates who w a s surnamed the Good ( Kpno r é s) N ico

,
-
.
medes who was the elder o f the two succeeded and is k nown a s
, , ,
N i c o me de s 111 He took the titles o f E p ip h an e s and Phil

.
”
O p at or Scarcely was he s eated on the throne when at the
.
,
instigation o f M ithrid ates his brother Socrates accusing h i m , ,
o f illegitimacy claimed the kingdom a n d with the aid Of an

, , ,
army which M ithridates furnished drove N i c ome de s out and , ,
assumed the crown Rom e however in the next year B C 90 .

, , , . .
,
by a simple decree reinstated N i co m e de s who proceeded in , ,
B C 8 9 to retaliate upon M ithridates by plundering incursions

. .
,
into his territories Thus provoked M ithridates in B C 88 .

, , . .
,
collected a vast army defeated N i c om e de s on the A m ne iu s , ,
a n d drove him with his Roman allies ou t o f Asia Th e first .
Mithridatic War followed ; and a t its C lose in B C 84 Nico , . .

,
medes was restored to h i s kingdom for the seco n d tim e a nd had ,
a tranquil reign after this for the space of ten years Dying .
without issue in B C 74 he left by will his kingdom to the

, . .
,
Romans —a legacy which brought about the third a n d gre a test

Mithridatic War .
K i ng dom of P aph l ag onia .
Like B ithy n i a P a phlago n i a became sem i independent under

,
-
the Ach aemenian m onarchs A s early as B C 400 the rulers . . .

,
o f the country are said to have paid very little regard to the
Great King s orders ; and in B C 3 94 we find the m onarch
’
. .
,
Cotys allying himself with A g e si laii s against Persia Thirty

,
.
o r forty years later another king is mentioned as reduced by
the Persian satrap D atam e s O n the dissolution Of th e Persian

, .
empire Paphlagonia was attached to his dominions by Mithri

,
dates of Pontus and it continued for a considerable time to be

,
a portio n of the Pontic k in gdom .

AN C I E NT H I STO R Y 239
The circum st an ces under which an d the time whe n P ap h la , ,
gonia regai n ed it s i n dep endence a re u n know n to us ; but soon , ,
a fter B C 2 00 we find the thro n e once more occupied by native

. .
,
mo n archs w h o a re e n ta n gled in the w ars of the period These

, .
pri n ces h a ve a di fficult y in mai n taining themselves against the

m on a rchs of Po n tus on the on e ha n d and those o f B ith y nia on ,
the oth er ; but the y n evertheless hold the throne till B C 1 02 . .

,
when the last native ki n g Pyl ae me n es I dying without issue

, , .
, ,
M ithridates the Great and N i c o me de s I I conj ointly seize the .
countr y a nd the latter establishes on the throne o n e o f his o w n

,
sons wh o rules for about eight years when Mithridates exp els
, ,
h im an d t a kes p ossession of the whole territory .
K i ng dom of P ontus .
The sa tr a py of C a ppadoci a app ears to have bee n co n ferred

by D a rius H ystasp is a s a n hereditary fi e f on O tanes one of ,
the seve n conspir a tors who was descended from the ancient ,
Arian kings of Capp a docia It continued to form a single prov .
ince of the emp ire and to be governed by satraps descended ,
from O tanes till the ye a r B C 3 63 when A r i ob ar z an e s the

, . .
, ,
s o n o f the M ithrid a tes who was satrap in the tim e o f X eno
phon rebelled an d made hi m self king o f the portion Of Cappa

, ,
~
docia which l a y along the coast a nd which was thence called ,
Pontus by the Greeks Inla n d Cappadocia continued to .
be a province o f Persi a A riobar z an e s reigned twenty six .

-
y ears from B C
,
t o 3 3 7 when he was succeeded by his so n
. .
, ,
M ithridates I ( com mo n ly c a lled M ithridates

. who held the
kingdom at the t i m e o f the M a cedo n ian invasion .
M ithridates I who asce n ded th e throne B C 3 3 7 seem s to

.
,
. .
,
have remained neutral during the contest between Darius

C o do mannu s and Alexander O n the reduction o f Capp adocia .
by P e rdiccas B C 3 2 2 he w as however comp elled to submit

, . .
, , ,
to the M acedonians after which he enj oyed for a tim e th e favor ,
o f Antigonus and helped him in his wars B ut Antigonus .

,
gr owi n g j ealous o f him basely plotted his death ; whereupon ,
he returned t o Pontus and resumed a separate sovereignty ,
about B C 3 1 8 I n B C 3 1 7 h e supported Eumenes against

. . . . .
Antigonus and in B C 3 02 he was about t o j oin th e league . .

240 RAWL I N S O N
of the satraps against the same monarch when Antigonus , ,
suspecting his intention caused him to be assassinated , .
Mithridates I I the so n of Mithridates I succeeded H e .

, .
, .
added considerably to his hereditary dominions by the acq u isi

tion of parts of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia and even vent ,
u r e d to conclude an alliance with the Greeks o f H e r ac l e i a
Pontica B C whom he undertook to defend against

,
. .
Seleucus According to D iodoru s he reigned thirty six years

.
,
-
,
from B C 3 02 to 2 66 H e l eft the crow n to his son Ario

. . .
,
b ar z an e s .
A r i o b ar z I I who app ears to have reigned a b out twenty

an e s .
,
o n e years from B C 2 66 to 2 4 5 did little to distinguish him

,
. .
,
self H e repulsed an attack of Ptolemy ( Euergetes P) by the

.
assistance o f the Gauls but afterwards quarrelled with t h at ,
fickle people whose close neighborhood was very inj urious to

,
his kingdom He also obtained p ossession o f th e town of

.
Amastris upon th e Euxine which was surrendered to him by ,
Eum enes i t s dyn a st O n his death he was succeeded by his

,
.
s o n M ithridates wh o was a minor

, , .
Mithridates I I I the most distinguished o f th e earlier Pontic .

,
monarchs m ade it his obj ect to strengthen and augment his

,
kingdom by alliances with the other monarchs and princes of

Asia rather than by warfare As soon as he had attained to
,
.
manhood he married a sister of Seleucus C al linic u s with whom

, ,
he received the province of Phrygia as a dowry In B C 2 2 2 . . .

,
he gave his daughter Laodic e in marriage to Antiochus the , ,
Great the son o f C all ini c u s and at the same tim e married an
, ,
other daughter called also Laodic e to Ach ae us t h e cousin of

, , ,
Antiochus He did not allow these connections however to

.
, ,
fetter his political action I n the war between Seleucus Cal .
l in i c u s and Antioch u s H i e rax he S ided with the latter and on , ,
o n e occasion he inflicted a most severe defeat upon his brother
i n law who lost

-
, men I n B C 2 20 he turned hi s arms . . .
,
against the Greeks o f Si n Op é but this town which was assisted , ,
by the Rhodians appears to have maintained itself against h i s,
e ff orts It is uncertain how long Mithridates I I I reigned

. .
,
but the conj ecture i s reasonable that h e died about B C 1 90 . . .
He was succeeded o n the throne by his son P h ar nac e s who , ,
con q uered Sin Op é a n d made it the royal residence about B C , , . .

1 83 . This king soon afterwards involved himself i n a war with

Eumenes of Pergamus o f whose greatly augmented p ower ,
he had naturally become j ealous Rome endeavored to hinder .
hostilities from breaking o u t but in B C 1 8 1 P h arn ace s took , . .
the field overran Paphlagonia expelling the king M orz e s or

, , ,
M o r z i as and p oured his troops into Cappadocia and Galatia

,
.
At first he met with considerable success ; but after a while

,
the tide turned and in B C 1 79 he was glad to make peace o n

, . .
condition of giving up all h i s con quests except the town Of

Si n Op é After this we hear nothing more o f him but he seem s
.
to have lived some considerable tim e longer probably till ,
about B C 1 60 . . .
P h arna ce s I was succeeded by his son Mithridates who

.
, ,
took the n am e of Euergetes and reigned a b out forty years , ,
from near B C 1 60 to 1 2 0 H e entered into alliance with A t

. . .
talus I I king of Pergamus and lent him important assistance

.
, ,
in his wars with P r u sias I I of B ithynia B C I 54 A few years .

, . . .
later he m a de alliance with Rom e and sent a co n tingent to ,
b ear a part i n the Third Punic War B C 1 50 t o 1 46 H e like ,

. . .
wise assisted Rom e in the war against A r istoni cu s B C 1 3 1 , . .

,
and at it s close received the Greater Phrygia as the reward of

his s ervices H is end was tragical About B C 1 2 0 his own
. . . .
,
imm ediate attendants conspired against him and assassinated ,
him at Sin op e where he h eld h i s court , .
M ithridates the elder of his two sons succeeded and took

, , ,
”
the title of E up at o r for which however m odern historians , , ,
have generally substituted the more high sounding ep ithet o f -
”
the Great H e was un doubtedly the m ost able o f all the
.
Ponti c kings and will bear comparison with any of the Asiatic
,
monarchs since Darius H yst asp i s As cending the throne .
while he was still a minor a n d intrusted to guardians whom h e ,
suspected it was not till about B C 1 1 2 that he could under

, . .
take any important enterprise B ut the interval of about eight .
years was well employed in the training of his ow n mind and

body— the form er by the study of languages whereof h e is ,
said to have spoken twenty fiv e ; the latter by p erpetual hunt -
ing expeditions in the roughest and m ost rem ote regions O n .
reaching th e age of twenty and assuming the co n duct of af ,
fairs he seem s t o have realized at o n ce the da n ger of his p osi

,
16
24 2 RAWL I N S O N
tio n a s ruler of a petty kingdom which must by its positio n , ,
upon her borders be almost immediately attacked by Rom e

, ,
an d could not be expected to make any e ffectual resist an ce .
Already duri n g his minority the gr a sping republic had seized

, ,
h i s provi n ce of Phrygia a n d this w a s felt to be merely a fore

t a ste of the i n dignities a n d i n j uries with which so long as he ,
was weak he would have to put up M ithridates therefore

,
.
determined n ot u n wisely t o seek t o stre n gthe n his ki n gdom

, , ,
and to raise it into a condition in which it might b e a match fo r

Rome With this obj ect in B C 1 1 2 he boldly st a rted forth
.
, . .
,
o n a c a reer o f E a stern co n quest H ere Rom e could not i n ter .
fere with him ; and in the space of about seve n ye a rs he had

a dded to his dom inions the Lesser Armeni a Colchis the e n tire , ,
e a stern coast of the B l a ck Se a the C h e r sone su s T au ri c a or , ,
kingdom o f the B osporus (the moder n Crimea) an d eve n the ,
W hole tr a ct westward from that point to th e Tyras or D n iester , .
Havin g thus enlarged his dominions a n d havi n g further ,
stre n gthe n ed him self by alliances with the wild tribes on the
D a nube Get ae Sar m atae and others whom he hoped one day
, , , ,
t o launch upo n Italy h e returned to Asia M inor an d co m

, ,
m e n ce d a series of i n trigues and i n termarriages calculated to ,
give hi m greater power in this quarter .
Although it must have bee n evide n t both to the Romans a nd ,
to Mithridates that peace between them could not be m a i n

,
t aine d much longer yet neither party w a s as yet prepared for

,
a n a ctu a l rupture The hands of Rome were tied b y the c on

.
dition of It a ly wh ere the Social War impended ; and Mith

,
r i dat e s reg a rded it a s prude n t to temp orize a little longer He .
therefore submitted in B C 92 to the decree o f the Roma n

, . .
,
Se n ate which a ssign ed C a pp a docia t o a n a tive mo n arch Ario

, ,
b ar z an e s an d in B C 90 to another decree which rei n st a ted

, . .
N i c ome de s o n th e thro n e o f B ithy n i a Wh en h owever i n the .

, ,
following year N i c om e de s encour a ged by th e Roma n s pro

, , ,
c e e de d to i n vade the Pontic kingdom a nd th e dem an d which ,
M ithridates made for redress produced no result it seemed to ,
hi m that the tim e was com e when h e must C han ge his policy ,
an d l a ying aside a ll prete n ce o f friendli n ess com me n ce the

, ,
a ctual struggle .
The disasters su ffered by Mithridates in the Roman W a r

encouraged the n a tions which he had subj ected in the East

to revolt The kingdom of the B osporus threw o ff its alle
.
g ianc e the Colchians rebelled and other nations in the sam e

, ,
quarter showed symptoms of disa ffectio n Mithridates pro .
c e e de d to collect a large fleet and army for the reduction o f
the rebels when his enterprise had to be relinquished o n ac

,
cou n t oi a second and wholly unprovoked Roman War M u .
rena the Roman com mander in A sia suddenly attacked him

, , ,
a lm ost without a pretext B C 8 3 and it was not till the close

,
. .
o f the followin g year that peace was r e established -

.
The conclusion o f the Second Roman War allowed Mithri

dates to complete th e reduction of his revolted subj ects which ,
he accomplished without much di fficulty between the years

B C 8 1 and 74
. . He su ffered however during this interval
.
, , ,
some heavy losses in an attempt which he made to subdue the

Ach aeans o f the Caucasus B ut it was not so much in wars
.
as in preparations for war that th e Pontic monarch employed
the breathing space allowed him by the Romans after the fail
-
ure of the attack of Murena Vast e fforts were m ade by him

.
t o collect and discipline a formidable army ; troops were gath

ered from all quarters even from the banks of the D anube ; the
,
Ro man arm s and training were a dopted ; fresh allia n ces were
co n cluded o r attempted ; the fleet was raised to the number of
400 trire m es ; n othing was left undone that c a re o r energy
C ould a cco mplish towards the co n structio n of a power which
might fairly hop e to hold its ow n when the tim e for a final trial
o f strength with Rome should arrive .
The armed truce might have conti n ued som e years longer ,
fo r Mithridates still hoped to i n cre a se his p ower a n d Rome was ,
occupied by the war in Spain against the rebel Sertorius had ,
not the death Of N i c o m e de s I I I king of B ithynia in B C 74 .

, ,
. .
,
brought about a crisis That monarch having no issue fol

.
, ,
lowed the example of Attalus king of Pergamus in leaving his , ,
dominions by will to the Roman people Had Mithridates .
allowed Rom e to take possession the Pontic kingdom would ,
have b een laid op en to attack along the whole of its western

’
border ; Rom e would have been brought within five days
march of Sin op e ; a n d thus the position Of Pontus when war ,
broke ou t would have bee n greatly weakened Mithridates

,
.
244 RAWL I N S O N
therefore resolved to seize B ithynia before Rome could occupy

it B ut this act was equivalent to a declaration of w a r since
.
,
the honor of the great republic C ould no t allow Of her tam ely
submitting to the seizure of what sh e regarded as her o w n
property .
The Third War of M ithridates with Rome which broke ou t ,
in B C 74 was protracted to B C 6 5 and thus lasted nearly

. .
,
. .
,
nine years The scene of the war w as Asia Its result was
. .
scarcely dou b tful from the first for the Asiatic levies of Mith ,
r i dat e s though armed after the Roman fashion and disciplined

,
to a certain extent were no match for the trained veterans of

,
the Roman legions The protraction o f the war was owing

.
,
in the first place to the genius and energy o f the Pontic m on

,
arch wh o created army after army and who gradually learnt

, ,
the wisdom of avoiding pitched battles and wasting the power ,
o f the enemy b y cutting o ff his supplies falling o n his detach ,
ments entangling him in di fficult ground and otherwise har

, ,
assing and annoying him It was further owing to the par .
t ic ip at i on in it of a n ew foe Tigranes who brought t o the aid

, ,
of h is neighbor a n d connection a force exceeding his ow n ,
and ver y considerable resources Rome was barely capable .
o f contending at o n e and the sam e time with two such king
doms as those of Pontus and Arm enia ; and up to the close o f

B C 6 7 though her generals had gained many signal victories
. .
, ,
she had made no great impressio n o n either o f her two adv e r

sari e s The war if conducted without any C hange of plan
.
, ,
might still have continued for another decade of years b efore ,
the power of resistance possessed by the t w o kings would have

been exhausted B ut the genius of Pompey devised a scheme
.
by which an immediat e and decisive result was made attain

able H i s treaty with P h raat e s king of Parthia brought a new
.
, ,
power into the fi e l d— a power fully capable o f turning the bal

ance in favor of the side whereto it attached itself The atti .
tude of Ph r aat e s at the opening of the campaign of B C 66 . .
paralyzed Tigranes ; and the Po n tic monarch deprived of th e ,
succors on which he had hitherto greatly depended though he ,
still resisted and even fought a battle against his n ew an tag o

,
nist was completely and manifestly overmatched D efeated

, .
near the Armenian border by the Ro mans under Pompey a n d ,

forbidden t o seek a refuge in Armenia by his tim id an d sus

i c i o u s brother i n —
law he had n o choice but to yield h i s home
p
-
,
dominions to the victor and to retire to those remote terri ,
tories of which he had become possessed b y conquest Even .
Po m pey shrank from following his beaten foe into these in h o s

p i tab l e regions and with the passage o f M ithridates across the
,
river Phasis h is third war with Rome came to an end

, .
M ithridates in B C 6 5 retreated from D i osc u rias t o Pan

, . .
,
t i c ap ae u m a n d est a blished him self i n the o l d kingdom o f the

,
B osporus Such a principality was however too n arrow for

.
, ,
h i s ambition Having vainly attempted to com e to term s with

.
Po m pey he formed the wild design o f renewing th e struggle

,
with Rom e by attacking her in a new quarter It was his in .
tention to proceed westward round the Europ ea n side o f the

B lack Sea and to throw him self upon the Roman frontier per
, ,
haps even to march upon Italy B ut neither his soldiers nor his .
near relatives were willing to embark in so wild a proj ect Its .
announceme n t caused general disa ff ection which a t last ended ,
in conspiracy His ow n son P h arnac e s headed the malcon

.
, ,
tents ; and the aged m onarch finding n o support in an y quar ,
ter caused himself t o be despatched by o ne o f his guards

, ,
B C 63
. . The bulk of Pontus beca me a Rom an province
.
,
though a portio n co n tinued till the tim e of Nero t o be ruled by

princes belo n ging to the ol d roy a l stock .
K i ng dom of C app a doci a .
After the division of th e Cappadocian satr a py i n to tw o prov

i n ce s a n orthern a n d a southern the latter continued subj ect
, ,
to Persia the governm ent being however hereditary in a

, , ,
bra n ch of the sam e family which had made itself independent

in the norther n province The D at am e s and A r iamn e s o f .
D i odo r u s held this position and are not to be regarded as ,
independent kings It was only whe n the successes o f Alex

.
ander loosed the ba n ds which held the Persian empire together

that the satrap A r i ar at h e s th e so n o f A r i amn e s
( B C.
33 )
1 .
, , ,
assum ed the airs of independence and resisti n g the a ttack of , ,
P e r di ccas was by him defeated made a prisoner a n d crucified

, , , ,
B C
. .
322 .
24 6 RAWL I N S O N
P e r di c c as, having subj ected Cappadocia made over his co n ,
quest to Eumenes who co n ti n ued n ominally at any rate its

, , ,
ruler until his death in B C 3 1 6 Cappadocia then revolted . . .
under A r iarat h e s I I the nephew of A riarat h e s I who de

.
,
.
,
feated and slew the M acedonian general A myn tas expelled , ,
the foreign garrisons and r e established the independence of ,

-
his country N O attempt seems to have been made to dis

.
possess him either by Antigonus o r Seleucus ; and A r i arath e s

left his crown to the eldest o f h i s sons A r iamn e s probably , ,
about B C 2 80 . . .
The next two kings A r iamn e s and his son A r iarat h e s I I I

, , ,
.
,
are little heard o f in history : they appear to have reig n ed

quietly b ut ingloriously A friendly connection between the .
royal houses o f Cappadocia and Syria was established in the

reign o f the former who obtained as a wife for his much
,
loved son Str at o n i c é the daughter o f A n tiochus Theus The

, ,
.
two reigns of A r iamn e s and A ri arath e s I I I appe a r to have .
covered a space of a b out sixty years from B C 2 80 to 2 2 0 , . . .
A r i ar at h e s I I I left the crown to a so n bearing the same na me

.
, ,
who was at the ti me o f his father s death an infant ’

.
The reign o f A riar at h e s IV i s rem arkable as being that .
which ended the comparative isolation o f Cappadocia and ,
brought the kingdom into C lose relation with the other mon
archies of Asia M inor and not only with them but also with , ,
the great republic of the West The history of Cappadocia is .
henceforth inextricably intermixed with that of the other king

dom s of Western Asia and has bee n to a great extent antici ,
pated in what has been said of them A riarat h e s I V who was . .

,
the first cousin Of Antiochus the Great married in B C 1 92 his , . .
daughter A nt io c h i s and being thus doubly connected with the

, ,
Seleucid family e n tered into close alliance with the Syrian

,
king assisted him in his war against Rom e and bore his part
, ,
in the great b attle o f Magnesia by which the power of the Syr

ian empire was broken B C 1 90 Having thus incurred the ,
. . .
hostility o f the Romans and at the same tim e becom e sensible ,
of the greatness o f their power A ri arath e s proceeded in B C , , . .
1 88 , to deprecate their wrath and by an alliance with the ,
Roman pr oteg e Eumenes which was cemented by a marriage

’ ’
, , ,
succeeded in appeasing the o ffended republic and obtained

fa vorable terms A riarath e s the n assisted Eume n es i n his war

.
with P h arnac e s o f Pontus B C 1 8 3 to 1 79 after which he w a s , . .

,
engaged in a prolonged quarrel with the Gauls o f Galatia who ,
wished to annex a portion of h i s territory He continued on .
the m ost friendly term s with Rome from the co n clusion o f

p eace in B C 1 88 till his death i n the wi n ter o f B C 1 63 2
. . . .
-
.
His reign lasted fifty— eight years .
A r iar at h e s surnam ed P hi l op at or from the a ffection

which h e bore his father maintained the alliance between Cap ,
p ado c ia and Rom e with great fidelity Solicited by D emetrius .
Soter to enter into alliance with him and to connect his fam
ily with that of the Seleucid ae once more by a marriage he de ,
c l i n e d o u t o f regard for Rome Angered by his refusal D em e .

,
tri ns se t up against him the pretender O r op h e rn e s B C 1 5 8 , ,

. .
,
and for a tim e deprived him o f his kingdom The Roma n s .

,
however with the help o f Attalus I I restored him in the year

,
following After this A r iarat h e s le n t Attalus import a nt aid

.
in h is war with P r u si as o f B ithynia B C 1 5 6 to 1 5 4 and when , . .

,
A r i st on i c u s attempted to resist the Roman occupation o f that

province B C 1 3 3 he j oined the Roma n s in p erson and lost
, . .
, ,
his life in their cause B C 1 3 1 , . . .
A r iarat h e s V seems to have left behind h i m as many as si x

.
sons n one o f whom however had reached maturity L ao

, , , .
di c é therefore the queen mother becam e rege n t ; and b eing

, ,
-
, ,
a n a mbitious and unscrupulous woman sh e contrived to poiso n ,
five ou t o f her six sons before they were of age to reign a n d ,
s o kept the government in her o w n hands O ne the y oungest .

, ,
was preserved like the Jewish king Joash by his near rela
, , ,
t iv e s ; and after the death of Laodic e who fell a victim to the

, ,
popular indignatio n he ascended the thro n e under the n a me

,
of A r iarath e s VI Little is known of this king except that he

.
,
made alliance with M ithridates the Great an d married a siste r ,
o f that m onarch n am ed also Laodic e about B C 1 1 5 B y

, ,
. . .
her he h ad two sons both n amed A r iar ath e s H e was mur

,
.
dered by an emissary of M ithridates B C 96 when his so n s , . .

,
were j ust growing into m en .
O n th e removal o f A r i ar at h e s VI his domi n io n s were seized .
by his brother i n— law Mithridates w h o designed t o a ss ume

-
, ,
the rule o f the m him self ; but Laodic e the widow of th e late ,
24 8 RAWL I N S O N
king having called i n the aid of N ic ome de s I I king of B ith y

,
.
,
nia who m sh e married Mithridates in order to retain his hold

, , ,
o n Cappadocia found it n ecessary to allow the country its o w n

,
m onarch and accordingly set up as king B C 96 o r 95 Ari

, , . .
,
arat h e s VI I elder so n of A r iar at h e s VI and consequently the

.
,
.
,
legitimate monarch This prince however showing himself .

, ,
too independent M ithridates in B C 94 invited him to a con , , . .

,
ference and slew him ; after which he placed on the throne a

s o n of his own aged eight years whose name he changed to, ,
A r i ar at h e s B ut the Cappadocians rose in rebellion against

.
this attempt and raised to the thron e another A ri arat h e s the

, ,
s o n of A r i arat h e s VI and the younger b rother o f A r iarath e s .

,
VI I who endeavored to establish himself b ut w as driven out

.
, ,
by Mithridates and died shortly afterwards B y the death of .
this prince the o l d royal fam ily of Cappadocia becam e extinct ;

and though pretenders to the throne claiming a royal descent , ,
were put forward both by M ithridates and N i c o m e de s yet , ,
as the n ullity o f these claims w as patent Rome permitted the ,
Cappadocians to choose themselves a new sovereign which ,
they did in B C 93 when A r i ob arz ane s w as proclaimed king

. .
, .
A r i o b arz an e s had scarcely ascended the throne when he

was expelled by Tigranes k ing o f Arm enia and forced to fly , ,
to Rome for protection The Romans reinstated him in the .
next year B C 92 ; and he reigned in peace for four years

, . .
,
B C 92 to 8 8 w h e n h e was again ej ected this tim e by M ith

. .
,
‘
r i dat e s who s eized his territories

, and retained possession o f ,
them during the whole o f his first war with the Romans At .
the peace made in B C 84 A r i ob ar z an e s was once m ore r e

, . .
,
stored He now continued undisturbed till B C 67 when

. . .
,
Mithridates and Tigranes in combination drove him from his

kingdom for the third time after which in B C 6 6 he received , ,
. .
,
his third restoration at the hands o f Pomp ey About two years .
later he abdicated in favor of h i s son A ri ob ar z an e s ,

.
A r iob ar z an e s I I the friend of Cicero began to reign prob .

, ,
ably i n B C 64 He took the titles of Ensebes (the Pious )

. . .
and P h il orh omae u s ( lover of the Romans ) and appears to ,
have aimed steadily at deserving the latter appellation It was .
di ffic u lt however to ple a se all parties in the civil wars Ario

, ,
.
b ar z ane s sided with Pompe y a ga i n st C msar a n d owed it to the ,

magnanim it y of the latter th a t he was not deprived of his king

do m after Pharsalia but forgiven and allowed an increase of ,
territory In the next civil war he was less fortunate Having

. .
”
ventured t o oppose the Liberators he was seized and put ,
to death by Cassius B C 4 2 after he had reigned between , . .

,
twenty on e and twenty two years

- -
.
After Philippi Antony conferred the crow n o f Cappadocia

,
o n A r iarat h e s I X the son (apparently ) o f the last kin g It w a s

.
, .
not long however before this prince lost his favor and in B C
, , , , . .
3 6 he was put to death by Antony s orders who wanted his

, ,
throne for Archela u s on e o f h is creatures Archela u s the ,

.
,
grandson o f M ithridates s general o f the sam e name ruled ’
Cappadocia from B C 3 6 to A D 1 5 whe n he w as summoned . . . .

,
t o Rome by Tiberius who had been o ff ended b y the circum ,
stance that A r ch e l aii s paid him no attention when he was in

voluntary exile at Rhodes Archel au s in vain endeavored to .
excuse himself : he was retained at Rome by the tyrant and ,
died there either o f a dise a se or p ossibly by his ow n hand

, , ,
about A D 1 7 His kingdom w as the n reduced i n to the for m

. . .
o f a Roma n prov ince .
K i ng dom of th e G r e a te r A r me ni a .
Arm eni a which from the date o f the battle of Ipsus B C

, , , . .
3 01 formed a portio n o f the empire o f the Seleucid ae revolted

, ,
o n the defeat o f Antiochus the Great by the Romans B C 1 90 , . .

,
and becam e split up into two kingdoms Armenia Maj or and ,
Armenia M inor the latter lyin g on the west bank o f the Eu

,
p h r at e s The first king o f Armenia Maj or was A rt axi as w h o

.
,
had been a general o f Antiochus H e built A rt axat a th e cap .

,
ital and reigned probably about twenty fi v e years when h e

,
-
,
was attacked defeated an d made prisoner by Antiochus

, ,
E p ip h an e s a bout B C 1 6 5 who recovered Arm enia to the

, . .
,
Syrian empire H ow long the sub j ection continued is u n ce r

.
tain but about B C 1 00 we find an Armenian king m entioned

. .
,
who seem s to be independent a n d w h o carries on war with th e ,
Parthi a n m onarch M ithridates This king w h o is c a lled by

,
.
,
Justin O rtoadist e s appears to have bee n succeeded B C 96

, ,
. .
,
by the gre a test of the Armenian m o n archs Tigra n es I w h o ,

.
,
250 RAWL I NS O N
took the part alre a dy described in the gre a t w a r betwee n M ith

r idat e s o f Pontus and the Romans .
Tigranes I who was a descend an t o f A rt ax ias raised Ar

.
, ,
m enia from the condition of a p ett y ki n gdom to a powerful

and extensive empire Compelled in h is early years to pur .
chase a peace of the Parthians by a cessio n of territory he s oo n ,
a fterwards about B C 90 t o 8 7 n ot only recovered his prov

,
. .
,
i n c e s but added to his dominions the important countries o f

,
A t r op at é n é and G or dy é n é ( or Upper M esopotamia) ch ast i s

, ,
ing the Parthia n monarch on h i s ow n soil and gaining for h i m ,
self a great reputatio n H e then determined to attack the .
Syrian kingdom which was verging to its fall under Philip , ,
son of G r y p u s Having crossed the Euphrates he easily made

.
,
himself master o f the entire Syria n territory includin g the ,
province of Cilicia and for fourtee n years B C 8 3 to 69 his , . .

,
dominions reached across the whole of Wester n Asia from ,
the borders of Pamphyli a to the shores of the C a spian It was .
during these years that he founded his great capit a l of Tigr a no

certa and gave grievous o ffense to Rom e by his co n duct
,
towards her pr oteg e A ri ob arz an e s o f C a ppadoci a whose terri, ,
tory he ravaged B C 75 carryi n g off m ore than , . .

,
people Soon afterwards he added to the o ffense by receiving

.
and supporting M ithridates a n d thus he drew the Rom an a rms ,
upon himself a nd his kingdom .
The result of the war with Rome was th e loss by Tigranes

of all his conquests H e retained m erely his original kingdom .
o f the Greater Arm enia The fidelity however which he .

, ,
showed towards Pompey led t o the enlargement o f his dom in

ions B C 6 5 by the addition of G or dyé né and the Roma n
, . .
,
alliance was otherwise serviceable to him i n the war which h e

continued to wage with Parthia He appears to h ave died .
about B C 55 eleve n years a fter the co n clusio n of his peace

. .
,
with Rome and o n e year before th e expeditio n o f Crassus

,
.
Tigranes was succeeded by his son A rtav asde s I wh o b e ,

.
,
gan h i s reign by followi n g out the later policy o f his father ,
and endeavoring to keep o n good term s with the Rom ans .
He bore a part in the great expedition of Crassus aga inst the

Parthians B C 5 4 ; and it w a s only whe n O ro de s th e Parth ian
, . .
,
king adv an ced against him a n d he w a s unable to obtai n any

, ,
a ssista n ce fro m Rom e th a t he consented to a Parthian alliance

, ,
and gave h is daughter i n marriage to O rode s s son P ac o rus ’
, .
This led him whe n P ac o ru s invaded Syria B C 5 1 to t a ke up

, ,
. .
,
a n attitude o f hostility to the Romans But at a later date .

, ,
when Anto n y threatened the Parthians B C 3 6 he again e s ,

. .
,
p o u se d the Roma n s ide and took part in that general s ex

’
p e d i t i on into M edia Atropat en e which turned out u n for tu ,
n at e l y A n tony attributed his repulse to A rtav asde s deserting

.
him in his di fficulties and therefore invaded his country in

, ,
B C 3 4 obtained possession o f h i s p erson and carried him into

. .
, ,
captivity Cleopatr a afterwards B C 3 0 put A rt av asde s to

.
, . .
,
death .
O n the captivity o f A rt av asde s the Arm enians conferred th e ,
royal dign ity o n A rtax ias I I h is son At first th e Romans .

, .
,
in conj unctio n with A r tav asde s of Atropat en e drove h i m ou t ; ,
but during the struggle between O ctavius and Antony he re

tur n ed defeated the A t rop at é nian m onarch and took him pris
, ,
~
o n er At the sam e time he gave com mand for a massacre of

.
,
a ll the Roma n s in Arm enia which a ccordingly took place He , .
reigned fro m B C 34 t o 1 9 whe n he w as murdered by his re

. .
,
l ati on s .
The Rom an s now brought forward a candidate for the throne

i n the person o f Tigranes the brother of A rtaxi as I I who was
, .
,
installed in h is kingdo m by Tiberius at the com ma n d of A u

gustus and ruled th e country as Tigranes I I From this time
,
.
Arm enian indep ende n ce was really at an end Th e titular .
monarchs were m ere puppets m aintained in their position by ,
the Rom an emperors o r the Parthian kings wh o alternately ,
exercis ed a p r e p onde r in g influence over the country At .
length Ar m e n i a was made i n to a Rom a n province by Traj a n ,
B C
. . 1 14 .
f A r me ni a M
K i ng dom o
'
nor .
The ki n gdom o f Arm enia M inor w a s fou n ded by Z ariadras ,
a general of Antiochus the Great a bout th e sam e time that ,
A r tax ias founded the kingdom o f Arm enia Maj or i e about , . .

,
B C 1 90
. . It co n ti n ued a separate state governed by the d e
.
,
sc e n dan t s o f the founder till the tim e o f M ithridates o f Pontus

, ,
wh e n it w as an nexed to his do mi n io n s by th a t a mbitious pri n ce .

25 2 RAWL I N S O N
Subsequently it fell almost wholly under the power of the R o

mans and w as generally attached to o ne o r other of the neigh
,
boring kingdoms until the reign O f Vespasian when it was

, ,
converted into a Roman province The names o f th e early .
kings after Z ariadras are unknown Among the later were a .
Cotys contemporary with Caligula A D 4 7 and an A r ist ob u

, , . .
,
l u s contemporary with Nero A D 5 4

,
The latter prince b e , . . .
longed to the family of the Herods .
K i ng dom of B a ctr i a .
The B actrian satrapy was for some tim e after th e death of

Alexander only nominally subj ect to any o f the so called Suc -
”
c e sso r s B ut about B C 3 05 Seleucus N i cator in h is O rien
.
,
. .
,
tal expedition received the submission of the governor ; and

from that date till the reign o f h is grandson Antiochus Theus , ,
B actria continued to be a province o f the Syrian empire Then .

,
however the personal character o f Antioch u s Theus and his

, ,
entan glement in a w a r with Ptolemy Philadelphus which ,
taxed his powers to the utmost encouraged the remot er ,
provinces t o revolt ; and about B C 2 5 5 D io do tu s s atrap o f . .

,
B actria declared himself independent an d beca me the

, ,
founder o f the B actrian kingdom .
Little is known o f D i o dot u s I beyo n d the date of h is acces .
sion and the fact of the conti n uance o f his reign from about
,
B C 2 5 5 to 2 3 7
. . It is possible that about B C 2 4 4 he ( nom
. . .
i nal l y at any rate ) submitted to Ptolemy Euergetes ; and prob

a b le that when Seleucus C alli n ic u s m ade his first attack o n
Parthia D io dot u s lent him assistance and obtained in return
, ,
an acknowledgm ent of his independence He appears to have .
died d u ring the exp edition of C allinic u s which is assigned ,
pro b a b ly to the year B C 2 3 7 At his death he left the crow n

. . .
to a son of the s a m e nam e .
D io dot u s I I wh o succeeded D i o do t u s I about B C 2 3 7

.
,
. . .
,
pursued a policy quite di ff erent from that o f his father I n .
stead of lending aid to C all inic u s h e concluded a treaty with ,
A rsac e s I I ( T i r i dat e s) th e Parthian king and probably assist

.
, ,
ed him in the great b attle b y which Parthian independence was

regarded a s finally established N othing more is k n own of .
53
this king ; n or can it even be determined whether it was h e or

his so n who was rem oved by E u th yde mu s wh en that prince ,
seized the crown about B C 2 2 2 , . . .
E u th y de m u s the third known B actrian king was a Greek

, ,
o f Magnesia in Asia Minor , The circumstances under which .
he seized the crown are un known to us but it appears that h e

had been king for som e consid erable time when Antiochus the
Great having made peace with A r sac e s the third Parthia n
, ,
m onarch turned h i s arms against B actria with the view of r e

,
du c i ng it to subj ection In a battl e fought on the Arius ( Heri

.
Rud ) E u t h y de m u s w as defeated but Antiochus who received

, ,
a wound in the engagement shortly after granted him terms , ,
prom ised to give o ne of his daughters in m arriage to Dem etri

u s E u t h y de m u s s son a nd left him in quiet p ossession of h i s
’
, ,
dom inions B C 2 06 ,
The Indian conquests o f D em etrius
. . .
seem to have com m enced soon afterwards while h i s fath er was ,
still living They were on the south side o f the P aro p ami su s
.
,
in the modern Candahar and Cabul .
D emetrius who is proved by h is coins to have been king of

,
B actria no doubt succeeded his father H e engaged in an i m

, .
portant series of conquests— partly as crown prince partly as ,
king— on the southern side of the P arop am isu s which extend ,
ed probably over th e greater portion of Afghanistan and may ,
even have embraced som e districts o f the Punj ab region The .
city Of Dem etrias in A r ac h osia and that o f E u th yde m e i a o n ,
the H y dasp e s are with reason regarded as traces of these con

,
quests While D em etrius w as thus employed a rebel nam ed

.
,
E u c r at i de s seems to have supplanted him at hom e ; and the

reigns o f these monarchs were for som e tim e parallel D e ,
m e t r iu s ruling o n the south a n d E u c r at i de s On the north side

o f the m ountain
*
.
After th e death Of Dem etrius E u crati de s app ears to have ,
reigned over both kingdom s He w as a m onarch o f c on sid .
c rable vigor and activity an d pushed his conquests deep into ,
th e Pu n j ab region H e lost however a p ortion o f h i s hom e

.
, ,
territory to the Parthian princes O n hi s retur n from an .
*
The d at e s for t h e a cc e ssi on an d d e at h of D e me t riu s ar e e x c e e d
i n g l y d o u b t f u l T h e b e s t au t h o ri t i e s assig n h i m c onj e c t u r all y t h e sp a c e
“
.
, ,
fr o m ab o u t B C 200 t o 1 80. . .
254 RAWL I N S O N
Indian expedition he was waylaid and slai n by h is ow n son ,
whom he had previously associated in the kingdo m His .
reign must have lasted f rom about B C 1 80 to 1 60 . . .
Th e son of E u crat ide s who after h is murder becam e sole

,
m onarch of B actria appears t o have been a certain H e l io cl e s

, ,
”
wh o took the title o f Al i/ca ms the Just and reigned over , ,
B actria probably from about B C 1 60 to 1 50 N othin g is . . .
known in detail of th e circumstances of his reign ; but there is

reason to believe that B actria now rapidly declined in p ower ,
b eing pressed up on by the Scythi a n nomades towards the

north and by th e Parthians on the west and south and c on
, ,
t in u ally losing o n e province after anoth er to the invaders It .
was in vain that thes e unhappy Greeks implored in their isola

tion the aid of their Syrian b rethren against the constant en
c r oach me n t s of the barbarians The expedition of D em etrius .
N i cato r undertaken for their relief B C 1 4 2 terminated in his

, , . .
,
defeat and capture Helleni c culture and C ivilization proved

.
in this quarter no m atch for barbaric force and had o f ne c e s ,
si t y to give way and retre a t After the reign o f H e lio cl e s we

.
,
have no further indication o f Greek rulers to the north of the

P arop ami su s O n the southern side of the m ountain —
. chain
som ewhat more of tenacity was S hown I n Cabul and Canda .
har Greek kingdom s o ffshoots o f the B actrian continued to

, ,
exist down to about B C 8 0 when the last remnant of Hellenic

. .
,
power in th is quarter was swept away by the Y ue C h i and -
other Scythic o r Tart a r races

,
.
K i ng dom o f P ar t/Zi a .
The Parthia n kingdom is said to h ave bee n fou n ded nearl y

at the sam e time with the B actrian during the reig n o f A n ,
t io c h u s Theus in Syria about B C 2 5 5 o r 2 5 6 It origin ated

, . . .
,
however not in th e revolt o f a satrap but i n the uprising o f a

, ,
nation Reinforced by a kindred body o f Turanians from b e

.
yond the Jaxartes the P ar th i of the region lying S outh east of

,
-
the Caspian rose in revolt agai n st their Grecia n masters and

, ,
succeeded in establishing their independence From a small .
beginning they gradually spread their power over the greater

part of Western Asia b eing for a co n sider a ble period lords o f
,
55
all the countries between the Euphr a tes a n d the Sutlej As .
the P a rthi an kingdom though a fragment o f the empire of ,
Alexander was never absorbed i n to that of th e Romans but

, ,
co n tinued to exist side by side with the Rom a n empire during

th e m ost flourishing period O f the latter it is proposed to r e ,
serve the details o i the history for the n ext B ook and to give ,
only this b rief notice o f the gener a l char a cter of the m onarchy
i n the present pl a ce .
K i ng dom of j uda a .
Though th e Jewish kingdom which cam e i n to b eing m id ,
way in the Syrian period originating in the intolerabl e cruel ,
ties and oppressions o f the Syrian kings was geographically ,
Of such small extent as scarcely to claim distinct treatment in a

work which must n eeds om it to notice m any o f the lesser states
and kingdom s yet the undying interest which attaches to the
,
Jewish people and the vast influence which th e nation has ex

,
e r c i se d over the progress o f civilization will j ustify it i s , ,
thought in the present place n ot o n ly on account o f the king

, ,
dom but a sketch of th e general history of the nation from the

,
ti me when as related i n the first B ook it was carried into

, ,
captivity by Nebuchad n ezzar to the p eriod of the r e establish -
m e n t of i n depe n de n ce Th is history n aturally divides itself.
into two periods —1 From the Captivity t o th e fall o f the .
Persia n empire B C 5 86 to 3 2 3 ; a nd 2 From th e fall of the

,
. .
, .
Persia n emp ire to the r e establishm ent of a n independent king -
dom B C 3 2 3 to 1 68 The history o f the kingdom m ay also

, . . .
be most co n venie n tly treated i n two portions —1 The M a c .
cabec period from B C 1 68 to 3 7 ; a nd 2 The p eriod of the

,
. .
, .
Herods B C 3 7 t o A D 44 whe n Jud ae a becam e fi n ally a R o

, . . . .
,
ma n provi n ce Thu s the e n tire history will fall under four

.
heads .
First Perio d —About fifty years a fter the completio n of th e

Captivity by N ebuchadnezzar and nearly s eventy years after ,
its co mme n cem e n t a great change w a s e ff ected in the condi

,
tio n of the Jewish people by Cyru s That monarch having .

,
c a ptured B abylo n i n th e year B C 5 3 8 fou n d among his new . .

,
subj ects a n oppressed race i n whos e religio n h e recogn ized a ,

2
5 6 RAWL I N S O N
co n siderable resemblance to h i s own and in whose fortunes he ,
therefore took a special interest Learning that they had been .
violently removed from their ow n country two generations

previously and finding that numbers of them had a strong de
,
sire to return he gave p ermission that such as wished might

,
go back and re establish themselves in their country Accord

-
.
i n g l y a colony num b ering

,
p ersons besides their ser
, ,
vants se t out from B abylonia and m ade their way to J e r u sa

, ,
lem ; in or near which the greater number o f them settled .
This colony at the head of which w as Zerubbabel a des cend

, ,
ant O i the old line of kings was afterwards strengthened by t w o ,
others one led by Ezra in B C 4 5 8 and the other b y Nehe

, , . .
,
m iah in B C 44 5 B esides these known accessions there was

, . . .
,
probably also for m any years a continual influx o f individuals ,
o r families who were attracted to their own land not only by

, ,
the love of country which has always b een so especially strong ,
in the Jews but also b y m otives of religion Still great n um

, .
bers o f Jews probably half the nation rem ained where th ey

, ,
had so long resided in B abylonia and the adj oining countries ,

.
The exiles who returned under Zerubbabel belonged pre

dominantly if not exclusively to three tribes Judah Levi and
, , , , ,
B enj amin It was their first Obj ect to rebuild th eir famous
.
Temple on its former site and to r e establish th e old Temple ,

-
service B ut in this work they were greatly hindered by their

.
n eighbors A mixed race partly I sraelite partly foreign

.
, ,
including B abylonians Persians Elamites Arabs and others , , , ,
— had repeopled the o l d kingdom of Sam aria and established ,
there a m ongrel worship in part Jehovistic in part idolatrous , ,

.
O n th e first arrival o f the Jewish colony this m ixed race pro ,
posed to j oin the new comers in th e erection of their Temple -

,
and to m ake it a common sanctuary open both to themselves

and the Jews B ut such a course would have been da n gerous
.
to the purity of religion ; and Zerubbabel very prop erly de

c li n e d the o ffer His refusal stirred up a spirit of hostility
.
among the Samaritans which showed itself in prolonged

e fforts to prevent the rebuilding o f the Temple and the city
e fforts which were for a while successful considerably delay ,
i n g though they could not finally defeat the work

, ,
.
The favor of Darius H ystasp is a llowed the Jews to complete

57
their Temple an d to establish themselves firml y i n the cou n try

,
o f their a ncestors despite the ill will o f the surrounding na

,
-
tions and tribes B ut in the reign of his successor X erxes

.
, ,
a terrible danger was incurred That weak prince allowed his .
minister Hama n ( O man e s

, to persuade him that it woul d
be for the adv a ntage of his empire if the Jews who were to be , ,
found in various parts o f his dominions always a disti n ct race , ,
n ot amalgam ating with thos e am ong whom they lived could ,
be qui etly g ot rid of Having obtained the m onarch s conse n t

.
’
,
he p lanned and prep a red a general massacre by which on o n e ,
day the whole race was to be swept from the earth Fortu .
h ately for the doomed nation the inclination O f the fickle king ,
h a d shifted before the day Of execution came the interpositio n ,
o f the wife in favor at the tim e w h o was a Jewess having , ,
a v a iled for the preserv a tio n of her people Instead o f being .
take n unawares by their e n emies and massacred unresistingly , ,
the Jews were everyw here warned o f their da n ger a nd allowed

t o stand on their defense The weight of the gover n m e n t was
.
thrown o n their side ; and the result was that wherever they ,
were a tt a cked the y triumphed a nd improved their future p o

, ,
sit i on by the d estruction o f all their most bitter adversaries .
Though the Jews had thus escaped this great danger and ,
had stren gt he n ed their p osition by the destruction o f so many

o f their enemies yet their continued existence as a s eparate
,
n a tion w as still far fro m secure T w o causes imperilled it I n . .
spite of the refusal t o allow foreig n ers eve n though partially ,
allied in race to take part in the rebuildin g o f the Temple a

, ,
tendency showed it self as ti m e went on towards a fusion

, ,
with the surrounding peoples The practice of interm arriage .
with these p eoples comm enced and had gain ed a great he a d ,
when Ezra brought his colony from B abylon in the s eventh

year of L on g imanu s B C 4 5 8 B y the earnest e ff orts first
, . . .
,
o f Ezr a an d then o f Nehemiah about B C

, 4 3 4 this evil w as , . .
,
checked .
The other p eri l w a s of a di ffere n t kind Jerus a lem though .

,
rebuilt on the old site by the colony of Zerubbabel was without ,
walls or o ther defe n ses an d thus lay ope n t o att a ck on th e

,
p art of an y hostile n eighbor The a uthority of Persia w a s

. .
weak in the m ore re mote provi n ces which not unfreque n tl y ,
I 7
2
58
RAWL I N S O N
revol ted and remained for years in a state bordering on an

,
archy It w as an important gain to the Jews when in the

. ,
twentieth year of Artaxerxes N ehemiah came down from the ,
cou r t with authority to refortify the C ity and e ff ected h i s pur ,
pos e despite the opposition which he encountered B C 44 5 ,

. . .
It was a feature of the Persian system to allow the nations

under their rule a good deal of self government and internal -
independence Jud aea was a portion of the Syrian satrapy and

.
,
had no do u bt to submit to such requisitions as the Syrian satrap

made upon it for m en and m oney B ut so long as these requi .
,
si t i o n s were complied with there w as not much further inter ,
fe r ence with the people or with their m ode of managing their ,
own a ff airs O ccasionally a local governor ( Tirshatha) with

.
,
a ran k and title b elow those of a satrap was appointed by the ,
Crown to superintend Jud aea or Jerusalem ; but these o fficers ,
do not appear to have succeeded each other with regularity ,
and when they were appointed it would s eem that they were
, ,
always natives In default of a regular succession o f such

.
governors the H igh — priests cam e to be regarded as not m erely

,
t h e religious but also the political heads o f th e nation and the ,
general directio n o f a ff airs fell into their hands .
Second Perio d — I n the partitio n s which were made of Alex

ander s dominions at B abylo n an d a t T rip aradi su s the Syrian
’
satrap y which included Palestine w as co n stituted a separate

, ,
gove r nment B u t a very little time elapsed before Ptolemy

.
Lagi annexed the satrapy the southern division O f which con ,
tinned thenceforward except during S hort intervals a p ortion , ,
of the kingdom of Egypt until th e reign o f Ptolemy E p ip h an e s , .
It is uncertain whether Alexander assigne d the Jews any sp e

c ial privileges in the great C ity which he founded in Egypt ; but
t h e r e c an be no doubt that the early Ptolemies highly favored

this class of their s u bj ects attracting them in vast numbers ,
to their capital encouraging their literature and granting them

, ,
many privileges The su b j ection of Jud ae a to Egypt lasted

.
fr om B C 3 2 0 to B C 2 03 and though the country was during

. . . .
this space ravaged more than once by the forces o f contending

armies yet on the whole the tim e must be regarded as one
,
of general peace and prosperity The High — priests continued .
to be at the head of the state and ruled Jud ae a without much ,
oppressive i nterference from the Egypti an s .

Tow a rds the close o f the Ptolemaic period the Jews began ,
t o have serious cause of complaint against their Egyptian rul

ers The fourth Ptolemy ( Phi l opat o r) a weak and debauched
.
,
prince attempted to violate the sanctity o f the J ewish Temple

,
by entering it and when his attempt was frustrated sought to

, , ,
revenge himself by punishing the Alexandrian Jews who had ,
done him no inj ury at all It was the natural result of thes e .
violent proceedings that the Jews in disgust and alarm should , ,
seek a protector elsewhere Accordingly when Ant i ochus th e .

,
Great in the infancy o f Ptolemy E p ip h an e s determ ined to

, ,
attack E g y pt and to annex if possible to his own dom inions

, , ,
the valuable maritim e tract extending from his province of

Upp er Syria to the Sinaitic Desert the J ews voluntarily j oined ,
him ; an d though Ptolemy s general Scopas recovered m ost ’

, ,
Of what had bee n lost yet Antiochus by the victory of P ane as

, , ,
B C 1 98 w a s left in final possession o f the whole region which

. .
, ,
thenceforth though often disputed by Egypt becam e a p os

, ,
session oi the Syrian kings .
Under Antiochus the Great an d for a tim e under h is elder ,
son Seleucus P h il op ator the Jews had no reason to rep ent the
, ,
exchange they had m a de B oth Antiochus and Seleucus for .

,
a while respected the privileges of the nation and abstained

, ,
from any proceedings that could give umbrage to their new

subj ects B ut towards the close o f the reign Of Seleucus an
.
,
important C h a nge of polic y took place The wealth Of the .
Jewish Temple being reported to the Syrian m onarch a n d ,
h i s o w n needs being great he made an attempt to appropri ,
ate the s a cred treasure which was however frustrated either , ,
by miracle o r by the contrivance of the High priest O ni a s

,
-
.
This unwarrantable attempt of Seleu cus was followed by

wors e outrages in the reign o f his brother and succes sor A n ,
t i o c h u s E p ip h an e s N ot o n l y did that m on a rch s ell the o ffice

.
o f H igh priest first t o Jaso n an d then to M e n e laii s but he

-
, ,
endeavored to e ff ect by system atic proceedings the complete

Hellenization o f the Jews whereto a party in th e natio n was ,
alre a dy su fficie n tly inclined Further havi n g b y his ow n .

, ,
iniquitous proceedings i n the m a tter of the high — pri esthood ,
give n occasion t o a C ivil w a r betwee n the rival claima n ts he ,
c hose t o reg a rd th e war a s rebellio n a g a inst his a utho r it y an d ,

2 60 RAWL I N S O N
on his return from h i s seco n d Egypti a n camp a ign B C 1 70 , . .

,
took possessio n of Jerusalem a nd gave it up to massacre and ,
pillage At the same tim e he plundered the Temple o f its

.
s a cred vessels a n d treasures N or was this all Two ye a rs . .
afterwards B C 1 68 b e c a used Jerusalem to be occupied a

,
. .
,
seco n d time by an arm ed force se t up an idol altar i n the ,
Temple an d c a used sacrifice to be o ff ered there t o Jupiter

,
O l y mp i u s The Jews were forbidden a n y lo n ger to observe

.
the Law a nd were to be Helle n ized by main force Hence

, .
the risi n g under the M a cc a bees and the gradual t e — establish ,
ment of i n dependence .
Third Perio d — A t first the patriots who rose up aga inst the
attempt to a n nihil a te the national religio n a nd life were a
scanty ban d maintaining themselves with di fficulty in the
,
mou n t a ins agai n st the forces of the Syrian kings Jer usalem .
,
which was wo n by Judas Macc a b ae us was lost agai n at his ,
death ; an d it was not till about B C 1 5 3 fourteen years after . .

,
the first revolt that the struggle entered on a new phase in

,
consequence of the contentions which then bega n between

di ff erent pretenders t o the Syria n thro n e Whe n war arose b e .
tween Demetrius and Alexa n der B alas the support o f the ,
Jews was felt to be of importance by both parties B oth c on .

,
sequently made overtures t o Jo n athan the third Maccabee

, ,
prince w h o w as shortly recogn ized not only as prince but

, ,
also as High — priest o f the n ation Fro m this tim e as there .

,
were alm ost constant disputes betwee n riv a l cl a im a nts of the

crown in Syri a the Jews were able to m a intain themselves
,
with comparative ease O nce or twice during a pause i n t h e .

,
Syrian co n test they were a tt a cked a nd were forced to make a

,
temporary submission B ut the ge n er a l result w a s that they .
maint a i n ed and indeed continually enlarged their i n de p e n

, ,
dence For s om e tim e they did n ot obj ect to acknowledge the

.
Syrian mo na rch as their suzerain and to p ay him an annual ,
tribute ; but a fter the death of Antiochus VI I ( Side te s) all .
suc h payments seem t o have ceased an d the complete inde ,
p e n de n c e of the cou n try was established Coi n s were struck .
bearing the n am e of the M acc a bee p rince a n d th e title of ,

”
King .Jud ae a w a s i n d e ed fro m this time a s powerful a
monarchy as Syria Joh n H yrc anus conquered S a m a ri a an d .
I dum ae a an d thus l a rgel y extended the Jewish boundaries

, ,
exactl y at the tim e whe n those o f Syria were undergoing rapid

contraction .
The deliverance o f the state from any fu rther fear of sub

j e c t i on by Syria was followed alm ost im mediately by i n ternal
quarrels and disse n sions which led naturall y to the acceptance
,
o f a position o f subordination under a nother power The .
Pharisees a n d Sadducees hithert o m ere religious s ects b e

, ,
cam e transform ed i n to political factions Civil wars broke o ut . .
The members o f th e royal family quarrelled with each other ,
and the diff erent prete n ders to the crown appealed for assist
ance t o foreign natio n s About B C 6 3 the Romans entered
. . .
upon the scene ; and for the last twenty six years of the M ac -
cabe c period— B C 63 to 3 7—while feeble princes of the once

. .
mighty Asmon aean fam ily still nominally h eld the throne the ,
Gre a t Republic was really suprem e in Palestine took tribute , ,
and appointed governors o r sa n ctioned th e rule Of kings at

, ,
her ple a sure It is the change of dynasty and n ot a n y change

.
,
in the intern a l condition of the cou n tr y that c a uses the year ,
B C 3 7 t o be take n as that a t which t o draw th e line between

. .
the clos e of on e p eriod a n d the com m encem ent of another .
Fourth Perio d — During th e fourth p eriod Ro man influence

was n ot only practically as duri n g much o f the third p eriod
, , ,
but professedly predom ina n t over th e country The H erods .

,
who owed their establishme n t i n a uthority wholly to the R 0

mans had no other means of mai n taining themselves than b y
,
preservi n g the favor of their patro n s O bnoxious except to .

,
a small fraction o f the n ation fro m their Idum ae an descent , ,
they were hated still more as t h e m i n io n s of a foreign power ,
a standing proof to th e n ation of its ow n weakness and de

graded co n ditio n O n the other hand there were no doubt
.
,
som e who viewed the rul e of the Herods as in a certain sense , ,
a protection against Rome a som ething interposed between ,
the n ation a n d its purely heathen oppressors saving th e na ,
t io n al life from extinction and o ff ering the best compromise

,
which circumsta n ces p ermitted between an imp ossible entire

independence a n d a t oo probable abso rption into the empire .
Such persons were willing to se e i n Herod the Great a n d a gain ,
in Herod Agrippa the Messiah—the king foredoo med t o sa ve

,
RAWL I N S O N
them from the yoke o f the foreigner a n d to Obt a i n for the m ,
the resp ect if not even the obedience of the surroundi n g

, ,
p eoples .
B ut these feelings and the attachment to the d y nasty which

,
grew out of them must have become weaker as tim e we n t on

,
.
The kingdom Of the H erods gr a dually lost instead of gaining

in p ower Rome continually encroached more and more As
. .
early as A D 8 a portion o f Palestine and the most important

. .
, ,
portion in the eyes of the Jews was formally incorporated into ,
the Roman empire ; and though the caprice of an emp eror

afterwards revoked this proceeding and restored another ,
Herod to the throne of his grandfather yet from th e moment ,
when the first Procurator levied taxes in a Jewish province all

but the willfully blind m ust have seen what was imp ending .
The civil authority o f the last native prince over Jud aea came
to an end in A D 44 ; and the whole o f Palestine except a small
. .
,
district held as a kingdo m by Agrippa I I was from th at tim e .

,
absorbed into the empire being app ended to the Roman prov ,
ince of Syria and ruled wholly by Roman Procurators The .
national life was consequently at the last gasp As far a s .
political forms went it was extinct ; but there remained enough

,
o f vital e n ergy in the seeming corpse for the n atio n once more
to reassert itself and to show by the great War o f I n de p e n

,
dence that it w as not to be finally crushed without a fearful

struggle the issue of which at o n e tim e appeared almost
,
doubtful .
The proximate cause of the g re a t Jewish revolt and of the

War of Independence was the oppression o f the P r o c u ra e
tors and especially o f G e ssiu s Florus B ut even had the R O

, .
,
man governors ruled mildly it is probable that a rebellion ,
wo u ld sooner or later have broken ou t The Roman system .
was unlike those of the foreign powers to which Jud aea had
in former times submitted It was intolerant o f di ff erences .
,
and aimed everywhere not only at absorbing but at assimi , ,
lating the populations The Jews could under no circum .
stances have allowed their nationality to be crushed other

wise than by violence A s it was the tyranny of G e ssi u s .
,
Florus precipitated a struggle which must have come in any

case and made the contest fi e rc e r bloodier and more pro
, , ,
3
tracted tha n it might have been otherwise From the first .
revolt against h is authority to the capture o f the city by Titus

was a period o f n early five years A D 66 to 70 The f a ll of
, . . .
the city was followed by it s destruction partly as a punishm ent

,
fo r the desperatio n o f the resistance b ut more as a precaution

,
t o deprive the Jews now felt to be really form idable of their

, ,
n a tur a l r a ll y ing—
point in any future rebellion .
BO O K V
HISTO RY O F RO ME AND HISTO RY OF

PARTHl A
BO O K V
H I ST O R YO F R O M E FR O M T H E E A R L I EST T I M ES T O
T H E FA L L O F T H E W EST E R N EMP I R E A D 476 AN D , . . ,
PARA LL E L H I ST O R Y O F PART H I A .
PART l — H l STO RY
. O F RO ME .
P RELI M I NAR Y REMARKS O N THE GE O GRAPH Y

O F AN C I ENT I TAL Y .
The It a lia n Pe n insula is the s m allest o f the three tr a cts which

proj ect them selves fro m the European continent southward
into the M editerranea n Its greatest length between the Alp s
.
and C a pe Sp artiv e nt o is 72 0 miles and it s greatest width b e

,
tween the Little St B ern a rd and the hills north of Trieste is

.
3 3 0 miles . The ordinary width however is only 1 00 m iles ;

, ,
and the area is thus even including the littoral islands not
, ,
much m ore than square miles The peninsula was .
bounded on the north a n d n orth west by the Alps on the east

-
,
by the Adriatic o n the south by th e M editerranea n and on

, ,
the west by the Tyrrhe n i an S e a (M ar e Tyr r henum) .
The littoral extent of Italy is i n proportion to its are a very

, ,
considerable chiefly owing t o the length and narrowness o f the

,
peninsula ; for the main coasts are but very slightl y indented .
Towards the west a m oderate number o f shallow gulfs o r ,
r a ther bays give a certain variety to the coast —line while on

,
th e east there is but on e import a nt headland th a t of Gargano ; ,
and but on e bay o f any size that of M anfredonia Southward

,
.
,
however the shore has t w o considerabl e indentations in what

,
would oth erwise be but a short line viz the deep Gulf of ,
.
,
Taranto and th e shallower one o f Squillace A character gen .
e rall y similar attaches t o the coasts of the It a lia n islands Sar " ,
26 7
2 68 RAWL I N S O N
dinia Sicily and Corsica ; and hence though a nautic a l te n

, , ,
de n ey belongs naturally to the Italian p eople the tendency is ,
n ot so disti n ct a n d pro n ou n ced as i n the n eighboring countr y

o f Greece .
The Mountains o f Italy consist of the t w o famous chains of

the Alps and the Apenni n es The Alps which bound Italy .
,
along the whole of its northern and a part o f its wester n side ,
form a lofty barrier n atur a lly isolating the region from the
rest Of Europe Nowhere less along the entire boundar y line
.
-
than 4 000 feet in height and varying from that minimum to a ,
maximum of feet they are penetrable by no more th a n ,
ten or twelve di fficult passes even at the present day Their , .
general direction is from east to west or speaking more strict ,
l y from N E by E to S W by W ; but at a certain point

,
. . . . . .
,
in their cours e the point in which they culmi n ate this di re c

, ,
tion ceases and they su d denly change their cours e and run
,
n early due north and south M ont B la n c stands at the corner .
thus formed like a gigantic buttress at the angle o f a mighty

,
building The length o f the chai n from M ont B lanc south

.
ward to the coast is about 1 50 m iles ; the length eastward ,
S O far as the Alp s are Italian is about 330 miles Thus this , .
huge barrier guards Italy for a distance o f 4 80 miles with a

rampart which in an cient tim e could scarcely b e scaled From .
t h e p oint where the Alps striking southward from M ont Blanc

'
, ,
reach most nearly to the se a a secondary chain is thrown o ff , ,
which runs at first fro m west to east almost parallel with the ,
shore to about the longitude of Cremona ( 1 0 east from Green

,
°
wich nearly ) after which it begi n s t o trend south of e a st and

, , ,
passing i n this direction across about three — fourth s of the

peninsula it again turns still m ore to the south and proceeds
, ,
—
in a course which is as n e a rly a s possible due s outh east par
, , ,
allel to the t w o coasts o f the peninsula a long its entire len gth ,
.
This chain is properly the Apen n ines I n modern geography .
its more wester n portion bears the nam e o f Th e Maritime

Alps but as the chain is really continuous from a point a
little north east of Nice to the neighborhood of Reggio ( Rhe
-
gium ) a single nam e should be given t o it throughout ; and

, ,
for distinction s s a ke that n ame should certainly n ot be Alps

’
,
”
but Ape nn i n es The Ape nn i n es i n Northern It a ly consist
.
of but a single chai n which throws O ff twisted spurs to the ,
right hand and to the left ; but when Central Italy is reached , ,
the character o f the ra n ge becom es more complicated B elow .
Lake Fu c inu s the chain bifurcates While o n e range the .

,
stron ger o f the two pursues the o l d south easterly direction

,
-
,
another Of minor elev a tion branches off t o the south and ap ,
p r oac h in g the south coast very closely i n the v i cinity o f Saler

n um curves round and rej oins the m a in chai n n ear C o mp sa
,
.
Th e range then proceeds in a single line n early to Venusia ,
when it S plits once m ore ; and while on e br an ch ru n s on n earl y

due east to the extrem e promo n tory of Iapygi a the other ,
proceeds alm ost due south to Rhegium .
The most m arked feature of Italian geography is th e stron g

contrast in which Northern stands to Southern It a ly North .
er n Italy is almost all plain ; S outher n alm ost all m ountain .
The conformation o f the m ountain r an ges i n the no rth leaves

between the parallel chains o f the Swiss Alps an d the Upp er
Apennines a vast tract— from 1 00 to 1 50 m iles i n width which ,
( spea k ing broadly ) may be called a singl e plai n the Plain

” ”
o f the P 0 or the Pl a i n of Lombardo Veneti a
, I n Souther n -
.
Italy or the Peninsul a proper plains of more than a few miles

, ,
in extent are rare The Apennines with their m any twisted

.
,
-
spurs spread broadl y over th e land and form a co n tinuous

, ,
m ountain region which occupies at le a st o n e h a lf of the su r

face B ut this is not all Wh ere the C h a in is su ffi ciently n ar
. .
r o w to allow Of the interpositio n between its base and th e ,
shore of any tolerably wide tract— as in Etruria in La tiu m

, , ,
and in C am p an ia se p arat e system s of hills and mountains

fi
volcanic in character exist an d preve n t the occurre n ce of any

, ,
really extensive levels The only exception to this ge n eral rule.
is in Apulia where an extensive tract o f pl a i n is found a b o ut

,
the C an de l aro Cervaro and O fant o rivers

, ,
.
The Rivers Of Italy a re exceedingly n umerous ; but onl y

o n e o r two are of any considerable size The great river is the .
P o ( Padus ) which risin g at the foot of M o n te Viso in lat 44

°
.
, , ,
long .n early drains almost t h e whole of th e gre a t n o rth

,
ern plain receivi ng above a hundred t r ibutaries a nd having

, ,
a course which counti n g onl y ma in windings prob a bl y exceeds

, ,
400 m iles The chief of i ts tribut a ries a re the Duri a ( D o ra

.
2 70 RAWL I N S O N
B alt e a) , the Ticinu s ( Ticino ) the Addua (Adda) the O lliu s , ,
and the M i c i u s ( Mincio ) from the north ; fro m the

( g )
O l i o ,
n ,
south the T anaru s ( Tanaro ) the T r e b ia ( Trebbia) the Tarus

, , ,
( Taro )
,
the S e c i a ( Secchia ) the S c u l t e nn a ( Panaro )
, and the ,
R h e n u s ( Reno ) The n ext most important of the Italia n rivers

.
i s the A t h e si s o r Adige which rising i n the Tyrolean Alps

, , , ,
fl ows southward nearly to Verona ; after which curving round , ,
it runs parallel with the Po into the Adriatic B oth these rivers .
are beyond the limits o f the Peninsula proper Within thos e .
limits the chief streams are the Ar mus Tiber Liris Vul t u rnu s , , , ,
and Si laru s on the wester n side o f the Apennines ; the ZE si s ,
A t e rn u s Ti fe r nu s Fr e nt o C e rb al u s a n d A u fi du s t o the e a st
, , , ,
o f those mountai n s .
Italy possesses a fair n umber of lakes Most of these .
lie toward s the north o n the skirts of the Alps a t the

, ,
point where the mou n t a i n s sink dow n i n to the pl a in The .
chief are the B enacus ( Lago di Garda) betwee n Lombardy ,
and Venetia the S e v in u s ( Lago d Iseo ) the L ar iu s ( Lago di

,
’
Como) the Ceresi n s ( Lago di Lugano) the V e rb anu s ( Lago

, ,
Maggiore ) an d the Lago d O rta which is unnoticed by the

,
’
ancients There is on e important lake the L ac u s F u c inu s in

.
, ,
the Central Apennine region I n Etruria are the Tr a sime n us .
( Lago di Perugia ) the Vol sin ie nsi s ( Lago di B olse n a) and the
, ,
Sab at in u s ( Lago di B racciano) B esides these there are n u .

,
m e r ou s lagoo n s on the sea coast especi a ll y in the n eighbor

-
,
hood o f Venice and several mou n tai n tarns of small size but
, ,
o f great beauty .
The Italian Isla n ds a re from their s ize their fe rtility and

, , ,
their mineral treasures p eculiarly import an t They constitute

,
.
nearly one fourth of the whole area of the country Sicily is

-
.
exceedingly productive both in corn and in wine o f a n excellent

qual ity Sardinia and Corsica a re rich in minerals Even the
. .
litt l e isla n d of Elb a ( Ilva) i s valuable for its iro n Sicily and .
the Lipari isles yield abundance of sulphur .
The only Natural Divisio n of Italy is into Northern and

Southern— the former comprisin g the pl a i n of the Po and the
m ountai n s i n closin g it so far as the y a re It a li a n ; the latter
,
coextensive with the Peninsul a proper It is usu a l h o wever .

, ,
t o divide the peninsul a itself artifici a ll y in to two portio n s by

a line draw n across it from the mouth o f the S ilaru s to that of

the T ife rnu s In this way a triple division o f Italy is produced
.
and th e three parts are then called Northern Central and , ,
Southern It will be convenient to enumerate the countries

.
into which Italy was anciently parcelled o ut under the three

heads furnished by this latter di v ision .
Norther n Italy contained in the most ancient times to which ,
history goes back the three countries Of Lig u ria Upp er

, ,
Etruria and Ve n etia After a while part of Liguria and al

, .
,
most the whole o f Upper Etruria were occupied by Gallic

immigrants ; a n d the boundary lines b eing to some extent
,
-
changed there still remained in this large and important tract

,
three countries o n ly viz Liguria Venetia and Gallia C i sal

, .
, , ,
pina ; the last na m ed havi n g as it were taken the place of

-
, ,
Upp er Etruria .
Liguria was the tract at th e extrem e west of Northern Italy .
B efore the Gallic invasion it probably reached t o the Pennine

a n d Gr a ian Alp s ; but in later ti mes it was regarded as bounded
o n the north by th e Po o n the west by the Alps from M onte ,
Viso (Ve su l u s) southward on the south by the M editerranean , ,
and on the east by the river M a cr a It was a country alm ost .
entirel y m ountainous ; for spurs from the Alps and Apen

n ines occupy the whol e tract between th e mountain — ranges
a nd the river P o as far down as long ,
Liguria derived its .
n am e from i t s inhabitants the Ligures o r L i g y e s a race wh o , ,
once occupied the entire coast from below th e mouth of the

Arno to M assili a Its chief tow n s were Genua ( Genoa) N ic ae
.
,
( Nice ) and Asta ( Asti )

,
.
Venetia was at the opposite side or extrem e east of North , ,
Italy It is di fficult to say what were its original o r natural

.
limits From the earliest tim es o f which we have any k n owl

.
edge the Ve n eti were always encroached upon first by the

, ,
Etruscan s and then by the Gauls until a m ere corner of North ,
Italy still remained in their p ossession This corner l ay b e .
tween Histria o n the o ne side a n d the Lesser M e du ac u s upon ,
the other ; southward it extended to th e Adri a tic Se a n orth ,
ward to the flanks o f th e Alps It was a tract of countr y for th e .
most part exceedingly fl a t well watered by streams flowi n g ,
from the Alps an d fertile The C hief city in a n cie n t ti m es w as

,
.
2 72 RAWL I N S O N
Patavium o n the Lesser M e duac us ; but this place w a s after

,
wards eclipsed by Aquilei a .
The Etruscan state which the G a uls con q uered was a c on , ,
federacy of twelve cities whose territory reached from the ,
Ti c i nu s o n the west t o th e Adriatic and the mouths of the Po

upon the east Am ong its cities were M e lp um M ediolanum
.
,
( Milan ) Mantua Verona H at r ia and Felsi n a o r B ononia

, , , , .
Northward it was bounded by the Alps southward by th e ,
Apennines an d the course of the Utis o r perhaps by that of ,
the Rubicon When the Gauls made their conquests they

.
overstepped thes e boundaries taking from the Ligurians all ,
their territory north of th e Padus and perhaps som e to the ,
south about Placentia and Parma encroaching on the Veneti

, ,
towards the east and southward advancing into Umbria Thus

, .
Gallia Cisalpina had larger limits than had belonged t o N orth

Etruria It was bounded on the n orth and west by the Alps ;
.
o n the south by Liguri a the main C hain o f the Ap enni n es and , ,
the ZE si s river ; o n the east by the Adriatic and Venetia The .
whole tract except in some swampy districts w as richly fertile

While it remained Gallic it w as al m
.
, ,
ost without cities The , .
Gauls lived them selves in ope n unwalled villages and suf

, , ,
fe r e d m ost o f the Etrusca n towns t o fall to decay So m e as .

,
M e lp u m disappeared A few maintained them selves as E t r u s

, .
c an in a state o f s emi independence ; e g

, Ma n tua and Verona
-
. .
, .
In Roman times however th e country was occupied by a , ,
number of most import a nt cities chiefly Roman coloni es ,

.
Amon g these were i n the region s outh of the Po Placentia, , ,
Parma Mutina ( now M odena) B ononia ( now B ologn a) R a

, , ,
venna and A r i mini um ( now Rimini ) ; a nd a cross the river to

,
the north o f it Au gusta Taurinorum ( Turin ) Ti cinum ( Pavia)

, , ,
M ediolanum ( Milan ) B rixia ( B rescia) Cremo na M antua , , , ,
Verona and Vincentia ( now Vice n za)

,
.
Central Italy or the upper port ion of the Pe ninsula proper

, ,
comprised six countries — Etruria Latium and Campania , , ,
towards the west ; Umbria P i ce nu m a n d the Sabine territory , ,
( wh ich had no gen eral nam e) towards the e a st These coun .
tries included the three m ost important in Italy viz L a tium , .

, ,
Etruria and the territo ry o f th e Sabines

,
.
Etruria o r T yr r h e n ia ( as it was called by the Greeks ) w as

, ,
the tr a ct immediatel y south an d west of the n orthern Apen

nines interposed between th a t chai n and the M editerranean
,
.
It w as bounded o n the n orth b y Liguria a n d Gallia Cisalpina ;

on the east by Umbria and the old Sabine country ; on the west
by the M editerra n ean Sea ; and on the south by Latium The .
line of separation between it and the rest of the continent was

very marked being first the strong chain of the Apennines
, ,
and then almost from its source the river Tiber Etruri a was
, , .
watered by two mai n streams the A rnu s ( Arno ) and the C lani s
, ,
( Chiana ) a tributary
, o f the Tiber It w a s fo r the most part .
m ountainous co n sisti n g i n it s northern and e a stern portions

,
o f strong spurs throw n o ff from the Apennines a n d in its south ,
ern and wester n o f a separate system o f rocky hills ramifying

, ,
irregularly and reaching from the valleys o f the A r n u s an d

,
G la n is very nearly t o th e coast The little level land which it

.
contained was alon g the courses o f the rivers and near the
se a shore
-
The soil was generally rich but in places marshy
.
, .
The country contained three imp ortant lakes The original .
Etrurian state consisted o f a confederacy of twelve C ities am ong ,
which were certainly Vol si n ii T ar q u i nii V e t u loniu m P e r u sia

, , , ,
and Clusium ; and probably V ol at e rrm Arretium R u se l lae , , ,
Veii and A g yl la or Cacre O ther important tow n s were Pis ac

, .
( Pisa) a n d Fae su lae ( F i e sol e ) north of the A r nu s ; Populonia

, ,
a nd Cosa o n the co a st between the A rnu s and the Tiber ; Cor

,
tona in the G la n is valley ; a nd F a lerii n ear th e Tiber about ,
ei ghteen miles north of V e u .
Latium lay below Etruria on th e left bank o f the Tiber ,

.
It was bou n ded on the north by the Tiber the Anio and th e , ,
Upper Liris rivers ; on th e west and south by the M e dit e r

r an e an ; o n the east by the Lower Liris and a spur of th e
Apennin es These h owever were not its original limits but

.
, , ,
those whereto it ultimately attained Anciently many non .
Latin tribes inh a bited portions of the t erritory The Volsci .
held the isolated ran ge of hills reaching from near Pr aeneste

t o th e coast at T arr ac ina or A n x u r The ZE q u i were in p os .
session o i the Mons A l g i du s and o f the m ountain range b e

,
-
twee n Pr aeneste and the Anio The H e r ni c i were located i n .
the valle y of the T r e ru s a tributary of the Liris O n th e Lower

,
.
Liris were established the Ausones The nation o f the Latins .
18
2 74 RAWL I N S O N
formed we are told a confederacy of thirty cities Al b a having

, , ,
originally the pre eminency Among the thirty the m ost i m -

.
—
portant were the following Tibur G abii Pr aeneste Tus e n , , ,
lum Ve lit rae A r i c ia L an uv iu m L au re nt u m L av in iu m Ardea

, , , , , , ,
A nt iu m C i rc e ii A nx u r or T ar r ac in a Setia N or b a and Satri

, , , , ,
cum Lati u m was chiefly a low plain but diversified towards

. ,
the north by spurs from the Apennines in the centre an d ,
towards the south by tw o important ranges of hills O ne of .
”
these known as the Volscian range extends in a continuous
, ,
line fr om near Pr aeneste to T ar r ac i n a ; the other which is q u ite ,
separate and detached rises o u t o f the plain between the Vols ,
”
c i an range and the Tiber and is known as the Al b an range , ,
”
o r the Mons A l g idu s B oth are in the western part o f the .
country The eastern is comparatively a flat region H ere

. .
were A nag n ia the old capital of the H e r n i c i A rp in u m Fr e g e l

, , ,
lae A q u in u m Interamna ad L i r im and on the coast L au tu l m

, , , , ,
Fundi For m iae M i nt u rnae and Vescia

, , , .
Campania in its general character very much resembled

Latium but the isolated volcanic hills which here diversified
,
the plain were loftier and placed nearer the coast T o the .
extreme south of the country a strong spur ran out from the
Apennines terminating in the promontory of M inerva the ,
southern protection of the B ay of Naples Campania extended .
along the coast from the Liris to the S i l ar u s and reached i n ,
land to the more southern of the two Apennine ranges which , ,
separating a little below Lake Fu ci nu s reunite at C omp sa , .
The plain country was all rich especially that about Capua , .
Among the principal Campanian towns were Capua the c ap ,
ital Nola and T e anu m in the interior and upon the coast Sin
, ,
u e s sa Cum ae Puteoli Parthenop e o r Neapolis H erculaneum

, , , , , ,
Pompeii Su rr e nt u m Sal e rnu m and Pi c e ntia

, , ,
.
Umbria lay east of Etruria from which it was separated , ,
first by the range of the Apennines and then by the river ,
Ti b er It w as bounded on the north by Gallia Cisalpina on

.
the east and south east by P i c e n u m and the Sabine country ; -
o n the south west and west by Etruria -

B efore the invasion of .
the Gauls it reached as far north as the Rubicon and included ,
all the Adriatic coast between that stream and the ZE S i s but
a fter the coming of the Senones this tract was lost a n d Umb ri a ,
5
w a s shut out from the se a The Umbrian territory w a s almost .
wholly mou n tainous consisting as it did chiefly of the mai n

, , ,
chain of the Apennines together with the spurs on either side ,
o f the chain from the source o f the Tiber to the j u n ction wit h
,
the Tiber of the N a r Som e rich plains however occurred.

, ,
in the Tiber and Lower N a r valleys The C hief towns of .
Umbria were I g u v i u m famous for its inscriptions ; Se nt in u m

, ,
the scene o f the great battle with the Gauls and Samnites ;
S p ol e ti u m ( now Spoleto ) ; I nteramna ( no w Terni ) ; and Nar
nia ( Narni ) which though on the left bank of the Nar w as
, , ,
still reckoned to Umbria .
P i c e n u m exte n ded along the coast o f the Adriatic from th e

E sis t o the M at ri n u s ( Piomba ) river It was comp osed mainly .
o f spurs from the Apennines but contained along the coast ,
som e flat a n d fertile country The C hief towns were Anco n a .

,
o n the coast F i r n u m ( Ferno ) A scu l u m P i c e n u m ( Ascoli ) and

, , ,
Hadria ( Atri ) in the interior , .
The territory o f the Sabine r a ces in which P i ce nu m ought ,
perhaps t o be included was a t o n ce th e m ost extensive and ,
the most advantageously situated o f all the countries of Central

Italy In length fro m the Mons F isc e l l u s ( M onte Rotondo )
.
,
to the M ons Vultur ( Mo n te Vulture ) it exceeded 2 00 m iles ; ,
while in breadth it reached very nearly from se a to se a bor ,
dering the Adriatic from the M atr inu s t o the T ife r nu s rivers ,
and closely approaching the M editerranea n in th e vicinity of

S al e r nu m In the north it compris ed all the valleys of the
.
Upper Nar and its tributaries together with a portion of the ,
valley of the Tiber the plain country south and east of Lake
,
Fu c inu s and the v a lleys o f th e Su i n u s and A t e r nu s rivers

,
.
Its central mass was m a d e up o f the valleys o f the Sag r u s ,
T r in i u s and T ife r nu s together with the mount a in ranges b e

, ,
-
tween them ; while southward it comprised the whole of the

great Samnite upl an d drained by the V u l t u rnu s and its tribu ,
taries T h e territory had many distinct political divisions

. .
The north western tract about the Nar and Tiber reaching
-
, ,
from the m a i n ch a i n o f the Apennines to the Anio was th e ,
country of th e ol d Sabines ( Sabini ) the only race to which ,
th a t na m e i s applied by the ancient writers East and south .
east o i this regio n the tr a ct about Lake F u cinu s a nd the v a l

, ,
2 76 RAWL I N S O N
leys of the S u inus an d A t e rn u s rivers were i n the posse ss i o n ,
o f the League of the Four C an tons the Marsi M arr u cini , , ,
Peligni and Vesti n i who probabl y were Sabine races Still

, , .
farther to th e east the valleys of the Sag r u s and T ri niu s and

, ,
the coast tract from O rtona t o the T ife r n u s formed the coun ,
try of the Frent a ni South and south e a st o f this was Sam .

-
n ium comprising the high upl an d the mai n C hai n of the

, ,
Apennines and the eastern flank o f th a t chain for a certain

,
distance The chief of the Sabi n e towns were Reate o n the

.
V e l i nu s a tributary of the Nar ; Teat e and A t e r nu m on the

,
A t e r nu s ; Marrubiu m on Lake Fu c inu s ; and B e n e v e nt u m

and B ovi anu m i n Sam n ium .
Southern Italy or the tract below the Tife rnu s and Sil aru s
,
rivers contained four countries —on the west Lucania a nd

, ,
B r u t t iu m ; o n the east Apulia a n d M e ssap i a or as it was , , ,
sometimes called I ap yg ia The e n tire n u mber o f distinct cou n

, .
tries in ancient Italy was thus thirtee n .
Luca n ia extended alo n g the west co a st o f Italy from the

S il ar u s to the L aii s river I t s boundary on the north was .
formed by the S ilar u s the chain of the Apen n i n es from C omp sa ,
to the Mons Vultur a nd the course of the B radanu s ( B ra n ; ,
dano) Eastward it s border was the shore o f the Tarentine

.
,
Gulf ; southw a rd where it adj oined B ru tt iu m the line o f de

, ,
marcat ion ran from the Lower L aii s across th e mou n tai n s to
the C rat hi s or river of T h u r ii The country was both pict
, .
u r e sq u e and fertile diversified by numerous spurs from the

,
A pennine range and watered by a multitude of rivers

, It had .
few native cities o f a n y importa n ce ; but th e coasts were thickly

occupied by Grecian settlem e n ts o f gre a t celebrity Amo n g .
these were on the west coast Posido n ia o r Paestum Elea or

, , ,
Velia P yx u s or B u x e ntu m a nd L aii s ; on the e a st M e t ap on

, , ,
tum H e racl e ia P andosi a Siris Sybaris a n d T h u r ii

, , , , , .
B r u tt iu m adj oined Luc a nia on th e south a nd was a country ,
very similar in char a cter Its chief native city was Consentia .
,
in the interior near the sources o f the C rath i s river O n the

, .
western coast were the Greek towns of T e m e sa Terina Hip , ,
p o ni u m and Rhegium , on the easter n those o f Croto n Cau ,
lonia and Locri

, .
Apulia lay entirely on the e a ster n coast a d j oi n ing S a mnium

'
,
upon the west a n d sep a rated from the country o f the F r e nt an i

,
by the T ife r nu s river The ra n ge of the Apennines extending

.
,
from the M ons Vultur eastward as far as lo n g 1 7 divided .

°
it from I ap yg ia Apulia di ffered from all the other countries

.
o f the Peninsul a prop er in being almost wholly a plain Ex .
cept in the north — west corner o f the province n o spurs o f any ,
importance here quit the Apennines but from their base ex ,
tends a vast a n d rich level tract from twenty to forty miles wide
, ,
intersected by numerous streams and diversified towards its ,
m ore e a stern portion by a number of lakes The tract is espe .
c i ally adapted for the grazing o f cattle Am o n g its rivers are .
the A u fidu s on th e banks of which Cann ae was fought the Cer

, ,
balus and th e river o f Arpi The only mountainous part of

, .
Apulia is the north a n d n orth west where the Apennines send -

,
down to the coast two strongly m arked spurs on e between -

,
the Tife rnu s and the Fr e nt o rivers the other east o f the Fr e nt o
, , ,
a still stronger and m ore importa n t range which running ,
towards th e n orth east re a ches the coast and forms the well
-
,
known rocky prom ontory o f G ar g an u m The chief cities o f .
Ap ulia were L ar inu m near the T i fe rnu s ; L u ce ri a Si p ont u m

, , ,
a n d Arpi n orth of th e C e rb al u s ; Sal ap ia between the Cer

, ,
balus a nd A u fidu s ; an d C an u si u m C an nm and Venusia south , , ,
o f th a t river It w a s usu a l to divide Apuli a i n to two regions

.
,
o f which the n orth — wester n w as c a lled D a uni a the south east ,

-
ern Peuceti a .
M e ssap ia or I ap yg ia l ay south and e a st o f Apuli a compris

, , ,
ing the entire long promontory which has been called the
heel o f Italy and a triangular tr a ct between the east Ap en
,
n ine range and th e river B radanu s Tow a rds the east it was .
low an d flat full of num erous small lakes and without impor
, ,
t a nt rivers ; westward it was diversified by numerous ranges

of hills spurs from the Apulian Apennines whi ch sheltered
, ,
it upon the north a nd rendered it on e of the softest and most

luxurious of the Italian cou n tries The most import an t of th e .
I a pygian cities w a s T a ras or Tarentum the famous L ace dae

, ,
m onian colo n y O ther Greek settlem ents were Callipolis ( now

.
Gallipoli ) a nd Hydrus or H ydru ntu m ( now O tr an to ) The

, .
chief n ative to w n was B ru ndu sium .
The geography Of It a l y is i n complete without a descripti on

2 73 RAWL I N S O N
of the pri n cip a l isla n ds These were three i n n umber Sicily.

, ,
Sardinia and Corsica There were also num erous islets along
,
.
the western and a few o ff the eastern coast which will require ,
a very brief notice .
Sicily which is estimated to contain about ten thousa n d

,
square miles i s an irregular triangle the sides o f which face

, ,
respectively the north the east and the south west None of , ,
-
.
the coasts i s much indented ; but o f the three the norther n ,
has the most noticeable bays a nd headla n ds Here are the .
gulfs o f Castel a—Mare Palerm o P a tti a n d M ilazzo ; the head

-
, , ,
lands of Trapani ( D r e p an u m) C a p o St Vito Capo di Gallo , .

, ,
Capo Z aff aran a Capo O rlando Capo C a lava an d Capo B i a nco

, , , .
The south western a nd m ost of the e a stern shores run in

-
, ,
smooth lines but towards the extrem e south east o f the isla n d -
there is a fair amount of indentation Good harbors are nu .
m e r o u s The m ost remarkable are thos e o f M essana and Syra

.
cuse the former protected by a curious curved strip of land

, ,
resembling a sickle whence the Old nam e of Zancl e ; the latter

,
rendered sec u re in all winds by the headland o f P l e mmyriu m

and the natural breakwater of O rtyg ia There are also excel .
lent ports at L il yb ae u m and Panormus ( Palermo) The m oun .
tain system of Sicily consists o f a main chai n the co n tinuatio n ,
o f the B r u tt i an Apennines ( Aspromonte ) which traverses the ,
island from east to west beginni n g near M essina ( M essana) ,
and terminating at Cape D r e p anu m This m ai n chain known .

,
in its diff erent parts by various nam es throws o ff about mid , ,
way in its course a strong spur which strikes south east and
, ,
-
terminates in Cape P ac h ynu s ( Passaro) Thus the island is .
divided by its m ountain system into three tracts of comparative

lowland— a narrow tract facing northward b etween the main
chain and the north coast ; 2 long and broad tract facing the
southwest bounded o n the north b y th e wester n half of the
,
main chain and on the east by the spur ; and a bro a d but com
,
p arat iv e l y short tract facing th e east bounded on th e west by ,
the spur and on th e north by the easter n half of the main chain
, .
In none of these lowlands however is there really much flat , ,
country Towards the north and towards the south —

. west both ,
the main C hain a n d the spur throw o ff n umerous bra n ches ,
which occupy almost the whole country between the rivers ;

while towards the east where alone are there any extensive ,
plains volcanic action has thrown up the separate and inde

,
pendent mountain o f Etna which occupies with its wide ,
spreading roots almost one third of what should naturally have -
been lowland Thus Sicily excepting in the tract betwee n

.
,
Etna and Syracuse where the fam ous Piano di Catania ex

,
tends itself is a lmost entirely made up o f m ountain and valley

, ,
and in a m ilitary point o f view i s an exceedingly strong and

, ,
di fficult country I t s chief rivers are the S i maet h u s on the east

.
,
which drains n early the whole of the great plain ; the Himer a
and H al yc u s on the south ; and the H yp sa near the extreme ,
south west corner The only important native town was E n n a

-
.
,
nearly in the ce n tre o f the island ; all the other C ities of an y

note were settlements of foreigners ; Eryx and Egesta or ,
S egesta of the Troj ans

,
L il ybmu m M ot ya Panormus , , ,
and S ol o e is or Sol u ntu m o f the Carthaginians Himera M es

, , ,
sana T au rom e niu m N a xos Catana M egara Hybl aea Syr a

, , , , ,
cuse Camarina Gela A g ri g e ntu m and S e linu s Of the Greeks

, , , , , .
Sardinia which m odern surveys show to be larger tha n

,
Sicily has an are a o f probably about

, s qu a re m iles It .
i s an oblong parallelogram the S ides of which may be viewed ,
roughly as facin g the four cardinal points though i n re a lity ,
the south side has a slight inclination towards the east a nd th e ,
no rth side a stronger on e towards th e west Thou g h less .
m ou n tai n ous than either Sicily or Corsica Sardinia is traversed ,
by an important chain which runs parallel with th e eastern an d

western shores but nearer th e form er from Cape Lungo Sar
, ,
-
do o n the n orth to Cape Carbonara at th e extrem e south of

the isl a nd This chain throws out n um erous short br a nch
.
ranges on either s ide which cover n e a rly the whole of the east
,
ern half of the isl an d The wester n half has three separate .
mount a i n clusters of its ow n O n e th e smallest is at the ex

-
.
, ,
trem e n orth west cor n er of the isl an d between th e Gulfs of

-
,
A s inar a and Alghero ; an other three o r four tim es larger fills , ,
the south wester n cor n er reaching from Cap e Sp art iv e nt o t o

-
,
the Gulf of O rist an o B oth th e se a re like th e m a i n r an ge of

.
, ,
prim a ry ( gra n itic) form a tio n The third C luster which is in .

,
t e r p ose d between the two others occupyi n g the whole tract ,
extending northward from the Gulf of O ristan o a n d the river

280 RAWL I N S O N
Tirso t o the coast between the T u rr ilan o an d C og u inas rivers ,
is much the largest of the three and is o f comparativel y recent ,
volcanic formation These m ountain clusters together with

.
-
,
the mai n range occupy by far the greater portion o f the island
, .
They still however leave room for some important plains as

, , ,
especially that of Campidano o n the south which stretches ,
across from the Gulf o f Cagliari to that of O ristano ; that of

O zieri o n the north on the upper course o f the C o g u ina s ; and
,
that o f Sassari i n the north — west which reaches acros s ,
the isthmus from Alghero to Porto Torres Sardinia is .
fairly fertile but has always been noted for its malaria I t s
, .
chief river was the Thyrsus ( Tirso ) The pri n cipal cities were .
C arali s ( Cagliari ) o n the south coast in the bay o f the same

, ,
n am e ; Sulci at the extrem e south west o f th e island opposite

,
-
,
the I n sula P l u mb ar ia ; Neapolis in the Gulf of A si nar a ; a n d ,
O lbi a towards the north eastern end of the island There was
,
-
.
n o city of any importance in the interior .
Corsica situated directly to the north of Sardi n ia was more

, ,
mount a i n ous and rugged than either of the other tw o great

islands A strong m ountain —
. chain ran through the island from
n orth to south culminating towards the centre in the Mons
,
Ant aeus ( M o n te Roto n do ) Num erous bra n ch ranges inter .
s e c t e d the country o n either side of the m ai n C hain rendering ,
the entire region on e of constant mountain and valley Stre a ms .
were numerous ; but the limits of the island were t oo narrow

fo r them to attain any considerable S ize The chief town was .
Alalia ( afterwards Aleria) a colony of the Phoc aeans B esides ,

.
this the only places o f any importance were M ariana o n the

, ,
east coast above Alalia C e nt u rimu m ( n ow Centuri ) on th e

, , ,
west side of the northern promontory U rc in i u m o n the west ,
coast (now Aj accio ) and T al c in u m ( now Corte ) i n the interior

,
.
The lesser islands adj acent t o Italy were Ilva ( Elba) b e ,
tween northern Corsica a nd the main land ; I g il iu m ( Giglio ) -
and Dianium ( G ian n ut i) Opposite the Mons Argentarius i n

,
Etruria ; Palmaria Pontia Si monia and Pan dataria off A n xu r ;

, , , ,
P it h e c u ssa ( Ischia) P r o c h yta ( Procida) and C ap r e ae ( Capri )

, , ,
in the B ay of Naples ; Strongyle ( Stromboli ) Euonym us ( Pan ,
aria) Lipara ( Lipari ) Vulcania ( Volc a no) Didym e ( S a lina)

, , , ,
P h oe ni cu ssa ( Fe li cu di) Er i c u ssa ( A l i c u di ) a n d U stic a o ff the

, , ,
A N C I ENT H I S TO R Y 28 1
n orth coast o f Sicily ; the ZE g at e s Insul ae off the western point ,
o f the sam e island ; the Choerades Insul ae o ff Tare n tum ; an d ,
T r ime t u s ( Tremiti ) i n the Adri a tic n orth o f the M o n s G a r ,
ganus .
O n t h e g e o gr aph y o f Ital y , t h e mo s t i mp o rt ant w o rks ar e

I t ali a A nt i q u a L u g d B at , 1 62 4 ; 2 v o ls f o l i o
”
C l u v e riu s , . . . . .
R oman e lli , A nt i c a T O p og rafia i st ori ca de l R e gn o di N ap ol i .
N ap oli , 1 8 1 5 ; 3 v o ls 4t o . .
M ann e r t K , G e o gr aph i e de r Gr i e ch e n u n d R omer au s i hr e n S c h r if

, .
t e n d a rg e s t e ll t L e ip z ig , 1 801 29 ; 1 0 vo ls 8 v o
.
-
. .
S w i nb u rne , H , Tr av e ls i n t h e T w o S i ci l i e s i n th e Y e ars 1 777-80

. .
L on d on 1 783 85 ; 2 vols 4t o
,
-
. .
D e nn is , G , Ci t i e s and C e me t e r i e s of th e Et r u sc an s L on d on, 1 848 ;

. .
2 v o ls . 8v o .
Ab e k e n, M itte l - Itali e n v o r de n Z e ite n R o mi sch e r H e rrsch aft .
S tutt g art , 1 84 3 ; 8v o .
Cr ame r, G e o gr aphic al an d H i s tor i c al D e scr ip tion of A n c i e nt Ital y .
O xf o rd, 1826 ; 2 v o ls 8v o . .
S KETC H O F TH E H I ST O RY .
F I R ST P ER I O D .
The A n cient Tr a dition a l History from the E a rliest Ti m e s to

the Co mmenceme n t of the Republic B C , . .
Italy was i n habited at the e a rliest ti mes t o which ou r knowl

,
edge carries u s b a ck by five pri n cipal races Thes e were the , .
Ligurians the Venetians the Etrusca n s the Italia n s prop er

, , , ,
and the Iapygians The Ligurians and Venetians m ay h a ve .
bee n br an ches of one stock the Illyria n ; but there is no su ffi ,
S ources N at i ve —A fe w fr a g me nt s o f t h e
. Fa s ti Tri umph al e s be
l o ng t o t his e arl y p e ri o d ; b u t s u ch k n ow l e d g e of i t as w e p o ss e ss i s
d e rive d mainl y fr om t h e w o rks o f his to r i an s A mon g t h e s e t h e firs t .
p l a c e mu s t be a ssign e d t o t h e fr ag me nt s o f t h e e a rl y A nn al i s t s e s p e ,
ci al l y o f Q F abi u s Pi ct o r many o f w hi c h ar e pr e s e rve d in D i ony si u s

.
,
o f H alic arn ass u s T h e m o s t c o pi ou s n ativ e w ri t e r o n t h e p e r i o d is Liv y

.
,
w h o d e li ve rs an a cc o u nt o f i t i n his Firs t B o o k O th e r native au th o ri .
t i e s are Ci c e r o w h o h as sk e t ch e d th e c on st i tut i onal h i s t or y of t h e p e ri o d

,
i n his t r e at is e D e R e p u blic a ( book an d Fl o r u s w h o h as b ri e fl y ,
e p it omi z e d i t T h e p or t i on o f V e ll e i u s Pate r cul u s w h i ch t r e at e d o f t h e

.
t i me i s al mo st e nti r e l y l o st N o l ive s o f N e p o s t ou c h on it M any

.
.
282 RAWL I N S O N
cient evidence to prove this connection They were we a k and .
unimportant races confined to narrow regions in the north

, ,
and without any influence on the general history of Italy Set .
ting them aside therefore for the present we may confine ou r

, , ,
attention to the three other races .
The I apygians were probably among the earliest settlers .
The heel o f Italy which stretches out towards Greece invites

, ,
colo n ization from that quarter ; and it would seem that at a

very remote date a stream of settlers passed across the narro w
s e a from the Helle n ic to the Italic peninsula and landing on ,
the I apygian promontory spread them selves northward and

westward over the greater portion o f the foot o f Italy The .
language of the race in question remains in num erous insc ri p

tions which have been discovered in the Terra di O tranto an d ,
shows them to have been nearly connected with the Greeks .
Their worship o f Greek gods and the readiness with which at , ,
a later date they became actually H ellenized point in the sam e

, ,
direction We have reason to conclude that a race kindred with

.
the Greeks held in the early times the greater part of Southern
Italy which was thus prepared for the later m ore positively
,
Hellenic settlements To this stock appear to have belonged .
the M essapians P e u c e t ians CE not r ian s the C h aon e s or

, , ,
Cho mes and perhaps the Daunii

, .
The Italians proper who in the historical times occupy with ,
their num erous tribes almost the whole of Central Italy appear ,
to have been later in comers than the I apygians to have -

,
proceeded from the north and to have pressed with great ,
weight o n the semi Greek pop u lation O f the so u thern regions

-
.
They comprised apparently four principal s u bordinate races ;

, ,
viz the Um b rians the Sabines the O scans and the Latins
.
, , , ,
.
all u si on s t o i t ar e c ont a i n e d h ow e ve r i n t h e w o rks of t h e p o e t s an d

, ,
gr am mari an s as O vid Fas t i

,
V irgil JE ne id b o ok S e rv i u s ,
(
“
a d . F e s t u s a n d ot h e rs F o r
,
e ig n — T h e Gr e e k w ri t e rs ar e .
f u ll e r o n t h e e arl y his t o r y t h an t h e R oman T h e mo s t i mp o rtant o f .
th e m i s Di ony si u s o f H alic a rn ass u s i n w h o s e w o rk A r c h ae ol og i a R o ,
mana ; e d R e iske L ip siae 1 7 74 77 ; 6 vo ls 8v o ) th e ant e r e g al and

”
. .
,
-
.
-
r e g al p e ri o ds o cc u p y t h e firs t f o u r b oo ks N e xt t o Di ony si u s may b e .
pl ac e d Pl ut arch w h o s e Li ve s of R omu l u s N uma and P O p l i c ol a b e ar

, , ,
u p on t his p o rt i o n o f t h e his t o r y T h e p ar t o f D i o do r u s S i c u l u s w hich

.
t r e at e d o f t h e t ime ( b o o ks v ii x ) is l o st w i t h th e e x c e p t i on of a fe w
.
-
.
,
bri e f fr agme nt s .
A N CI EN T H I STO R Y 283
Of these the Umbri an s a n d O scans were ver y closely con

ne c t e d The Latins were quite distinct The Sabines are s u s
. .
p e ct e d t o have bee n nearly allied to the O S C O Umbrians

-
.
The Tusc an s or Etruscans the m ost powerful nation of the ,
n orth di ffered i n race completely from all the other i nh ab i

,
ta n ts o f Ital y It appears to be on the whole m ost proba b le

.
, ,
that they were Turanians o f a typ e simil a r to that which is

,
fou n d in various parts o f Europe— Lapps and Finns in the

extrem e n orth Esthonians on the B altic B as ques in Spain
, ,
rem n ants of a primitive p opulatio n that once we m a y supp ose , ,
overspread the whole o f Europe The original seat o f the race .

,
so far as it i s traceable seem s t o have bee n Rhaetia or the

, ,
country a bout the head stre a ms o f the Rhi n e the In n and the
-
, ,
Adige Their n ative nam e was Ras and this name C hanged
.
,
by the Italians into R h ae si or R h ae ti was lon g attached to the ,
m ountai n regio n from which their hordes had issued These .
hordes at a very rem ote time spread themselves over the plain
o f the Po fro m the Ti c i nu s t o beyond the Adige and formed ,
there as we a re told a co n federacy o f twelve C ities After hav

, , .
i n g flourished in this tract for a n indefi n ite period they over ,
fl ow e d the mou n tai n barrier t o the south and occupying the ,
regio n between the n orthern Ape n nin es and the Tiber form ed ,
there a Second quite sep a rate confederacy consisting like the

, , , ,
norther n one of twelve disti n ct states

,
Subseque n tly but .
,
probably later than the period now under consideration they ,
passed th e Tiber a n d established te mp or a rily a dominion i n

C a mpania where Capua and N ola were cities founded by them
,
.
There c an b e no doubt that the Romans belonged at an y ,
rate predominantly t o the second o f the three races who see m

,
in the early times to have divided the peninsula among the m

the race which has been here term ed na r e foxrjv
’ ’
Italic , , .
They had indeed a tradition which co n nected them with a

, ,
body of immigrants w h o were thought to have com e by sea

i n to Italy from the distant cit y of Troy at a date which pre ,
ceded by ne a rl y 5 00 years the buildin g of the city And this .
tradition was brought out into great prominence by writers

of the I mperial times B ut wh a tever a mount of truth we ma y
.
,
suppose to be contai n ed in the story o f E ne a s it is evident ,
t h a t the crews o f a few vessels l a nding on a thickly p eopled

-
-
2 84 RAWL I N S O N
coast a nd belongi n g t o a race not much more civilized th an

,
that to which they came could m ake but a very slight impres
,
sion on the previous populatio n in which they would be sure ,
to b e very soon swallowed up and absorbed The Troj a n col .
o ny t o Latium i s therefore whether true o r false a matter o f

,
small consequenc e —it had n o part i n deter mining the eth n ic

,
character Of the Roman people .
N o r is there much di fficulty i n deciding to which of the

branch races included here under the general name of Italic ,
the Romans b elonged Language is the most certai n i n dica

.
tio n of r a ce and the language which the Romans spoke was

,
Latin Their ow n traditions connected the early city in a sp e

.
c i al way with L av i n i u m and Alba Longa ; and these cities

were universally allowed t o have bee n tw o of the thirty L a tin
towns To whatever extent the Rom a ns were a m ixed p eople
.
— and that they were so to some exte n t i s admitted by all— i t

is impossible to doubt that they were predominantly a n d e s
s e nt i al l y— not O s ca n s n ot Sabines much less Umbri an s—
, but ,
Latins .
It is however far fro m easy to determine i n wh a t ex a ct

, ,
position the origi n al Rome stood to the Lati n stock It is .
clear that she was not a mere Latin town n ot o n e o f the thirty , .
She stands in the early times of the m onarchy quite outside

the confederacy ; and a peculi a r character belon gs to her which
is not simply and wholly La tin The tradition which makes .
her foundation the spontaneous act of a band of adventurous

young men whose a ffection for the locality leads them to set
,
up a new town which is also a new state on the spot where

, ,
they have been wont to p a sture their flocks is at variance with ,
the condition o f Italy at the tim e which was not a wilderness , ,
with abundant waste land whereon the first com er m ight set,
tle but a thickly peopled country wh e re every inch of ground

,
-
,
had an owner or was disputed betwee n neighboring tribes

,
.
If there be any truth at all in the account whi ch h as come dow n

to us of the original settlement that account must b e a poeti ,
c i se d versio n o f a very ordi n ary occurrence The Latin towns .
were i n the habit of extending or defe n di n g their territories b y

the establishment o f colonies Nothing is more e a sily c on .
c e iv ab l e th a n that the ori inal R o m e s h ould h a ve bee n a c ol

g
o ny from Alb a Lo n ga pl an ted i n a stro n g though unhealthy,
p osition at the extreme verge o f the territory where it was ,
threatened by the Tuscans upon the west and still more by the
a dvancing Sabines towards the north Rome herself w as after .
wards accustom ed t o plant her colonies in exactly such posi

tions Am ong the various conj ectures which critics have
.
form ed on the subj ect of the origin of Rome th a t which r e ,
gards her as a colony from Alba appe a rs to be the m ost worthy

o f acceptance .
B ut if Rom e was originally a m ere Alba n dep endenc y it is ,
certain that sh e did not lon g continue such The first C learl y .
marked fact in her history is her entra n ce into voluntar y union

with the natives of an adj acent Sabine settlem ent an act which ,
implies indepe n dence and the assertion of sovereignty The .
colony m u st either previously have shaken off the yoke o f t h e

mother city o r else must in the very ac t o f unitin g herself
-
, ,
with an alie n p eople have asserted a uto n omy From the date
, .
o f th e o vvom w uo s if no earlier Rome was it i s C lear a sel f

-
, , , ,
gover n ing communit y No power exercised control over her . .
She stood aloof from the Latin league on terms which were ,
at first rather hostile than friendly H er position was unique .
amo n g th e st a tes and cities of the period The a malgam ation .
o f two bloods two civilizations two kindred but still som ewhat
, , ,
different religious systems produced a peculi a r people

, ,
a p eople stro n ger than its n eighbors possessing wider views ,
and sympathies and more varied tastes— a p eople better c al c u

,
lated tha n its n eighbors to form a nucleus round which the

various tribes o f the Italic stock might gather themselves .
While the history of individuals at this remote p eriod is

wholly wa n ti n g— for such names as Romulus Remus Celer , , ,
Titus Tatius and the like cannot b e regarded as havin g a ny

, ,
thing more of historic substa n ce than their parallels H ellen , ,
Dorus I on Amycl a s Hoples etc the her oes eponymi of Greek

, , , , .
,
legend— it is not impossible to trace out the early char a cter

of the government the chief features of the constitutio n th e
, ,
principal divisio n s a n d subdivisions of classes withi n the c om

munity and the rights a nd privileges attaching to each Tr a
, .
dition is a trustworthy guide for ce rt a in m a in fe a tures ; ana lo g y

an d a n al y sis may be a llowed t o fur n ish others ; for the l a ws
286 RAW L I N S O N
of the growth of states are su fficiently well k n own and su fli

c i e nt l y uniform to make it p ossible in most cases where we ,
have before u s a full grown constitution t o trace it back to

-
,
i t s foundations and gather a fair knowledge of its history fro m

,
the form and character of it s several parts .
The k nown points o f the early constitutio n are the follow

i n g z— The form o f governm ent was monarchical A chief .
,
” ” ”
called rex i e , ruler or director stood at the head
. .
, , ,
o f t h e state exercising a great though n ot an absolute power

, , ,
over the citizens The mo n archy was not hereditary but elec
.
,
”
tive When the king died there w as an interregnum
.
, The .
direction of a ffairs w as taken by the Senate or Council whose ,
ten C hief men D ecem Primi exercised the roy a l authority ,
each in h i s turn for five days It belonged to the Senate to

, .
elect and to the people to confirm the king Under the king
, .
w as first of all an hereditary nobility

, , p at r i c i i m embers
Of certain noble families not deriving their nobility fro m the
,
king b ut poss essing it by im memorial descent These noble

, .
families or houses gentes were prior to the o v voucw ,

-
ués one hundred in number ; after the G uy ane se

, two hun
dred Each was represented by its C hief in the council of the
.
king senatus and thus the S enators were originally on e

hundred afterw a rds t w o hundred All the members of a
,
.
”
house had on e n a m e nomen g e nt il iti u m all might
participate in certain sacred rites sacra g e nti l it ia and
all had certain rights of property in common All the males .
o f full age b elonging to the nobility possessed the right o f at
tending the p u blic Assembly comitia where they voted in

ten bodies curi ae each composed of the m embers o f ten
”
ho u ses .Each cu r i o had it s C hief called curio and the
,
Assembly was presided over by the c h ief of the ten cur iou es ,
who was called Curio Maximus Every change o f law re

.
quired the conse n t of both the S enate and the Assembly The .
Senate had the right of discussing and voting but the Assembly ,
had the right of voting only The Assembly w as also privi .
l e g e d to determine on p eace o r war ; and if one of it s m embers

appealed to it from the sentence of the king or o f a j udge , ,
it determined the appeal and condemned or acquitted at its

”
ple a sure I n addition t o th e m embers of the ge n tes the
.
,
early Roman state contained two other classes These were .
the Clients and the Slaves The Slaves resembled p ersons o f

.
their class in other communities ; but the Clients were a p e

c u liar institutio n They were dependents upon the no b le
.
”
houses and personally free but p ossessed of no political
, ,
privileges and usually either cultivated the lands of their p a

,
”
trons or carried on a trade under their protection They r e
, .
sembled to a considerable extent the retainers of the Middle

Ages .
Under this constitution Rom e flourished for a period which

,
is s om ewhat vague and indefinite without the occurrence of ,
any important change According to one tradition a dou b le

.
,
m onarchy was tried for a short tim e in orde r that the two ele ,
m ents of the state— the Rom an and the Sabine ( or the Ramnes
and the Tities )— might each furnish a ruler from their ow n
body B ut the experiment w as not tried for very long I n
. .
lieu of it we may suspect that for a while the principl e of alter

,
n atio n was employed the Romans and the Sabines each in their
,
turn furnishing a king to the com munity .
The duplication of the community which was thus p ercep ,
tible through all ranks a ff ected also to a considerabl e extent

,
the national religion Not only was there a duplication of the

.
chief religious o fficers in consequence of the synce cismus but ,
sometimes the duplication extended to the obj ects o f worship ,
the deities themselves Q uirinus for instance seems to have

.
, ,
been the Sabin e Mars worshipp ed like the Latin Mars by his
, , ,
”
ow n Flam en and college of Salii Juno was perhaps the .
Sabine equivalent of the Latin Diana another form of the sam e ,
nam e but in the popular belief a di fferent goddess I n the

,
.
ranks of the hierarchy the duplication was more marked It .
can be traced in th e college o f the P ont i fi c e s in that of the ,
Augurs in that of the Vestal Virgins in the priesthoods o f

, ,
Mars and ( probably ) in the priesthood of Hercules

,
.
The nam es which tradition assigned to the early Roman

monarchs see m to b e fictitious Rom u lus Titus Tatius and
.
, ,
Numa Pompilius are p e rson ifi cat i on s rather than personages .
We first touch o n p ersonal histo r y in the Roman records when

we com e t o the name of Tullus H o st iliu s th e fourth or omit , , ,
ting Tatius the third traditional kin g There is every reason

,
.
288 RAWL I N S O N
to believe that this monarch actually lived and reign ed ; his

nam e w as the first that was handed down to posterity owing ,
to the fact that he was the first king who eff ected an imp ortant
conq u est and raised Rom e from a humble position to o n e of
,
dignity and eminence It is the great glory of T u llus that he

.
conq u ered Al ba Longa the chief of th e Latin cities the mother

, ,
city of Rom e itself His conquest pro b a b ly doubled or even

.
,
t ripled the Roman territory ; it prep ared th e way for that

,
hegemony of Rom e over all Latium to which she owed her

s u b sequent grea tness ; an d it largely increased th e population
of Rom e and the military strengt h of the nation For Tullus
, .
was not content with a simple conquest Following up the .
principle of synaecismus which had already been found to an ,
swer he destroyed Alba except its temples and transferred

, , ,
the inhabita nts to his own capital H e thus greatly stren gth ,
ened the Latin elem ent in th e Roma n state and m ade the Sa ,
bines a m ere modifying influence in a community essentially

Latin .
Th e next Roman king whose nam e has descended to us is

A n c u s Mart ius who i s said to have belonged to the Sabines
,
or Tities This monarch appears to have b een regarded by th e

.
later Romans as the founder o f the Pleb eia n order H e pur .
sued the policy o i Tullus both in ma k ing war o n neighboring

Latin towns and in using his victories for the aggrandiz ement
,
of his capital by transferring to Rom e the populations of

th e conquered states A portion of the new s ettlers undoubt
.
e dl y b ecame Clients ; but the rich er and more independe n t

would decline to ta k e up this relationship and would be co n ,
tent with the protection of the king H ence would come a

'
.
sudden augmentation of that free com monalty which must ,
always grow u p—o ut of variou s elem ents— in all states which

comm ence like Rom e with a privileged class of nobles and
, , ,
a wholly unprivileged class of retainers or dependents .
The tim e at which it becom es necessary or expedient in such , ,
a community as the Roman to recognize the existence of the ,
commonalty in a formal way by the grant of political or ,
municipal rights varies with C ircumstances within very wide

,
limits At Rom e th e recogn ition took p la ce e a rly m atters

.
,
comi n g rapidly to a head in co n sequence of the quick growth

9
of the territory and especially of the practice which the kings

, ,
pursued o f removing large masses of the conquered p op u l a

,
tions to their capital If as we are told A n c u s gave up the

.
, ,
entire Aventine Hill previously uninhabited to his new s et

, ,
t l e rs thus assigning to their exclusive occupation a distinct

,
quarter of the capital municipal institutions must have b een,
at the sam e tim e granted for a whole quarter of a to w n cannot ,
be surrendered to anarchy The Plebs must at once have .
”
had aediles if not tribunes ; and a machinery must have
,
bee n established for their election since nomination by the ,
m onarch i s not t o be thought of B ut o f the details of A n .
’
cus s regulations whatever they were we have no knowledge
, , ,
the later arrangements of Servi us having not only sup erseded

but obliterated them .
Am ong the other a cts assign ed t o A ncu s M art i ns th e m ost ,
important are the exte n sio n of the Rom an territory to the

,
se a and the establishm ent o f the port o f O stia the c on st r u c

,
tion of salt pans ( suli nec) in i t s neighborhood ; the erection of

-
” ”
the pons su b li c iu s or bridge o f piles across the Ti b er
, , ,
and the occupation of the Janiculan Hill by a strong fort or ,
tete du pou t ; the draining o f som e o f the l ow land a bout the

Seven Hills by the Fossa Q u iri t i u m and the constru ction ,
of the first priso n It would seem that C ivilizati on w as adv an c

.
ing with both its advantages and it s drawbacks— trade manu ,
factures and e n gineering skill on th e one ha n d ; on the other

, ,
crim e and its repression .
The n ext known king o f Rom e is L T ar q u iniu s P r i sc u s . .
According to the tradition he w as a refugee from th e Etruscan ,
town o f T ar q u i n i i ; according to th e evidence fu rnished b y his

nam e and by his acts he was a Latin probably belonging to, ,
o n e o f the noble houses from Alba Two important consti .
t u t i o n al changes are attributed to him H e raised the ideal .
number of th e Senate from two hundred to three hundred by ,

”
adding to it the representatives of th e Gentes Minores or ,
Y ounger Houses — who c an s carcely b e diff erent from the

houses adopted into the Patrician body from among th e
nobles of Alba If he were h imself a m ember of on e o f these
.
“ ”
houses his act would it is clear have been thoroughly
, , ,
”
natural H e doubled the e q uestr i an centuries or in other
.
, ,
I9
2
99 RAWL I N S O N
words the actual n umber o f the Patrician houses

, The .
houses had apparently so dwindled that instead of the

, , ,
i deal number of three hundred the actual number was but one ,
hundred and fifty or thereabouts Tarquin proposed to add

, .
o n e hundred and fi fty new houses from among the n o b les

who had settled at Rom e after the addition of the Albans these
h e proposed to add in three new tribes which were to stand ,
s ide by side with the three old tribes of the Ram n es Tities and , ,
Luceres O pposed by the Patricians who put forward the

.
,
augur A tt u s N av iu s as obj ector he yielded so far as to create

, , ,
no new tribes ; but still h e added the new houses in three

new half tribes attaching them to the ol d Ram n es Tities and
-
, , ,
Luceres but o n term s o f slight inferiority

, .
The wars o f T ar q u in iu s P r i sc u s were also of importance .
H e repulsed a fierce attack of the Sabines who had crossed ,
the Anio and threatened Rome itself He then attacked the .
Latin towns o n the Upper Tiber a nd in the angle between the

Ti b er and the Anio and reduced all o f them except Nomen
,
tum A nt e mn ae Crustumerium Fi c u l e a or F i cu l n e a M e dnl

.
, , ,
lia C acnina Corniculum an d Cameria were am on g his con

, , ,
quests After this towards the close o f his reign he engaged

.
, ,
in a war on the other side of the Ti b er with the Etruscans

, , ,
and gained important successes .
T ar q u in i u s P r i sc u s was distinguished among the kings of

Rome for the number and the character o f his great works .
To him is ascribed by the best authorities the Cloaca M axima ,
the most remarkable m onument now existing o f the regal

period a construction o f the grandest a n d most m assive de
,
scription Connected with the Cloaca and undoubtedly the

.
,
work o f the same builder was a strong and solid quay along ,
the left bank o f the Tiber which chec k ed the natural inclina ,
tion of the river to flow o ff o n that side and to inundate the

low lands a b out th e Palatine and Capitoline Hills Tarquin .
further constructed for the entertainment of the people a Cir

c us or race —
,
course known as the Circus M aximus ; and
,
he also designed and com me n ced the great Temple o f Jove ,
o n the Capitoline Hill which was completed by the last m on ,
arch .
T ar q u i niu s P r i sc u s app ears to have b een succeeded in the

91
kingdom by Servius Tullius According to the account which .
h a s most verisimilitude Servius was an Etruscan one of a body

, ,
o f mercen a ries whom Tarq ui n had employed and had settled
in his capital H e took advantage of his position about the

.
monarch s person to conceal his death for a tim e and act in

’
his n ame ; after which he boldly threw O ff the mask and ,
ope n ly usurped the throne Having gained considerable su c .
cesses against the Etruscans he felt himself strong enough ,
to devise and c a rry through a complete chan ge Of the consti

t u t io n
. Hitherto the whole p olitical p ower except that wield
, ,
”
ed by the ki n g had been engrossed b y the noble Houses
, .
Servius determined to admit all ranks o f freemen to the fran

chise T a king the existing arrangem ents of the army as a
.
groun dwork he co n structed a new Assembly (comitia ce n

,
tu r i ata) in which all free Romans found a place D ividing

, .
the citizens into C lasses according to the amount of their

property he then subdivided the C lasses into a larger or
,
“
smaller number o f centuries according to the aggregate
of the property possessed by the class and to each century ,
whatever the n umber of the persons composing it h e gave ,
a single vote The result was that a decidedly prep onderatin g

.
power was given to th e richer classes ; but if they di ff ered

among themselves th e poorer classes came in and decided the
,
point in dispute .
Another important i n stitutio n ascribed by good authority to

the reign of Servius is that o f the local trib es H ithe rto the .
“
only tribes in Rom e had been those o f the Patrician order
-
the Ramnes Tities and Luceres — which were hereditary
, , ,
and had no connection with localities S ervius divided th e .
cit y into four and th e territory probably into twenty —

, six dis
t r i ct s and formed th e land ow n ers within every such district
,
-
into a tribe Each tribe had the right O f meeting and app oint
.
“ ”
ing it s ow n t rib u nu s its ae dili s and probably its ju , ,
”
dex o r j udices It is doubtful whether the whole body
.
o f the tribes had at first the right o f m eeting together in o n e
place ; but ultimately the right was asserted and exercised the ,
meeti n g pl a ce fo r the whole body being th e forum at Rom e

-
.
”
Here were h eld the comitia tributa which were not per , ,
haps exclusively Plebeia n but which cam e t o be so regarded

, ,
2
9 2 RAWL I N S O N
from the great prepondera n ce of the Plebeians in the cla ss of

land owners The original O b j ect of Servius in creating this
-
.
organization w as p erhaps as much as anything th e assess , ,
m ent and collection of the prop erty tax ( tr i butum) which the -
,
tribunes had to levy collect and pay into the treasury H e

, , .
may also however have aimed at contenting the m ass of the

, ,
Ple b eians by intrusting them to a considerable extent with the

,
power of self governm ent -

.
Servius is also said to have made an allotment of land out of

the pu b lic domain to needy Plebeians— an act which greatly
exasp erated the Patricians who had hith e rto enj oyed all the ,
advantage to b e derived from such land by means of their

right of occupation (possessio) The land allotted appears to .
have lain on the right bank o f the Tiber consisting of tracts ,
which had been ceded b y the Etruscans after their defeat .
According to some authors it was li k ewise this king who ,
raised Rom e externally into a n ew and most imp ortant posi

tion getting h er to b e acknowledged as actual head of the
,
entire Latin confederacy or at any rate of all b ut few recal ,
c it r an t towns such as G ab i i This position was u n dou b tedly

,
.
held by Rom e at the C los e of the monarchy ; and it may have

been first assum ed in t h e reign of Servius The position was .
not exactly that which had b een occupied by Alba Alba had .
been o n e of the thirty cities exercising a presidency over her ,
sister states which gave her a sup eriority of rank and dignity
, ,
but no real C ontrol over the federation Rome was never o n e .
of the Lati n cities H er position was that of a separate state

.
,
”
confronting the league equal to it or eve n superior to it in , ,
power and when accepted as a C lose all y n ecessarily exercising

, ,
a protectorate B y the terms of the treaty equality between

.
,
Rom e and Latium was j ealously insisted upon ; but p rac t i ,
cally Rom e was paramount and directed the policy of the

, ,
league at her pleasure .
An extension of the city o f Rom e accompa n ied this advance

in her territorial influence and in her dign ity The original .
Roma quadrata was confined to a single hill the Palatine , ,
o f which p erhaps it occupi ed only the north western half From -

.
this centre th e town spread to the neigh b oring heights the ,
Esquiline on the n o rth east and the C oeli an on the south east
-
,
-
,
93
whereo n suburbs grew up perched upon emine n ces which , ,
together with the Palatine were s even in numb er and consti ,

”
t u t e d t h e prim itive S e p t i m o nt i u m The Ro m e which had .
these limits w as confronted by a separate settlement probably ,
Sabine on the hills , colles directly t o the north the Capi ,
toline Quirinal and Viminal B u t after a while the two c om

, , .
m u n it i e s coalesced ; and the Rome of Tullus probably incl u ded

th e houses both of the M ontani and the Collini or those ,
o f the Mount m en a n d the Hill m en

-
A me ns added a -
.
settlem ent on the Aventine so completing the later Septi ,
m ont iu m It remained however for Servius to inclose the

.
, ,
various emi n ences and a considerable space between and b e

,
yond them within a single continuous line of wall It is sig

, .
n i fi c at i v e o f the gr eatness o f the Roman state at this t im e that ,
the walls of S e rvius suffi ced for the city down to the tim e
o f Aurelian .
It i s said that S e r vius towards the close o f a long reign , ,
b egan to fear for the stability of his institutio n s a nd planned ,
measures which would he hop ed secure their continuance , , .
H e intended to abdicate before doing so presiding at the elec ,
tion of t w o ma g istrates by the free votes of the p eople assembled

in their centuries ( comiti a ce ntu r i ata) who should be under ,
stood to be appointed to their o ffice not for life but only

_ , ,
for a single year It should be their business before th e end

.
,
o f the year to hold an assembly fo r th e election of their su c

,
c e ss ors and thus the state would h a ve pass ed without v io ,
lence or revol u tion under the govern m ent of popular annual

,
ma gi strates The o ffice o f chief magistrate was it i s pro b able

.
, ,
”
to be op en to both orders B ut the m embers of the houses .
,
disgusted at this prospect frustrated the m onarch s plans b y ,

’
anticipating them B efore Servi u s could e ff ect the changes

.
which he had design ed they broke out in open revolt mur , ,
dered the aged monarch in the Senate hous e and placed a -

,
Tarquin the son of the form er king of the sam e name on the
, ,
throne .
L T ar q u iniu s Sup erbus the last king of Rom e having

.
, ,
gained his crown by the sole favor of th e Patricians acted ,
no doubt in som e respects oppressively towards the other

order H e set aside at once the whole co n sti tution of S er
.
2
94 RAWL I N S O N
v i u s, and restored that which had existed under the earlier

kings B ut it may b e q u estioned whether his oppression of
.
the commonalty ever proceeded farther than this Som e writ .
ers represent him as grinding dow n the people by task work -
of a gri evo u s and distasteful kind and the n when they mur , ,
mured banishing them from Rome to dista n t colonies B ut

,
.
the works which seem to be rightfully assigned to the second

Tarquin are not of such a character as to imply servile o r
grinding labor Their obj ect was most probably the c on
.
tentation of the poorer classes who obtained by m eans of the m ,
constant employme n t at good wages And the planting of .
colonies was alw a ys a popular measure involvi n g as it did of , ,
necessity an allotment of fresh l a nds to needy persons Aga in

, .
,
”
the cloac ae o f Superbus and h is construction o f perm a ,
nent ston e seats in the Circus M aximus were for the a dv a ntage ,
o f the lower classes o f the citizens .
“
The real tyranny o f Superbus was over the Patrician s .
It cannot have comm enced very early in his reign When .
however he felt him self securely settled upo n the thro n e whe n
, ,
he had made himself fairly popular with the bulk of the c o m

munity when by the vigor of his external administration he
, , ,
had acquired a reputation and perhaps an amount o f m ilitary

,
strength which made him careless o f o ffending the houses ,
he ceased to resp ect the rights of the privileged class and dis , ,
p e n sin g with their assistance in the government took the c o m ,
p l e t e direction of a ffairs into h i s o w n hands Perhaps this was .
not much more than earlier monarchs had do n e when they felt ,
themselves fairly established B ut the spirit o f the nobles w as

.
higher than it had formerly b een They had recently slain one .
k ing and se t up another They viewed Tarqui n as their cre a t

.
ure and were indigna n t that he should turn aga inst them
,
.
Still had the tyranny o f the m onarch bee n merely political ;

,
had their p ersons and the ho n or of their families remained

secure it is quite p ossible that no outbreak would have o c
,
curred B ut Tarquin suspicious o f their intentions co m

.
, ,
m e n c e d a series o f prosecutio n s He had C harges brought .
against the most powerful Patrici an s and took cogn iza n ce o f ,
them himself Disallowing the right of appeal he pu n ished

.
,
n u mbers by death or exile Finally the outrage upon a noble

.
,
95
Patricia n matron woke the smouldering disconte n t into a

flame Rebellion broke out ; and the m onarch having sought
.
,
safety in flight the Patrician order with the tacit acquiescence

, ,
o f the Plebeians revolutionized the government

, .
The vigor o f Tar q ui n s administration to the last i s indicated

’
“ ”
by the Treaty with Carthage which he must have been ,
n egotiating at the time o f his dethro n e ment The story of .
h is dealings with Turnus H e rdoniu s seems to i n dicate that he

held a position o f m ore authority with respect to the Latin
league than had bee n occupied by Se rvius And the term s .
used with resp ect to the Lati n s in the tre a ty above mentioned
co n fir m this view The conquest o f G ab ii i n his reign is prob
.
a bly a fact though the circumstances of the co nq uest may be

,
fictitious .
The gre a t works of T a rqui n were the C a pitoli n e Temple the ,
branch cloacae which drained into the Cloaca M axi ma the s eats ,
i n the Circus Maxi m us and perhaps the Cyclopia n wall still

,
existing a t S ig nia .
The chro n ology of th e ki n gly period a t Ro m e is extremely

uncert a i n Traditionally the p eriod w a s recko n ed at either
.
2 40 o r 2 44 y ears T o Rom ulus were assigned 3 7 years ; to

.
Nu ma 39 ( or
, t o T ullus 3 2 ; t o A nc u s 24 ; to Tarquin I
, , .
,
3 8 ; t o S ervius 44 ; t o Tarqui
, n I I 2 5 ; a n d a n i nt e r r
. e g
,
num o f a ye a r w a s counted betwe e n Ro m ulus and Nu ma .
It h as bee n pointed ou t that the a verage duratio n of the reigns

(35 y e a rs n e a rly ) i s improb a bly long ; an d that the n umbers
bear i n ma ny p oi n ts the a ppe a ra n ce of artificial manipulatio n .
O n the earlier numbers in the list a nd therefore upon the total , ,
n o dependence at all can b e placed ; for n either Romulus n or

Numa can b e regarded a s real pers onages There is reaso n .
to believe th a t the r e g ifu g iu m took place in or about the

y ear B C 5 08 Perha p s we ma y accept the traditions with r e
. . .
spect to th e later kings so far as to believe that the reig n s of

the l a st three monarchs covered the s pace Of about a ce n tur y ,
and those o f the two precedi ng t h e m th e spac e of a bout h a lf

a century The tim e that the monarchy had lasted before Tul
.
lus w as probably unknown to th e Roma n s at the p eriod when

history first be g an to be writte n .
2
96 RAWL I N S O N
From the Foundation of the Republic to the Commencem ent

of the Samnite Wars B C 5 08 to , . .
The interest of the Roman history during the whole of this

p eriod b elongs mainly to the internal a ff airs Of the Republic ,
the struggle b etween the orders the growth of the constitution ,
and O f the laws ; secondarily only and by comparison slightly , , ,
to the e xternal a ffairs wars treaties alliances and conquests

, , , , .
\ Vith the three exceptions o f the first Latin War the V e i e n t i n e ,
contest and the great attac k o f Gauls the wars are u n e v e nt

, ,
ful and unimportant The pro g ress made is slight It ma y

. .
b e q u estioned whether at the clos e of the p eriod Terminus h as

advanced in any direction beyond the p oint which it had
reached under the kings The relations of Rom e to Latium.
are certainly les s clos e and less to the advantage of Rom e at

th e close of the period than at its com m encement ; and thus
far the power of the Roman state is diminished rather than
,
augmented .
The internal changes during the p eriod are o n the contrary , ,
of the highest interest an d importance They include the e s .
t ab li sh m e n t o f the Plebeian Tribunate the D ecemviral consti ,
t u t i on and legislation the institution of the Censorship the

, ,
experiments Of the First and Second M ilitary Tribunates th e ,
re— establishment o f the Consulship with the proviso that on e

consul should b e a Plebeian the infringem ent of the proviso , ,
and the whole s eries of the early agrarian enactments and dis
t u r b an c e s There is no p ortion o f the constitutional history
.
of any ancient state which has a deeper interest than this

S ou r ces .mo s t c opi ou s aut h o r it i e s ar e as b e f o r e Livy ( b o oks
Th e , ,
ii
. an d D i o n y si u s ( b o o ks v x i a n d fr a gm e nt s o f b o o ks x ii
.
-
. .
t o w hich m ay b e a dd e d Pl u t arch i n his liv e s o f P O p l i c ol a C o ri o l an u s

, , ,
a n d C a m ill u s ; D i o do r u s S i cu l u s ( b o o ks x i an d t h e fr a gm e nt s .
of Appi an an d D i o C assi u s
, O cc asi onal n ot ic e s of t h e p e ri o d mo s tl y
. ,
o f gr e at val u e ar e al s o f ou n d i n P o l y bi u s
,
Fo r t h e chr on o l o gy t h e
.
,
b e s t aut h o ri ty is t h e i mp o rt ant monume nt du g u p o n t h e si t e o f t h e

F o r um an d g e n e r all y k now n as t h e Fasti C apitoli ni w hich so far a s
, , ,
i t g o e s is i nval u abl e
, .
none from which lessons of greater value c an be le a r n t A .
certain amou n t of obscurity rests indeed upon many points , , ,
o n which we should be glad to h a ve clearer and m ore certain

knowledge ; but despite this drawback the history is in the
, ,
highest degree instructive an d will well reward the study o f ,
a ll those who love both order and freedom .
The co n stitution established on the expulsion of Tarquin

was i n part the actualization o f the ideal of Servius in part
, , ,
a n enlargem ent of that ideal conceived in the sam e spirit ,

.
Servius had designed to intrust the government of the state

to two annual magistrates elected by the free voice of the c e n
t u r i e s and had made the ce n turies in which all freem en were
, ,
enrolled the recognized Assembl y of the Roman p eople He

, .
had given the non burghers generally the rights of municipal

-
“ ”
self government ; o f the election Of their own tribunes
-
,
“ ”
mdi l e s and j udges ;
, and o f the assessment and c o ll e c
tion of their ow n taxes B ut this so far as appears was all.
, , .
Th e leaders o f the revolution of B C 5 08 went farther The y . . .
restored the constitution of Servius and they added t o it , .
”
Tw o pr aetors o r consuls were elected by the free voice
, ,
o f the centuries according to a form of proceedi n gs which

,
Servius had left behind him in writing ; a n d on e of th e first

pair o f consul s w as a non burgher or Pleb eian The Senate -
.
,
which had dwindled under the later kings partly from natural ,
caus es partly by th e deliberate policy o f th e tyrant was c om

, ,
p l e t e d t o its ideal n umber o f 3 00 by the addition of 1 64 life ,
m embers c o n scr ip t i chose n from th e richest of th e

equites o f whom a consider a ble number were Plebeians
,
.
The right o f appeal suspended under the last king was r e

, ,
v iv e d and w as so enlarged as to include all freemen

,
Thus .
,
at the outset th e n ew constitution wore th e appear a nce at

, ,
any rate of equality N o sharp line of demarc a tio n was drawn

, .
between the t w o orders in resp ect of perso n al freedom or ad ,
m i ssib i l it y to p olitical privilege ; and it i s n ot too much to say

that if the spirit which animated the Patrician body in B C
,
. .
5 08 h a d continued to prevail contentions an d stru ggles b e ,
tween the tw o orders would n ever have arise n .
B ut this fair prosp ect was soo n C louded over Th e Patri .
c ian s had bee n induced t o make th e co n cessions a bove e n u

2
98 R AWL I N S O N
m e r at e d to the o t he r O r de r not I r om an y sense of j u s t ice b u t

, ,
th r o u gh fear of Tar q u in an d his parti sans who were labo ri ng ,
to b r i ng a b o u t a r es t o r ati on O f t hi s t h ere w as for a ti me c on

.
s i de ra b l e danger T h e r e was a ro y alis t parry among th e Pat ri

.
c i an s t h ems e l ve s an d b o t h t h e E t r uscans and t h e La tins were
in c li ned t o e sp o u se t he q u arrel of the deposed ki ng W hen

'
,
.
howev e r t h is p e r i l was past when th e C hi efs of th e ro y alist

.
,
fac ti on we r e b an i sh ed or exec u ted when t h e Etr u scans h ad ,
met a r e is t an ce which th e y had not co u nted on an d the Lat i ns

s
,
had s u s t ai ned t h e co m plete de fea t of th e La k e R e gi ll u s t h e ,
p o l ic y of th e Pat r icians changed No Plebeian was all o w ed .
to enj o y t h e cons ul shi p a ft er B r u tu s an d b y degrees it grew ,
to b e fo r go t ten t hat an v b u t Patr icians had ever b een regarded

as eli g i b l e No pl an was adopted b y which P l e b ei ans co ul d
.
O b tai n r e g ul ar en tr ance i nto t h e S enate ; an d as the i r li fe .
m em b ers died 05 th e co u n c i l o f th e nation was once more

,
closed to t h em The whole power o f the governm ent w as e n

.
grossed b y the Pat ri cian o r der ; which findi n g its elf free from ,
an y chec k nat ura ll y b ecam e over b ea r in g and opp r essive

, .
The i m minent dan ger of a restorati on at one ti me is in di

ca t e d b y the sto r y which L i v v tells o f the ori gi n o f the D i c
, ,
t at o r sh i p S u ch an o ff ice w as evidentl y no par t O f th e o r i gi nal

.
idea o f th e cons t it u ti on ; b u t was exac t l y w hat mi ght natu r a lly

have b een devi s ed to m eet an emergenc y I f t h e ci r c u mstances .
were such as Li v y mentions t h e fi st Dictator must have b ee n ,

r
nam ed b y t h e Senate I n aft er tim es it is cert a in th at t h e Sen

.
-
ate clai m ed the ri ght of nom inati on tho u gh practica lly t hey ,
we r e g e n e r all v sat isfied to select the consul who should nomi

nate .
The loss of poli t ical pri v ilege woul d not it is probable b y , ,
itsel f have ca l led forth an v act ive movement on th e part of

.
the com monalty It r eq u i r ed the st i m u lus of p ers onal su fl e r

.
ing to s t ir u p t h e law lov i ng Roman to o ff er an y r es ista nce to

-
constit u t ed a u t hori t y T hi s stim u l u s was fo u n d in the harsh

.
en fo r cement not long aft e r t h e com mencement of t h e Repub

,
li c o f the law o f de b tor an d cre di tor— a law which under the

, ,
circu ms t a nces of the ti m e press ed heavil y on vas t numbers .
o f the commun i ty a n d t h r eat e n e d to depri ve them of their

'
personal fr eedom if not even of their lives

,
.
AN C I E NT H I ST O R Y 2
99
The operation of the law o f debt acquired political impo r

tance chiefly f r om the large numbe r of the de b to r s at th is perio d
of the history ; and it is therefore necessa r y to inquire what
were th e circ u m stances which caused the wide prevalence of
indebtedness at the tim e— a prevalence which threatened revo
l u t io n N ow in th e first place nothing is more clear than that
.
, ,
the change fro m the Monarchy to the Rep u blic w as ac c o m

p an ie d by a dim inution in th e power and prestige of Rom e ,
which san k from a position of pre em inence am on g the central

-
Italian nations to one of compar a tive in si g n i fi ca n ce The La t .
ins profited by the occasion to reclai m their complete inde

p e n de n c e the Etruscans assum e d a n aggressive attit u de and ,
an Etruscan m onarch La r s Porsenna appears to have actually

, ,
for a term of years held Rome in su b j ection This yo k e was .
indeed shaken o ff after a while ; but a p erman ent result of th e

subj ection remained in the loss of almost all the territory on
the right b ank of the Tiber The Roman s W hose lands lay
.
on that side of the river thus lost them ; while at th e sam e
tim e the separation between Rom e and Lati u m laid the Roman
territory on the south side o f th e ri ver op en to incursions .
The Sabines and O scans plundered and ravaged freely ; th e

crops were rui n ed the farm buil dings a nd i mplem ents de
,
stroyed the cattle carried o ff A general impoverishm ent was

, .
the natural consequence ; and this woul d of cours e b e felt m ost

by the p oorest classes and esp ecially by those whos e sma l l
,
plots of land were their sole m eans o f s u stenance .
Th e poverty thus produced was further aggr a vated I B y , .
th e exaction o f taxes which by the Roman system were as

,
sessed upon individuals not for a single year b u t for a te r m

, ,
o f fi v e y ears an d had to b e paid for that term wheth er the

, ,
property on whi ch they were levi ed remained in the p ossessio n

o f the individual o r not ; 2 B y th e high rate of interest whi ch
.
, ,
under the p eculiar circums t a nces o f the ti m e r ose proba b ly ,
from th e norm al rate of 1 0 p er cent ( z mcia r i um f az nus) to s u ch

.
rates as 3 0 4 0 or perhap s even 5 0 p er cent ; 3 B y th e no n

, ,
. .
p a ym ent o f th e rents due to th e treasury from the possessor es ,
the withholding o f which c a used th e prop erty — tax (t r ibut a m)

to becom e a s erious bur de n ; 4 B y the cessation o f the system
.
of allotm ents ( div is io ag ror um) instituted by Servi us which w a s ,

3 00 RAWL I N S O N
i n te n ded t o compens a te the Plebeians for their exclusio n from

the right of possessio .
When the su ff erings of the poorer classes had reached to a

certain height from the cruel enforcem ents of the laws c on
cerning de b t mur murs and indign a nt outcries began to b e
,
heard At first however the opposition o f the disco n tented

. , ,
took a purely legal shape The Rom an w as a volunteer arm y

.
,
not a conscription ; and the Plebeians had been wont a t the ,
call of the consuls freel y t o o ffer their se rvices Now they

, .
declined to gi ve in their n am e s u n less upo n the promise o f a

redress of grievances Promises to this e ffect were made and
.
broken The Plebeia n s the n driven t o despair s eceded

.
, ,
that is to say they withdrew fro m Rom e i n a bod y and p ro

, ,
c e e de d t o prepare for themselves n ew abodes across the Anio ,
intending to fou n d a new city separate from the burgesses ,
where they might live under their ow n sole governme n t Such .
a step w as no doubt revolutionary ; it implied the complete dis

ruption o f the state ; but it was revolution o f a kind which i n
volved no bloodshed The burghers however seeing in the
.
, ,
step taken the ruin of both orders— for Rome divided against
herself must have speedily succumb ed to som e o ne o r other
o f her powerful neighbors —felt comp elled to yield The Plebs .
req u ired as the conditio n s o f their return that all debts of per
sons who could prove th emselves i n solvent should be c an
celled ; th a t all persons in the custody o f their creditors o n
a ccount of debt should be set at liberty ; and that certain
guardi a ns of the Plebeian order should b e an n ually elected by
the nation at large whose p ersons should be sacred w h o should
, ,
be recogn ized as magistrates o f the natio n a n d whose special ,
business should be to defend and protect from i n j u ry all Plebe

“
ians appealing t o them These were the famous Tribuni
.
Pl e b is , or Tribunes of the Commons who played so i m ,
portant a part in the later history of the Republic Their .
original n umber is u n certain ; but it would seem to have been

either fiv e o r t w o .
It is evident that the economical portion o f this arrangem ent

very insuffi ciently met the di fficulty of the existing poverty ;
a nd there can be little doubt that besides the form a l provisos
,
above m entioned there was an underst anding that the Plebe

,
A N C I E N T H I STO R Y 301
ia n gri eva n ces should be redressed by a n equitable syste m of

allotments Such a system was advocated shortly afterw a rds
.
,
B C 4 84 by Sp Cassius o ne of the consuls under whom the

. .
, .
,
Plebs returned from their secession but was violently opp osed ,
b y the b ulk of the Patrician order and cost its advoc a te his life , .
Still from tim e to time concessions o f this kind were made

, , ,
t o keep the Plebeians in good humor ; and gradually as th e ,
territory once more grew in size considerable portions of it ,
were parcelled o u t to small proprietors .
But a new character was given to the struggle betwee n the

orders by the tribunate which enabled the wealthier Plebeians
, ,
whose especial grievance was their exclusion from the chief

o ffices in the state to turn the eff orts o f their order t o th e ob
,
taining of equal political privileges and thus to initiate a co n test

which lasted for above a century The first step taken in ad .
vance was by the law o f P u b lili u s Volero ( B C the mai n . .
imp ortance of which was that it assum ed the i n itiative in legis

lation hitherto exclusivel y i n the ha n ds of th e other O rder
,
.
When the attempt thus made to legislate in a m atter o f public

importance succeeded when by the sanction of the Senate and
, ,
Patricians the r og atio P u blili a becam e l a w the co n test was vir

, ,
t u all y decided ; a door was op ened by m e an s o f which a n

entrance might be eff ected i n to the very citadel of the c on stitu
tion all that w as necess a ry w a s su ffi cient p a tience and p erse
v e ran c e a determi n atio n i n spite o f all obstacles to press
,
steadily forward t o the re q uired e n d and to consent p er ma ,
n e n t l y t o n o compromise that should seriousl y i n terfere with
the gre a t principle o f equ a l right s .
The Plebeian s victorious in this first struggle did not lo n g

, ,
rest upon th eir oars I n B C 460 the tribune C T e r e nti li u s

. . .
, .
H arsa brought forward a proposition the real obj ect o f which

, ,
was a complete change of the co n stitutio n H e proposed the .
creatio n o f a board o f commissioners half P a trici a n half Ple , ,
b eian whose duties should be to codify the existi n g laws t o

, ,
limit and define the authority of the consuls a nd t o est a blish ,
a constitution j ust a n d equit a ble t o both orders The prop osi .
tion w a s opposed with the utmost determination and violence .
Eve n a t the last it w a s not formally carried ; b ut a fter te n

, ,
y e a rs of the most vehement strife after Rom e through the con , ,

3 02
RAWL I N S O N
tentio n s b etween the orders had several times been nearly ,
t a ken by the Volscian s and had once been actually occupied ,
by a band of adventurers u n der a Sabine named Appius Her

don iu s called in by som e of the m ore violent of the Patrician
,
body the n obles virtually y ielded— they agreed that th a t

,
should b e done which the law proposed but required that it ,
should be done i n another wa y The nation assembled in ifs .

,
centuries should freely choos e the ten commissioners t o whom

,
so important a task was t o be intrusted and who would m ore , ,
over co n stitute a provisional governm ent superseding for the

, ,
time all other magistrates The Plebeia n s conse n ted ; and the .
natural conseque n ce w a s that ten Patricia n s were chosen—P a

t r i c i an s however mostly o f known moderation who might be
, , ,
expected to perform their task prudently a nd j ustly .
The First Decemvirs did n ot disappoint the expect atio n s

form ed o f them In their codification of the laws the y did little
.
but stereotyp e the existing practice putting for the most part , , ,
into a written form what had previously been matter of prece

dent and usage In som e matters h owever where the law
.
, ,
was loose and indeterminate they had t o give it de fi nit e ne ss ,
and p recision by expressing for the first tim e its provisions

in writing The code of the Twelve Tables
. f ans omni s
”
— which dates from this time was a
p u b l i ci pr i v a ti qu e ju r i s ,
most valuable digest of th e early Roman law and even in , ,
the fragm entary state in which it h as come down to u s de ,
serves careful study .
The fragments o f t h e code have been published by s everal

writers as by Haubold in his I n st it u t ionu m j uris Romani
,
”
privati L i n e am e nt a L ip si ae 1 82 6 ; a n d by Dirkse n in his
, ,
U e b e r si c h t der bisherigen Versuche zur Kritik und H e rst e l l

”
u n g des Textes der Z w ol f Tafel Fragmente Leipzig 1 82 4
- -
, , .
The subj ect h as been well treated by Arnold in his Roma n

”
History Vol I Chap X IV The following are the Tables
, . .
, . .
,
as given by Dirksen the origi n al for m of the language b ei n g

,
only partially preserved

LAWS O F TH E TWELVE TAB LES .
F I RST TA B LE .
SI . IN . IV S . V OC A T . NI . IT . A N T E ST AT O R . I G IT VR . EM . C A P I TO .
SI . C A L V IT V R . P E D E MV E . ST R VIT . MA N VM . E N D O IAC IT O .
SI . M O R B VS . A E V IT A S V E . V I T I V M . E S C IT . QVI . IN . IVS . V O C A B IT . I VM E N T VM . D A TO .
SI . NOL ET . A RC E R AM . NE . ST E R N IT O .
A S S I D VO . VIND EX . A SS I D V V S . E S TO PR O L E T A R I O . .
Q VO I .
Q VI S . VO L ET V N D EX . I .
E S TO .
R EM V B I . . PAG V N T . O R A TO .
NI . P AG V N T . I N . C O M IT IO . AVT . IN . F O R O AN T E M E R I D I EM
. . . C AVSA M . C O N I IC IT O .
QVO M AM B O P R A E S E N T E S
. P E R O RAN T. . .
P O S T M E R I D I EM PR AE S EN T I S T L I T E M A D D I C I I O
. . . .
’ ‘
S O L O C C AS V S S V P R E M A T E M P E S T A S E S TO
—VA D E S —SVB V A D E S
. . . . .
. .
S ECO N D TA B L E .
MO R B V S .
—SO N T IC VS .
—
ST AT V S . DI ES . C VM OST E QV I D
. H .
— . H O RVM. FV IT . VN VM .
IVD IC I . ARB IT R O VE . R EO . VE . DIES . D I FFI S V S E S TO . .
CV . T E ST I M O N I V M . D E FV E R I T . IS . T E R T I I S. D I E B VS . OB . PO RT V M . O B VA G V L AT V M .
IT O .
T H I R D TA B L E .
AB RIS . CO NFE SS I . R E B V S QV E . IV R E IV D I C AT I S T R I G I N T A
. . . DIES . I V ST I . SVN T O .
POST . D E IN D E E S TO I N I V S D V C IT O . M A N VS . I N I E C T IO . . . . .
N I I V D I C AT V M FA C I T A V T
.
Q V I P S EN DO EM I V R E V I N D I C IT S E C V M D V C I T O
. . . . . . . . . .
V I N C I T O A V T NE R V O A V T C O M P E D I B V S Q V I N D E C I M P O N D O N E MA I O R E A V T
. . . . . . . . . .
S I VO L E T M I N O R E V I N C I T O
. . . .
SI .V O L E T S VO V I V I T O N I SV G V I V I T Q V I EM V I N C T V M H A B E B I T L I B R A S
. . . . . . . . . . .
FA R R I S EN D O D I E S D A T O S I V O L E T P L V S D A TO
. . . . . . . .
T E R T I I S N V N D I N I S P A R T I S S E C AN TO S I P L V S M I N V S V E S E C V E R V N T S E F R A V D E
. . . . . . .
, . .
E STO .
A D V E RSV S . H O ST E M . A ET E R N A . A V C T O R I T A S.
FO URT H TA B L E .
SI . PATE R . FI L I V M . TE R . VEN VM V I T FI L I V S A P A T R E
. D . . . . LIB E R . E S TO .
F I FT H TA B L E .
V T I L E G ASS IT S V P E R P E C V N I A T V I E L A V E S V A B R E I IT A I V S E S TO
’ ‘
. . . . . . . . . .
SI I N T E S T A TO
. M O R IT VR C VI S VV S H E R E S N E C S I T A D G N A T V S
. . . . . . . . P R O XI M VS .
FAM I L I AM . H A B ET O .
SI . NE C E SC IT G EN T I L I S FAM I L I AM N A N C I T O R
AG N AT V S . . . . . .
SI .FV R I O S V S E S T A G N AT O R V M G E N T I L I V M QV E I N E 0 . . . . P EC V N I A Q V E . E IVS .
P O T E S T A S E S TO —A S T E I C V ST O S NE C E S C IT
. .
. . . . . . .
E X EA . EAM FAM I L I AM
. . .
S I X T H TA B LE .
C VM . N E XV M . FA C I E T . M A N C I P I V M QV E . VT I . L I N G VA . N VN C V P A S S I T . IT A . I VS . ES TO .
SI .
QV I . IN. I VR E . MANVM . C O N SE R VN T .
T IG N V M . I VN C T V M . AE D I B V S . V I N E A E QV E . ET . C O NC A P ET . N E . S O L V IT O .
Q V A N D O QV E . SAR PT A . DO NE C . D E M P T A. E R VN T .
3 04 RAWL I N S O N
S E V ENT H TAB L E .
H O R TVS .
— ER H E D IV M .
— T VG V R IVM .
sx I VR G A N T
—sx
. .
. A QV A . P L V V IA . NO C ET .
E I G H T H TA B L E .
SI . M EM B RV M . RVPIT . NI . C V M E 0 FA C I T T A L I O E S TO
. . . . .
sx I N IV R I AM FA X I T A LT E R I V IG I N I I
’ ‘
QV I N Q V E A E R IS P O E N AE SY N T O .
—
. . . . . .
. .
-R V P I T IA S S A R C IT O
—NE V E A L I ENAM
. .
-
Qv 1 . FR V G E S . E XC A N T A S S I T . . . SE G ET EM . P E L L E XE R IS .
SI . N O X . FV R T V M . FA C T V M . S IT . SI . IM . O C C I S IT . I VRE . C A E S VS . E S TO .
SI A D O RAT . FV R T O .
Q VO D . N EC . M A N I FE ST V M . E SC I T .
E STO
.
P A T R O N V S. S I . C L I EN T I . FR A V D E M . FE C E R IT . S AC E R . .
QVI . SE . SIE R IT . T E ST A R IE R . L I B R I P E N S VE . FV E R IT . NI . T E ST I M O N I V M . FA R IA T V R .
I M P R O B VS I N T E ST A B I L I S QV E E S TO
—M A L V M
. . .
QV I . MALV M . C A R MEN . I N C A N T A SS E T . . VEN ENVM .
T E NT H TA B LE .
II O M I N E M M O R T VVM IN V R B E N E S E P E L T O NE V E I VR I I
‘
NE P A C I T O —R O G V M A S C I A NE P O L I TO
. . . . . . .
HOC . PLVS . . . . . . .
M V L I E R E S G ENA S NE R A D V N T O NE V E L E S S V M FV N E R I S E R G O H A B E N T O
. . . . . . . .
N E O SS A L E G I T O Q VO P O S T FV N V S P A G IAT
.
R O M I N I M O R T VO . . . . . . . . .
Q V I C O R O N A M P A R I T I PS E P E C V N I A V E E I V S V I R T V T I S E R G O D I V I I O R E l
'‘
. . . . . . . .
NE V E A V R V M A D D I TO QV O I A V R O D EN T E S VI N C T I E SC VN T A S T I M C U M
.
. . . . . . . . . . I L LO
S E P E L I R E V R E R E VE S E F R A V D E E S T O
. .
. . . . .
TW E LFT H TA B L E .
SI . S E R VV S . FV R T V M . FA XI T . N O X IA M V E N O C V IT .
SI . V I N D I C IAM . FA L S A M . T V L IT SI . V E L IT . IS TOR . A R DIT R O S . TRES .
D AT O . EO RVM . A R P IT RIO . FR V C T V S D V P L I O N E . . D A M N VM . D E C I D IT O .
B ut the m a in work of the Dece mvirs w a s the constitution

which they devised a n d sought to establish I n lieu o f the .
double magistracy half Patrici an and half Plebeian which had , ,
recently divided the state and h a d threate n ed actual di sru p ,
tion the D ecemvirs instituted a single governmental body

,
a b oard of ten half Patrician a n d half Plebeian which was to , ,
supersede at o n ce the consulate and the tribunate and to be ,
the sole Roman executive The centuries were to elect ; and .
the Patrician assembly was probabl y to confirm the election , ,

.
I t is suspected that the duration of the o ffice was intended t o

exceed a year ; but this is perh a ps uncertain .
Fairl y as this constitutio n was intended and really liberal as ,

were its provisio n s as a practical measure o f relief it failed

,
entirely O ne member of the board Appius Claudius obtained

.
, ,
a complete ascendency over his colleagues and persuaded ,
them as soon as they cam e into o ffice to appear and ac t as

, ,
tyrants The a b olition of all the other high magistracies had

.
removed those checks which had previously restrained consuls ,
tribunes and even dictators ; there w as now no p ower in the

,
state which could legall y interfere to prevent an abuse of

authority u nl ess it were the Senate ; and the Senate was o n
,
the whole inclined to prefer a tyranny which did not greatly

aff ect its own members to the tumults and disorders of the ,
last forty years Rather than see the tribunate restored the
.
,
Patricians and their representatives the senators were pre

, ,
pared to bear much ; and thus there w as small hop e of redress

from this quarter .
It was o n the Plebeians that the yoke of the D ecemvirs

pressed m ost heavily It was supposed that as they had now .
,
n o legal mode o f even m aking their complaints heard since ,
there were no tribunes to summon the tri b es to m eet they at ,
any rate might b e oppressed and insulted with absolute i m

p u n i t y Accordingly
. they were subj ected to every kind o,
f
wrong and indignity— the D ecemvirs and their partisan s p l u n
dered them outraged their p ersons heap ed contum ely up on
, ,
them and finally attacked them in the tenderest o f all p oints

,
the honor o f their families Then at len gth resistance was .
aroused As th e wrongs of Lucretia had arm ed the Patricians

.
against Tarquin so those of Virginia produced a rising of th e

,
Plebeians a gainst Appius The armies which were in the field .

, ,
revolted : the comm ons at home rose ; and when the Senate ,
still declined to take any active step s against the D ecemvirs ,
th e whole mass o f the Plebeians once more occupied the M ons

Sacer The walls of a new city began to rise ; the Roman state
.
was split in two its foreign enemies seeing their opportunity , ,
assumed a threatening attitude ; destruction was imm inent ;

when at last th e Senate yielded Appius and his colleagues .
were required by a decree ( senatusconsu ltum) to resig n their

o fli ce s and having now n o physic a l force o n which they could
, ,
fall back they sub mitted and we n t through the formalities o f

, ,
abdication
3 06
RAWL I N S O N
Forced hurriedly to extemporize a gover nm e n t the st a te fell ,
back upon that form which had imm edi a tel y preceded th e e s
t ab li sh me nt of the First Decemvirate It w a s adopted how .
,
ever with certain modificatio n s Prior t o the Decemvirate for

,
.
a bove thirty years the Patrician s h a d claimed an d e x ercised t h e

,
right of appointing by their ow n e xclu sive a ssembly on e of

t h e two consuls It was impossible a t the prese n t conj u n cture
.
to maintain so m anifestly unfair a n usurp a tio n The free elec .
tion o f b oth consuls was conse q uentl y restored to the c e n

t u ri e s .The tribunate o f the Plebs w a s t e — est a blished exactly
as it had existed before the D ecemvirate B ut the position o f .
the other Plebeian magistrates was i mproved The Plebeia n .
”
e diles and j ud g es wer e a llowed the sacros an ct char a c
'
ter ; and the former were ma d e cu stodia n s of a ll decrees p a s sed

by the Senate which it henceforth became i m p ossible for th e
,
magistrates to ignore or f a lsify Further a disti n ct recognition .

,
w a s made of the right of the tribu n es to consult th e tribes on

matters of publi c co n cern and thus i n iti a te legisl a tion—a right
,
~
hitherto resting merel y upon grou n ds of reaso n an d p r e scrip ~

tion .
In reli nq uishi n g t e m por a ril y their clai m t o a sh a re in t h e

supreme m a g istracy for the purpose of s ecuri n g at a ny cost
the restoration o f th e m uch — v alu e d tribunate the Plebei a ns ,
were far from i ntending to profe ss them selves sati sfied with
the exclusiv e poss e ssion of high o ffice by the other part y Th e y .
expected perh a p s th a t som e propositio n for givi n g them a

, ,
cert ain sh a re i n the gov e r n m ent would e mana te from the P atri
ei a us thems e lves who were n ot universally blind to the j ust ice
,
of their cl a i m s B ut a s time we n t o n and n o movement i n this

.
,
direction was made the Pl e beian l e aders o n ce m ore took up

,
the questio n an d in B C 44 2 C C anu l e iu s on e of the tribu n es

, . .
, .
, ,
brought forward two separ a te but co n n e cted laws one op e n ing ,
the consulship to the Plebeia n O rder the other l e galizi n g inter ,
marriage b e tween Patricians a nd Plebeia n s a nd providing ,
that the children should follow the rank of the fa ther B oth .
laws e n countered a strenuous oppositio n ; and according to

o n e a uthority n o co n ce ssion w a s m a de until the Plebs once
,
m ore seceded this tim e acro ss the Tiber to the Janicula n H ill
, ,
when the Interm arriage Law (lex de connu bio) was passed ,
and i n lieu o f the other a compromise was e ffected between

, ,
the O rders It w as agreed to put the consulate in com mission

.
,
substitutin g for the double rule Of two equal magistr a tes which ,
had hitherto prevailed a board o f ( probably ) fiv e perso n s o f ” <

,
unequal rank a m ong whom the consular powers were to b e

,
p arcelled ou t The duties with resp ect to the revenue and the
.
,
arrangeme n t Of the roll Of th e Senate o f the knights and of , ,
the citizens gener a ll y in the centuries which had hitherto been ,
exercised by the consuls were separated O ff and made over to ,
two Censors elected by the centuries from among the nobles

only The remaining duties o f the consuls were consigned to
.
“ ”
three military tribunes also elected by the centuries but , ,
from th e Patricians an d Ple b eians indi fferently The latter .
O fficers were to be a n nual ; the form er were to hold o ffice for

a t erm of five years .
The working o f this constitution was extremel y u n sat isfac

tory to the Plebeians B y m eans Of the irregular alternation
.
o f the consulate with the m ilitary tribunate at least half the ,
suprem e magistracies were m o n opolized by th e n obles with

o u t the Plebeians being able even to be candidates With r e .
sp ect to the other half it m ight have been thought that they ,
could have avenged themselves B ut practically it was found .
that only on rare occasions unde r circumstances Of p eculiar ,
excitem ent could the centuries b e induced to elect a Plebeian

,
candidate The Patricians by their ow n votes and those of

.
their clients in the centuries o f the first class had almost

th e co mplete control Of the elections ; and during nearly forty
years at the most three Plebeians Obtained a place in the
,
college Even then their position was insecure The colleges

. .
o f sacred lore m ight be called upo n to inquire whether som e
accidental informality at the election had not rendered it i n

valid O f the three Plebeian tribunes elected under the con
.
st it u t i o n o f B C 44 2 o n e was made to resign in his third m onth

. .
,
o f O ffice becaus e the augural tent had not been pitched rightly
, .
N o r were the Plebeians compe n sated for their disappoint
M omms e n s ay s e igh t — t w o c e n s o rs an d si x mi l i tar y t rib u ne s ; ,
b ut t h e r e is n o i n s t an c e o f a b o ard o f si x m ili t a r y t rib une s t ill B C 402 . .

,
f o rty y e ars l at e r ; aft e r w hich t i me t h e r e is n o i n s tan c e of a b oard c o n

tain in g l e ss t h an si x .
3 08
RAWL I N S O N
ment with respect to the constitutio n o f B C 44 2 by mild or . .
liberal treatm ent in other respects during the forty years that
it lasted ( B C 44 2 to
. . The dignity o f the censorship was
indeed lessened by the FE milian law which diminished the ,
duration of the o ffice from fiv e years to eighteen months ; but

any advantage which the Plebeians might seem to have gained
in this respect was counterbalanced by the elevation of the
prefect of the cit y a n exclusively Patrician o fficer to the posi
, ,
tion o f a collea gu e of the military tribunes when there were no

censors in o ffice A demand which the Plebeians made for
.
a share of the qu ae storship w as practically eluded in the way

which had now com e t o be fashionable by throwing the o ffice ,
open to both O rders Requests for allotm ents of land were

.
either wholly rej ected or answered by niggardl y assignmen ts

,
o f two j ugera to a man in portions o f the territory very

open to attack on the part of an enemy The state rents were .
-
generally W ithheld b y the p o sse ssore s ; and to m ake up the ,
deficiency in the reven u e the prop erty tax was undul y aug
,
-
me nt e d The demand o f the tribunes that th e soldiers should

.
,
receive pay during the tim e that they were on active service ,
was not complied with ; nor was any thing done to a lleviate
the pressure caused b y the high rate o f interest .
Thus the Plebeians though by the letter of the constitutio n

, , ,
they had made certain n ot inconsiderable gains sinc e the abo

l it i o n o f the Decemvir ate were scarcely b etter contented with
,
their position in the state than they had b een when T e r e nt iliu s
o r when C an u l e i u s commenced their agitations And the P a .
t r i c i an s were quite aware o f their feelings Accordingly when .

, ,
about B C 403 the m ilitary position of Rom e among her neigh

. .
,
bors had b ecom e such as t o j ustify the n a tion in entering upon

a more important war than any hitherto waged by the Repu b
lic and it was clear that success would depend v e ry mu c h
,
_
upon the heartiness and unanimity with which th e whole nation

threw itself into the struggle the Patricians themselves came
,
forward with proposals for a ch ange in the military tribunate ,
and probably on e also in the censorship which had for th eir ,
o b j ect the better contentation of th e other O rder A new c o n .
st i t u t i o n w as fr a med ; and at the sam e ti m e it was agreed that
the state rents should be c a refully collected and from t h e

-
,
m one y thus obtained regular pay should be give n to the sol

d iers w h o were n ow to be called upon to serve the whole or
, ,
nearly the whole of the year , .
The wars of the Republic had hitherto been o f minor impor

tance After the yoke o f Porsenn a was throw n off a short and
.
sharp struggle had supervened with the Latins who were c om ,
p e ll e d by Sp Cassius ( B C if not to .renew their o ld . .
treaty at any rate to enter into a league o ff ensive a n d de fe n

, ,
sive with the Romans The H e rni can s of the Upper Liris
, .
country were soo n afterwards ( B C 4 84 ) forced by the sam e . .
general to j oin the alliance The special obj ect o f the league .
was to resist the encroachm ents o f the O scan nations p art ic ,
u l arl y the E qui and Volsci wh o were now at the height of ,
their p ower A long struggle with these n ations attended with

.
,
very varyi n g success had followed Rome had at times been , .
reduced to great straits Many Latin cities had been taken .
and occupied by the Volscians B ut after a b ove half a century .

,
o f almost perpetual contest the power o f the O scans began ,
to wane The confederated Romans Latins and H e r n i c an s

.
, ,
recovered m ost of their lost ground T arrac ina was r e o cc u .
pied B C 4 03 At th e s a me tim e the pressure of the Sabines

,
. . .
,
upon Rome const a nt in the earlier ye a rs of the Republic had

, ,
ceased A great victor y gained by the consul Horatius in

.
, ,
B C 44 6 had relieved Ro m e o f this enemy whose su p e r ab u n

. .
, ,
dant energies found for many years an ample scope in South

ern Italy Under thes e circumstances o f compar a tive freedom
.
from any pressing dan ger Rom e felt that th e time was com e ,
when she m ight make a fresh start in the race for power She .
was cramp ed for room towards the n orth and west by the near
vicinity o f an import an t but n ot very formid a ble state Veii , .
Having first tested her a dversary s strength i n a contest for ’
the p ossessio n o f th a t si n gle post which the Etruscans still

held south o f the Tiber n a mely F ide nae and h a ving after som e , , ,
diffi culty been successful so far ( B C Rome proceeded . .
in B C 4 02 to e n ter u pon a fresh w a r with Veii distinctl y in

. .
,
tending to e ffect if she could a pe rm a n e n t co nq uest , , .
The w ar with the V e i e ntine s co mme n ced in this spirit

l a sted accordi n g t o the tradition te n year s —B C 402 to 392
, ,
, , . . .
Ro me now for the first ti m e ma in ta i n ed i n the field co n ti n u

3 1 0 RAWL I N S O N
o u sl y an armed force thus laying the foundation of that st an d

,
ing army to which sh e ultimately owed most of her great n ess .
She made her attack on the powerful Etruscan state at a fort u

nate tim e Almost contemporaneously with her first serious
.
aggressions upon the southernmost city of the confederacy

began that terrible inroad from the North which utterly shat
t e r e d and bro k e up the Etruscan power in the plain o f the Po ,
and first alarmed and then seriously crippled th e strength o f

the Cis Apennine league H ad not the Gallic invasion o c c u
-
.
pied the whole attention of the Northern Etruscans it is pro b ,
a b le that they would have made com mon cause with the threat
ened Veii in which case the war would s carcely have terminated
,
as it did in th e capture and ruin of the city .
The successful issue of the war with Veii encouraged the

Romans to fresh e fforts in the sam e direction Capena w as .
conquered and her territory absorbed in the year after Veii fell .
Then Falerii was attacked and forced to cede some of her lands .
The neighboring towns of Nepete and S ut riu m submitted at

the sam e time and became Roman dependencies Finally w ar
, .
,
was declared against the Vo l si n i an s and the Roman arms were ,
carried beyond the C i mi n ian mountains H ere victor y was .
again with the aggressors ; but the success failed to bring a n y

increase o f territory .
But now the progress o f R ome received a sudden and ter

rible chec k The Gallic hordes which had begun to swarm
.
,
across the Alps about B C 400 and had conquered Northern. .

,
Etru r ia nearly at the tim e when the Romans took Veii a f ter ,
a brie f pause crossed the Apennines and spread like a flood ,
over Central Italy Whether Rom e gave them any special

.
provocation o r no is doubtful At any rate they poured

, ,
.
,
down the vallev of the Tiber in irresistible force utterly de ,
feated the entire arm ed strength of the Romans upon the Allia ,
captured the city and burnt almost the whole o f it except the
, ,
Capitol The Capitol itself was besieged for m onths but still
.
,
held o u t when the Gauls weary of inaction and alarmed for

, ,
the safety of their conquests in the plain of the Po consented , ,
o n the payment of a large sum o f m oney to retire , .
It might have been expected that this fearful blow would

have b e en fatal to the supremacy o f Rom e among the Italic
na tio n s B ut the result was otherwise At first i n deed co n

. . , ,
~
seque n ces followed which brought the Republic into serious

danger an d seem ed to m e n ace its existe n ce The Latins and
, .
H e rni c ans who had bee n u n ited in t h e closest possible league

,
with the Romans the form er for a bove the latter for not much
, ,
less tha n a century took the opportunity o f Ro m e s defeat to

,
’
decl a re the league dissolved The O sc an n a tio n s the Volsci . ,
especially renew e d t heir a ttacks The Etruscans took the

, .
o ffensive Ro m e w as s a ved from im m edi a te destruction by

.
the ge n ius of Ca millus an d th e n gr a du a lly rose a gai n to power

,
an d prep o n derance by h e r ow n i n here n t e n ergy T o a ccou n t .
for the slightness o f the check which the G a llic co n quest gave
to her exter na l prosperity we m ust b e ar i n m ind that the att a ck
,
o f the Gauls w a s not really upo n Ro m e alo n e o r eve n upo n ,
Rome speci a lly a n d p eculi arly The fi rst burst of th e ir fury .
had fa lle n o n the Etrusc an s and had perm an e n tly we a ke n ed ,
that importa n t people Their l a ter irruptio n s i n j ured the Italic

.
nations generally not Rom e i n p a rticular The U mbria n s

,
.
,
Sabines Latins ZE q u i a nd Volsci a ll su ffered perh a ps about

, , , ,
equally Thus Ro me o n the whole succeeded in maintaining

.
, ,
her place a mo n g the Italia n states ; a nd the sam e causes which ,
h a d previously give n h e r a prep onderan ce continuing to work . ,
she gradually lifted h erself up o n ce m ore above her n eighbors .
She warred successfully with the Volscians and with several ,
cities o f the Latins which were n ow leagued with them She

, .
held her ow n in Etruria After an interval o f ab out a ge n er a

.
tio n sh e induced the Lati n s a n d compelled the H e r n i c ans to

resum e their Old positio n of co n federates ( B C 3 5 5) under her . .
hegemo n y Withi n fiv e and thirty years o f the destruction o f

.
- -
the city Rom e had fully recovered from all the eff ects o f the
,
blow dealt by th e G a uls ; and if we t a ke i n to account the g e m ,
eral weak n ess c a used by the Gallic ravages ha d relatively i m ,
proved her positio n .
While Ro me thus on the whole prospered exter n ally her

, , ,
inter na l condition was also gr a du a lly improving The s econd .
milit a ry tribunate w as no t indeed very much more successful , ,
than the first faili n g equally t o co n tent th e aspirations o f th e

,
P lebei an O rder Thou gh it gave them a larger proport io n of

.
the high offices the proportio n was s till so s ma ll- not so much
,
~
312 RAWL I N S O N
as o ne tw e l fth t h at their dissatisfaction not u n reaso nably

- w
, ,
continued They never o b tained the military tribunate ex

.
c e p t i n g under abnormal circ u mstances and on the single o c

casion o n which they gained the censorship ( B C it was . .
wrested from them under a religious pretext The Patricians .
could still ordinaril y command the votes o f the centuries and

, , ,
if a Plebeian obtained o ffice it was by Patrician su fferance o r

,
contrivance Excepting under peculiar circumstances the

.
,
nobles were inclined to grasp as much power as they could ;

and hence the Plebeians felt that they had no firm hold on the
constitution n o security for the continuance o f even that small
,
share of o ffice which had practically fallen to them They .
would probably have se t themselves to obtain a change in the

constitution many years before th e Licinio —Se xtian laws were
actually brought forward h a d not the Gallic invasion produced
,
such an extent of poverty and debt as e ff ectually cramp ed for

a time all Plebeian aspirations changing the struggle for equal ,
rights into a str u ggle for existence .
The first important result of the ge n eral prevalency o f dis

tress amo n g the Plebeians was the attempt o f M Manlius . .
Less pure and disinterested than his prototype Spurius Cass ,

~
ius he made the Plebeian wrongs the stalking—

,
horse of his own
ambition Partly tempted partly goaded into crime he is e n
.
, ,
titled to our pity even though we condemn him His intentions .
were probably at the first honest and the means that he de ,
signed to use legal ; but the opposition which he encountered

drove him to desperat e measures and he became in the end
"
,
a dangerous conspirator Well would it have been for Rom e

.
had she possessed a method like that which Athens enj oyed in ,
the ostracism of securing her ow n liberties by the temporary

,
banishment rather than the death o f a great citizen

, ,
During the Ma mlian struggle and immediately after it som e , ,
slight e ff orts were made by the government to relieve the gen

eral destitution I n B C 3 82 two thousand Plebeians received
. . .
allotments of two and a half jug e r a at S atr i c u m Two years .
later colonies were sent o ut to Nepete in Etruria and to the

,
Pontine marsh district But th ese were m ere palliatives an d

.
,
in no way m et or grappled with the disease It w as n ecessary .

,
if the bulk of the Plebeia n O rd e r w as n ot t o be swept a w ay from

A N C I ENT H I ST O R Y 1
3 3
the state becoming the slaves of the Patricia n s or of foreig n ers

, ,
that measures should be taken on a large scale both to m eet ,
the present distress and to prevent such crises from recurring

, .
Great diffi culties call for and seem in a way to produce , ,
gr eat me n Fourtee n y e a rs after the distress had becom e c on

.
s i de r ab l e owing to the Gallic i n road t w o Plebeia n s o f high ,
rank and gr eat ability C Licinius Stolo and L Se x t iu s cam e

, . .
,
forward with a sch eme o f legislation skillfully framed so as to

cover all the various heads o f Plebeian grievance and to p r o ,
vide at once a remedy for the actually existing evils and se c u r

ity against future oppression Considering that there were two .
kinds of evil to rem edy political inequality and want they , ,
fram ed their measures against both For the imm ediate relief .
”
o f th e needy they brought forward their
, lex de car e ali e na ,
which provided that whatever h a d been paid on any debt i n

the way of interest should be counted as a repayment of th e
.
principal and deducted from the am ount due ; and that the
b a lance remaining if a ny should be dema n dable only i n i n
, ,
st al l m e nt s which should be spread over the space of three

,
years For the preve n tio n o f the pove rty in future they p r o
.
,
posed their lex ag r ar ia —which in the first pl a ce threw

”
, ,
open the right of occupyi n g the public la n d t o the Plebeia n s

in the seco n d a ffi xed a limit beyond which occupation should
,
n ot be car ri ed ; and in the third required all occupiers t o e m ,
ploy in th e cultivation of their far m s a certain d e fin it e p ropor

tion o f free labor Fo r the establishment o f the principle of
.
political equality they proposed the restoration o f the consul

,
ship with the proviso that one of the two consuls sh ould each
,
year be a Plebeia n ( lex de consulata ) a nd the equal division o f

a sacred o ffi ce that o f the keepers o f the Sibylline books b e
, ,
tween the tw o O rders (lex de de cemv ir is sacr or um) .
The i mportance o f these laws was im mense They estab .
l i sh e d fully the p r i n ciple of the equalit y o f the two orders both

as respected sacred an d civil o ffi c e —
,
a principle which once ,
admitted w as sure t o work itself o ut t o the full in cours e of

,
ti me They greatl y a lleviated the existi n g poverty a nd by th e

.
,
t w o provisio n s for extendi n g the right of occupatio n t o Ple

b e ian s an d compelli n g the e m plo y me n t of a large am ou n t of
,
free labor on the public l a nds the y ma de co n siderable prov ision ,

314
RAW L I N S O N
against extreme poverty in the future Above a ll they se .

,
cured to the Plebeians a successio n o f champ ions i n the highest

o ffices o f the State who would watch over their i n terests and
,
protect them against unfair treatme n t Naturall y therefore .

, ,
b eing so important the laws were opposed with the ut most

,
determination b y the other O rder The struggle a ccordi n g .

,
’
to some authorities w as o f eleve n years duratio n It w a s
,
.
probably not until a secessio n had begu n or at a n y rate ,
was threatened that the Patricians yielded the laws received

, ,
the sanction o f both the Senate and the Assembly o f the nobles ,
and a Plebeian consul L S e xt i us w a s elected B C 3 63

, .
, , . . .
It might have seem ed that the struggle b etween the O rders

would n ow have come to a close— that whe n th e highest civil ,
and o ne of the highest religious o ffices had been once opened

,
to the Ple b eian O rder there remained nothi n g which the other
,
O rder could regard as worth fighti n g for B ut th e fact w a s .
otherwise N ot only were there now as ever amo n g the Patri

.
, ,
c ian s thos e who would n ot yield without a struggle even the
last rag o f privilege ; but there existed i n the body at this

tim e a party disi n clined to view th e recent defeat as decisive ,
o r t o accept it as final During the quarter o f a century which

.
followed on the passage of th e Li cinio S e x tian laws it was -

,
unce rtain whether or no the Plebeian advance could be mai n

t ai n e d. A certain amount o f reaction set in Fo r the space .
of fourteen years — from B C 35 2 to B C . .

—
33 9 the regular . .
f —
operation o the Licinio Se x tian constitution was s e t aside .
Instead o f Plebeian consuls followin g each other in regular

succession vear after year the Fasti show durin g the fourteen
,
years seven Plebeian nam es o n ly while there a re twe n ty one

,
-
Patrician .
The illegal setting aside of the Lici n io S e x ti an constitution -
could not fail to p roduce amon g the m ore prudent and far
seein g of the Plebeians violent disco n tent I f a p arty in th e .
State is once allowed to begin the practice of s etting the l a w

at nought there is no saying where it will stop The ol d
, .
champions of the Plebeian caus e —the L i cinii G e n u cn P u bl ilii , , ,
etc —. must have bee n vi olently angered ; and as tim e we n t on

a nd the illegality continued the bulk of the O rder must have
,
become more and m ore dis gusted with their o w n renegades

an d with the P a tricia n usurpers These l a st must h a ve felt.

,
during the whole tim e of the usurpation that the y wal k ed upon ,
a hidde n volc an o— that a fire might at a n y mom ent burst forth

which would imperil the very existe n ce o f the com munity .
It was probably with the view of pacifyin g and soothing the

disco n te n ted th a t the P a tricia n s granted during this interval
,
ma n y boo n s to the p oorer classes The r e establishme n t of the

.
-
u n ci a l r a te o f i n terest ( 1 0 per ce n t ) in B C 3 5 1 a nd the su b se

. . .
,
que n t reductio n of the r a te by one half in B C 3 44 were pop -

. .
,
ul a r m easures evide n tly designed to gratify the lower orders

, .
The t a x o n the ma n umissio n o f slaves ( B C 3 5 4) would also . .
please them si n ce it would fall wholly upon the wealthy O f

, .
a still more popular character were the general liquidation of

debts i n B C 3 49 by means o f a Commission empowered to
, . .
,
m a ke a dvances from the treasury to all n eedy persons who

could O ffer a fair security ; and the suspension o f the prop erty
t a x a n d spread of the debts over th e space o f three years ,
which were a mo n g the m easures of relief adopted in B C 344~ . .
The practical op ening to the Plebeians without a struggle of

the civil o ffices parallel with the Consulate— the Di ctatorship
an d the M astership of the K n ights ( B C 3 5 3) —may also b e . .
rega rded a s a mong the politic co n cessions of this period m ade ,
fo r the sake o f keepi n g the Plebei a ns i n good humor and pre ,
Ve n ting a n outbreak .
B ut though these boo n s and blandishments eff ected som e

,
thing it w a s felt nevertheless that the state o f a ff airs was unset

,
tl e d and that o n the occurrence o f any co n venient opportunity

, , ,
there would probably be a rising Accordi n gly the govern .
m ent determ ined so far as in it l a y t o avoid furnishi n g an

, ,
opportunity ; and hence for almost the first tim e in th e history

,
o f the Roman State we find a policy o f p eace adopted and

,
steadily maintained for a series of years B etween th e years .
B C 3 55 and 3 4 7 treaties Of peace were concluded with all the

. .
,
important powers o f Central Italy ; and Rom e left herself no

enemy against whom she could legitimately commence a war
exceptin g the shattered remnants o f th e O scan nations and
perhap s the Sabines of the tract beyond the Anio .
At le n g th in B C 3 40 twelve years a fter the Lici n io Sex

,
. .
,
-
tian constitution had been set aside a n occ a sio n o ff ered which ,
316 RAWL I N S O N
tempted th e government to depart from its peace policy and ,
t o ru n the risk of internal trou b le which w as well known to

be implied in the commencement o f a great and important war .
The temptation one which it w as impossible to resist was the

, ,
o ff er of the Campanians to become Roman subj ect allies if -

,
Rom e would protect them against the Samnites To accept .
this Offer was to more than double the Roman territory ; to

rej ect it was greatly to stren gthe n the Samnites already the ,
chief power o f the south o f Italy The government which .

,
though Patrician was still Roman was t oo patriotic to hesi

, ,
tate Campania was therefore received into alliance and the

.
,
First Samnite War w as the imm ediate consequence .
The military op erations o f the war will be described in the

next portion of this book ( Third Period ) ; but its e ffect on the
civil history i s too closely connected with the p eriod o f which
we are now treating to admit of separ a tio n from it The R o .
man army having carried o n a successful campaign wintered

, ,
in Campania ; and the soldier citizens having thus had an -

,
opportunity of consulting together determi n ed to mutiny , .
Some were for a secession t o Capua but the m aj ority were ,
for enforcing their will upon the usurping government at

Rom e In vain the consuls perceiving what was afloat tried
.
, ,
to disperse the army little by little before an outbreak should

come Their intention was perceived and the mutiny took
.
,
place at once The army m arched upon Rome and made its
.
demands— the governm ent m et it with a hasty levy but these ,
troops refused t o fight Long n egotiations followed At

. .
len gth a tribune o f th e Plebs a Genucius proposed and carried

, , ,
through a series of laws which were accepted on both sides

,
as terms o f reconciliation The Licinian constitution was prae

.
ticall y r e established ; but it was enacted as a j ust p enalty on

-
,
the Patricians for th eir repeated usurpatio n of both consul

ships t h at though both consuls might n ever legally be Patri
, ,
c i an s it should b e allowable for both of them to be Plebeians

,
.
T o prevent a n y future seduction o f a Plebeian party by th e

temptatio n of accumul a ted o ffi ces it w as en a cted that n o Ple
,
b eia n should h e n ceforth hold the sam e o ffi ce twice wit h i n ten
y e a rs or two o ffi ces in the same year To alleviate the rem a i n
,
.
i n g pressure of de b t there w as an absolute abolition of a ll out

,
A N C I ENT H I STO R Y
317
st an ding claims and a l a w w a s p a ssed making the lending o f

,
m oney upon interest illegal Some m ilitary grievances were .
a t the same tim e redressed provisio n being made that no soldier ,
should be dismissed the service without cause shown and that ,
no p etty o fli ce r should be degraded to the ranks O n these .
conditions p eace was r e —established ; and domestic tranquillit y

being a ttained Rom e was once more ready to devote her whole
,
strength to the forw a rding of her interests a bro a d .
H istory o f Rome from the breaking out o f the First Sam n ite
War B C 340 to the Com m ence m e n t of the W a rs with
, . .
,
Carthage B C , . .
The Third Period of Roma n Histor y is that o f the great wars

i n Italy whereby Rom e succeeded in m aking herself mistress
,
o f the entire Peninsula proper It comprises the four Samnite .
Wars the great Latin War the war with Pyrrhus a war with
, , ,
th e Gauls and several minor wars terminating i n the co n quest

,
o f the other lesser Italian nations The extern a l history o f the .
p eriod is thus of the highest i n terest ; while the i n ternal his

tory i s comparatively speaki n g scanty and u n important
, , .
When Rom e determined t o accept the Campanians as sub

j e c t —
allies sh e broke her treaty
, with Samniu m a nd practic a ll y ,
m ade a declaration o f war Ca m p a nia w a s a Sam n ite depen .
deney which h a d revolted and which the Sam n ites were bent ,
o n su b j ugating The interposition of Rom e in the qu a rrel r e

.
*
S our ces A ut h o r s —L ivy and D io dor us ar e t h e ch ie f aut h o rit i e s
.
fo r t h e e arli e r p o rt i o n o f t his p e ri o d ; b u t t h e l att e r w r it e r f ai ls u s aft e r

B C 3 02 T h e fr agm e nt s o f App i an s S am n it i ca ar e o f s ome val u e
’
. . . .
Fo r t h e w ar w i t h P y rrh u s Pl ut arch s Lif e of t h at h e r o i s t h e ma i n

’
s o u rc e ; b ut his n arr at iv e mu s t b e s u ppl e me nt e d fr o m t h e fra gme nt s

o f D i o C a ssi u s D i o n y si u s a n d App i an an d fr o m t h e c ont i n u o u s n ar
, , ,
r at iv e s o f J u s t i n O r o si u s an d Z o h a r as
,
For th e p e ri o d f oll o w i n g t h e
,
.
d e p artu r e o f P y rrh u s fr o m I t al y ( B C 2 75 t o 264) t h e s e l att e r w r ite rs . .
ar e al m o s t o u r s ol e au t h o r i t i e s W e may c on s u l t h o w e ve r w it h ad
.
, ,
vant ag e t h e Epi t ome s of Li vy and t h e bri e f ab s t rac t of Fl o rus

”
.
In scrip t i on s —T h e Fasti C apitolini are full and t ol e rabl y c ontinu

o u s for t h e gre at e r p o r t i on o f t h i s p e r i o d .
3 8
1 RAWL I N S O N
sembled that of Athens in the contest between Corinth and

Corcyra M orally it could not be j ustified ; but as a matter
.
, ,
o f policy it could not be impugned ,

Rome already saw that .
her m ost formidable Italian rival was Samnium and that it ,

'
was with Samnium sh e would have to co n tend for the fi r st

place in Italy A step which at once strengthened herself and
.
we a kened her antagonist could not but be expedient ; and

we can not be surprised that despite its inj ustice the step was , ,
taken .
Rome about to engage i n a war for supremacy with Latium

, ,
stren g thened herself by a n alliance with the k not of Sabine

”
communities known as the Marsian League Latium ob .
t ai n e d the adhesion of the Ca mpanians Sidi c inians and Vol , ,
scians Samnium was an active ally to neither pa rty but took

.
,
the opportunit y which the contest o ff ered to adva n ce her, ,
frontier on the side of the Volscian territory The struggle .
between the two main belligerents was begun and concluded

within the space of three years and indeed was virtually de , , ,
cided bv the events o f the first campaign The battles of Vesu .
vins and T r ifan u m ( B C 3 3 7) were stoutly contested by the . .
Latins but nevertheless were very decided Roman victories

,
.
Their effect was to break up the confederacy M any states .
at once submitted O thers continued a desultory and inc i .
fe c t u al resistance ; b u t by the end of B C 3 3 5 the last Latin . .
town had made i t s submission ; and Rom e having e ff ected the ,
conq u est proceeded to the work of p ac ifi c at ion

, .
The conclusion of the great struggle with Latium is followed

b y a pause o f twelve years during which Rome undertook ,
nothing but trivial and unimportant wars and those chiefly ,
wars which were forced upo n her Her action was paralyzed .
b y two causes one internal the other external Her internal

, ,
.
da nger was from the subj ected L a ti n s wh o were k n own to be ,
discontented with their treatment a nd might be expected to ,
revolt the moment Rome should enter upon any important

contest The external c a use o f alarm was the invasion of Alex
.
ander of Epirus uncle of Alexander the Great who landed in

, ,
Italy B C 3 3 1 at the invitation of the Tarentines Alexan

, . .
,
.
’
der s quarrel was mainly with th e Samnites an d their dep e n
dent allies ; but if he had been s uccessful against them he , ,
would probably h a ve attempted the co n quest o f Italy Rom e .

,
doubtful of the result protected herself by a treaty with the

,
i n vader a n d then nursed her stre n gth and prepared herself to

,
resist him if he should attack her .
The reverses which befell Alexa n der o f Epirus about B C , . .
3 5 e n couraged the Rom a ns to resume their old policy of

2 ,
aggression and to take steps which led naturally and almost

,
n ecessaril y to the renewal of th e struggle with Samnium B y .
fou n di n g the colony o f Fre g e llae o n land conquered by th e

Samnites fro m the Volscians a challenge was flun g down to ,
Samnium which she could scarcely refuse to take up This

, .
w a s followed by an attack on P al ae op ol is an indep endent Greek ,
city w h ich had long bee n under Samnite protection War

, .
e n sued as a matter of cours e The tim e had in fact com e .

, ,
when Rom e w as prepared to co n test with the power which ,
s h e recognized as her great rival the mastery o f Souther n Italy , .
Mistress of Latium and Campania and secured by treaties fro m ,
any early Etruscan attack sh e felt herself equal to a vast e ffort ;

,
and she therefore determined to seize the occasion for a war

which should decide whether the hegemony o f the peninsula ,
o r at any rate o f i t s southern portion should belong to herself ,
o r to the Sam n ites .
The Second Samnite War—the duel between the two chief

races of Italy— covered a space of twenty o n e years from B C -
, . .
3 2 3 to 3 03 inclusive It divides itself naturally into three p or

, .
tions During the first from B C 3 2 3 to 3 1 9 the war lan

.
, . .
,
g u i sh e d neither party app a rently putting forth it s full strength

, .
During the s econd from B C 3 1 9 to 3 1 2 the issue was really

, . .
,
d etermined by the three gre a t battles o f the Caudine Forks o f , ,
L au t u l ae and o f Cinn a
,
The third p eriod from B C 3 1 2 to
.
, . .
3 03 w a s aga i n one o f l a nguid hostilities the war being u n

, ,
duly spun o u t partly by the stubborn resistance of the beaten

,
party partly through t h e desultory attacks which were m ade

,
upon Rom e duri n g these years by various enem ies .
The Second Samnite War brought the disa ffection o f the

Latins very rapidl y to a head In B C 3 22 the seco n d year . . .
,
o f th e war there was beyond a doubt a great Latin revolt

,
.
Tus culu m V e litrae and P riv e rnu m three o f the cities which
, , ,
h a d exp erie n ced the h ar shest treatment took the lead A , .

3 20 RAWL I N S O N
night attack seems to have been made on Rom e and great

’
alar m ca used The Roman gover n ment however met the

.
, ,
d anger with its usual wisdom While som e recommended .
measures of extrem e violence the Senate adopted a policy o f ,
conciliation Term s were made with the rebels some of who m

.
,
were given others promised full citizenship The discon

, , .
tented part o f Latium was in fact incorporated into Rome , , .
To mark the completeness and reality of the u n ion L Fu lv iu s , .

,
the leader of the revolt bec a m e consul for the year B C 3 2 1

, , . . .
H enceforth Latium was satisfied with its position and c o n ,
t i n u e d faithful through all the later troubles and rebellions .
An interval o f fiv e years o n ly B C 303 to 2 98 —separates

— . .
th e Second from the Third Samnite War Rome utilized it .
by completely reducing the remnant o f the ZE q u ian people by ,
bri n ging the four nations form ing the M arsian League into
the position of her subj ect allies by m aking alliances with the
-
,
Frentani and P ic e nt ini a n d by seizing and occupying th e

,
strong position of N e q u inu m ( Narnia) in Umbria She also .
during this period sent aid to the L u canian s w h o were at ,
tac k ed b y C l e onym u s of Sparta Samnium probably nego .
t iat e d during the pause with the Etruscans Umbrians and

, , , ,
Gauls taking steps towards the formation of that League

,
o f Italy which she brought to bear against Rome in the ensu

ing war .
The Third Samnite War is the contest of confederated Italy

against the terrible e n emy whos e greatness was now seen to
threaten every power in the peninsula I ts turning point .
-
,
which well deserves its place among the ten o r twelve D e

”
c i s iv e B attles o f the World was the battle of S e nt inu m After
, .
two y ears of comparatively petty warfare Samnium in B C , , . .
2 96 brought the proj ected alliance to bear

, G e l l iu s Egn atius .
marched with the flower of the Samnite force across Central

, ,
Italy into Etruria The G a uls and Umbrians j oined ; and in

.
B C 2 95 the confederate army of the four nations advanced u p

. .
,
on Rome which appe a red to b e on th e brink of destruction B ut

,
.
a bold step take n by the Romans saved them Instead of stand .
ing m erely on the defensive they met the invaders with on e ,
army under the consuls Fabius a n d Decius while they marched ,
an other into the heart o f Etruria O n hearing this the selfish .

,
Etrusc a ns deserting their confederates drew o ff t o protect

, ,
their ow n country The Samnites and Gauls retired across the

.
Apenni n es to Se nt in u m losing the Umbria n s on the w ay who , ,
remained to protect their own towns Rome followed the r e .
treati n g force and after a desperate struggle defeated it thus

, ,
reall y deciding the war The co n federatio n w a s broke n up . .
The Gauls took no further part in the contest Rom e carried .
it on sep a rately with Etruria on the one side and Samniu m

o n the other till the exhaustion of both powers compelled them
,
to m ake p eace Samnium was forced to subm it u n condition

.
ally was mulcted in a portion of its territor y an d bec a me a

, ,
subj ect a lly o f Rom e

-
.
Ten years intervened between the clos e of the Third Sam n ite
War and the comm encem ent of the next great struggle in
which Rom e was engaged Much obscurit y rests upon this .
interval in which we lose the guidance of Livy without obtai n

,
ing that o f Plutarch It appears however that shortly a fter

.
, ,
the close o f the Third Samnite War troubles broke ou t afresh

i n Souther n Italy in co n sequence o f a war b etween the Luca
n ians and the Greeks o f T h u r ii B C 2 88 Rom e interfered , . . .
to protect T h u ri i whereupon the L u c an ians e ff ected a unio n

,
against Rome of th e Gauls ( Senones ) Etrusc a ns Umbri a ns , , ,
Samnites L u canian s B r u tt ians and Tarentines which in the

, , , , ,
y ear B C 2 8 3 m enaced the Republic with destru ction

. .
, B ut .
,
th ough brought i n to serious dan ger Rom e triumphed over ,
h er di fficulties Fabricius defeated the combined L u c anian s

.
and B ru tti an s relieved T h u r ii an d received the sub mission

, ,
o f almost all the Greek towns o f the neighborhood except Ta
r e nt u m D ol ab e ll a avenged o n the Senonian Gauls the defe a t

.
o f M etellus at Arretium by s eizing their country and driving ,
them beyond its borders The Etruscans and their allies the .
, ,
B oii ( Gauls ) were defeated with great slaughter at Lake V a di

,
m on Tarentum alon e remained unpunished It was prob

. .
ably t o inflict dam a ge on this covert enem y with whom a s yet ,
there had been no actual co n test that a Roman fl eet was sent ,
in B C 2 82 contrary t o the term s o f an existi n g treaty t o

. .
, ,
cruise round th e heel of It a ly This fleet h a vi n g been a tt a cked .
a n d su n k by the Tarentines who also took p ossession of T h u ,
rii Ro me i n B C 2 8 1 decl a red w a r a g a i n st Tarentum which

, . .
, ,
322 RAWL I N S O N
accustomed to lean o n Greece for support invited over the ,
Epirote prince Pyrrhus who had already made himself a na me ,
by h i s victory over Dem etrius P o lior c e te s a n d his first brief ,
reig n over Macedonia .
The war with Pyrrhus lasted six y ears from B C 2 80 to 2 74 , . . .
It was the first trial of strength between M ac e doniz e d Greece

and Rom e Pyrrhus bro ught with him into Italy an army o f
.
foot and 3 000 hors e disciplined in the Macedonian fash ,
ion and also 2 0 elephants At the outset h e obtained no troops

, .
from any Italians but the Tarentines whose services were al ,
most worthless Nevertheless in his first battle on the Siris

.
, ,
though with an army inferior in numb er he compl etely de ,
feated the Romans chiefly by the help o f his elephants which

, ,
disconcerted the Roman cavalry All Lower Italy then j oined .
him ; and in the remainder of the contest he had the assis

, ,
tance of the Italian Greeks generally o f the L u c anians the , ,
B r u tt ian s and above all the Samnites

, , B ut neither after h i s
, .
first victory n ear H e rac l e ia nor after his second at A u sc u l u m

, , ,
( As coli ) was h e able to e ff ect any thing The battles which

, .
h e gained were stoutly contested and cost him each of them , , ,
s everal thousands of m en whom he could n ot replace and could ,
ill spare H is power necessarily waned as tim e went o n His

. .
allies except the Samnites were o f little value H i s Greek

, , .
troop s harmonized ill with th e Italians Above all while he .

,
fought for glory th e Rom ans fought for their existence ; and
,
their patriotism and patient courage proved more than a match

for the gallantry and brilliant strategy o f their opponent It .
was as much fro m disgust at his ill success so far as the general ,
ends o f the war were concerned as from the attractio n of a ,
tempting o ffer that Pyrrhus in B C 2 78 quitted Italy for

, , . .
,
Sicily accepted the Protectorate of the Greeks and engaged

, ,
in a war w ith the Carthaginians which threw them o n the R 0

man side Successful i n this quarter to a certain extent b ut
.
, ,
with his usual restlessness leavin g his conquest uncompleted , ,
the Epirote prince returned to Italy with di fficulty ; and hav ,
ing lost Sicily almost at the moment o f his departure engaged ,
the Roman s in a third battle near B e ne v e nt um and being there ,
completel y defeated gave up the war a nd returned with the

, ,
almost entire loss of his army but with heighte n ed reput a tio n , ,
t o his native countr y .

The departure of Pyrrhus w as followed rapidly by th e com

p l e t e subj ugation o f Southern Italy Tarentum surrendered .
B C 2 72
. . Lucania and B ru tt i u m subm itted in the same year
. .
Rhegium was storm ed B C 2 70 In Samnium a guerrilla war , . . .
fare w as maintained till B C 2 69 when resistance finally ceased . .

,
.
The Sall e n tine s and M essapians were conquered in B C 2 66 . . .
At the sam e time Rom e extended and consolidated her power

in the North A quarrel w as p icked with P i c e nu m in B C 2 68
. . . .
War and subj ection followed ; and to prevent future resist ,
ance half the nation was torn from its native land and trans
,
planted to the opposite coast where it received settlements ,
o n the Gulf o f S al e r n u m I n B C 2 66 Umbria was forced to . . .

,
make i ts submission ; and in th e year following V ol sin ii the , ,
chief of the Etrusca n tow n s w as besieged taken and razed to , , ,
the ground At the close o f the year B C 2 6 5 Rom e reigned

. . .
,
supreme over the length a n d breadth o f It a ly fro m the Macra ,
to Tarentum a n d Rhegium .
The chief me an s by which Ro m e established a nd secured her

power was her system of colo n ies with its suppl em e n t h er , ,
military roads The fou n dation of colo n ies began if we may

.
,
believe the Roman historians under the kings At any rate ,

.
,
it is certain that early in th e struggle b etween the combi n ed

Romans Latins and H e rni ci on the on e hand and the O scan
, ,
natio n s on the other the pla n of establishin g colo n ies as gar

, ,
risons in towns take n from the enemy was very widely

, ,
adopted Such colo n ies were m a de up in equal or n early equal

.
,
proportio n s of citize n s o f the three n ations w h o together

, ,
form ed the burgher or Patrici an body in the city where they

took up their abode the previous inhabita n ts counting only
,
”
as a Plebs The system thus employed by Rome in c on
.
,
j unction with her allies was afterwards made use o f copiously ,
in the conquests which sh e e ff ected for h er o w n sole advantage .
As Term inus advanced either colo n ies o f Roman citizens ( colo ,
mce ci t/m m R omanom m) who retained all th eir civic rights o r

'
, ,
Lati n colonies ( coloniczz L atince ) co n sisting of Romans who ,
by b ecomin g colonists lost their rights of voting in the Roman

comitia a n d of aspiring t o honors (jus su fi rag ii e t h onom m) f
,
but retai n ed the rest of t heir citizenship were pla n ted far and ,
wide over It a l y These colo n ists bei n g Ro man s h a vi n g many

.
, ,
3 24 RAWL I N S O N
Rom an rights a n d being pl an ted in a n i n vidious p ositio n

,
among aliens n aturally clu n g t o the mother city and were

,
-
,
the great bulwar k s o f Roma n power throughout the peninsula .
Closely connected with the Roman colonial system was that

of the military roads The genius of Appius Claudius C ae cus
.
first conceived the idea of connecting Rome with her newly

annexed dependency Campania by a solid p a ved road o f ex
, ,
c e ll e n t construction ( B C 3 1 0 to . This road which issued

.
,
from the Porta Capena ( Gate of Capu a) passed through A ri c ia , ,
V e li trae Setia T arrac i na M int u r n ae Sin u e ssa and C asilin u m

, , , , ,
to Capua ; whence it was carried probably as early as B C 2 9 1 , . .

,
to Venusia and later to B r u n du siu m Much of the work still

, .
remains and attracts the admiratio n o f travellers

, .
The mode in which Rom e having a ttained her supremacy

, ,
administered the governm ent o f Italy was exceedingly co m ,
plicated It is impossible in a work like the prese n t to do more

.
than point o u t t h e main features of the system and disti n guish , ,
o n e from another the principal clas ses into which the p op u l a

,
tion o f the state was divided B roadly we may say th a t the

.
,
Roma n Republic bore sway in Italy over a host o f mi n or r e

publics Self gover n ment w as m ost widely spread Ever y
.
-
.
colon y w as a sort of indep endent commu n ity electing its ow n ,
o fficers and administering its o w n a ffairs Every foreign city .
u n der their rule was recogn ized by the Romans as a separate

state and w as placed on a certain definite footing with regard
,
t o the central community The most highly favored were th e

.
f wder atce ci v itates— states that had submitted t o Rom e upon

terms varying of course in di ffere n t c a ses but in all implying ,
the management o f their ow n a ffairs the appointme n t of thei r ,
o w n governors and the adm inistratio n o f their o w n laws

,
Next .
to these in advantage of position were the muni cipia foreign ,
states which had received all th e burdens together with som e

o r all o f the rights o f Roman citize n ship Last of all cam e the .
dedi titii natives o f com munities which had surrendered them

,
selves to Rome absolutely and which had all the burdens with
,
o u t any o f the rights of citizens Roman law was administered

.
in these communities by a governor (pr wf ectus) a ppointed b y

Rome .
Rome reserved to herself three principal rights whereb y ,

2
she rega rded her sovereignty as su fficie n tl y guarded Sh e .
alone might make peace or declare w a r ; sh e alone might

receive embassies fro m foreign powers ; and she alone
might coin money She had also undoubtedly the right o f .
requiring from her subj ect allies such co n ti n gents o f troop s -
as she needed in a ny war ; which involved a further right o f

indirect taxation since the contingents were armed and paid
,
by the community which furnished them She did not like .

,
Athens directly tax her subj ect allies ; but sh e derived never
,
-
t h e l e ss an i m p ortant revenue from them O n the conquest o f .
a state Rom e always claimed to succeed to the rights of th e

,
previously existing governm ent ; and as each Italian state had ,
a public domain o f s om e kind o r other Rome as sh e pushed , ,
her conquests becam e mistress of a vast amount o f real prop

,
e r ty o f various kinds as especially m ines forests quarries fi sh , , , ,
eries salt works a n d the like Further generally wh en a state

,
-
,
.
, ,
submitted to her after a war sh e required beyond all thes e , ,
sources of revenue the cessio n o f a tract o f arable o r pasture

,
”
land which she added t o her ol d ager publicus
,
Thus the .
domain o f Rom e w as continually increasing ; and it w a s ( at

least in part ) to collect the revenue from the domain through
o u t Italy that in B C 2 6 7 the four
, Italian qu aestors were
. .
,
“
appointed the first Roman functionaries t o whom a resi
,
dence and a district o ut o f Rom e were assigned by l aw .
The constitutional changes in Rom e itself durin g th e p eriod

u n der consideration were n ot very numerous or important .
They consisted m ainly in th e carrying out t o their logical result

o f the Licinio S e x t ian enactm ents — i n the complete equaliz a
-
tion that is of the two O rders B y the laws o f P u b l ili u s Philo

, ,
.
,
o f O v i n i u s a n d o f th e O g u l n u the last vestiges o f Patrician

, ,
ascendency were removed and th e Plebeians were placed in ,
all important respects o n a complete equality with the Patri

c i an s .Adm itted pr a ctically to a full m oiety o f the high g ov ~
e r n m e nt al o ffices they a cquired by degrees through the oper

, ,
ation o f th e O v in ian law an influence fully equal t o that of th e ,
Patrician s in the Senate B y the tribunate which re m ained .

,
exclusively theirs they had even an adva n t a ge over th e other

,
O rder The strong—

. hold o f the exclusive party which last ,
yielded itself w a s na turally that of religious privilege B ut

, , , .
3 26 RAWL I N S O N
when the P ont ifi c at e and the A u gurship were fairly divided

between the O rders the struggle between the ho u ses and,
the commons was over and there was n othi n g left for the latter,
to desire .
B ut the termination of the internal struggle which had h it h

erto occupied the comm onwealth and secured it against the ,
deadly evil of political stagnation was not complete be fore a ,
new agitation manifested itself an agitatio n of a far more dan ,
gerons character than that which was n ow j ust coming to an

end Hitherto the right of su ffrage at Rom e at any rate in
.
,
the m ore important o f the two popular asse mb l ie s — the tri b es fl
m — had rested upon the double basis of f r ee birth

( i i i b )
‘
co t a tr u z a
and the possession of a plot o f freehold land About B C 3 1 2 . . .

,
the class which these qualifications excluded from the fran

chise began t o exhibit symptoms o f discontent Appius Clau .
d i u s C aecus one of the boldest o f political innovators p e r c e iv

, ,
ing these symptoms and either regarding them as a real peril to

,
t h e State or as indicating an occasion which he m ight turn to

h i s own personal advantage being censor in the year above ,
mentioned cam e forward as the champion of the excluded

,
classes and after vainly attempting to introduce individuals

, ,
belonging to them into the Senate enrolled the entire mass ,
b oth in the cent u ries and in th e tribes Nor was this all I n . .
stead o i assigning th e new voters to the city tribes within ,
whose local limits they for the most part dwelt Appius spread ,
them through all or a maj ority of the tribes and thus gave
, , ,
them practically an absolute control over the elections Their .
power w as soon seen in th e election of a freedm an C m Fla , ,

.
vins to the curule aedileship which gave h im a seat in the

, ,
Senate for the remainder of his life ; and in the election o f

tribunes who enabled Appius to prolong his term o f o ffice ille
gally to the clos e of the fourth year This was the inaugura .
tion of a real ochlocracy a government in which the p re p o n ,
derating weight belonged to the lowest class of the people .
Evil consequences wo u ld no doubt have been rapidly devel

oped had not th e work of Appius been to a great extent u n
,
— —
done the sting extracted from his measures b y the skill and
boldness of two most sagacious censors When Q Fabius . .
M aximus and P Decius Mus B C 3 04 rem oved all wh o were

.
,
. .
,
with out landed qualificatio n and all the poorer freedmen from
the country tribes a n d distributed them among the four city
,
tribes only the revolutionary force o f A p Claudius s proceed

’
, .
ings w as an n ulled and nothing remained but a very harmless

, ,
and almost n ominal enfranchisement o f the lower orders .
When the fact i o for e n si s could comma n d the votes o f four

tribes only o u t o f thirty one o r ultimately of thirty —
-
fiv e it was
, ,
rendered powerless in the comi tia tr i buta In the centuries it .
was of cours e eve n weaker since there wealth had a vast pre ,
ponderance over mere numbers .
The pressure of poverty still continued to be felt at Rom e for

ma ny years after the Licinian and even after the G e n u c ian ,
legislation A n insurrection proceeding to the length o f a

.
,
secessio n occurred in B C 2 8 7 in consequence of a wide

, . .
spread distress A h abolition o f debts was fou n d to be once

.
m ore a State necessity and w as submitted to with a view to

,
p eace and the co n tentatio n o f the poorer classes B ut the tide .
o f military success which soo n afterwards s e t in

, put a stop ,
fo r a long term o f years to this ground of complaint and dis

t u r b an c e . The nu m erous and large colonies which were con
t i n u al l y being sent ou t from B C 2 3 2 to 1 77 were an e ffectual . .
,
relief t o the prolet ariat a n d p ut an end for th e tim e t o a ny

,
th ing lik e extrem e p overty am o n g Roman citize n s At the .
sam e time the farming o f the revenue largely increased the

wealth o f the more opulent class es It is not till about B C . . .
1 33 that we find the questions o f debt and o f the relief o f pov

'
e r t y once more brought into prom inence and recognized as
matters which require the attentio n of statesme n .
F O U RT H P ER I O D .
Fro m th e Comm encem e n t of the First War with C a rthage t o

the Rise o f the Civil B roils u n der the Gracchi B C 2 64 ,
. .
to
In the Fourth Period of Roman History as in the Third , ,
and even m ore decidedly the interest attaches itself to the ,
*
S ou r ces . T h e m o s t i mp o r t ant of t h e an ci e nt au t h o ri t i e s fo r t hi s
p e r i o d is P o l y bi u s , t h e e arl i e s t w rite r i n w h om w e s e e f u ll y d e ve l o p e d
3 23 RAWL I N S O N
external relatio n s o f the p eople rath er than to their in

ternal condition The interval comprises the long struggle
.
with Carthage the Gallic War and conquest of the plain o f the
,
P o the three Macedonian Wars th e war with Antiochus of

, ,
Syria the conquest o f Greece the Numantine War and the

, , ,
reduction o f m ost of the Spanish Peninsula At the c om .
m e nc e m e nt of the p eriod the dom inion of Rome was confined

to the m ere p eninsular p ortion o f Italy ; at its close sh e b ore
sway over the whole of Southern Europe from the shores o f the
Atlantic to the straits of Constantinople over the chief M edi ,
terranea n islands and over a portion of North Africa ; while

, ,
further her influence was param ount throughout the East

, ,
where Pergamus and Egypt were her dependents and Syria ,
existed m erely by h er su fferance In B C 2 64 she had j ust . . .

,
reached a position entitling her to count am ong the Great

”
Powers o f the world as it then was ; to rank i e with , , . .
,
Carthage Macedonia a n d Syria ; in B C 1 34 sh e had ab

, , . .
,
”
sor b ed two o f thes e Great Powers and made the third a de ,
p e n de n c v She w as clearly the sole Great Power left ; or

.
,
if there w as a second it was the n ewly form ed emp ire beyond ,

-
th e Euphrates— th a t o f the Parthians— which rose up as Syria
th e t r u e spirit of his to ri c al cri ti cis m I f t h e gr e at w o rk o f t his auth o r .
h ad c o m e d o w n t o u s i n a c o mpl e t e f o rm w e sh o u ld n o m o r e h av e ,
ne e d e d a ny o th e r au t h o rit y fo r t h e p e ri o d t r e at e d i n i t t h an w e n e e d ,
a ny w o rk b e sid e s t h at o f Th u c y did e s fo r t h e his t o r y o f t h e P e l O p o n

, ,
n e si an W ar fr om B C 43 1 t o 4 1 1 U n f o r tunat e l y t h e c o mpl e te
,
. . .
,
b o o ks d e sc e n d n o l ow e r t h an B C 2 1 6 ; and e ve n t h e fr agm e nt s fa il
. .
u s fr o m t h e y e a r B C 1 46 C on s e q u e ntl y aft e r B C 2 1 6 w e h ave

. . .
, . .
t o d e p e n d ve r y mu ch u p on o t h e r w ri t e rs a s e sp e ci all y Li vy w h o s e , ,
S e c on d D e c ad e c ov e rs t h e sp ac e fr om B C 2 1 8 t o 1 66 t h u s t aki n g . .
,
up t h e his t o r y a l m o s t e xa c t l y w h e r e t h e c om pl e t e b oo ks o f P o l y bi u s
br e ak o ff N e xt t o P ol y bi u s an d Li vy may b e pl a c e d Appi an w h o s e
.
,
P un ic a ,
”
B e ll um H ann ib al i c u m an d I b e ric a b e l on g t o t his p e ri o d
,
”
a n d o cc a si on all y t hr o w i mp o r t ant ligh t u p o n t h e c o u rs e o f e v e nt s The .
e pi t o m e o f Fl o r u s is n o t h e r e o f m u ch val u e T h e bi o gr a ph e r P l u .
,
t arch o n t h e o th e r h an d is a c o n sid e r abl e h e lp his Li ve s o f F ab iu s

, , ,
M axi mu s P ZE mili u s M arc e ll u s M C at o and Fl am i n i nu s f alli n g

, .
, , .
, ,
all o f t h e m w i t hi n t his bri e f sp a c e o f o n e h u n dr e d a n d t hir t y y e a rs

, .
T h e sh o rt Life o f H ann ib al b y C o rn N e p o s p o ss e ss e s als o s ome

”
.
i nt e r e s t ; and o cc as ional ai d may b e d e riv e d fr om D i o do r u s an d ,
Z o nar as .
declined and which ultim a tely rem a i n ed the only counterpoise

,
to th e Roma n state through the whole period o f its great n ess .
Th e circum stances o f the struggle with Pyrrhus and the ,
Southern Italian s had forced Rom e to becom e to som e extent

,
a maritime power A s sh e gr a dually mastered Italy it becam e

.
,
necessary to protect her coasts exposed as they were to attack ,
from Epirus from Sicily from Carthage even fro m Greece as

, , , ,
experience showed Accordingly a fleet began to be formed

.
,
as early as B C 3 3 8 which received constant additio n s a nd had

. .
, ,
by the year B C 2 67 a cquired such importance that four

. .
q uze st o r s o f the fleet ( qu c

e s tor es cl ass ici ) were then appointed ,
and statio n ed at di fferent p orts o f Italy with the special obj ect ,
o f guarding the coasts and keeping the m arine in an e fficient
co n dition B ut this new tendency on the part o f th e great

.
Italian state could not fail to provoke th e j ealousy of the chief

maritim e power o f th e Wester n M editerra n ean Carthage , ,
whose policy it had always been to oppose the establishm e n t of

an y n a val rival in the waters which she regarded as her ow n .
Thus u n friendly feelings arisi n g ou t of a consciousness of

, ,
clashi n g interests h a d for som e tim e been growing up between

,
Carthage a n d Rom e Temporarily suspe n ded during the

.
h eight of th e Pyrrhic War when a com m o n d a nger for a while ,
drew th e tw o states together they burst ou t at its close i n ,
greater force than ever ; a nd n othing w as needed but a decent

pretext in order that the two lukew a rm allies should becom e
,
o pen an d a vowed e n emies .
The pretext was n ot lo n g w a nting The M amerti n es a .

,
bod y o f Campanian m ercenaries w h o h a d seized M essan a b e ,
i n g threatened with destruction by th e combined C arth ag in

i an s an d Syracusans applied for help t o Rom e and were , ,
readily received into her alliance Rom e i n vaded Sicily and .

,
by an act o f treachery made herself mistress of the disputed

p ost War with C a rthage n ecessarily followed a w a r for the
.
,
p ossessio n o f Sicily and for maritim e supremacy i n th e M edi

,
terranea n The m ost remarkable feature o f the w a r was the

.
rapid develop ment o f th e Rom an naval power during its course

— a developm ent which i s without a parallel in th e history o f the
world . With few and i n sig n ific an t exceptions the Rom an s ,
were la n dsme n till B C 262 I n that year they bega n to for m a

. . .
30 RAWL I N S O N
powerful fleet O nly two years later B C 2 60 they c om

.
, . .
,
p l e t e ly defeated under D u il iu s th e whole naval force o f the

, ,
Carthaginians and the supremacy thus acquired they succeed

ed in maintaining by the later victories o f Regulus an d Luta
tius Their victories by se a emboldened them to send an arm y
.
across to Africa and to attack their enemy in h is own country

, .
Success at first attended the e fforts of Regulus ; but after a lit

tle while he w as involved in di fficulties and his e n tire arm y w a s ,
either slain or captured B ut notwithstanding this and numer

.
o u s other disasters th e indom itable spirit o f the Romans pre

,
vailed . After twenty — three years of perpetual warfare ,
Carthage felt herself exhausted and sued for peace The , .
term s which she obtained required her to evacuate Sicily and

the adj acent islands to pay to Rom e a war contribution of 2 200
,
talents to acknowledge the independence of Hiero king of

, ,
Syracuse and bin d herself not to make war o n him or h i s allies

, .
The great importance of this war w as that it forced Rome to ,
becom e a fi rst— rate naval power Though th e Romans did n ot .
during i ts course obtain the complete mastery of th e se a they ,
showed themselves fully a match for the Carthaginians on the

element o f which they had scarcely any p revious experience .
Their land force being much superior to that of Carthage an d ,
their resources not greatly inferior it becam e tolerably ap ,
parent that success would ultimately rest with them Their .
chief deficiency was in generalship wh erein their comm anders ,
were decidedly surpassed not only by the Carthaginian p atriot,
Hamilcar but even the m ercenary X anth ipp u s Here the R 0

,
.
man s y stem was principally to blam e whereby th e command ,
ers were cha n ged annually and the same person was expected ,
to be able to command equally well both by land and by se a .
Carthage continued h er commanders in o ffice and had se p ,
arate ones for the land and the se a service Even Carthage .
,
however was unwise enough to deprive herself of th e services

,
of many an experienced captain by the barbarous practice o f

putting to death a n y general o r admir a l who experienced a r e
verse .
A n interval o f twenty three years separated the First fro m

-
th e Second Punic War It w as employed by both sides in e n

.
e r g e t i c e fforts to consolidate and extend their power Rom e .

,
i n B C 2 38 taking advant a ge of the positio n in which Carthage

. .
,
was placed by the revolt of her mercenaries m ade herself mis ,
tress o i the island of Sardinia and when upon the submission , ,
o f the m ercenaries Carthage required its restoration played

, ,
the part of the wolf in the fa b le declared herself inj ured by h er ,
victim and threatened a renewal of the war Exhausted

,
.
Carthage h ad to purchase her forbearance by th e cession o f the

island and the paym ent of a fine amounting to 1 2 00 talents
, ,
B C 237
. . Rome then proceeded to annex Corsica ; and soon
.
afterw a rds ( B C 2 2 7) she laid the foundation o f her provincial

. .
”
system by the establishm ent o f her first Proconsuls one to ,
adm inister her possessions i n Sicily the other to govern Sar ,
dinia and Corsica .
About th e sam e tim e that sh e seized Sardinia Rome was e n ,
gaged in a war with the B oii ( Gauls ) and Ligures in North

Italy in which th e B oii are said to h ave been th e aggressors
, .
Unsuccessful in their attempts during the campaigns o f B C . .
2 3 8 and 2 3 7 these barbarians in B C ,

2 3 6 i n vited the aid of ,
. .
,
their kindred tribes from beyond th e Alps ; but th e allies after

a little while fell o u t and the B oii a n d Ligures were glad to buy
,
peace of Rom e by th e cession o f som e of their lands .
Rom e soon afterwards showed h erself for th e first time o n

, ,
the eastern coast o f th e Adriatic and took part in th e a ffairs o f ,
Greece The decay o f Grecian power had allowed the piratical

.
disp ositions of th e Illyrians to have free course ; and the c o m

merce o f th e Adriatic th e coasts o f Epirus and Corcyra an d , ,
p erhaps even that of Italy t o som e extent su ffered from th e ,
constant att a cks of Illyrian cruisers Entreated to protect .
them by the unhappy Greek cities the Romans in B C 2 3 0 , , . .

,
sent an em bassy to Sc odr a to require the cessation of the ,
p iracies Their ambassadors were m urdered and a war n e c e s

.
sar i l y followed Rom e in B C 2 2 9 with a fleet o f 2 00 ships

.
, .
, ,
cleared the Adriatic made th e I llyrians o f S c o dra tributary , ,
established D e metrius of Pharos as dependent dynast over the

coasts an d islands of Dalmatia an d accepted the protectorate ,
o f th e Greeks of Apollonia E p i dam n u s and Corcyra In r e , , .
tur n th e Greeks acknowledged the Rom a ns as their kin and ,
admitted them to participation in the Isthmi an gam es and the

Eleusi n ian mysteries Thus Rom e obtai n ed a hold upon the .
33 2 RA WL I N S O N
opposite side of the Adriatic and a right of interference in the ,
a ff airs o f Greece .
A still m ore important war soon followed Rome before .

,
engaging in any further enterprises beyond the lim its of Italy ,
was anxious to extend her dominion to its natural boundary

upon the north the great chain o f the Alps which shuts off
,
Italy from the rest o f Europe With this view sh e proceeded .

, ,
about B C 2 3 2 to m ake large assignments of land and plant

. .
, ,
new and important colonies in the territory of the Senones , ,
thus augm enting her strength towards the north and prepar
ing for a great contest with the Gauls Th ese last finding .
,
themselves threatened at once flew to arms O btaining aid ,

.
from their kindred tribes in and beyond the Alps they crossed ,
the Apennines in B C 2 2 5 and spread them selves far and wide

. .
,
over Etruria advancing as far as Clusium and threatening

, ,
Rome as in the days of B r e nn u s Three arm ies took th e field .
against them and though one composed of Etruscans was

, , ,
completely defeated the two others combining th eir attack

, , ,
gained a great victory over the invaders near Telamon and ,
forced them to evacuate Etr u ria Rom e then carried the war .
into the plain o f th e Po H aving allied h erself with the Veneti .

,
and even with the Gallic tribe adj oining them the C e n o m an i , ,
sh e was a b le in a little tim e to reduce the whole tract to s u b
je c t i on The B oii and L i n g on e s subm itted in B C 2 2 4 th e

. . .
Anari in B C 2 2 3 the I n su b r e s were conquered after a fierce

. .
struggle which occupied the years B C 2 2 3 and 2 2 2 M edio

, . . .
lan u m and Comum the last towns which held o u t subm itted
, ,
in the last nam ed year and Roman dominion was at lengt h

-
,
extended to the great barrier o f the Alps .
These conquests were scarcely e ffected when fresh troubles

b roke out in I llyria D em etrius of Pharos dissatisfied with.
,
the p osition accorded him by the Romans declared him self ,
independent attacked the Roman allies and encouraged the

, ,
I llyrians to resum e the practice o f piracy Allied with A n .
t i g o n u s D o so n he thought himself strong enough to defy the

,
Roman power B ut Antigonus dying B C 2 2 0 and Philip

.
,
. .
, ,
his successor being a m ere boy a Roman army in B C 2 1 9

, , ,
. .
,
chastised D em etrius destroyed his capit a l an d drove him from

, ,
his ki n gdom .
AN C I ENT H I STO R Y
333
It was ill j udged i n Ro m e to allow this pett y quarrel to draw

-
her attention to th e East when i n the West an enemy had

,
arisen against whom her utm ost e fforts were now n eeded
, .
From the m om ent that Carthage was not only robbed of Sar
dinia but forced to pay a fine for h a ving ventured to rem on
,
strate against the wron g do n e her the determination to resum e ,
the struggle with Rome at the first convenient Opportunity b e

came a fixed national sentiment There was indeed a peace .
party in the Punic comm unity ; but it had little weight or force .
The advocates o f war who had found their fittin g leaders in

,
the warriors of th e B ar c in e fam ily— Ham ilcar h is sons and , ,
son in law— were all powerful in the governm e n t ; and under

- - -
them it becam e and remained the o n e sole obj ect o f Carthage

to bring herself into a p osition in which she could hop e to re
new her contest with her hated antagonist o n such terms as
m ight prom is e her a fair prosp ect of success No sooner was .
th e revolt of th e m ercenaries put dow n ( B C 2 3 7) by th e j udi . .
c io n s e ff orts of Ham ilcar B arca tha n th e p ro j ect was forme d,
o f obtaining in Spain a compe n satio n and m ore than a c o m ,
p e n sat i o n for all that had been lost in Sicily Sardinia and the
, , ,
lesser islands Ham ilcar in th e last nine years o f h is life B C

.
, ,
. .
2 3 6 to 2 2 8 established the Carthaginia n power over the whole

,
o f Southern and South — eastern Spain the fairest portion of th e ,
peninsula His work was carried o n and completed in the

.
course o f th e next eight years B C 2 2 7 to 2 2 0 by his son in , . .

,
-
law Hasdrubal Andalusia Murcia and Valencia were o c c u

, .
, ,
pied . A warlike population Iberic an d Celtic was reduced, ,
and trained to arms under Carthaginian o ffi cers Towns were .
built ; trade prospered ; agriculture flourished Above all the .

,
rich silver — m ines near Carthagena ( Carthago Nova) were di s

covered and skilfully worked ; Spain more than paid her ex
p enses and th e hom e treasury was a m ply provided with those
-
sinews o f war without which a sustained military effort is

impossible .
The indi ff erence with which Rom e saw this extension of the
Carthagi n ian power is very surprising She did indeed make .
allia n ce with the sem i Greek commu n ities of Saguntum

-
( Zacynthus ) and E m p o r i a
e about B C 2 2 6 and at the same tim e . .
,
obtained a prom ise fro m H a sdrubal that he would not push his
334 RAWL I N S O N
conquests beyond the Ebro but otherwise she appear e d u n a
observant o r careless o f her rival s acquisitions Probably sh e ’

.
thought that th e designs of Carthage were in the mai n c o m

m e r c ial and regarded an invasion o f Italy from the side o f
,
Spain as simply an impossibility P e rhaps she thought her .
enemy s strength so much reduced a n d her ow n so much in

’
creased as to render it inconceivable that the struggle should

,
ever be renewed unless sh e chose at h er ow n time to force a

,
contest As sh e remained mistress o f the se a and Carthag e

.
,
did no t even make any e ffort to dispute her maritime su

r e mac y it seemed di fficult fo r her rival to attack her in an
p , y
quarter while it was easy for her to carry the war into any por
,
tion o f the Carthaginian territory .
B ut Hannibal sworn from his boyhood to eternal hatred o f

,
Rome had determ ined as soon as h e succeeded to t h e c o m

, ,
mand ( B C on th e m ode and route by which he would

. .
seek to give vent to h i s enm ity to save his ow n nation and at ,
the sam e tim e destroy her foe Fully appreciati n g the weak .
ness of Carthage for defence it w as his schem e to carry the war ,
without a mom ent s unnecessary delay into the enemy s coun

’ ’
try to give the Romans ample employm ent there and se e if

, ,
h e could not exhaust their resources and shatter their c on

federacy The land route from Spain to Italy had for him no
.
terrors He could count on the good dispositions o f most o f

.
the Celtic tribes who looked on him as the desti n ed deliverer

,
o f Cisalpine Gaul from the iron grip o f Rom e H e probably .
knew but litt le of the dangers and di fficultie s o f crossing the

Alps ; but h e was well aware that they had been often crossed
by the Gauls and that h e would find in the Alp ine valleys a n
,
ample supply of friendly and experienced guides Arrived in .
Cisalpine Gaul h e would have the whole population with him

, ,
and he would be able after due consideration to determine o n

, ,
h i s further course With the veteran arm y which h e brought

.
from Spain and with his o w n strategic ability h e trusted to

, ,
defeat any force that Rom e could bring into the field against
him For ultim ate success he depended on his power o f loos
.
e n i n g the ties which bound the Italic confederacy together o f ,
raising u p enemies to Rome in Italy itself and at the same time ,
o f ma i n taini n g h i s arm y in such e fficie n c y that it might be dis

recognized as m aster of the open field inc a pable of b e

t in c t l y ,
ing resisted unless behind walls or by defensive guerilla war ,
fare With these views and obj ects Hannibal in B C 2 1 9

.
, ,
. .
,
com m e n ced the Second Punic War by layi n g siege to Sagun

turn .
Th e issue of the Second Punic War was determ ined by the

dauntless resolution and th e internal vigor of Rom e She had .
opposed to her the m ost consumm ate general of antiquity ; a

state as populous and richer in resources than her own ; a vet
eran army ; a possible com b ination of various p owerful allies ;
above all an am ount o f disa ffection am ong her ow n su b j ects
, ,
the extent of which could not be estimated beforehand but ,
which w as at any rate sure to be considerable Three battles .
showed that Hannibal was irresistible in th e field and taught ,
the Romans to avoid general e n gagem ents The third was .
followed by a wide spread defection of the Roman subj ect al

- —
lies— all Italy from Samnium and Campania southward passed
over to the side of Hannibal B ut th e rest of the federation .
stood firm Not a Latin deserted to th e enem y Central Italy

. .
from sea to sea held to Rom e She had th e resources of Etru .
ria Umbria P i c e n u m Sabina Latium to draw upon besides

, , , , , ,
her own B y im m ens e e fforts in cludin g th e contraction of a

.
,
large National Debt she contrived to maintain her ground , ,
and gradually to reduce Hannibal to th e defensive The alli .
an c e s by which Hannibal sought to better his position with

, ,
Syracuse B C 2 1 5 and with Philip o f Macedon B C 2 1 6 did

,
. .
, , . .
,
him scant service Rom e in each case m eeting the new ene m y
,
o n his own ground and there keeping him fully employed

, .
The hopes o f a successful issue to Carthage the n rested upon

the j unction o f th e second army o f Spain under Has drubal , ,
with the reduced force o f Hannibal in Italy a j unction fru s ,
t r at e d by th e battle o f th e M etaurus which was thus the turn ,
ing point of the war After this reverse th e transfer of the war
-
.
,
into Africa was a matter of course ; and this transfer rendered

necessary th e recall of H annibal from Italy and the relinquish
m ent of all th e great hopes which his glorious enterprise h ad
excited There remained j ust a p ossibility that in a l a st
.
pitched b a ttle on his native soil Hannibal s genius m ight r e ,

’
est a blish the superiorit y o i th e C a rth a gini a n a rm s B ut th e .

3 36 RAWL I N S O N
battle of Zama rem oved this fi n al ch a nce H ann ibal met in .
Scipio Africanus a general not indeed his equal but far su

, ,
perior to any o f those with who m he h a d been previously e n

gaged ; and h i s troops being mostl y of i n ferior q uality he su f
, ,
fe r e d through n o fault o f his o w n the great defeat which

, ,
rendered further resist a nce impossible C a rth a ge a fter Zama .

, ,
becam e a dependent Roma n ally .
The gains o f Rom e by the Seco n d Punic War were in the ,
first place the complete removal of Carthage fro m the p osition

,
o f a counterp oise and rival to that o f a small dependent com
munity p owerless for good or evil ; secondly the a ddition

, ,
to the Roman lan d dominion of the gre a ter part of Spain which ,
was form ed into two provi n ces C it e rior a n d Ulterior ; thirdly

, ,
the absorption o f the previously independent state of Syracuse

into the Roman province o f Sicily ; fourthly the setting up o f ,
a Roman protectorate over th e native African tribes ; a nd fi ft h

l y the full and complete establishm e n t o f Roma n maritime
,
supremacy over the whole of the Western M editerr a ne a n The .
war fu rther tended to the greater consolidation of the Roma n

power in Italy It crushed the last reasonable hopes o f th e
.
Ligurians and Gauls in the north It riveted their fetters more .
firm ly tha n ever on the non Latin races o f th e ce n tre and th e

-
s outh the Umbrians Etruscans Sabines P ic e ntians Apulia ns

, , , , , ,
B ru tt i an s Throughout Ital y l a rge tracts of land were c on fi s

.
cat e d by the sovereign state ; and fresh colonies o f Romans

an d Latins were sent out In Campania and the southern
.
P ic e nu m the whole soil was declared forfeit

,
The repulse of .
Hannibal involved a s econd s u bjugation of Italy more com ,
p l e t e and more harsh than the first Everywhere except i n .

,
L atium the n a tive races were depressed and a Latin domi n ion
, ,
was establish ed over the length and bre a dth of th e land .
Another result o f the Hannibalic War which completed the ,
subj ugation of the Western M editerranean basin was to hasten ,
the collisio n between the a ggressive Republic and the East ,
which had long been evidently impending Already as early .

,
as B C 2 73 Rom e h a d e n tered into friendly relations with

. .
,
Egypt and even before this she had m ade a com mercial
,
treaty wi th Rhodes About B C 2 4 5 sh e had o ff ered t o

. . .
,
Ki n g Ptolemy Eu ergetes a contingent for his Syrian W a r ;

A N C I EN T H I STO R Y
33 7
an d soo n afterwards she interceded with Seleucus C al linic u s

”
on behalf o f the Ilians her kindred H er wars with the , .
I llyria n pirates B C 2 2 9 to 2 1 9 had brought her i n to c on

, . .
,
tact with the states o f Greece more particularly with the ZE t o ,
lians ; a n d finally the a lliance o f Philip king of Macedon with

, , ,
Hannibal had forced her to send a fleet and a rmy across the
,
Adriatic and had closely connected h er with Elis with

, ,
Sparta and even with the Asiatic kingdom of Pergamus

, .
Circumstances had thus drawn her on without any distinctly ,
ambitious designs on her part to an interference in the ,
a ffa irs o f the East — an interferen ce which in the existi n g co n ,
dition o f the O riental world could not but have the m ost m o ,
me nt o u s conse q ue n ces Fo r throughout the East since the .

,
tim e o f Alexander all things had tended to corruption and de

,
c ay In Greece the spirit o f patriotism feebly kept alive in the

.
, ,
hearts o f a select few such as Aratus and Ph ilo p oe m e n was, ,
o n the point of expiring I ntestine division m ade the very .
n a me of Hellas a m ocker y a nd poi n ted her o ut as a ready pre y ,
to any invader I n M a cedonia luxury had made vast strides ;

.
military discipline and training had been neglected ; loyalty

had altogether ceased to exist ; little remained but the inh e ri
tance of a gre a t nam e a n d of a system of tactics which was o f
small value except under the animating influence of a good
,
general The condition o f the other Alexa n drin e monarchies

.
was eve n wors e I n Syria and i n Egypt while the barbarian

.
,
element had bee n raised but slightly above its n atural level
by Hellenic influe n ce the Hellenic had su ff ered greatl y by its
,
contact with lower types o f humanity The royal races Se .

,
l e u ci ds and Ptolem ies were e ff ete and dege n erate ; the arm ed
,
force that they could bring into the field m ight be num erous ,
but it was contemptible ; and a general o f even moderate a bil

ities w as a rarity It was o n ly among th e purely Asiatic m on
.
archies of the m ore rem ote East that any riv a l really capable ,
o f coping with Rome was now likely to S h ow itself The ,

.
M acedonian s y stem had lived ou t its day and was read y to give ,
place to th e you n g vigorous a nd boldly a ggressive power

, ,
which had arise n in the West .
The conclusion of peace with C a rth a ge w a s followed r a pidly

by an a ttack on Macedonia for which the conduct of Philip ,
22
3 38 RAWL I N S O N
had furnished only too many pretexts Philip had probably .
lent aid to Carthage in her final struggle : he had certainl y

without any provocation commenced an aggressive war against
Rom e s ancient ally Egypt and he had plunged also into
’
, ,
hostilities with Attalus and the Rhodians both of whom were ,
among the friends o f Rome the form er being protected by a ,
treaty Rom e was b ound in honor to aid her allies ; and no

.
b lam e c an attach to her for com m encing the Second M ace

do mian War in B C 2 00 and despatching her troops across
. .
,
the Adriatic H e r conduct o f the war w as at first altogethe r

.
mediocre ; but from the tim e that T Q u in ct iu s Flamininu s .
took the command ( B C 1 98) it was simply admirable and

. .
,
deserved the success which attended it The proclamation o f .
general liberty to the Grecian states while it could not fail of ,
b eing popular and was thus excellently adapted to deprive

,
Philip o f his Hellenic allies and t o rally t o the Roman cause ,
the whole power o f H ellas involved no danger to Roman i n ,
t e r e st s which were perfectly safe under a system that estab

,
l i sh e d universal disunion The gift of liberty t o the Greeks by

.
Rome in B C 1 98 is parallel to the similar gift of universal

. .
,
autonomy to the same people by Sparta and Persia in B C 3 8 7 . .
at the Peace of A n t al cidas O n both occasions the id ea .

,
under which the freedom was conceded was that expressed by

”
the maxim Divide e t impera The idea was not indeed now .
carried out to an extreme length There was no dissolution .
o f the leagues o f Ach aea ZE t o li a o r B oeotia These leagues

, , .
were in fact too small to be form idable to such a power as

Rome And as they had embraced the Roman side during
.
the continuance of the war their dissolution could scarcely ,
be insisted o n Thessaly however was even at this tim e in

.
, ,
p u rsuance of the policy of separation split up into four govern ,
m ents .
The battle o f Cynoscephal ae by which the Second Macedo ,
nian War was terminated deserves a place among the Deci ,
sive B attles of the World The relative stren gth of the l e .
“
gion and the phala n x was then for th e first tim e tried
“
upon a grand scale ; and the superiority o f the legion was
asserted N o doubt man for man the Roman soldiers were
.
, ,
better than the Macedonian ; but it was not this superiorit y

A N C I EN T H I STO R Y
339
which gained the day The phalanx as an organization was

.
, ,
clumsy and u n wieldy ; the legion w as light elastic adapted , ,
t o every variety of circumstances The strength and weakness .
of the phalanx were never better shown than at Cynoscephal ae ;
and its weakness— its inability to form quickly to maintain its ,
order o n uneven ground or to change front— lost the battle

, .
The loss was complete and irremediable Macedonia was

, .
vanquished and Rom e becam e thenceforth the arbitress o f the

,
world .
While her arms were thus triumphant in the East Rome ,
w as also gaining additional strength in the West I n the ver y .
year o f the conclusion of peace with Carthage B C 2 01 she . . .

,
recommenced hostilities in the plain of the Po where the Gauls ,
had ever since the invasion of H annibal defied the Roman

authority and maintained their independence It w as n e c e s .
s a ry to reconquer this important tract Accordingly from .

,
B C 2 01 to 1 9 1 the Romans were engaged in a prolonged

. .
,
Gallic War in this district in which though u ltimately success

, ,
ful they su ff ered many reverses Their garrisons at Placentia

,
.
and Cremona were completely destroyed and swept away .
M ore than o n e pitched battle was lost It was only by ener .
getic and rep eated efforts and by s kilfully fomentin g the di

,
visions among the tribes that Rom e once more established

,
her dominion over this fair and fertile region forcing the Gauls ,
to becom e her reluctant subj ects .
The conquest of Gallia Cisalpina was followed by a fresh

a rrangement o f the territory The line of the P 0 was take n .
as that which should bound the strictly Rom an possessions ,
and while Gallia Transpadana was relinq u ished to the na

tive tribes with the exception of certain strategic points such
, ,
as Cremona and Aquileia Gallia Cispadana was i n c orp o

,
rated absolutely into Italy The colonies of Placentia and Cre

.
mona were re —established and reorganized N ew foundations .
were made at B ononia ( B ologna) Mutina ( Modena) and , ,
Parma in the B oian country The ZE milian Way was carried .
on ( B C 1 8 7) from Ariminum to Placentia

. . The B oian s and .
L i ng on e s were rapidly and successfully Latinized B eyond .
the Po the Gallic communities though allowed to retain their

, ,
existe n ce a nd th eir na tive gover n m e n ts a n d eve n excused from ,

3 40 RAWL I N S O N
the payme n t o f any tribute t o their conquerors were regarded ,
as dependent upon Rom e and were especially required to check ,
the incursions o f the Alpine or Transalpine Celts and to allow ,
no fresh immigrants t o settle on the southern side of the m oun

tain chain
-
.
M eanwhile in the East the defeat of Philip the withdr a wal

, , ,
o f the Romans and the restoration of the Greeks to freedom

, ,
had b een far from producing tranquillity The ZE tol ian robber .
community was dissatisfied with the awards o f Flamininus ,
and hop ed in the scramble that might follow a new war to gain
, ,
an increase of territory Antiochus o f Syria was encouraged .
by th e weakness of Macedon to extend his dominions in Asia

M inor and even to e ffect a lodgm ent in Europe proceedings
, ,
which Rome could s carcely look upon with indi fference War .
broke ou t in Greece in the very year that Flamininus quitted

it B C 1 94 by the intrigues o f the ZE t ol ians wh o were bent
,
. .
, ,
o n creating a distur b ance At the same time Antiochus .

,
showed more and more that he did n ot fear to provoke the

Romans and was quite willing to m easure his strength aga inst
,
theirs if occasion o ffered In B C 1 95 h e received Hannibal

, . . .
at hi s court with sp ecial honors ; and soon afterwards he e n

t e r e d into negotiations which had it for their obj ect to unite
Macedonia Syria and Carthage against the common foe In
, ,
.
B C 1 94 o r 1 93 he contracted an alliance with the fE t ol ian s

. .
and finally in B C 1 92 he proceeded with a force o f

,
. .
,
men from Asia into Greece .
This movement o f Antiochus had been foreseen by the

Romans wh o about the sam e time landed o n the coast of
,
Epirus with a force of men War was thus practically .

, ,
declared o n both sides The struggle was directly and imme .

,
diat e l y for the protectorate o f Greece ; indirectly and pros

,
”
p e c t iv e l y for p olitical ascendency
,
Antiochus the Great as . ,
h e was called the m aster o f all Asia from the valley o f the I n
,
dus to the ZE g e an thought himself quite comp etent to meet and

,
defeat the upstart power which had lately ventured to inter

”
m eddle in the a ffairs of th e Successors of Alexander Nar .
row minded and ignorant he despised his adversary and took

-
, ,
th e field with a force absurdly small which h e could without ,
di fficulty have quadrupled The natural result followed Rom e .

.
easily defe a ted him i n a pitched battle drove him across the ,
sea a nd following him rapidly into h is own country shattered

, ,
hi s power and established her own prestige in Asia by th e

, ,
great victory o f Magnesia which placed the Syrian empire at

,
her merc y M ost fortunate was it for Rom e that the sceptre
.
of Syria was a t this time wielded by so we a k a monarch Had .
the occupant o f the S eleucid throne possessed m oderate c a

p ac it y ; had he m ade a proper u se of his opportunities ; had
he given the ge n ius o f Hannibal which was placed at his dis ,
posal full scope ; had he by a frank and generous polic y at

t ac h e d Philip o f M acedon t o his side th e am
, , ,
bitious Republic ,
might have bee n checked in m id career and have su ff ered a -

,
repuls e from which there would have been no recovery for

centuries .
“
The m oder a tion o f Rome after the battle of M agnesia
has b een admired by m any historians ; a n d it i s certainly true
that sh e did not acquire by her victory a si n gle inch of fresh
territory n or any direct advantage beyond the enrichment o f
,
th e State tre a sury B ut indirectl y the a dvantages w hich she

.
gai n ed were considerable She was able t o reward her allies

.
,
Eum enes o f Pergamus and the Rhodians in such a way as to ,
make it apparent t o the whole East that the Rom a n a lli a nce
w a s highl y profitable She was able to establish and sh e did
.
,
establish o n the borders of Macedoni a a great a nd p owerful

, ,
state a counterpoise t o th e only enem y which sh e n ow feared

,
in Europe She was able to obt a in a cheap renown by p r o

.
claiming once more the liberty o f Greece and insisting that ,
the Greek cities o f Asia M inor o r a t a ny r a te those which h a d

,
lent her aid should be recog n ized as free—a proclam ation

,
which cost her nothing and whereby sh e s ecured herself a

,
body of friends on whose services sh e might hereafter count

i n this quarter That she was content with these gains that
.
,
sh e evacuated Asia M inor as she had previously evacuated

,
Greece w as p robably owing to the fact that sh e was n ot as

,
yet prepared to occupy and maintain her dominio n over

, ,
countries so far distant fro m Rom e She had found the di ffi .
culty of holding even Spain as a part o f her empire an d was ,
forced by th e perpetual attacks of the unconquered and revolts

of the co n quered n atives to ma int a in there p erpetu a ll y an a r my
34 2 RAWL I N S O N
of men She had not yet made up her mi n d to ann ex

.
even Greece ; much less therefore could sh e think of holding , ,
the remote Asia M inor It was suffi cient for her to have r e .
p u lsed a foe who had ventured to advance to her doors to have ,
increased her reputation by tw o glorious campaigns and a

great victory and to have paved the way for a future occupa
,
tion of Western Asia if circumstances should ever re n der it ,
politic .
In Greece the defeat o f Antiochus was followed necessarily

, , ,
by the submission of the ZE t ol ian s who were mulcted in large ,
portions of their territory and made to pay a heavy fine Rome .
annexed to her own dominions only C e p h al l e n i a and Z ac yn

th u s distributing the rest among her allies who however were
, , , ,
very far from being satisfied The Ach ae an League and Phi l ip .
were both equally displeased at the limits that were se t to their

ambition and were ready should opportunity o ffer t o tur n
, , ,
their arms against their recent ally .
In the West four wars contin u ed to occupy a good deal of

,
the Roman attention Spain w as still far from subdued ; and

.
the Roman forces in the country were year after year engaged
against the L u sitani o r the Celtiberi with very do u btful su c ,
cess u ntil about B C 1 8 1 to 1 78 when som e decided adv an

,
. .
,
tages were gaine d In the m ountainous Liguri a the freedom

.
loving tribes showed the sam e spirit which has constantly been
exhi b ited b y mountaineers as by the Swiss t h e Circassians , , ,
and others War raged in this region from B C 1 93 to 1 70 ;

. . .
and the Roman domination over portions of the Western

Apennines and the m aritime Alps was only with th e utmost
di fficulty established by the extirpation of the native races o r
their transplantation to distant regions No attempt was made .
really to subj u gate the entire territory It was viewed as a .
training school for the Roman soldiers and o fficers standin g

-
,
to Rome very much as Circassia long stood to Russia and as ,
Algeria even n ow stands to France In Sardinia and in Cor .
sica perp etual wars resemblin g slave — hunts were waged with
, ,
the native races of the interior especially in the interval from ,
B C 1 8 1 to 1 73
. . .
The discontent of Philip did not lead him t o any rash or

imprudent measures H e defended his i n terests so far as w as
.
,
possible by n egotiatio n s When Rom e insisted h e yielded

, .
, .
B ut all the while he was nursing the strengt h of M acedon i a

, ,
recruiting her finances increasing the number o f her allies

, ,
m aking every possi b le preparation for a renewal o f the strug

gle which had gone so much against him at Cynoscephal ae
, .
Rome susp ected him b ut had n ot the face to declare actual

,
war against so recent an ally and so complaisant a subordinate .
She contented hers elf with narrowi n g his dominions strength ,
e n in g Eumenes against him and sowing dissensions in his

,
family D emetrius his younger son who lived at Rom e as a

.
, ,
hostage w as encouraged to raise his thoughts to the thro n e

, ,
which he was given to understand Rom e would gladly see h i m

occupy Whether Demetrius w as willing to becom e a cat s
.
’
paw is not apparent ; but the Rom a n intrigues on his behalf

certainly brought about his death and caused the reign o f ,
Philip to end in sorrow and remorse B C 1 79 , . . .
The accessio n of Perseus to the M acedonian thro n e was

only so f a r a gain for Rom e that he was less competent than
Philip to conduct a great enterprise I n many respects the .
p osition o f M acedonia was bettered by the cha n ge of sove t

e ig n s
. Perseus a you n g and brave p ri nce was popular not
, , ,
only amon g his ow n subj ects but throughout Greece where , ,
the national party had begun t o see that independence was an

impossible dream and that the choice re a lly lay between sub
,
je c tion to the wholly foreign Romans and t o the semi Hellenic -
and n ow thoroughly Hellenized M acedonians Perseus again .

, ,
h a d no p ersonal enemies The kings o f Syria a nd E g y pt who

.
,
could not forgive his father the wrongs which they had su f
fe re d at his hands had no quarrel with the present m onarch ;
,
to whom the form er ( Seleucus IV ) readily gave h i s daughter .
in m a rriage Th e design of Philip t o r e establish M acedonia

.
-
in a position of real independence w as heartily adopted by his

successor ; and Rom e lear n t by every act of the new prince ,
that she had to expect shortly a n outbreak of hostilities in this

qua rter .
Y et for a while sh e procrasti na ted

, ,
Her wars with Liguri a .
,
Sardinia a n d Corsica still gave h er occupation in the West

, ,
while a n ew enemy the I st ri provoked by th e establish me n t

, ,
of her colony o f Aquilei a ( B C caused her const a nt . .

34 4 RAWL I N S O N
trouble an d a n n oyance in the border l an d betwee n Italy an d

Macedo n the Upper Illyrian country B ut about B C 1 72
,
.
,
. .
,
it became C lear that further procr a sti na tio n would be fatal to

her interests — would in fact be equivalent to the withdrawal
, ,
of all further interference with the a ffairs o f Greece and the
East Perseus was becom ing daily bolder and more p owerful
. .
H i s party among the Greeks was rapidly i n creasing The .
ZE t olians called in his aid The B oeotians made a n a lliance with .
him Byzantium and Lampsacus placed themselves u n der his

.
protection Even the Rhodians paid him honor a nd ob se rv

.
ance If the protectorate of Greece w as not to slip from the

.
hands of Rom e and t o be resumed by Macedo n it was high ,
time th a t Rome should take the field an d vindicate her preten

sions by force of arms Accordi n gly in the a utumn of B C .
,
. .
1 72 an embassy was sent to Perseus with demands wherewith

, ,
it w as impossible that he should comply ; a n d when the envo y s

were abruptly dismissed war was at once declared , .
The victory of Pydna gained b y L ZE mil i u s Paullus ( Ju n e , .
22, B C . was a repetition o f that at C ynosc e p h al m but

.
,
had even m ore important consequences O nce m ore th e l e .
gion showed itself superior to the phalanx ; but now the pha
lanx was not merely defeated but destroyed and with it fell ,
the m onarchy which had invented it a n d by its m eans attained

to gre a tness Nor was this the whole N ot only did the king
. .
dom of Alexander p erish at Pydna 1 44 years a fter his death , ,
but the universal dominion of Rom e over th e civilized world

was thereby fin a lly established The battle of Pydna was the .
last occasion u pon which a civilized foe contended on som e

thing like equal terms with Rome for a separate and in de p e n
dent existence All the wars in which Rom e w as engaged
.
after this were either rebellions aggressive wars up on b a rba ,
rians with a view to conquest o r defensive w a rs a gainst the ,
barbarians who from tim e to tim e assailed her The victories .
o f Zama Magnesia and Pydna convinced all the world but

, ,
the outer barbarians that it was in vain to struggle against

Roman ascendency that safety was only t o b e found in sub
,
mission and obedience Hence the progress o f Rome fro m .
this time was comparativel y speaki n g peaceful Her su c

, ,
.
cesses h a d now reduced the whole civilized world to depen

AN C I ENT H I ST O R Y 34 5
dence When it was her pleasure to exch an ge dependence for

.
actual i n corporatio n into her empire sh e had simply to de ,
clare her will and w as generally unresisted O ccasion a lly

, , , .
,
indeed the state marked o ut for absorption would in sheer

,
despair take up arms ; e g Ach aea Carthage Jud aea B ut . .

, , , .
for the most part there was no struggle merely subm ission , .
Greece ( except Ach ae a) M acedonia Asia Minor Syria Egypt

, , , , ,
were annexed peaceably ; and the only remaining great war

o f the Republic w as with the barbarian Mithri dates o f Pontus , .
B ut Rom e though her m ilitary successes had elevated her

,
to this commanding position was still loath to undertake the ,
actual government o f the countries over which she had estab

l i sh e d her ascendency H er exp eriment in Spain was no t e n
.
c o u ra g i n g and she would willingly have obtained the adv an

tages of a widely — extended sway without its dr a wbacks o f ,
enlarged responsibilities and ever recurring di fficulties and -
entanglem ents Accordingly her policy w as still to leave the

.
,
co n quered regions to rule thems elves but at the sam e tim e so ,
t o weaken them by separation that they might n ever more be ,
formidable a n d so to watch over and direct their proceedings

,
that these might i n no way clash with the notions which she
entertained o f her ow n interests M oreover as sh e saw no .
,
.
reason why she should not obtain permane n t pecuniary adv an

tage from her victories she determi n ed to take from both
,
Illyricum a n d M acedonia a land tax equal to on e half o f the - -
amount which had been previously exacted by the n ative

sovereigns .
While however professedly leavi n g the cou n tries which sh e

, ,
h a d co n quered to govern themselves Ro m e could not bring ,
herself really to let them act as they pleased What she did .
was to substitute for governm ent a system of surveillance .
Everywhere she was continually sending commissioners ( le

g ati ) who not m erely kept h er acquai n ted with all that passed
,
in the states which they visited but actively interfered with ,
th e course o f government suggesting certain proceedings an d

,
forbidding others acting as referees in all qu a rrels between

,
state and state giving their decision s i n the n a m e of Ro me

, ,
and threatening h er vengeance o n the recalcitrant .
The subj ugatio n o f the enemies o f Rom e was a lw ay s fol

34 6 Rt w m xs o x
l ow e d t v en de n c on h er p art t o q u arrel w i t h h er fri e n ds

a t y .
r i er t r w e e m ai nt ain e d an d St ren g t h e n e d m er el y a c o un
i
r
s
p oi s e t o s m e z oe a d wh e t h e fo e c ea e d t o ex i st or t o n
n
s o .
s
—
b e :or i da b i e th e fr ien d w e e n o l o nger n e e de d Th u s t h e
e
.
s r .
£1 1 o f M a c e d o ni a a d c o m p e t e p r os tr a ti o n o f Gr e ece p r od u c e d n
an i mm e di at e C O i n \ b € r W e e n Ro m e an d h er chi ef E as t ern <
L e
P
i
e r g am u
s
a
, R h o d es s n
d .
e w hi ch Ro m e acq u i e d b y t h e v i c t o ry of r
esh o w n b y t h e fact t h a t sh e w as a b l e I n th e ‘
e ar t o d p ri v e A n oc h u s E p i p h an e o i t h e fr u i t of all ‘
e r y
s n s s
hi s E g p i su c e s s e s b y a m er e c o mman d h au h t il y I ss u ed
”
:
v
. Q g .
b v h e c mg i z si a e r P op ili i n
r An ti n w i th d e w fr om n .
s . c I s r
E g vp w en h'
w a 01 t h e p i t o f c o : q u eri n g it ; an d even e s o n
r e l i n qu h h e d t e i l a d o Cy p r u t o hi s an t agoni s t
s Rom e al h s __ - s .
l ow e d hi m h ow ev e r t o re tai n p os ees si o n o f C oe l é S v i a an d
. .
n
I
-
e_ 0 .
_I ea : su c c e s at t ai n e d h en t
h
e g ov e rnr n e n t appear s to have
t p . Ei g h t e e n y ear s i n t e r vene
l I
; ,
B ea r s d uri n g w h ich
b
( L
u
L Wun i c II i r
a —e i gh t ee n y ,
R z nz e w a e n ga g e d : n o co n t e st 0 t h e l e a t im port an ce u n
s s
.
l s i : w e r e th at w h i ch c o nti n i e d t o b e w ag e d i n S p a i n a g ai n st
s tr
th e L i t a ni ans an d a :e w O t h er n a i ve tri b e s S h e di d n ot
‘
I S .
,
in d ee d ev er c eas e t o p u h h e r d o m h ri on i n so m e quart er
. In s .
th e b e t w e en h er g e at w ar s sh e al m ost al w a y s p rose r .
I e i som e p en s
” 1
? q u ar e s an d L I w a t h e ca e i n t h e in t e r val r
: S s
—
1 .
CI l B C 1 6 8 an d *
w h e n sh e c ar r ie d o n ho stili t i e s w i t h
. .
s e v e ra l LE I E LEC ELI II p e a l e aa t h e Celt i c t ri b e in t h e Al pine ‘

s
p
s
‘
U s .
e Ti g h la g t h e tr a C t bo r de r in g o n caea ( \ ice ) -
v a _ ev s t .
h
t s - -
" 6 An i a— cf
"
A t i be s l t h e D al m a t i ans h e C o rsi c an s an d n
t
,
,
B ut e ca m e w hen th e gove rnm ent w as no longer c o n

th e
te w i h :h e s e p e t
r
an d t ri v ial e n t erp r is e s
t
Aft er ei gh t een t y
t .
y ear C i rr e so l i z on i t w as d e c ided t o t ake I m po rt an t ma ers

s I
I
.
tt
ii : h an d— t o r e m ov e o u t o f t h e w y t h e c i t y whi ch ho w ever
.
a ,
i e t t o be R 0m e s so le ri val I n t e II e s t ern
'
re du c ; W St u l
e
C h '
s . -
A N CIEN T H I STO R Y
world ,
to assu m e the act ual governm ent of a n ew depe n
an d
dency i n a n e w con t inent The de t erm ina t io n t o d e st r ov Car

.
th ag e and to fo r m A f ri c a in t o a p r ov i n ce w as in no w ay forc e d ,
u pon Rom e b y circ um s t ances b u t w as decided u po n aft er

,
a b u ndant deli b e r ation b y the p redo mina n t p art y in t h e s t at e ,
as th e course b est calc u la t ed t o advance Roman in t ere t Th e s s .
grounds of q u a r r el wi t h Cart hage were m i e ra b ly in s uffi c i en t ; s
and th e ty r ann v of the s t ronger w as pro b a b l y never exert ed i n

a grosser or more revolting form t h a n w h e n Ro m e req u i re d ,
t hat Cart h age which had o b se r ved an d more t h an o b serv ed

, , ,
every o b li gation whereto she w as bo un d in t rea t y s h o ul d n e v ,
e rt h e l e s s for t h e gr ea t er advan t a ge of Rom e

, cea s e to exis t ,
.
It w as not to b e exp ect e d t hat th e id e a of a po li ti cal s ui ci de

wo u ld approve i t s elf to th e Cart ha gi n ia n gove r nm e n t B ut .
les s than t his wo u ld n ot content Ro m e w hi ch havin g fir s t se , ,
cured every poss i b le advant age fro m t h e i n cli n a ti on of her ad

v e r sar y to ma k e sacri fices for p ea ce reveal ed fin a ll y a req ui re ,
ment that co u l d n ot b e accep ted w i t ho u t war .
The Thi rd P u n ic II ar lasted four year s— fro m B C 1 4 9 to

'
. .
1 4 6 incl u sive I t was a str u ggle in to w hi ch Ca r t ha ge en t ered

.
purely fr om a fee l i n g of despa ir b eca u se t h e term s o fi e r e d t o

,
her— the destru cti on of th e ci t y an d t h e re m o v al of th e peo ple

,
to an inl an d S i t uati on— were s u ch t hat dea t h se e m ed pre fe r ab le

to them Th e resistan ce m ade was ga ll a nt an d p rol o n ged
.
,
though at no ti m e w as there au v reas o n a b le hop e of s u cce ss .
C ar thage w as wi t hout ships wi tho u t al li es al m ost w i t ho u t

, .
arm s s ince sh e had r e c e n tl v s u rren de r e d ar m or an d w ea po ns

,
for m en Y et she m ai n t a i n e d the u n eq u al figh t for

.
fo u r ye ars exh i b iti ng a valor an d an in ve n ti venes s w ort h y of

,
her b est da y s At length in B C 1 4 6 the Ro m an s Im de r

.
,
. .
,
Scipio E m il ia n u s forc e d t he ir w ay i n to th e to w n t oo k it al
,
.
m ost ho u se b y hous e fi red it in all di r e cti ons an d e n ded b v

. ,
leve l l in g it with the gro u n d The Ca rt ha g in i a n te rr i t o ry w as

.
then m ade in to th e provin ce of Afr ica a l an d tax an d

'
poll ta x were imposed ; and th e sea t of gover nm en t was fix ed

-
at Uti ca .
D u ri n g th e conti n uan ce of t h e Cart h a gi n i an II ar t roubles

'
broke out in the Helle ni c pe ni ns u la whi ch e n abled Ro me to .
pursue i n th a t qu a rter also th e n ew po lic y of ann ex a t io n and

348 R AW L I N S O N
a b so rp tion A pretender who gave out that h e was the so n of

.
,
Perseus r aised t h e sta ndard of revolt in Macedonia defeated

, ,
t h e Roman s in a p i t ched ba t tle B C 1 4 9 and invaded Thes , . .

,
sal y , b u t was i n the follow i n g year him self defeated and made
p risoner b y M etell u s The opport un ity w as at once taken of
.
“ ”
red u c in g Macedo ni a into the form of a province At th e .
sam e ti m e w itho u t even an y tolerable pretext a quarr el w as

, ,
p ic k ed W i th th e A ch man L e ag ue B C 1 4 8 which w as requ ired , . .

,
to di ssolve itself A b r i ef w ar followed wh ich was term inated

.
b y M um mi u s w h o plun dered and destroyed Co r in t h B C 1 4 6 , . . .
Ach aea was t hen p r ac t i ca ll v added to th e empire though she ,
was still all owed for som e v e a rs to am use herself with some of
the old form s of freedom from w hich all vit al force had de ,
part ed .
B ut whi le Rome w as thus ext endi ng h erself in the South an d

in th e East and adding new provin ces to her empire in her
, ,
old prov i n ces of the West her authori t y was fiercely disputed
and it was with th e u tm ost di fi cu l ty that sh e maintained herself
i n poss e ssion Th e native tribes of the Spa ni sh Peninsula
.
were b rave and freedom loving ; their count r y was strong and -
eas y of defence ; and Rom e fo u nd it almost imp ossible to su b

j ugate them The Roman dominion had indeed never yet
.
b een e stablished in the m ore northern and western portions of

the co u ntry which were held b y th e Lusi tani th e G all ae c i th e
, , ,
V ac cae i and the Can t a b ri ; and a perp etual border war was c on
,
sequentl y maintained in which the Roman arm ies were fr e

,
quently worsted Th e gallantry and high sp irit of th e natives

.
w as esp ecially shown from B C 1 4 9 to 1 4 0 under the leadership . .
of th e L u sitanian V i ri ath u s an d again from B C 1 4 3 to 1 3 3

, . .
,
in th e course of th e desperate resis ta nce ofi e re d to th e Rom an

arm s by the N u mant ian s Rom e was unable t o overcome .
either enem y w ithout havin g recourse to treach e ry .
Wh ile the freedom lovin g tribes of the West showed so -
much reluctance to surrender their liberties into the hands of

Rome in th e East her dom inion received a l a rge extension by
,
th e volun tary act of one of her alli e s Attalus I I I k ing of . .

,
Per g a mus wh o h eld under his sovereign ty the greater part of

,
A s ia M in or was found at his d e ath ( B C I 3 3) to have left his

, . .
Kin gdom by will to the Rom a n p eop le This str a nge le g a cy .

A N C I E NT H I ST O R Y 349
w a s a s w a s n atural disputed by the expectant heir A ri sto nic u s

, , , ,
ba stard son o f Attalus and was afterwards denied by M i t h rida

,
tes V ; but there is no real ground for calling it in question

. .
Rome h a d no do u bt intrigued t o o b tain th e cession and c o n ,
sequently sh e did not hesitate to accept it A short war w ith .
A r i st o ni c u s ( B C 1 33 to 1 3 0) gave the Romans full possessio n

. .
of the territory the greater port ion of which w as form ed into

,
a province ; Phr y gi a Maj or being however detach ed and , , ,
ceded t o M ithridates IV king of Pontus who h ad assisted .

, ,
Rom e in the brief struggle .
The internal changes in th e Roman gove rnm ent during the

p eriod here under consideration were gentle gr adual and for , ,
the m ost part inform al ; but they amounted in course of tim e to

a sensible and far from unimportant m odification The lon g .
struggle between t h e Patrician and Plebeian O rders was te r m i
na fed by the G e nu c i an revol u tion an d t h e chief Plebeian fam ,
i l i e s being now placed on a par with th e Patric i ans a u ni ted ,
nobility stood at th e h ead of the nation confrontin g and c o n ,
fronted b y a proletariate wi th only a rather sm all and not very

,
active middle class intervening b etween them The prole .
tariate h owever was in part amenable to the nobility being

, , ,
composed of p ersons who were its Clients ; and it was not dif
fi c u l t to keep th e remaining m em b ers in good humor b y b e - o
stowing upon them from tim e to time allo t m ents of lan d in th e

conquere d terr itories O n the whole it m ay be said that the
.
,
proletariate was d u ring this period at the beck and call of the
, ,
nobles W h ile the onl y opposition wh ich ca u sed them a nxiety

,
was that of the m iddle class — Italian farmers p rincipally— wh o ,

”
suppo rted by som e of the less dis ti ngu ished Plebeian ho u ses ,
”
form ed an opposition which was som eti mes formidable
, .
It was the obj ect of the nobles to increase the p ower of the
Senate as compared wi th the com iti a ; and to bring th e
comitia themselves under aristocrati c influence The ex .
al t at i o n of th e Senate was e ff ected very gradually The m ore

import ant foreign a ff airs becam e—and ever yt hing w as foreign
.
out of Italy— th e greater grew to be the p ower of the Senate ,
which se ttled all such matters w ithout refere n ce t o the c o

”
m iti a. And wi th respect to hom e a ffa i rs the m ore wi del y
, ,
the franchise was extended ( an d it rea ch ed th rough th e Rom an

350 RAWL I N S O N
colo n ies to very remote parts of Italy ) the more n um erous an d ,
v a ried the elem ents that were a dmitted to it the less were the ,
comitia possessed of any distinct and positive will and th e ,
m ore easy did it becom e to manipulate and manage them As .
a rule the people stood and assented to all proposals made by

,
the magistrates They were too widely scattered over th e ter

.
ri t o r y to be instructed beforehand t oo num erous to be ad ,
dressed e ffectively at the tim e o f voting— besides which no one ,
but the presidin g magistrate had the right of addressing them .
To bring the comitia m ore completely under the hands

o f the governm ent th e vast bodies of freedm en wh o consti
, ,
t u t e d at this tim e the chief portion o f the retainers ( cl i entes) of

each noble house were continuall y a dmitted to the franchise
, ,
either by a p ositive enactm ent as in B C 2 4 0 o r by th e care ,

. .
,
lessness o r collusion of th e censors who every five years made ,
o u t an ew the roll o f the citizens Th e lower classes of the in .
dependent voters were also system atically corrupted by the

practice oi largesses especially distributions o f corn and by
, ,
th e exhi b ition o f gam es at th e private cost o f the magistrates ,
who curried f a vor with the voters by the splendor and expense
o f their shows It was a lso perhaps to increase th e infl uence
.
, ,
o f the nobles over the centuries that the change was m ade by
which each o f the five classes was assigned an equal number

o f votes ; for the wealthier citizens n ot within the noble class
were at this time th e m ost independent and the m ost likely t o

thwart the will of the governm ent .
Still no hard and fast line was draw n between th e nobles

,
- -
and the rest o f th e com munity n o b a rrier which could not be ,
overstepped A family becam e n oble through its members ob

.
tainin g any o f the high o ffices of th e St a te and through its thus ,
having images of ancestors to show And legally th e high .
e st o ffice was open to every citizen Practically however th e .

, ,
chief o ffices cam e to be confined alm ost to a clique This was .
owing in the first place to the absolute need of great wealth

, ,
for certain o ffices as esp ecially the ae dileship and to th e law

, ,
( passed in B C 1 80) b y which a regular rotation o f o ffices was

. .
fixed and n o o n e could reach the higher till he had first served
,
the lower B ut beyond this it is evident that after a tim e a

.
, ,
thoroughly exclusive spirit grew up a nd all the i n flue n ce o f the

nobles over the comiti a w a s exerted to keep out of h igh

o ffi ce every n ew m an — every o ne that is who did n ot b e ~ , ,
“
long to th e narrow list of som e forty or fift y houses w h o
considered it their right to rule the commonwealth .
The attempts of the opposition were limited to t w o ki n ds

o f e fforts First they vainly wasted their strength in n oble
.
,
but futile e ff orts to check the spre a d o f luxury and corruption ,
including however under those harsh names much that m odern

society would regard as proper civilization and refinem ent .
Secondly they now and then succeeded by determ i n ed e x e r

,
tions in raising to high o ffice a new ma n — a Porcius Cato ,
o r a C Flam inius —W h o was a thorn in the side o f the nobles

.
during the remainder o f his lifetim e but rarely effected any ,
political change o f importance Altogether the opposition .

,
seem s fairly taxable with narrow views and an inability to grap

ple with the di ffi culties of the situation Th e age was o n e of .
”
p olitical m ediocrities Intent o n pursuing th eir career o f
.
con q uest abroad the Roman people cared little and thought
,
little of a ffairs at home The State drifted into di fficulties

.
,
which were unperceived and unsuspected till they suddenly ,
declared them selves with st a rtli n g violence a t the ep och where

at we h a ve n ow a rrived .
F I FT H P ER I O D .
Fro m the Comme n cement o f internal Troubles under the

Gracchi to the Establishment of the Empire under Au
gustus B C 1 33 to A D , . . . .
An epoch is n ow re a ched at which the foreign w a rs o f Rom e

becom e few a n d unimportant while the internal a ffairs o f the ,
State have o n ce more a grave and a bsorbing interest Civil .
S our ces . c ont inu ou s his t ori e s of t his p e ri o d c omp o s e d b y

The ,
an c i e nt w ri t e rs w h e t h e r Gr e e k o r L at i n if w e e x c e p t m e r e sk e t ch e s an d
B C 1 33 t o 7o—o u r
, ,
e p it om e s ar e al l l o s t
, Fo r t h e e arli e r p o rt i on o f i t —
. . .
m at e r i al s ar e e sp e ci all y sc ant y Pl ut a rch i n his Li ve s o f t h e Gr a cchi

.
, ,
o f M ari u s S y ll a L u c u ll u s Cr ass u s an d S e rt o ri u s an d Appi an

, , , , , ,
”
D e B e llis C i v ilib u s ar e t h e chi e f au t h o ri t i e s ; t o w hich m ay b e a dd e d
,
S all u st s
’
J u gu rt h a a br i lli ant and v al uabl e mono graph t o g e t h e r
, ,
”
w it h a fe w fr a gm e nt s of h i s H i s t or i e s I n t his c omp ar at i ve sc arci t y
.
352 RAWLI N SO N
troubles an d comm otions follow one another with great r apid

ity ; and finally we com e to a p eriod whe n th e arms of the R 0
mans are turned against them s elves and the conquerors of the ,
world engage in civil wars o f extraordinary violence The .
origi n o f the se dist urbances i s to b e found in the gulf which had

be en gradually forming and wide n ing between th e poor and
the rich the nobles and the p roletariat For a long s erie s o f
, .
years from the terminatio n o f the Seco n d Samnite War to the

,
final settlement o f Norther n Italy ( B C 3 03 to the press . .
ure o f povert y h a d bee n co n tinually kept down and alleviated ,
partly by th e lon g and bloody struggles which decim a ted the

population and so relieved th e labor — m arket partly by di st ri ,
butio n s of plunder and a bove all by assignations o f lands

, , , .
But the last Italian colony w as sent o ut in B C 1 77 ; and a n e w . .
generatio n had n ow grown up which had neither received no r

expected any such relief The lands of Italy were all o c cu
.
pied ; no nation within i ts borders remained to be co n quere d ;

and settlements beyond the seas possessed for the ordinary R o
ma n citizen few attractions As the wars cam e to be less c on .
stant a n d less sanguinary th e p opulation increased rapidly and

, ,
no vent was provided for th e n ewcomers The labor mark et .

-
was overcrowded ; it becam e di fficult for a p oor man to obtain

a living ; and those dangers arose wh ich such a condition of
things is sure to bring upon a State .
The state o f a ffairs would h a ve been very di fferent had the

Licinian law with resp ect to the employm e n t o f free labor been
enforced against the occupiers of th e public domain This do .
of s o u rc e s e v e n th e br ie f c omp e n d ium of th e pr e j u dic e d P at e r c ul u s

, ,
a nd t h e Epi t ome s of t h e c ar e l e ss an d i nacc u r at e Li vy c ome t o h ave ,
an i m p o r t an c e Fr om ab ou t B C 70 t h e r e i s an impr ove me nt b ot h i n
. . .
,
t h e am ou nt an d i n t h e ch a r a c t e r o f t h e e xt ant m at e ri als App i an c o n .
t i n u e s t o b e o f s e rv ic e a s als o d o e s Pl u t arch i n his

, Liv e s of Cic e r o ,
P omp e y J u li u s C ae sa r C at o t h e y oun g e r B rutu s and A nt on i u s ;

, , , ,
w hil e w e o b t ai n i n addi t i on ab u n d ant i n f o rmat i o n o f t h e m o s t au

, ,
t h e n t i c ki n d firs t fr o m t h e c o nt e mp o r a r y
, ,
Sp e e ch e s an d L e tt e rs
o f Cic e r o a n d t h e n fr o m t h e
,
C o mme ntari e s of C ae s ar and H i rt i u s .
T h e c ont i nu ou s narr at i ve o f D i o C a ssi u s b e gi n s als o fr o m t h e y e ar B C . .
69 ; t h e C at il in e o f S all u s t b e l on gs t o t h e y e ars B C 66 t o 62 ; and . .
Su e t o n i u s s
’
L ive s of J u li u s and O ctavi u s fall th e o ne e nt ir e l y t h e , ,
ot h e r p art i all y w it hin t h e d at e w h i ch t e rminate s t h e p e ri od

,
.
m ain which had now become extremely large had n aturally

, , ,
enough been occupied by th e capitalist (which was nearly

,
identical with the governing) class who had at the tim e seemed ,
to compensate fairly the non capitalists by extrem ely liberal-
allotm e n ts of small plots o f ground in absolute property B ut .

,
while the poorer classes increased in number the richer were ,
stationary o r even dwindled O ld houses becam e extinct

,
.
,
while new houses only with great diffi culty pushed them
selves into the rulin g order There were no m eans o f obtain
.
in g much wealth at Rome except by the occupation of domai n

lands o n a large scale by the farm ing o f the revenue or by the
, ,
governm ent o f the provinces B ut these sources of wealth

.
were all of them at the disp os a l o f the ruling class wh o as

, , ,
signed them alm ost without exception to m em bers o f their

, ,
o w n fam ilies Thus th e wealthy were continually becom ing

.
m ore wealthy while the p oor grew p oorer There w as no ap

,
.
p r e c iab l e introduction of new blood into the ra n ks o f the aris

t o c rac y . The domain land was in B C 1 33 engrossed by the . .
m embers of some forty or fifty Rom an houses an d by a cer

tain number of rich Italians o f wh om the form er had grown
,
to be enorm ously wealthy by inherita n ce interm arriages a nd , ,
th e m onopoly o f gover n me n t employm e n ts Th e m odus .
a g r or u m established by Licinius had fallen i n to oblivio n or ,
at least into disuse ; a n d several thousand j ugera were prob

ably often held by a single man Still in all this there would .
,
have bee n no very great h ardship had the dom ai n land been cul ,
t iv at e d by the free labor o f Roman citizens either wholly o r i n ,
any decent proportio n In that case the noble possessor

.
,
must have conveyed to his estate i n whatever p a rt o f Italy it ,
w as situated a body of poor Roman freem en w h o would have

, ,
formed a sort o f colony upon his land and would have only ,
di ffered from other colonists i n working for wages instead o f

cultiv a ting o n their ow n account The Roman labor market .
-
would have been relieved and n o danger would have threat

,
ened th e State from its lower orders B ut it seemed to the .
p ossessor m ore economical and m ore convenient t o culti

vate h is land by m eans of slaves which the numerous wars o f ,
the times togethe r with the regular slave trade had m ade
,
-
,
cheap The Licinia n en a ctme n t w a s therefore very earl y set

.
23
3 54 RAWL I N S O N
a t naught ; and it was n ot enforced Everywhere over Italy .
th e pu b lic domain was cultivated by gan gs of slaves .
Among the m ore wis e a nd patriotic of the Romans it had

long been seen that this state o f thi n gs was fr a ught with peril .
At Rom e a proletari a te daily becoming poorer a n d more u n

wieldy content hitherto to be at th e beck and call of the nobles
, ,
but if it once grew to be hu n gry a n d hop eless then m ost dan ,
gero n s—i n Italy a v a st slave popul a tio n composed largely of ,
those who had know n liberty a nd were not deficient in i nt e l l i

gence harshly treated and without any attachment to it s mas
,
ters which might be expected on a n y fa vorable opportunity t o

rise and fight desp erately for freedo m—th e gover n ment if an
,
outbreak occurred depende n t on the swords o f the soldiers

, ,
who m ight largely sympathize with the poorer classes from ,
which they were in gre a t m easure take n— such a combi n atio n

boded ill for p eace a n d cl a im ed the serious co n sideratio n o f all
,
who pretended to the name of statesm en U n h a ppily at Rome .

, ,
“
statesmen were few a nd far b etween ; yet about B C 1 4 0 , . .
,
L aelius (the friend of Scipio) had recognized th e p eril of the

situatio n and had proposed som e fresh agraria n e na ctm ents as
,
a rem edy but had been frightened from his purp ose by the
,
opposition which th e nobles threate n ed M atters went on i n .
the old groove till B C 1 3 3 wh en at le n gth a tribu n e o f the

. .
,
Plebs Ti Sempronius Gracchus by n am e a m ember of o n e of

, .
,
the noblest Ple b eian h ouses came forward with a se t o f p rop

,
o sit i on s wh ich had for their obj ect the relief of the existi n g
distress am ong the Rom an citizens and the improveme n t o f ,
th e gen eral condition of Italy by th e substitution of free cultiv a

tors o f the sm all yeom an class for the ga n gs of disa ffected slaves
who were now spread over the country Th e exact measures .
which h e p roposed were ( 1 ) Th e revival o f the obsolete l a w of

,
Licinius fixing th e amount o f domai n land wh ich a man m ight

,
legally occupy at 5 00 j ugera with the m odification that he ,
might hold also 2 5 0 jugera for each o f his unema n cipated adult
sons ; (2 ) The appointment o f a standing com mission o f three
m embers to enforce the law ; (3 ) The division amon g the poorer
citizens of the State lands which woul d by the operatio n o f the
first provision becom e vacant ; ( 4 ) The compe n satio n of th e
possessore s on account o f their losses from improvem ents ma de
AN C I E NT H I STO R Y
355
on the l an ds which they relinquished by th e assignment to them

of the portio n s of land which they legally retained in absolute
ownership ; and ( 5 ) The proviso that the new allotments whe n ,
once made sh ould b e inalienable

, .
The p ropositions o f Gracchus were inte n sely disagreeable to

the bulk o f the no b ility and to a certain number o f the richer
Italians who had legally o r illegally become occupiers o f th e
, , ,
domain to an extent beyond that which it was proposed t o

establish as the limit Naturally therefore his laws were o p
.
p osed The opposition was le d by o n e of his own colleagues

.
,
the tribune O ctavius who by his veto prevented the vote of th e

,
tribes from being take n An unseem ly contention followed .

,
which Gracchus unfortunately for him self and for his cause
, ,
terminated by proposi n g to th e tribes and carrying th e deposi , ,
tion o f h is adversary The laws were then passed a com mis

.
,
sion was appointed ( Gracchus his brother Caius and A p , , .
Claudius his father in law ) and th e work of resumption a n d

,
- -
,
distribution com menced .
'
B ut it was m ore easy to initiate than t o c arr y ou t a m easure

o f such extent a nd complicatio n and o n e that aroused such ,
fierce passions as that which th e bold tribune h ad taken in

,
hand As he advanced in his work his popularity waned H is

. .
advers a ries took heart ; and to secure himself and his cause , ,
h e was forced t o propose fresh laws o f a m ore and m ore revo

l ut i o n ary character The propositions which h e m ade and his
.
,
conduct in endeavoring to secure h i s r e electio n for the pur -

,
p ose o f c a rrying them goaded his enem ies to fury ; and th e

,
Senate itself with Scipio Nasica at its head took the lead in a
, ,
violent attack upon him as he presided in the Tri b es and mur ,
dered h im in op en day together with 3 00 o f his partisans .
The open murder o f a tribun e of th e Plebs engaged in the

duties of his o ffice w as an unprecedented act in Rom a n history
( fo r th e assassination o f Genucius B C 4 7 1 h a d bee n secret ) , . .
, ,
a nd su fficiently in dicated the arrival o f a n ew p eriod whe n the ,
o l d respect for law a n d order would no longer hold its grou n d ,
and th e St a te would b ecom e a prey to the violent and th e un

scrupulous Fo r the mom ent h owever th e evil deed do n e r e
.
, ,
coiled upon its authors Nasica denounced as a murderer on .

,
a ll h an ds though u n prosecuted w a s forced to quit Italy a nd

, ,
356 R AWL I N S O N
go into ba n ishment The Agrarian Com missio n of Gracchus

.
w as renewed and allowed t o continue i t s labors

,
Moderatio n .
o n the part o f the democratic leaders who had succeeded to the
position of Gracchus would have secured important results for

the poor from the martyrdom of their champio n ; but the ar
b i tr ary conduct o f the new commissioners Carbo an d Fl ac c u s , ,
disgusted the moderate party at Ro m e and large numbers o f

the Italians ; the Senate foun d itself strong enough t o quash
the Comm ission and assign the execution o f the S e mp ron ian
Law to the ordinary executive the consuls ; and finally when , , ,
by the assassination of the younger Africanus the democrats ,
had put th emselves decidedly in the wrong it was able to go a ,
step farther and suspend proceedings under the law altogether

, .
A lull in the storm now occurred— a period o f comparative

tranquillity during which only a few mutterings were heard
, ,
indications to the wise that all was not over A claim to the .
franchise began to be urged by the Latins an d Italians and to ,
find advocates among th e dem ocratic Romans who thought ,
that in the a ccession of these fresh m embers to the tribes they

saw a m e an s of m ore e ffectually controlling the Senate Q . .
Fabius F lac c u s the consul o f B C 1 2 5 formulated these claim s

, . .
,
into a law ; but the Senate contrived to tide over the di fficulty
by sendin g him upon foreign service The revolt of the dis .
appointed Fre g e ll ae followed ; and th e bloody vengeance t a ke n

o n the u nhappy town frightened the Italians fo r the time at ,
any rate into silence M eanwhile the younger Gracchus w h o

, .
, ,
had gone as qu aestor into Sardinia B C 1 2 6 was detained there ,

. .
,
by th e Senate s orders till B C 1 2 4 whe n h e suddenly retur n ed

’
. .
,
t o Rom e and a nn ou n ced hi m self as a c an didate for the trib

unate .
Th e m e a sures o f C Gr a cchus were m ore varied and more

.
sweeping th an those o f his elder brother ; but they were cast in

the sam e m ould He had the sam e two obj ects in view— the
.
relief of the p oorer classes and th e depression o f the power of

,
the Senate Like his brother he fell a victim to his exertions

.
,
in the popular cause ; but he e ffected more H is elevation o f .
the Equestrian O rder a n d h is system o f corn —, largesses—the

Roman poor law as it h a s been called— survived him and
” -
, ,
becam e permane n t p a rts of th e co n stitutio n T o h im is a lso .

attributable the exte n sion of the Rom a n colonial syste m into

the provinces H e w as a great and good man ; but he had a
.
di fficult part to play ; and he was w a nting in th e tact and dis

cretion which the circumstances o f the tim es required The .
Senate being far more than his match in finesse and manoeuvre
, ,
triumphed over him though n ot without once m ore h aving r e

,
course to violence and staining the streets and prisons of Rom e

,
with the blood of above 3 000 of her citizens .
The death of C Gracchus was followed within a short space

.
by the practical repeal o f his Agrarian law First the proviso .
th a t the a llotm ents made under it should b e inalienable was

abrogated so that the rich might recover them through mort
,
gage or purchase Then a law was passed forbidding any

.
further a llotments Lex B oria a n d imposing a quit rent -
o n all p o ss e sso re s the whole amou n t of which was to be

,
an n ually distributed among the p oorer classes o f th e p eople .
”
Finally by the Lex Thoria the quit rents were a bolished
, ,
-
,
and the domain land i n the hands o f the p osse ssor e s w a s

made over to them ab solutely .
The twenty years from B C 1 2 0 t o 1 00 form ed a tim e o f

. .
comparative internal tranquillity Rome during this period .
was u n der the government of the aristocratical party which ,
directed her policy and filled up most of the high o ffices B ut .
the party was during the whole period losing ground The .
corruptio n of the upper classes was gradually in creasin g and ,
—what was worse for their interests— was becoming more

generally known The circumstances o f the Jugurthine War
.
brought it prominently into notice At the sam e tim e the .
democratic party was lear n ing its strength It found itself .
able by vigorous e fforts to carry its c a ndidates and its m easures

in the Tribes It learnt to use the weapons which had proved
.
so e ffectual in the hands of the nobles— violence an d arm ed

tumult— against them And tow a rds th e close o f the p eriod
.
, ,
it obtained le a ders as bold and ruthles s as thos e who in the

tim e of the Gracch i had secured the victor y for the opposite
factio n
.
While inter n ally Rom e rem a ined i n tolerable tr an quill ity ,
extern a ll y she w as engaged in s everal m ost imp ortant and even

d an gerous w a rs The y ear of the death of C Gracchus B C
. .
, . .
358 RAWL I N S O N
1 2 1 , saw the co n quest o f Southern Gaul e ff ected by the victories

o f Domitius and Fabius and the formation of that new , Prov
ince whereto the title h as ever since adhered as a prop er name
( Provence ) Three years later B C 1 1 8 the trou b les began
.
, . .
,
in Africa which led t o the Jugurthine War That war w as .
chiefly important for the revelatio n which it made of Roman

aristocratic corr u ption and for the fact that it first brought
,
prominently into notice the two great party leaders Marius -

,
and Sulla Scarcely was it ended when a real danger threat

.
ened Rom e from the barbarians of the North a danger from ,
which Marius the best ge n eral of the time with di fficulty saved
, ,
her.
B efore the war with Jugurth a w as over that with the North ,
ern barbarians had begu n The Cimbri and Teutones — Celts .
probably and Germans— issuing as it would s eem from the , ,
tract beyond th e Rhine and Da n ube appeared suddenly in vast ,
numbers in the region between those streams and the Alps ,
ravaging it at their will and from tim e to tim e threatening and

, ,
even crossing the Roman frontier and inflicting losses upon

, ,
the Roman armies The natives o f the region especially subj ect
.
t o their ravages in great part j oined them especially the A m

, , ,
b r o ne s T i g u r i ni and Tectosages
, , As early as B C 1 1 3 a . . .
horde of Cimbri crossed the Alps and defeated the consul C n .
P ap ir i u s Carbo in Istria , In B C 1 09 Cimbri appeared o n

. . .
,
the borders o f Rom an Gaul ( Provence ) and demanded lands .
O pposed by the co n sul M Junius Silanus they a ttacked an d .

,
defeated him ; and from this tim e till B C 1 01 the war r a ged . .
almost co n tinuously Marius finally bri n ging it t o a close b y

,
h i s victory near V e rc e l lae in that year .
The victories o f Aqu ae S e x t iae and V e r c e l lae raised Marius

to a dangerous eminence Never since the first establish m ent.
,
of the Republic had a single citizen so far outshone all riv a ls

, .
H a d Marius possessed real statesmanship he might have an ,
t i c ip at e d the work o f Julius and have imposed himself o n the ,
State as its perm a nent head B ut though su fficiently ambi .

,
tious h e wanted j udgment and firmness He had no cle a r a nd

, .
definite views either of the exact position to which he a spired

, ,
o r o f the m eans whereby he was to attain to it His course .
w a s marked by hesit a tion and indecisio n Endeavoring t o .

please all parties he pleased none , At first allyi n g himself .
with Glaucia a n d Satu rn in u s he gave his sanction to the lon g,
series of m easures by which the latt e r t h e first thorough R 0

man demagogue—sought to secure the favor of the lower o r
?
ders He encouraged the persecutio n of M etellus and gladly
.
,
saw him driven into exile thus deeply o ff endin g the s enatorial
,
party B ut when the violence and recklessness of his allies had

.
provoked an armed resist a nce and civil disturbances began ,
he shrank from boldly casting in his lot with the innovators ,
and while attempting to screen in fact sacrificed his friends

, , ,
.
The fall o f S at u rni n u s was followed B C 99 by the recall , . .

,
o f M etellus from banishment and th e voluntary exile o f the ,
haughty and now generally unpopular M arius That great .
general but poor statesman retired to Asia and visited the

court of M ithridates The triumph of his rival though stained
.
,
by the murder of another tribune seemed fo r a tim e to have ,
given peace to Rom e ; but the period of tran quillity was n ot

o f long duration I n B C 9 1 M Livius D rusus the so n of the
. . .
, .
,
Drusus w h o had opposed C Gracchus brought forward a se t .

,
o f m easures which had for their obj ect the reconcilem e n t a t ,
Rom e of the Sen atorian with the Equestria n O rder and i n

, , ,
Italy o f the claim s of the Italians with those of the ol d citize n s

,
o f Rome There had n ow been for thirty years a struggle a t

.
Rom e between th e nobles and th e bourg e oisi e on the ques

tion of which of the two should fur n ish the judices ; ex
p e c t at ions had been als o for about th e sam e space of tim e
held o u t to the Italians generally that they would b e accepted
into full citizenship It was ve n turesom e in Drusus to address
.
himself at o n e and the sam e tim e to both these great questio n s .
Successfully t o gr a pple with them a m an w as required o f first

rate p owers one who could bend opposi n g cl a sses to his will
, ,
and compel or induce them to a ccept however reluct a ntly the , ,
compromis e which he considered j ust o r expedie n t Drusus .
s eems t o have possessed mere good intentio n s combined with ,

”
average a bility He carried his lex de ju di cii s but was u m
.
,
able t o pass th a t extendi n g th e fr an ch ise O n ce more th e .
Rom an co n servatives had recours e t o a ss a ssi na tio n an d de ,
l a yed a n ecessary reform by a bold use of the k n ife D rusus .
w a s m urdered before his ye a r of o ffi ce w a s out ; an d the l a w s

3 60 RAWL I N S O N
which he h a d passed were decl a red null a n d void by the g ov

e rn me nt .
The murder of Drusus drove the It a lians t o despair Ac .
custom ed for many years t o form an importa n t element in the

Roman armies and long buoyed up with hopes of obtaining
,
the advantages of citizenship— the chief of which were lands ,
cheap corn and the covert bribery o f largesses— the tribes o f

,
Central and Southern Italy finding their champion murdered ,
and their hopes dashed to the ground flew to arms Eight , .
nations chiefly of the Sabine stock entered into close alliance

, , ,
chose C or fi n iu m in the P e li g nian Apennines for their capital ,
and formed a federal republic t o which they gave the n am e of ,

”
Italia At the outset great success attended the effort ; and
.
,
it seemed as if Rome must have succumb ed Lucius C ae s a r .

,
o n e o f the consuls P e r p e r n a o n e o f his legates and P o st u mi u s

, , , ,
the pr aetor were defeated The allies overran Campania de

,
.
,
stroyed a consular army under C ae p io and entered into nego ,
t iat i on s with the northern Italians whos e fidelity now w av ,
ered B ut the sagacious policy of Rom e changed the face of

.
aff airs and secured her a triumph which she could not have
,
“
accomplished by arms alone The Julian Law conferred .
full citizenship both on such of the Italians as had t a ken no

part in the war hitherto the Etrusc a ns Umbrians Sabines , , ,
proper H e rni c ans etc and also on all such a s upon the pas
, , .
,
sage o i the law ceased to take part in it B y this proviso the .
revolt became disorganized ; a pe a ce party was form ed in

the ranks o f the allies ; nation after natio n fell away from the
league ; Rom e gain ed successes in the field ; and at l a st when ,
only Samnium and Lucania remained in arms the policy of ,

”
concession was o n ce more adroitly used a nd the Lex P l ot ia , ,
which granted all that the a llies h a d ever cl a imed put a n e n d ,
to the war .
The part taken by Marius in the Soci a l War h a d redounded

little to his credit He h a d served a s legate to the consul
.
R u t il iu s in the first dis a strous ye a r and had declined battle

, ,
when P o mp ae di u s o ff ered it Probably his sympathies were .
with the revolters and he had n o desire t o push them to ex

,
t r e mit i e s Sulla o n the other hand had gre a tly increased his
.
, ,
reputation by his c a mpaign s of B C 89 and 88 ; an d it w a s . .

therefore n atural that he should be selected by the Senate

as the commander who was to undertake the war against
Mithridates which needed a first—

, rate general B ut this se .
lection deeply o ffended Marius w h o had long regarded the ,
conduct o f that struggle as his due D eterm ined to displace .
his rival or perhaps actuated by a less selfish motive he

, ,
suddenly undertook the open cham pionship o f the Italians ,
whose forced admission to the franchise the govern me n t w as

attempting to make a m ockery by confining them despite ,
their large numbers to som e eight or ten tribes At his in

, .
st i g at i o n the tribune Sulpicius proposed and by m eans of

, ,
tumult carried a law distributing the new voters through a ll

,
the tribes and thus giving them the complete control o f th e

,
Comitia At the sam e tim e he enrolled in the tribes a large

.
,
number o f freedmen Comitia thus formed passed as a m atter

.
,
o f course an e na ctme n t deprivi n g Sulla o f his p ost and trans

, ,
ferring the command t o Marius B C 8 8 , . . .
The insulted consul was not prepared to submit to his ad

v e r sary . Quitting Rom e he m ade an appeal t o his legions
, ,
a nd finding them re a dy to back his claims h e m a rched straight ,
upon the capital The step seems to have been a complete su r

.
prise to M a rius who had taken n o precautions to meet it I n

, .
vain did the Roman p eople seek to defe n d their city from the
hostile entra n ce of Roman troops under a Roman general A .
threat of applying the torch to their houses quelled them I n .
vain M arius collecting such forces as he could find withstood

, ,
his rival i n the streets and at first repulsed him The hasty .
levies which a lone he had been able to raise were no match for
the legio n aries The victory remained with Sulla ; and the
.
defeated M ari an s were forced to s eek safety in flight Through .
"
a wonderful series of adventures th e late director of a ff airs ,
at Rom e with his son re a ched A frica an a lm ost un a ttended

, ,
fugitive .
4
M e a ntim e a t Rom e the co n sul co n fident in h is arm ed
, , ,
stre n gth proscribed his adversaries repe a led the Sulpician

, ,
laws put Sulpicius himself to death a nd passed v a rious meas

, ,
ures fa vor a ble t o the nobility B ut he could not rem a i n per.
man e ntl y a t the capital The a ff airs of th e East called him

.
a way ; and no sooner was h e go n e th an the fl a mes of civil war

362 RAWL I N S O N
burst out afresh Cinna raised to the consulate by the popular

.
,
party endeavored to restore the exiled Marius a nd to r e enact

,
-
the laws of Sulpicius B ut the aristocrats took arm s Cinna . .

,
forced to fly threw himself like Sulla upon the legionaries

, , , ,
a n d having obtained their support and also that of the Italia n s ,
generally while at the same tim e he invited Marius over fro m

,
Africa marched on Rom e with his partisa n s Again the city

,
.
w as taken and this time was treated like one conquered from
,
a n enemy The friends o f Sulla were butchered the houses

.
of the rich plundered ; and the honor of noble families put at

the mercy of slaves Prosecutions of those who had escaped .
the massacre followed Sulla w as proscribed a n d a reign o f .

,
terror w as inaugurated which lasted for s everal months B ut .
the death o f Marius early in B C 86 put a stop to the worst

, . .
,
of these horrors though Rom e remained for two years longer

,
under a species o f dictatorship constitutional form s being su s ,
pended .
M eanwhile in the East Sulla had been victorious over Mith

, ,
r idat e s had recovered Greece Macedonia and Asia Minor

, , , ,
crushed F i mb r ia the Marian p a rtisan who sought t o deprive

, ,
him of h i s laurels collected vast sums o f money and above all

, , , ,
brought a large Roman army to feel that devotion to his person

which is easily inspired in soldiers by a successful general It .
is creditable to Sulla that he at no moment allowed his private

quarrels to interfere with the public interests but postponed ,
the rectificatio n of h i s ow n wrongs until he had taken ample

vengeance for those o f his country The peace o f Dardanus .
was in the highest degree honorable to Rome and humili a ting

to M ithridates who not only abando n ed all his conquests but
, ,
consented t o a fine of 2 000 talents and surrendered his fleet .
H aving accomplished in five campaigns conducted m a i n ly ,
from his private resources all the obj ects of the war Sulla , ,
could with propriety address himself to the settlement o f h i s

quarrel with the Maria n s an d having put down Fimbria i n ,
Asia could make his arr a ngements fo r fighting ou t the civil

,
struggle which h a d long bee n inevitable in Italy a nd a t Rome

, ,
itself.
The determi n atio n of Sull a to return t o Italy a t the head of

his army an d measure his stre n gth aga inst that of the M a r
,
ians h a d been apparent from the moment when he declined

,
to yield his command to Valerius Flac c u s B C 8 6 The gage ,

. . .
o f battle had in fact been thrown down to him b y his a dv e r
sar i e s when they declared him a public enemy and he wo u ld

, ,
have been m ore than human if he had not accepted it He .
knew that the party o f the nobles whereof he was the r e p r e ,
s e n t at iv e w as still strong at Rom e and he felt that he could

, ,
count o n the army which he had now so often led to victory .
Th e death of Marius had made him beyond dispute the first of

living generals There was n one among the leaders of the
.
opp osite faction for whom he could feel much respect unless ,
it were the self restrained and far from popular S ertorius

-
.
The strength o f his adversaries lay in the Roman mob and

in the Italians For the form er he had all a soldier s contempt ;
.
’
but the latter he knew to be form idable He therefore with .

,
adroit policy prefa ced his return by a declaration that he in

,
tended no interference with the rights of any citizen new or ,

”
ol d. The Italians accepted the pledge and stood neutral ,
du r i n g the opening scenes o f the contest .
The triumph o f Sull a an d the no bles was stained by a mur

d e r ou s cruelty such as Rom e had n ever yet witnessed N ot .
only were th e leaders o f the late w a r and every relation o f ,
Marius that could be found put t o death but at Rom e th e , ,
wealthy bour g e oisie a n d in th e provinces the disa ffected

,
Italians were slaughtered by thousands The fatal lists of

, .
the p roscribed began and numbers o f wholly innocent p er

sons were executed m erely o n account o f th eir wealth Nearly .
3 000 are said to have perished at Rom e at Pr aeneste , ,
an d numbers not much smaller at other Italian cities which

had favored the M arians The prop erty of every victi m was .
confiscated Sulla rem ained lord o f Rom e first with no title

.
, ,
”
then as dictator for th e space of nearly three years when h e
, ,
astonished the world by a voluntary abdication of power a ,
retirem ent to Puteoli and a dedication o f th e rem ai n der of his

,
life to amusem ent and sensual pleasures First h owever by .

, ,
his dictatorial p ower h e entirely reform ed th e Roman Consti

t u t i on deprivi n g it o f all elem e n ts o f a p opular char a cter a n d
, ,
conce n trating all p ower i n the h an ds of the Se n ate .
It was not to be exp ected th a t the violent changes introduced

3 64 RAWL I N S O N
by Sulla into the Roman constitutio n could long remain u n

modified The popular party might be paralyzed b y terror for
.
a tim e ; but it was sure to revive The excesses of the nobles .

,
n ow th a t their power w as wholly unchecked could not but p r o ,
voke reactio n The ver y n obles them selves were scarcely

.
likely to submit long to the restraints which the lex ann ali s
placed up on their ambition Accordingly we find that i m .
,
m ediately after Sull a s death B C 78 an attempt was made by

’
, . .
,
Lep idus the consul t o rescind his laws and restore th e former
, ,
constitution This attempt it is true failed as being prema

.
, , ,
ture ; and so did th e e ff ort of the tribune C n S i cini u s in B C .

,
. .
7 6
, to restore its p owers to the tribunate B ut s i x years later .
, ,
after the S e rt or ian and Gladiatorial Wars had been brought

t o an end and the stren gth o f Mithridates br o ken Sulla s ’
constitution was wholly se t aside and the power o f the ,
n obles received a check fro m which it never subseque n tly

recovered .
The individu a l who had the greatest share in bringin g about

the reversal o f Sull a s reforms rose into notice under Sulla him
’
self but acquired the influence which enabled him to e ffect a

,
great constitutional change in the wars which intervened b e

twee n the years B C 77 a nd 70 C u P o mp e i u s whose father
. . . .
,
was a new man (uov us homo) and who was thus only j ust ,
within the p a le of the n obility secured for h imself a certain ,
consideration by the zeal with which he worked for Sulla .
Having crushed the M arians in Sicily and Africa and lent e f ,
fe c t u al aid t o the consul C at u l u s against Lepidus he w as re ,
warded in B C 77 by being sent as proconsul to Spain where

. .
,
Sertorius recently one o f the M arian leaders had established

, ,
an independent kingdom and defied all the e fforts of the aged

,
M etellus t o reduce h im O riginally the obj ect o f Sertorius

.
was to maintain himself i n a p osition of a n tagonism to Rom e

by the swords o f the Spaniards ; but when P e rp e rn a and the
remnant of the Marian party fled to h im his views became e m ,
l ar g e d and h e asp ired to reinstate his partisans in authority at

,
Rom e itself He would probably have succeeded in this aim

.
,
had not P e r p e rn a thinking th a t he had found an opportunity

,
o f supplanting him in the a ffections o f the Spaniards rem oved ,
him by assassinatio n The war w as after this soon brought t o

.
A N C I E N T H I STO R Y 3 65
a clo se P e rp e rna h a ving n either Sertorius s ge n ius for c o m

,
’
mand nor his power o f awake n ing personal attachm ent .
B efore the Se rto r ian war was ended that of the Gladiators ,
had broken o u t Spart a cus a Thracian chief who had bee n

.
, ,
made prisoner and the n forced t o becom e a gladiator per ,
s u ade d thos e i n th e sam e conditio n as h imself a t Capua to rise
against their tyrants Joined by vast numbers of slaves and

.
outlaws he soon found himself at the head o f

,
m en .
Four generals sent against him were defeated s ignally and dur ,
ing two entire years h e ravaged Italy at h i s will and even ,
threatened Rom e itself B ut intestine division showed itse l f

.
in his ranks ; his lieutenants grew j ealous o f him ; and in B C . .
7 1,
the war was com mitted t o the pr aetor Crassus who in s ix ,
months brought it to a term ination Spartacus fell fighting .

,
bravely near B ru ndu si u m H is followers generally dispersed

, .
but a body o f 5 000 which kept togeth er forced its way through
, ,
Italy and had n early reached the Alps when Pomp ey on his ,
return from Spain fell in with it and destroyed it utterly .
About the sam e tim e Crassus crucified all those whom he had
,
made prisoners amounting to 6000

, .
The successful terminatio n o f these t w o imp ortant strug

gles exalted i n th e public esteem tw o m en especially the rich ,
and shrewd Crassus a nd the bla n d attractive and thoroughl y

, , ,
respectable Pompey T o them the State had in its da n gers

.
com mitted itself ; and they n ow clai m ed not un n aturally to be , ,
rewarded for their services by the consulship B ut the Su l lae an .
co n stitution forbade their election ; a n d to e ff ect it th e lex

an n ali s had to be broken through Th e breach thus made .
was rapidly enlarged Though hitherto Su llaean s Pompey

.
,
and Crassus had now it would seem becom e convinced either

, , ,
that it was imp ossible to maintain a strictly oligarchical c on

st it u t i o n or that such a constitutio n w a s n ot for their ow n per
,
sonal interest They had determi n ed to throw th emselves u p

.
o n the supp ort and sympathies o f the Roman bourg eoisie o r ,
upper m iddl e class and resti n g upon this basis t o defy the
,
oligarchy Th e m oving spirit in the matter was n o doubt

.
, ,
Pomp ey who easily persuaded h is less clever colleague

, .
Three m e a sures were determined upon — the restoratio n o f the

p ower o f the tribunes a nd t h e conse q ue n t resuscit a tion o f the
,
RAWL I N S O N
tribes the t ransfe rr e nc e of the judici a to a body of which one

third only should b e furnished by the Senate the knights fur ,
mishing one third and the remaining third being drawn from
-
,
the Tri b uni ZE rarii ; a purification of the government from its

grossest scandals partly by prosecutions as that of Verres
, , ,
partly by a revival of the O fli c e of censor which had been su s ,
pended by Sulla D esp ite a fierce opposition on the part o f

.
the Senate these m easures were carried

, The Senate w as .
purged by the expulsion o f sixty four o f its members Verres -

.
was driven into exile The control o f the judieia was trans
.
fe r red from th e n obles to the upp er middle class The p a .
ra l y s i s o f political life which Sulla s legislation had produced

’
, ,
w as terminated by th e restoratio n o f a double initiative and ,
the consequent rivalry between two parties and two classes for
the directio n Of the a ffairs of the State .
A pause now occurred in the career o f Pomp ey w h o took no ,
province at th e close of his consulship apparently contented ,
with his achievements or waiting till some great occasio n ,
should recall him to the service Of the State I n this interval .
B C 69 to 67— a new character appeared upo n the sce n e

. . C . .
Julius C aesar th e neph ew Of M arius and son —i n l aw o f Cinna

,
-
,
whom Sulla had spared in a m om ent o f weariness o r weakness ,
acting probably in concert with Crassus and Pompey exhi b ,
i te d at the funeral o f Julia his own aunt a nd the widow o f ,
Marius the bust Of that hero At the sam e tim e h e pleaded

, .
,
the cause o f his uncle Cornelius Ci nn a and obtained his rec a ll

, , ,
together with that of other M a ri a n partisa n s His wife C o r .

,
nelia dying h e connected himself with Pompey b y marriage

, ,
.
At this tim e th e qu ae storship and soon afterwards the aedile ,
ship were conferred upon him The Pompeians regarded him

,
.
with favor as a useful but scarcely dangerous adhere n t ; the

, ,
m en of more advanced Opinions already looked upo n h im as

their leader the chief who m ight and probably would give
, , ,
e ff ect to their ideas .
After two years of aff ected retirem e n t Pompey was once ,
m ore in B C 6 7 impatient for action A danger had long

, . .
, .
been growing up in the Eastern Mediterr a nean which by this ,
tim e had become an evil o f th e first magn itude The creeks .
and valleys o f Western Cilicia and Pamphylia ( or Pisidia) had

falle n into the hands of pirates whose numerous fleets had ,
continually increased in boldness and who now ventured to ,
plunder the co a sts o f Italy and i n tercept the corn ships on -
which the food O f Rom e depended Pompey undertook th e .
war against this foe and the opportunity was seized by his ,
creatures to invest him with a species Of com mand never b e

fore enj oyed a n d dangerous as a precedent H e w as given
, .
by th e lex G abiuia authority over all the M editerran ean coasts ,
and over every city and territory within fifty m iles of the sea
board B C 6 7 Th ese extraordinary powers were used quite
, . . .
unexceptionally ; Pompey applied them solely to the purp oses

o f the war which he began and ended in three months
, .
Th e precedent se t by the G ab i nian law was soon followed .
I n B C 66 the tribune C M anilius moved and Cicero urged

. . .
, ,
th a t the e n tire com ma n d O f the whole East should be intrusted

to Pompey for a n i n definite term until h e had brought th e ,
Mithridatic war to an end ; a n d h e once m ore set forth to em

ploy his military talents for the advantage of h i s country The .
M ithridatic war conducted by Lucullus since B C 74 dragged , . .

,
o n but slowly p artly in consequence o f th e aid given to Mithri

,
d ates by Tigran es partly owing to the economic m easures of ,
Lucullus him self which alienated from him th e a ffectio n s of his

,
soldiers Pompey by relaxing the strict rules of his prede

.
,
cessor a n d by the politic device Of a n allian ce with the Parthia n

,
ki n g P h raat e s terminated the war glori o usly in the space of

,
t w o ye a rs driving Mithrid a tes i n to the regio n s beyond the

,
Cauc a sus B C 6 5 , . . .
After drivin g M ithridates b eyond th e Caucasus Pompey ,
proceeded to overrun and con quer th e rest Of Asia with in th e

Euphrates H e m a de himself m aster o f the kin gdo m o f the
.
S e l e u c i dm without a blow a nd reduced it into a Rom a n p rov ,
ince H e proceeded through Coe l e Syria to Jud ae a besieged

.
-
,
and took Jerusalem and entered the H oly O f H olies War ,

.
with th e I dum aea n Arabs followed but w as interrupted by th e ,
death o f Mithridates ; after which the Roman general content ,
with his gains applied himself to the task o f regulating and ar

,
r a nging the conquered territory— a task which occupied him

for the rest O f the year He then returned hom e in a triumphal .
progress B C 62 an d arrived a t Rome early in B C 6 1

,
. .
,
. . .
RAWL I N S O N
M eanwhile at Rom e the State had incurred th e danger of ,
subversion at the hands o f a daring p rofl i g at e L Sergius Cati . .
lina a patrician of b roken fortunes a man representing no

, ,
party unless it were that o f th e ruined spendthrifts and desp era

does with which Rom e and Italy now abounded having failed ,
in an attempt to better h is condition by means of the consulate , ,
with its reversio n ary province B C 64 combined with others , . .

,
in a sim ilar position to himself and formed a plot to murder ,
the consuls seize Rom e and assume th e governm ent Sup

, ,
.
port was exp ected n ot only from the class of needy adv e n tu r
,
ers but from the discontented Italians fro m the veterans of

, ,
Sulla eager for excitement and plunder from the gladiatorial

, ,
schools from slaves and criminals and from foreigners The

, , .
tacit acquiescence o f th e Marian party was counted on ; and

Cae sar and even Crassus were said to have been privy to the
, ,
conspirators designs B ut the promptitude and address o f

’
.
Cicero consul at the tim e frustrated th e schem e ; and after a

, , ,
short civil war the danger was removed by the defeat of the
,
rebels in Etruria B C 6 2 and the death o f th e arch c o n

, . .
,
-
sp i r at o r .
In the absence of Pompey the guidance of a ff airs at Rome ,
had been ass u m ed chiefly by three m en These were Cato .

,
Cicero and C aesar

, Crassus who i s sometim es m entioned
.
,
with them as a leader was in reality t oo indolent and t o o weak,
in character to be o f any real account and could only influence ,
a ffairs by m eans O f h is enorm ous wealth Cato a descenda n t .

,
o f the Old ce n sor and a man o f sim ilar character w as at the

, ,
head o f the Senatorial p arty ; C ae sar was the acknowledged

chief o f the Marians ; while Cicero held an interm ediate posi
tion depe n ding for h i s power alm ost wholly on his unrivalled
,
eloquence and having the confidence o f neither o f the two

,
great factions O f the three the o ne whose genius was the

.
,
greatest and whose influen ce manifestly tended to preponder

,
ate was C aesar Though bankrupt in fortune such was the

, .
,
adroitness of his conduct and such the inherent strength of the ,
principles with which h e w as identified that at every turn o f ,
a ff airs he rose higher and tended to become m ore and m ore ,
m a n ifestly the first man in the Republic Entitled to assist in .
the administration Of j ustice after h is aedileship he boldly co n ,

de mn e d to death agents in the Sy llae an assassinations ; h e de

feated the chief of the Senate C at u l u s in a contest for th e o ffice , ,
of Pontifex Maximus ; accused of complicity in the conspiracy

Of Catiline he forced Cicero to adm it that o n the contrary h e
, , ,
had given the information which led to it s detection ; elected

pr aetor in B C 62 he bearded the Senate by the protection of
. .
,
M asint h a ba ffled their attempt to entangle him in a quarrel

,
with the p ro fl i g at e C l o diu s and finally havin g obtained a loan , ,
o f 8 3 0 talents from Crassus he assum ed in B C 6 1 ,

. .
the government O f th e Farther Spain where he completed the ,
conquest of Lusitania and made himself the favorite of an i m ,
portant army His star was clearly in the ascendant when

.
Pomp e y after an unwise delay in th e East at length returned

, ,
to Rom e soon after Caesar had quitted it .
During h is absence Pompey had becom e m ore and m ore an

Obj ect o f suspicion to the Senate ; and his o w n proceedings as ,
the tim e of his return approached were little calculated to in ,
spire confidence His creature M etellus Nepos who arrived

.
, ,
in Rom e B C 62 w as i n constant com munication with th e

. .
,
Marian chief Caesar and prop osed early in that year the recall
, ,
o f Pomp e y with his army to Italy and the assignm ent to him
, , ,
of all the powers o f th e State for the purpose of concluding the ,
Catilinarian war The boldness O f Cato ba ffled this insidious

.
atte mpt ; and whe n the proconsul returned i n B C 6 1 it was

, . .
,
with a studious app earance of moderation a n d resp ect for th e

law H e disbanded his troops as soon as h e touched the soil o f
.
Italy cam e to Rom e accompanied by only a few friends O b

, ,
t ai n e d th e consent o f the Senate t o his triumph claim ed no ,
extraordinary honors an d m erely dem anded allotments for his ,

”
soldiers and the r a tification o f h i s Asiatic acts wh ich were ,
all certainly within th e terms O f his comm ission B ut the Sen .
ate h a d p assed fro m undue alarm t o un due contempt and were ,
pleased t o thwart on e whom th ey disliked and had so lately

feared Pomp ey s requests were refused— h i s acts
.
’
were w
u n c o n fi r m e d— and h i s veterans denied th eir prom ised allot
m ents Hereup on Pomp ey accepted th e overtures made t o

.
,
him by C aesar wh o eff ected the private league or cabal know n

,
”
afterwards as th e First Triumvirate between h im self P o m , ,
p ey a nd Crassus the basis of which was u n derstood to be

, ,
24
3 70 RAWL I N S O N
antagonism to the Senatorial party a n d the m ai n te nan c e ,
against all rivals of the triu mvirs power and influence ’

.
The formation of the triumvirate w as im mediately followed

by the election o f Caesar to the consulate an d the passing by , ,
m eans of tumult and violence of a number of laws for the ad

,
vantage O f the p eople The first o f these was an Agrarian B ill

.
o n an extensive scale which provided for the veterans o f P o m

,
pey and at the sam e tim e gave estates in Campania to a large

,
p ortion of the Roman p opulace A second forced the Senate .
to swear to the B ill under p enalty o f de a th A third relaxed .
the terms o n which the knights were farm ing the reve n ues o f
Asia At th e close o f a consulate which was almost a dictator
.
ship C ae sar Obtained for him self th e government o f the t w o

,
Gauls and of Illyric u m for a space of five years thus s ecuri n g ,
himself a wide field for th e exercise Of his military tale n ts and ,
obtaining the opportunity of form ing a powerful army devoted

wholly to h is interests .
The triumvirs could not count on th e firm establishme n t o f

their p ower so long as the two p arty leaders Cicero and Cato
,
-
, ,
maintained unimpaired their high and dignified p ositio n A c .
c o r di n g l y they s e t themselves through th eir creatures at once

,
to remove from th e s eat O f governm ent these two states me n ,
and to cast a permanent slur upon their characters The trib .
une C l o diu s drove Cicero into banishm ent on the charge Of

his having acted illegally in putting to death Lentulus an d
Cethegus The great orator s property was confiscated and
.
’
,
his houses were dem olished As against Cato no plausible

.
charge could be made his rem oval was e ffected by thrusting

,
upon him a n u n welcom e comm ission which was likely to bring

odium on those engaged in it H e was sent to deprive Ptolemy
.
o f his kingdom o f Cyprus o n pretexts utterly frivolous and to ,
convert that island into a Roma n province Though Cato .
conducted himself with skill a n d with unimp eachable i n tegrity

in this delicate transaction yet the decline of his influence may
,
b e dated fro m his acceptance of a n o ffice u n suited to his ch a r

a cter .
O n Cicero th e blow dealt by the triumvirs fell even m ore

heavily Though recalled from banishm e n t within eightee n
.
m onths O f his quitting Italy he never recovered his former

,
A N C I EN T H I STOR Y 371
p osition either in th e op inion o f oth ers o r i n his o w n Con .
st it u t i o n ally tim id his exile e ff ectually cowed him He lost

, .
all confidence i n the gratitude of his countrym e n in th e aff e c ,
tion of his friends in his o w n firmness and prude n ce Hence

, .
forth h e no longer asp ired to direct th e counsels of the State

his e ff orts were lim ited to m oderating the violence o f parties
and securing his own personal safety by paying court to those
in power Tow a rds th e close Of his career indeed he ve n tured
.
, ,
once more to take a bolder a ttitude but it was when the star ,
o f Antony w a s begin n ing t o p a le before the rise o f a brighter
lum inary .
The tribune C lo diu s who h a d m oved and carried the m e a s

,
ures by which Cicero a n d Cato were forced to quit Rom e was ,
n ot content t o be a mere tool i n th e hands of th e triumvirs .
His measures for the gratuitous distribution of cor n for the ,
limitation o f the censors p owers over th e Senate and for the

’
r e establishm ent o f the guilds were probably concerted with

-
,
Pompey ; but it was not lo n g before he exhibited a n inde p e n

dent spirit outr a ged his protector an d stood forward as a sep
, ,
arate party — leader of the m ore violent kind Pomp ey w a s thus .
forced t o incline for a while towards the S e nat or ian s to e n c o u r ,

~
a ge the recall of Cicero a n d to allow the prosecution of C l o di u s

,
.
It was the hop e of the triumvir that a ffairs woul d fall int o such
a co n dit io n as manifestly to req uire a dictato r and that h e ,
would be selected for th e O fli ce B ut the Senate s vigor w as

.
’
not yet exhausted ; it was content t o reward Pomp e y by a n ew

com missionership ( the pr ce fe ctur a anuou ce) ; to oppose its ow n
”
bravo M ilo to C l o diu s ; and to foment discord betwee n
, ,
Pomp ey and Crassus wh o naturally tended t o beco me m ore

,
and more j e a lous of each other .
Civil w a r would prob a bly at thi s tim e h a ve broke n out had ,
it n ot been for the managem ent Of C ae sar At i n terviews

.
which h e hel d with Crassus and Pompey a t Ravenn a a n d Luc

c a he succeeded in brin ging th e m t o a n agreement
, a nd in ,
arran ging plans for the further aggra n dizem ent both o f himself
and them H e urged them t o seek the consulate fo r the ensu
.
ing ye a r an d to obtai n for themselves such gover n m ents as

,
suited the m a t its close For himself he required the prolonga

.
tio n of h is proco n sulship for a seco n d term of five ye a rs With .

5 7 2 RAWL I N S O N
i n this period he could hope to have gai n ed such successes as

would dazzle the eyes Of the Romans a t hom e and to have ,
acquired un b ounded influence over the vetera n army which ,
would have then served ten years under his banner .
The Second Consulate o f Pomp ey and Crassus B C 5 5 ,

. .
,
brought about by violence and tumult was a further step ,
towards the demor a liz a tio n o f the St a te but produced a t e m ,
p o r a r y lull in the strife of parties The triumvirs severally .
Obtained their imm ediate Obj ects Despite the e ff orts o f Cato .
,
Caesar was assigned th e Gauls for an additional term o f five

years Pompey received the Spai n s for an equal period while
.
,
the rich East was m ade over to the avaricious Crassus who ,
becam e proconsul Of Syria and com mander — i n chief of the R o -
man forces in the O rient a l provinces Pompey moreover .

, ,
m anaged to establish the new principle Of co mbining the ad

m inistration o f a province with residence in the capital U n der .
th e pretext that his o ffice o f pr ae fectus annonae required his

presence at Rome h e adm inistered Spain by his legates an d
, , ,
in the abse n ce of Crassus acquired th e sole direction of a ff airs

,
a t the seat o f empire This positio n was still further secured to

.
him by the death of Cr a ssus i n his r a sh expeditio n a gainst the

Parthia n s B C 5 3 , . . .
The death of Crassus by reducin g th e triumvirate to a du ,
u mv i r at e precipit a ted the struggle which h a d been lo n g i m

,
pending The tie o f relationship which united Pomp ey a n d

.
C aesar had bee n dissolved by the death o f Julia B C 5 4 A n ,

. . .
other check on Pompey s ambitio n was rem oved by the m urder ’
o f C l o di u s in a n aff ray with M ilo B C 5 3 After this Po mp ey , . . .
apparently thought th a t the tim e w a s a t le n gth com e whe n if ,
Cae sar could be disgr a ced th e State must fall wh olly into h is ,
hands H e therefore encouraged the proposals th a t were made

.
by the extrem e aristocrats to deprive C aesar prematurel y of his

proconsular o ffi ce or a t a n y r a te t o preve n t him from suing for
,
the consulship until he had ceased to be the lord of legions .
After himself holding the O ffice Of sole consul fo r th e space Of

si x mo n ths B C 5 2 a nd Obtainin g the prolongation Of h i s o w n
, . .
,
proconsulship for a further term o f five years he sought t o re ,
duce his partner and rival t o the m ere rank o f a n ordinary citi
z en. It w a s n ot t o b e supposed that Caesar would co n sent to
3 73
this ch an ge a ch an ge which would have placed his very life at

,
’
his enemies m ercy W a r was certai n from th e m oment wh en
.
,
in spite o f the veto of tw o tribunes the Senate at Pompey s , ,

’
instigation appointed Caesar s successor and required him

,
’
, ,
before standing for the consulate to resign his proco n sular ,
com mand C aesar would have lost all at which he had aimed
.
for ten ye a rs had he yielded Obedience to th is m andate T o

, .
expect him to do so was to look for antique self denial and -
patriotism i n a n age when these virtues had been long ou t of

d a te a nd i n a n i n dividual wh o had never sh own any signs of
,
them .
O n hearing of the Senatorial decrees the resolve of C aesar ,
w as soon taken He would appeal to the arbitrament O f a rms

. .
At th e head O f a veteran army devoted to his person with all ,
the resources O f Gaul to draw upon and endeared to the ,
Italians generally as the successor of Marius he felt him self ,
m ore than a m atch for Pompey and the Senate and was ready ,
to engage any force that they could bring against him A c .
c o r di n g l y he crossed the Rubicon and began h i s march ,
upon Rom e Pomp ey had probably expected this m ovement

.
,
and had determined upon the line O f conduct which he would

pursue H e would n ot attempt to defend Italy but wo u ld
.
,
retire upo n the East In that scene Of h i s o l d glories

.
he would draw together a p ower su fficient not onl y to ,
secure him against h i s rival but to r e enter and re conquer ,

- -
Italy He would drag th e Senate with him and having carried

.
,
it beyond th e seas would be its master instead of its slave

, .
Having th e command o f th e se a h e would C O O p up his rival ,
in Italy until the ti m e cam e when h i s land forces were ready

,
t o swoop down upon their prey With these views he retired .
as Caesar advanced ma k ing only a show of resistance and

, ,
finally cross ed fro m B rundisiu m to Epirus without fightin g

a battle .
B y the retirem ent o f Pompey all Italy w a s thrown into ,
Caesar s arms H e acquired th e im me n se m oral advantage Of

’
.
holding the seat of governm ent and o f being thus able to ,
impart t o all his acts the color of legitimacy He secured also .
important material gains ; first in the acquisition of the State ,
tre a sure which Pomp e y most u na ccountably neglected t o c a rr y

,
3 74 RAWL I N S O N
o ff and further in the power which he Obtained of drawin g

, ,
recruits from the Italian n a tions who still fur n ished their best ,
soldiers to the Roman ar m ies The submissio n of It a ly d r ew .
with it almost of necessity that Of Sardinia a n d Sicily ; and thus

the power o f the proconsul w as at once established over the
entire middle region o f the Empire reaching from the Ger m an ,
O cean to the Sea of Africa and from the P y re n ees to M ount,
S car du s Pompey possessed the East Afric a a n d Spai n ; an d

.
, , ,
had his counsels been inspired with energy a n d decision he ,
might perhaps have advanced from three sides on his rival ,
a n d have crushed him between the m asses o f three c onv e r g
ing armies B ut the conqueror of M ithridates w as n ow Old

.
,
and had lost the vigor and promptitude of his e a rl y y e a rs .
H e allowed C a sar acting fro m a centr a l p osition to strike

, ,
separately at the di fferent points o f h is extended line First .

,
Spain was attacked and for the time reduced to subj ection ;
, , ,
then the war was transferred to the East and its issue ( prac
, ,
ticall y ) decided at Pharsalia ; after this the Pomp ei a ns were ,
crushed in Africa ; and finally the party having r a llied i n ,
Spain w as overwhelm ed and blotted o u t at M unda These

, .
four wars occupied the great soldier during the chief p ortio n
of five years ( B C 49 to 4 5 ) in the course o f which h owever
. .
, ,
he found tim e also to reduce Egypt and to chastise P h arnace s , ,
s on of M ithridates at Zela , .
The clai m o f Caesar to be co n sidered one of the world s ’
greatest men rests less upon his military exploits import an t ,
as these undoubtedly were tha n upon his views and e ff orts

,
as a statesman a n d social reform er It was his great merit .
that he understood how the tim e for th e Republic had go n e by ;

how nothing but constant anarchy at hom e and const a nt op
pression abroad could result from the continuance of that gov
e r n m e nt al form under which Rome had flourished so wonder
f u lly i n simpler a nd ruder ages He saw distinctly that the .
hour had arrived for mo n archy ; that for the interests of a ll ,
classes o f the provincials of the Itali an s of th e Romans o f

, , , ,
the very nobles themselves a permanent suprem e ruler w as ,
required ; and the only m an fit a t the time to exercise th a t

O ffice of supreme ruler he knew to b e himself He k n ew too .
, ,
though perh a p s he f a iled to estim a te a ri g h t th e R o ma n at ,

t ac h me nt t o ol d forms a nd he therefore a ssum ed in B C 4 7

, , . .
,
the perpetual dictatorship whereb y he reconciled the a ctu a l ,
establish ment of an a bsolute mo n archy with the constitutio n al

puris m which had weight with so m any o f h is c ont e mp ora
ries Having thus s ecured the substance o f power h e p ro
.
,
c e e de d eve n i n the midst o f h is const a nt wars t o brin g for

, ,
w a rd a series o f me a sures which were in m ost c a ses a t o n ce, , ,
moderate j udicious a nd popul a r

, H e e n l a rged the Se na te
, .
to the n umber of 900 an d filled up its ranks fro m the pro ,

-
v in c ial s n o less tha n fro m the class o f Roma n citizens He .
o n ce more confined the judicia t o the s enators and equites .
H e raised t o the r an k of citize n s the entire populatio n of Trans

pad an e Gaul an d num erous communities in Gaul beyo n d the
,
Alps i n Spain and elsewhere He e n fr a nchised all professors

, , .
o f the liberal s ciences H e put down the p olitical clubs H e

. .
gave his veterans la n ds chiefl y beyond the s eas p lanting them

, , ,
amon g other places a t Corinth a nd Carthage cities which he

, ,
did n ot fe a r to rebuild He a rranged m a tters betwee n the tw o

.
classes o f debtors and creditors on a pri n ciple which left fi nan

c i al ho n est y u n touched H e r e enacted the o l d Licini an law
.
-
,
which re q uired the employ me n t o f free labor on est a tes i n Italy

i n a cert a i n fixed proportio n t o the n umber o f slaves H e .
encour a ged an i n cre a se i n the free population by gr an ting

exe mptions t o those w h o h a d as ma ny a s three childre n H e .
proposed the codificatio n Of the laws comm enced a survey ,
o f the e mpire and refor m ed the cale n dar

, When it is re m e m .
bered th a t Cae s a r o n ly held power for the space Of a bout five

years a nd that the gre a ter portio n of this period w as occupied
,
b y a s eries o f m ost important wars such legisl ative p r olifi c ,
n ess such well pl ann ed v a ried and ( i n so me c a ses ) most c om

,
-
, ,
prehensive s ch em es c ann ot but provoke our ad mirati o n

, .
B ut th e dictator though e n dued with political i n sight far

,
be y o n d a n y o f his contempor a ries w a s after a ll o n l y a fa llible , , ,
mort a l He m ay n either h a ve been wh oll y corrupted b y his

.
passio n for Cleop a tr a n or so much i n toxicated by the p osses

,
sio n of suprem e p ow e r a s t o h a ve w an to n l y di sreg a rded the

pre j udices which stood in the w ay of his a mbitio n B ut a t .
any ra te h e mi s j ud ged the temper of th e p eople am o n g who m

his lot w a s c a st whe n bec a use h is ow n logic a l mi n d saw that
, ,
3 76 RAWL I N SO N
m onarchy was inevitable h e encouraged its open proclama ,
tion without makin g sufli c i e nt a llowance for the attachment

,
o f large classes o f the natio n t o phrases H e thus provoked .
the conspiracy to which h e fell a victim and cannot be ex ,
o n e r at e d from the ch arge of having contributed t o his o w n
downfall Th e conspiracy against the life o f J C ae sar forme d

. .
,
by B rutus and Cas sius found so many abettors not fro m th e , ,
mere blind envy of the nobles towards a superior but b ecause ,
there was ingrained into the Roman m ind a detestation O f

royalty The event proved that this prej udice m ight be over
.
com e in course o f tim e by adroit managem ent ; but C aesar

, ,
boldly and without disguise a ffronted the feeling not aware , ,
as it would seem o f the danger he was incurring H i s death

, .
,
M arch 1 5 B C 44 introduced another period of bloody strug

, . .
,
gle and civil war which lasted until the gre a t victory gained
,
by O ctavius at Actium B C 3 1 ,
. . .
The knot O f enthusiasts and malconte n ts w h o had ventured ,
o n the revolutionary m easure of assassinating the chief o f th e
State had m ade no adequate provision for what w as to follow

, .
Apparently they had hop ed that both the Senate and the
,
people would unite to applaud their deed and would j oyfully ,
hasten to r e establish the old republican governm ent B ut

-
.
the general feeling which their act aroused w as not o ne of

rej oicing b ut of consternation The noble and rich feared the
,
.
recurrence of a period of lawlessness and anarchy The poorer .
classes who were indi fferent as to the form of governm ent

, ,
provided it fed and amused them looked coldly on the m en ,
who m erely on account of a nam e had plunged the State into

, ,
fresh troubles The num erous class o f th ose who had bene
.
fi t e d by C msar s legislation trembled lest his murder should

’
b e followed by the abrogation of his laws None knew what .
to expect next— whether proscription civil w a r o r massacre , , .
H a d the conspirators possessed am ong them a commanding

mind had they h ad a program m e prepared and had th ey
, ,
promptly acted o n it th e Republic might perhaps have been ,
galvanized into fresh life and the final establishm ent of des ,
p o ti sm might h ave been deferred if it could not be averted ,

.
B u t at the exact tim e w hen resolution and quick actio n were

n eeded the y hesit a ted a nd procr a sti nated Their re miss n ess
, .
3 77
gave the sole co n sul Antony an opportunity of which he was , ,
n ot slow to avail himself Having secured the co Operation .

-
o f Lepidus Caesar s master of the horse who alone had an ’
, ,
arm ed force on the spot he possessed himself Of the treasures ,
and papers o f the dictator entered into negotiations with the ,

”
Liberators and while professedly recognizing the legitimate
,
authority O f the Senate contrived in a short time to obtain the ,
substance o f suprem e p ower for himself H is colleague D ola .

,
b ella elected consul in the place o f C ae sar becam e his tool

, ,
.
”
The Liberators fe a rful for their personal safety despite th e
, ,
amnesty whereto all had agreed quitted Rome and threw ,
themselves upon the provinces Antony was on the point of

'
Obtaining all that his heart desired when the claims and p ro ,
c e e din g s of a youth — almost a boy— who unexpectedly ap
p e ar e d upon the scene introduced fresh complications and , , ,
checkin g Antony in mid career rendered it doubtful for a -

,
while whether he would not fall as suddenly as he had risen .
C O ctavius the youthful rival of Antony was the grand

.
, ,
nephew Of J Caesar being the grandson of his sister Julia

.
, , .
He had enj oyed for s everal years a l a rge portion of the dicta
tor s favor and in his last testame n t had been named as his
’
chief heir and son by adoption Absent from Rom e at the date .
Of Ca sar s murder he lost n o tim e in proceeding to the capi

’
tal claiming the rights and accepting th e Obligations which

,
devolved on him as C aesar s heir With consummate adroit ’

.
ness h e contrived to gain the good will of all parties The -

.
soldiers were brought to see in h im the true representative

o f their loved an d lost com mander ; the populace was won
by shows by stirring appeals by the paym ent of Cae sar s
, ,
’
legacy to them out o f his ow n private resources ; the Liber

af ors and especially Cicero wh o had made comm on cause
, ,
with them were caj oled into believin g that h e had n o per
,
sonal ambition and only sought to defeat the s elfish designs

,
of Antony Even with Antony th ere was established we can

.
,
not say h ow early an understa n ding that the quarrel between

, ,
the two Caesareans was n ot to b e pushed d l ou tr ance but was ’

,
t o be prosecuted as b etween enemies wh o might on e day b e

friends Thus guarded on all sides O ctavius ventured though
.
, ,
a bsolutel y without O ffice to collect an a r my which he p a id , ,

RAWL I N S O N
ou t of h i s O w n resources and to take up a position fro m which , ,
h e might either defend or threaten Rome Encouraged by his .
proceedings Cicero r e entered the political arena and took

,
-
,
up the attitude against Anto n y which had bee n successful

against Catiline B y the series of speeches and pamphlets
.
“ ”
known as the Philippics he crushed the popularity Of the ,
procons u l drove him from Rome and freed the Senate fro m
, ,
his influence Antony retired to his province of Cisalpine

.
Gaul and there comm enced the Third Civil War by besieging
,
D ecimus B rutus the previous gover n or in Mutina Here , , .
upon the Se n ate bade the new consuls H irt iu s a nd P an sa to , ,
a c t against him and at Cicero s instance invested the young

’
, , ,
O ctavius with the pr aetorship a nd j oined him in the comma n d ,
with the consuls .
The short war k n own as the B ellum M ut ine nse followed .
In two battles on e at Forum G all or u m the other under the

, ,
walls of Mutina Antony s troops were defeated by the army

,
’
o f the Senate and he himself despairing o f present success

, , ,
crossed the Alps to j oin Lepidus in Gaul B ut the two vic .
tories were dearly won at the cost O f two m ost importa n t lives , .
H i rt iu s and Pansa the two honest co n suls both fell ; and , ,
O ctavius finding himself the sole commander was encouraged

, ,
to put aside h i s reserve and show himself in his true colors .
H e refused to j oin Decimus B rutus in the pursuit o f A n tony ,
and thus aided the latter s escape He claimed the whole m erit ’
.
o f the war and boldly demanded a triumph ; fi n ally he se n t

, ,
a detachment of his soldiers to Rom e to demand the consul ,
ship for him ; when the Senate alarmed at his attitude re , ,
fused these requests he at once threw off the m a sk marched , ,
with all his troops on Rome plundering as he advanced and , ,
at the head of his legio n s imp osed h i s will o n the governme n t .
Possessed o f supreme p ower it pleased him to assume the title ,
o f consul and to give himself a s a n omin a l colle a gue in the

, ,
o ffice h i s cousin Q P e diu s

, , . .
It was the policy o f O ctavius to secure for a ll his acts so fa r ,
as he possibly could legal sanctions He n ow therefore r e ,

.
, ,
quired and obtained the confirmation of his adoption D e .
”
t e rmi n e d to proceed to extremities against the Liber a tors ,
he had them a tt ainted a nd as the y h a d all fled from Rome , ,

upo n his e n tra n ce co n demned in their abse n ce A similar ,

.
sentence was at his instance passed o n Sext P om p e i u s O c

, ,
. .
t av i u s was made generalissim o o f all the forces o f the Republic ,
a nd was authorized to act against o r if it ple a sed him b etter , , ,
treat with Antony and Lepidus It was o n this l a tter course

, .
that he had long before decided O nly by the aid o f Antony .
could he hope to triumph over Cassius and the B ruti whose ,
"
party in the West w as in nowise contemptible and who had ,
all the resources o f the E a st at their disposal Accordingly .

,
Anto n y and Lepidus were invited to confer with O ct a vius <
o n an island in the river Reno a n d the result was the for ,
mation of the ( so called) Second Triumvirate — the first -

”
government which really bore th e name— a self constituted -
B oard of Three wh o were conj ointly to rule the State , .
O n the op eni n g of n egotiations between O ctavian and A n

tony Decimus B rutus had been deserted by his soldiers and
, , ,
when he attempted to escap e from Italy had been s eized and ,
put to death Th e West was thus pacified ; and the triu mvirs
.
could therefore concentrate their whole attentio n first upon ,
the destructio n of their enem ies at hom e and the n upon the ,
war in the East The proscription w as relentlessly enforced . .
Among its victim s were Cicero the tribune S al v i u s A nnal i s , , ,

’
o n e of the pr aetors Cicero s brother Q uintus and h i s nephew
, , ,
Quintus s so n The lists which followed rapidly on e upon

’
.
,
the other co n tained altogether the nam es Of 300 senators and

,
2 000 knights The prop erty o f the proscribed was seized

. .
The soldiers let loose through Italy under the pretence of

,
huntin g o u t the proscribed ravaged and wasted at their pleas ,
ure Private malice Obtained it s gratification with impunity

. .
Numbers were murdered m erely because they were rich and ,
their prop erty was coveted by the triumvirs or their creatures .
Early in B C 42 militar y Operatio n s were comm enced O c

. . .
t av ian whose province o f Sicily had been occupied by Sextus

,
P o mp e i u s made an attem pt to wrest it from his hands ; but

,
his admiral S al v idi e nu s being defeated in a n aval engagem ent

, ,
near M essan a th e enterp ri se was given up Antony h a d al

,
.
ready cross ed from Italy to Epirus ; O ctavian now followed

him Their combined forces which exceeded
. me n , ,
ma rched unresisted through Epirus an d M a cedonia a nd had ,
O c tav i u s w as c all e d O c tavian afte r h e b e c ame a t r iumvi r .

3 80 RAWL I N S O N
reached Thrace b efore they were confronted by the Liber a

tors . These now brought up the full strength of the East
against the Western legions ; their legionary infantry amount
ed to their cavalry to and they had Asiatic
levies in addition Still however their forces were outnu m
.
, ,
b ered by those of their adversaries ; whose legionaries were

probably not fewer than while their cavalry was reck
o med at
The two armies met at Philippi ( th e ancient C r e ni de s) ; and
the fate of the Roman world w as decided in a twofold battle .
I n the first fight B rutus defeated O ctavian but Antony gained ,
a decided advantage over Cassius who unaware of his col , ,
league s victory committed suicide I n the second three weeks

’
,
.
,
later the army of B rutus was completely overcome and h e

, ,
himself escaping from the field could only follow the example
, ,
o f Cassius and kill himself ,

With B rutus fell the Republic
. .
The usurpation of C aesar had suspended but not destroyed it , .
It had revived after his death The coarse brutality o f A n .
tony the craft O f O ctavian had separately failed to put it down

, , .
Conj oined they achieved greater success The Republic albeit .

,
som e O f its form s remained was in reality swept away at ,
Philippi The absolute ascendency o f individuals which i s

.
,
monarchy was then established There might afterwards be

, .
several competitors for the supreme power ; and struggles ,
fierce and bitter m ight be carried on b etween them ; but no

,
thought was entertained of resuscitating any m ore the dead

form Of the Republic ; the contest was simply on e between
di ff erent aspirants to the suprem e authority .
The imm ediate conseq u ence o f the victory at Philippi was

a fresh arrangem ent o f the Roman world among the triumvirs .
As Antony preferred th e East O ctavian consented to r e l in ,
q u i sh it to him ; but it was necessary that he should be com

p e n sat e d for the sacrifice His colleague therefore yielded to
.
him Italy and Spain which last Lepidus was required t o r e

,
“ ”
linquish Obtaining instead the Roman Africa
, The facile .
Lepidus submitted readily to the new partition ; and while

Antony received the homage o f the East and himself suc ,
c u m b e d to the charms o f Cleopatra at Tarsus O ct a vi a n under ,
took the directio n of a ff a irs a t the seat of gover n me n t .

38 1
B ut there was n o real cordialit y n o mutual respect no sense , ,
even of a com mon interest amon g the triumvirs The Roman ,

.
world was scarcely theirs before they began to quarrel over it .
O ctavian being in di fficulties at Rom e from the scarcity Of

provisions consequent on the attitude o f Sext u s P o mp e iu s ,
from the despair O f the Italians driven from their cities and
lands to mak e room for the veterans and from the discontent ,
of many of the veterans them selves whose rewards fell short ,
o f their hop es Antony began to intrigue against him and to

,
seek his downfall The embers o f discontent were fanned into

.
a flam e by the triumvir s brother Lucius and his wife Fulvia ’
, , ,
who shortly put themselve s at the head o f an insurrectionary

force and disputed with O ctavian the mastery O f Italy Th e
, .
hopes however of the insurge n ts were smothered in the smoke

, ,
o f P e r u si a ( B C 4 0) and on the return o f Antony to Italy

. .
,
the rivals at the instance O f the soldiery cam e to an acc omm o

, ,
dation O ctavian received the whole West including both

.
,
th e Gauls and also I llyricum ; Antony was obliged to content

himself with a diminished East Lepidus kept Africa Fulvi a °
havin g opportunely died the Peace of B ru ndu siu m was ,
s ealed by a marriage O ct a vian g iving the ha n d Of his widowed ,
sister O ctavia to his reco n ciled colleague

, , .
The pact of B r u n du si u m was modified in th e e n suin g ye a r ,
B C 39 by th e admission o f Sextus P omp e i u s into pa rtnership

. .
,
with the triumvirs It was agreed that h e should retai n Sicily

.
,
Sardinia and Corsica ; a nd that he should fu rther receive

,
Ach ae a on co n dition o f his evacu a ting certai n strongholds

,
which he possessed in Italy He for his part undertook to pro .
vide Rom e plentifully with cor n This agreement however .

,
known as th e Treaty of M ise nu m — w a s n ever executed

“
.
Sextus did not receive Ach aea a n d therefore kept poss ession ,
o f the strongholds O ctavian in retaliatio n encouraged the

.
, ,
defection o f his lieutenants an d received from one o f them , ,
M e no doru s a fleet and several forts in Sardinia a n d Corsic a

,
.
Sextus upon this flew to arm s ; an d a naval war began b e

, ,
tween him and O ctavi an which led after several tur n s of , ,
fo rtu n e to his com pl ete defeat and expulsio n from Sicily

,
.
B ut O ctavi a n had scarcely ti me t o co n gratulate himself on

his success wh e n h e b eca m e a w a re of a n ew d an ger The
,
.
3 8 2 RA W L I N S O N
Pomp eian land forces which were considerable op ened com

, ,
mu ni cat i on s with Lepidus and having conj ointly with h i s

, ,
troop s p lundered M essana saluted him as their imp erator

, , ,
'
and ranged themselves under his bann er The wea k noble .

,
finding himself at the head o f twenty legions was intoxicated ,
with his good fortune and assuming an attitude o f complete

-
,
independence and even O f hostility set O ctavian at defiance , .
A fresh and bloody struggle would have followed but for the
prompt boldness o f the young Cae sar ; who entering his rival s ,
’
camp unarmed and almost unattended made an eloquent ap

, ,
peal to the soldiers which w as successful Deserting Lepidus

, .
in a body they declared for O ctavian who degraded h is falle n

,
rival from the triumvirship but spared h i s life and allowed , ,
him to retain his O ffice of chief ponti ff .
With th e rem oval o f Lepidus a war between O ct a vian and

Antony becam e imminent The bond o f a ffinity b y which it
.
had b een attempted to unite the interest o f th e rivals had failed .
The wild and rough Antony soon tired of h i s discreet but some
what cold spouse ; and his roving fancy returned to the volupt
u ou s Egyptian from whom it had strayed for a while
,
In B C . . .
3 7 on setting out for the Pa rthian War he left O ctavia b ehind

, ,
him in Italy ; and ere the year B C 3 6 was out he had r e . .

,
united himself t o his Old mistress Hencefort h until his death .
sh e retained her influence over him unimpaired ; and we must

ascribe the deterioration in A n to n y s character to this degrad ’
ing connection H is great preparations against the Parthians

.
had no com mensurate result After three campaigns on e in .

,
M edia Atropat en e ( B C wherein h e acquired no honors

. .
,
the others in Arm enia ( B C 3 5 to where he was so mewhat

. .
more successful Antony abstained from military e n terprise

,
and devoted himself to pleasure The autumn Of B C 3 4 was . . .
given up to debauchery and dissipation I n th e infatuatio n .
caused by his passion Antony not only acknowledged Caes a

,
rion and assigned crowns to his ow n children by Cleopatr a

, ,
but actually ceded to Cleopatra a foreign er the Roman prov , ,
i n c e s of C oel e Syria and Cyprus

-
Such conduct was no doubt .
treasonable and furnished O ctavia n with the decent pretext

,
for a declaration of war for which he had long been waiti n g

,
.
Mea n while O ctavi a n h a d been exercisi n g his legio n s r a ising ,

his reputation and a dding important tracts to the Roman Em

,
pire in the West In B C 3 5 he attac k ed the Salassi and

. . .
Tau r i sc i nations o f th e Western Alps ; and in th e course of

,
th e two following yea rs h e reduced to subj ection the Liburni

and I ap yde s in Dalmatia and the Pannonians in the v alley of
the Save A new province was here added to the State O c
. .
f avian him self received a wound ; and his popularity to which ,
he artfully added by causing Agrippa as aedile to lavish vast

sum s on the improvement and adornm ent of the capital was ,
n ow at its h eight His good fortune enabled him at the sam e

.
-
juncture to add a second province to the Empire in M aure

ta n ia which was annexed peaceably o n the death of B o c c h u s
, .
Feeling hims elf assured Of his position and of the good will -
o f the Roman people O ctavian now resolved to precipitate

,
the rupture with his rival fo r wh ich he had been preparing ever
,
since the formation of the triumvirate .
The year B C 32 was p a ssed by the rivals in mutual r e cr im

. .
i n at ion s in threats insults and preparations for the coming

, , ,
struggl e Antony divorced O ctavia with all the harshness

.
allowable by Roman law ; m ade an alliance with the Parthians

collected a vast fleet ; levied troop s throughout all the East ;
assembled his armaments on the coast of Epirus and pre ,
pared to cross into Italy O ctavian inveighed against Antony .
in the Senate ; drove his partisans from Rom e ; caused his will
to be Opened and published ; had Cleopatra declared a pu b lic
enemy ; and collecting together all the forces o f the West
, ,
occupied the eastern shore o f Italy with his fleets and armies .
For a while the two rivals watched each oth er across th e strait .
At length in th e spring of B C 3 1 O ctavian though his forces

, . .
, ,
were inferior in number m ade the plunge His fleet took , .
Corcyra H i s army was safely conveyed to Epirus B oth

. .
were rapidly direct ed towards th e A mb r ac ian Gulf where lay ,
th e fleet and army o f his adversary The work of seduction .
then began O ctavian found little di fficulty in drawing over

.
t o his service o n e Antonian O ffi cer after another Antony s

’
indecisio n and his infatuation for Cleopatra having greatly dis

gusted his followers These repeated defections reduced the
.
triumvir t o a state of desponde n cy and led him most unhappily ,
to a ccept Cleopatra s fatal counsels Under pretence o f givin g

’
.
334 RAWL I N S O N
’
battle to his adversary s fleet Antony on the mor n i n g of Sep , ,
tember 2 B C 3 1 put to se a with the deliberate intention of

,
. .
,
deserting h i s land force and flying with Cleopatra to Egypt .
Actium was not a battle in any proper sense o f the term It .
was an occasion on which a commander voluntarily sacrificed

the greater portion o f h i s fleet in order to escape with the r e
mai n de r We c an with di fficulty understand how Antony was
.
induced to yield everything to his adversary without really

striking a blow B ut the fact that he did so yield i s plain
. .
H e left his land army without orders to fight o r make terms , ,
as it pleased ; he left his fleet not when it was defeated but , ,
when it was still stru ggling manfully and but for his flight ,
might have been victorious It was h i s desertion which de .
cided the engagem ent and with it the fate o f the Ro man , , ,
world It is with good reason that the Empire i s regarded

.
as dating from the day o f Actium Though Antony existed .

,
an d resisted for nearly a year longer in Egypt it was only

, ,
as a desperate man clin ging to life till the last mom e n t From
, .
the day of Actium O ctavian was sole master of the Ro ma n

world .
SI X TH P ER I O D .
From the Establishm ent of the Empire under Augustus t o
"
the D estruction of th e Roman Power in the West b y
O doacer from B C 3 1 to A D 4 76
,
. . . . .
P r e l i mi na ry R e mar ks on li e G e og r apb i e a l E x fe rz i a nd P r i ncip a l

D i vi si ons of th e R oma n E mp i r e .
The boundaries of the Roman Empire as established by ,
Augustus may b e stated in a general way as follows — O u the

, ,
north the B ritish Channel the German O cean the Rhine the
, , , ,
Dan u be and the Euxine ; o n the east the Euphrates and the
, ,
desert o f Syria ; on the south the great African desert ; and on ,
the west the Atlantic It extended from east to west a distance

, .
o f fifty degrees or about 2 00 miles between Cape Finisterre

7 , ,
and the vicinity O f Erzeroum I t s average breadth was about .
fifteen degrees or above 1 000 m iles It comprised the moder n

, .
cou n tries o f Portugal Spain France B elgium Wester n Hol

, , , ,
l an d Rhenish Prussi a parts of B ade n an d W u rt e mb e rg m ost

, , ,
o f B avaria Switzerland Italy the Tyrol Austria Proper West

, , , , ,
ern Hu n gary Croatia Slavo n i a Servia Turk ey i n Europ e

, , , , ,
Greece Asi a M inor Syria Palestine I dum aea E gypt th e C y

, , , , , ,
r e nai c a Tripoli
, Tunis Algeria and most o f M orocco Its
, , ,
.
area m a y be roughly estim a ted at a m illion an d a half of s q u a re

m iles .
The entire Empire exclusive o f Italy w a s divided into , ,

”
Provin ces which may be conveniently grouped u n der three
,
heads : viz the Wester n o r Europ ean ; the Easter n or Asiatic ;

.
, , ,
and the Southern o r Africa n The Western o r Europe a n

,
.
, ,
p rovinces were fourtee n in number ; viz Spain Gaul Ger .

, , ,
ma ny Vin de l i c i a Rh ae tia N or ic u m Pannonia Moes ia Illy r i

, , , , , ,
cum Macedonia Thrace Ach aea Sicily and Sardini a ; the

, , , , ,
Easter n o r Asiatic were eight viz Asia Proper B ithynia

, , ,
.
, , ,
Galatia Pamphylia Cappadocia Cilicia Syria and Palestine ;

, , , , ,
th e Southern or African were five viz Egypt th e Cyre n ai ca , .

, ,
( including Crete ) Afric a Proper Numidi a a n d M auretani a

, , , .
The entire number was thus twe n ty seve n -

.
Spain ( Hispa n ia Iberi a) the m ost wester n o f the Europe an

, ,
provi n ces included th e entire p e n insula and was washed o n all

, ,
sides by the se a excepti n g tow a rds th e n orth east wh ere it w a s -

,
separated from Gaul by the Pyre n ees It was subdivided i n t o .
three disti n ct portio n s ge n erally ad m inistered by three di ffer ,
e n t gover n ors : viz Lusita n ia o r the cou n try O f th e Lusitani

.
, , ,
corresponding n early t o the modern Portugal ; B ae tic a the ,
country about th e B ae t is ( o r Guadalquivir) th e modern A n ,
dal u cia ; and T arrac o n e n si s comprisin g all th e rest of the p e n ,
insula Lusitania w a s i n habited by three principal races the

.
,
G al l ae c i in the n orth ( G al lic i a) th e Lusitani i n the centre and , ,
the T u rde tani i n the south It had three great rivers the D u .
,
rius ( Douro ) th e Tagus ( Taj o) and the Anas ( Guadia n a)

, ,
.
The chief tow n s were Augusta Emerita o n th e A na s n ow ,
M erida a n d O lisipo o n th e Tagus now Lisboa ( Lisbo n )

, ,
.
B aetica was inhabited by the T u r du l i towards th e north and the

B ast u l i towards th e south Its o n ly import an t river w as the .
B aet is . I t s chief towns were Corduba ( Cordova) an d Hisp a lis

( Sevilla ) i n the interior a n d on the coast Gades now C a diz , , .
T arrac one nsis by far the l a rgest o f the three subdivisio n s c o m

, ,
25
386 RAWL IN S ON
prised the upper courses of the Durius Tagus and An as a n d , , ,
th e entire tract watered by the I b e ru s ( Ebro ) Turia S u c r O , ,
(Jucar ) a n d Tader ( Segura) rivers It was inhabited towards

,
.
,
the north by the A stu re s Cantabri V ac c ae i Vascones and

, , , , ,
others ; in the central regions by th e C arp e tani Celtiberi a nd , , ,
I l e r g e t e s and along the east coast by th e I n dig e t e s A u se t ani

, , , ,
C o se tani I l e r c av o n e s Su e sse t ani C o nt e st ani etc

, ,
Its chief , ,
.
cities were T arraco th e capital on the east coast now Tarra , , ,
gona ; Carthago Nova ( Carthagena) ; C aesar Augusta ( Zara -
goza or Saragossa) o n the I b e ru s ; T ol e t u m ( Toledo) on the

, ,
Upper Tagus and I l e r da ( Lerida) In T arrac on e nsis were .
also included th e B alearic isles M aj or ( Maj orca) and M inor ,
( Minorca ) and the P it yu sae E b u su s ( Ivica) and O ph iu sa ( For

, , ,
m entera) .
Gaul ( Galli a) which adj oined Spain to the n orth east c or

,
-
,
resp onded nearly with th e m odern France but included also ,
portions of B elgium and Switzerland It was bounded o n the .
west and north by the ocean ; on the east by Roman Germany ,
Rh aetia and Gallia Cisalpina on the south by the Pyrenees and

,
the M editerranean It had five principal rivers : the Scaldis

.
( Scheldt ) and S e q u a n a ( Seine ) in th e north ; the Liger ( Loire )
and Garumna ( Garonne ) towards the west ; and the Rhodanus

( Rhone) in the south Augustus subdivided it into four .
regions : viz Aquitania the country of th e Aquitani towards

.
, , ,
the south west from th e Pyrenees to th e Loire ; L u g dun e nsis

-
, ,
to the north west reaching from Ca pe Finisterre to Lyons

-
,
( L u g du n u m) th e capital Narbonensis towards the south east

, ,
-
,
between Aquitania and th e maritime Alps ; and B elgica ,
towards the north east reachin g from the B ritish Ch a nnel to

-
,
th e lake of Geneva Aquitania comprised th e basins o f the

.
Garumna ( Garonne ) D u raniu s ( Dordogne) C arant on u s , ,
( Charente ) and half th e basin of the Liger ( Loire ) Its chief

,
.
tribes were the Aquitani in the south the Sant on e s and Pi e ,
tones towards the n orth — west the B itu ri g e s towards the north ,
east in the tract about B ourges and the Arverni to the south
, ,
east i n Auvergne The most important cities were C l imb e rris

, .
and B urdigala ( B ourdeaux) L u g du n e n si s consisted of th e .
region between the Loire and the Seine together with a tongue ,
o f l an d stretch ing a long the Saone t o a little below L y o n s Its .

3 7
principal tribes were the ZE du i in the south ; the Senones ,
Parisii C arnu te s and C adu rc i in the interior ; the Veneti O sis

, , ,
m ii C u r io so lit ae U ne lli and L e x o v i i upon the coast

, ,
The,
.
cap ital L u g du nu m w as inconveniently placed at the extrem e

, ,
south east Of the p rovi n ce The other important towns were

-
.
Lutetia P ar isi or u m ( Paris ) G e nabu m ( O rleans ) and Ju li o ma , ,
g u s ( Angers ) Narbonensis extended from th e Upper G a

.
ronn e o n the west to the Var upo n the east lying along the ,
Pyrenees and the M editerranean Inland it reach ed a s far as .
the Ceven n es the M iddle Rhone and the lake of Ge n eva Th e

, ,
.
chief tribes inhabiting it were the Volc ae in the west th e A 110 ,
b rog e s in the tract between th e Rh one and th e I sere ( Isara) ,
th e Vo co nt ii betwee n the Isere and the Duran ce a n d th e ,
Sall uv ii o n th e coast ne a r M arseilles Its principal cities .
were Narbo the capital now Narbon n e o n th e M editerranean ;

, , ,
Tolosa ( Toulouse ) Vien n a ( Vie nn e ) N e m au su s ( Nism es)

, , ,
Genev a an d M a ssilia ( Marseilles ) B elgica lay between th e

, .
Seine a n d the Scheldt and extended southward t o th e B er n ese

,
Alp s a n d the norther n shore o f the lake of Genev a It was .
bounded on the east by the Rom an Germany and Rh aetia o n ,
th e west by Gallia L u g du n e n sis a n d o n the south by Gallia ,
Narbonensis an d Gallia Cisalpina The principal tribes w e r e i n .

,
the north the C al e t e s A mbian i B ellovaci Atrebates M orini

, , , , , ,
and Nervii in the central regio n the Suessiones the Remi th e , , ,
T r e v ir i the Le n ci and the L i n g o n e s towards the south th e

, , ,
Sequani and th e H elvetii The m ost important towns were .
N ov io du n u m ( Soissons ) D u r o c ortor u m ( Reim s ) August a , ,
T r e v i r o r u m ( Tr eves ) D ivodurum ( M etz) V e so nt io ( B esa n

, ,
con) and A v e nt i c u m ( Avenches in Switzerland )

, , .
Germany ( wh ich is som etim es included in Gaul ) comprised

two divisions th e Lower ( I n ferior ) and th e Upper ( Superior)
,
.
Lower Germany lay upo n the sea coast between the m outh of -
,
the Scheldt and that of the Rhi n e It comprised Eastern B el .
gium Western Holla n d an d Rh enish Prussia as far south as

, ,
the Ahr Its chief tribes were the B atavi and M e nap ii i n th e
.
north th e Ubii on the Rhine near Cologne ; th e E b u rone s a n d

C on dr u si on th e M osa ( M euse ) a nd th e Segni in the Ardennes .
The pri n cipal tow n s were N ov iomag u s ( N i m e g u e n) Coloni a ,
Agripp i n ensis ( Cologne) and B on na ( B o nn ) U pper Ger , .

3 88 RA W L I N S O N
ma ny w as a n arrow strip o f la n d along the course of the Rhi n e

from Remagen at the m outh of the Ahr v a lley to the point a t
, ,
which the Rhine receives the waters o f the A a r It w a s in .
habited by th e C aracate s the Vang ion e s the N e me t e s t h e , , ,
T r ib o c i a n d th e Rauraci
, Th e principal cities were Ad Co n .
fl u e nt e s ( Coble n z) M o g ont iac u m ( Maye n ce ) B orbetomagus

, ,
( Worms ) A r g e nt orat um ( Strasburg) and August a R aurac o

, ,
rum ( B asle ) .
V in de l i c i a o r the cou n try o f th e Vi n delici lay between th e

, ,
Danube and th e B avarian Alps It correspo n ded n early with .
B avari a south o f the Da n ube including however a corner b e ,
tween th e Rhine and th e Upper D anube which n ow belongs t o

W u r te mb e r g and B ade n It was inhabited towards th e n orth .
, ,
by the Vindelici ; towards th e south by the B rigantes Th e ,

.
chief cities were Augusta Vin de l i c or um ( Augsburg) an d

B rigantia on the L a ke o f Constance ( B rege n z) .
Rh aetia lay south of V in de li c i a and east o f the cou n try of the

Helvetii It included the m oder n Tyrol th e Vorarlberg a nd
.
, ,
the part of Switzerland known as th e Griso n s Among its .
tribes were besides the Rh aetia th e V e n ost e s V e nnon e s B rix

, , , ,
entes Tridentini M e doac i etc Its chief cities were V e l di de na

, , , .
( Wilten near I n sp r ii c k) Curia ( Chur o r Coire) and Tridentu m

, , ,
( Trent ) .
Noricum wh ich lay east of V in de lic ia and Rh aetia stretched

, ,
along the Danube from it s j u n ction with the Inn to a point a

little above Vienna It com prised Styria Carinthia and the .
, ,
greater part o f Austria Proper Th e chief cities were Juv av ia .
( Salzburg) and B o io du ru m ( Passau ) .
Pannonia one o f the m ost important o f the Ro m a n prov

,
in c e s lay east and partly south o f Noricum

, It w a s bounded .
o n t w o sides the north and east by th e D anube which i n this

, , ,
part o f its course m akes the remarka b le bend to th e south by

which its lower is throw n three degrees south o f its upper
course O n the west an artificial line divided Pannonia from
.
N o ri cu m ; on the south it was separated from Illyricum by the

m ountains directly south o f th e valley o f the Save It thus .
comprised all Hunga ry south o f the Danube together with ,
all Slavonia and parts o f Austria Proper of Styria Croatia a n d

, , , ,
B osnia It was divided like Germany i n to Upper an d Lower

.
, , .
A N C I ENT H I ST O R Y
389
U pper Pann o n i a a d j oi n ed N or icu m extending a lo n g the ,
D an ube from a little ab ove Vie n n a to the m outh of the A r rab o

( R aa b) Its chief tribes were the B oii i n th e n orth the L atov ic i
.
, ,
Jassii and C o lap ini i n the south along the course of the Save
, , .
The pri n cipal tow n s were Vindobona ( Vie nn a) an d C a r n untum

o n the D a nube Siscia Z i sse k o n the S a ve an d E m on a Lay
( ), ( ,
b a ch ) betwee n the Save and the Alpes Ju liae Lower P ann onia .
lay a lo n g the Da n ube from the m outh o f the A rrab o t o that o f

the Save I t s m ost important cities were A c i ncu m ( B ud a
.
Pesth ) a n d A c i minc u m ( P e te rw ardin) o n the Da n ube Murs a ,
( Esseg ) o n the Drave and o n the Save Sirm ium ( Z abatz or

,
Alt S c h abaaz ) a n d T a urunum ( Sem lin )

-
.
M oesi a was the last o f th e Danubian provinces It lay a lo n g .
the river from its j unction with th e Save t o its m outh exte n d ,
ing southward t o the line o f the B alka n Its western bou n d .
ary which separated it from I llyria was the course Of the D ri

, ,
nus ( D ri n a) It corresponded thus al m ost exactly to the

.
m odern Servia and B ulgaria The Roma n s divided it like Pan .

,
n onia i n to Superior and Inferior M oesia Superior reached

,
.
fro m the D rinu s a n d the m outh of the Save t o the little river
C e br u s o r C iabr u s ( I schia ) whe n ce a line draw n southward
,
separated it fro m Moesia Inferior I t comprised thus Servi a .
and a part o f Western B ulgari a The chief tow n s were Si n gi .
dunum ( B elgrade ) a nd N aissu s ( Nissa) M oesia I n ferior a .

,
lo n ger but a n a rrower tract stretched from th e C i ab r u s to the

,
m outh o f th e great river It comprised about nine tenths of

.
-
th e moder n B ulgaria together with a sm all portio n o f R ou m e

,
lia The chief towns were D or ost ol u m ( Silistria) and A xiop o

.
lis ( R assov a) on the D a n ube a n d O dessus ( Varna) Tomi , ,
( T omi sv ar) an d Istrus ( Ku st e ndje h ) on the coast of the

, ,
Euxine .
I ll y ricu m lay along th e western shore o f th e Adri a tic fro m

the p e n insula of I stria to Aulon ( Avlo n a) i n Epirus I t thu s .
comprised the present M onte n egro th e H erzegovina and the , ,
gre a ter part of Albania The m ore n orth er n portio n of I l ly r i

.
c u m was known as Dalm a ti a th e m ore souther n as I llyria

,
Proper Among th e principal tribes inhabiting it were the

.
I apyde s an d Libur n i in the north ; th e B r e u c i Maz ze i D ae si , ,
t iat ae an d D e imat e s i n the mid regio n ; an d th e A utariatm

,
-
,
3 90 RAWL I N S O N
Parth ini and T aul antn i n the south

,
Its chief tow n s were .
Scardon a (which retains its na me ) N a ro na o n the Naro ( Na ,
renta ) Ep idaurus o n th e Gulf of C a ttaro Sc odra ( Scut a ri on

, , ,
the B o j ana) L issu s ( Lesch or Allessi o on the Drin ) D yr

, , ,
r h ac h i u m ( Durazzo ) and Appollo n ia ( Pollina) These were

,
.
a ll situated o n or n ear the coast .
Macedonia lay south o f I llyricu m an d M oesia Superior an d ,
extended across the peninsul a from the Adriatic to the E g e an .
O n the east it w as bounded by Thr a ce the line o f sep a r a tion ,
being the river N estus O n the south an artificial line carried .

,
from the A mb racian to the M ali ac Gulf divided it fro m Ach ae a ,

.
It comprised besides the ancient Macedo n most of Epirus an d

, ,
the wh ole O f Thessaly Its chief towns were Nicopolis on the .

,
Gulf of A mb raci a o r Actium built by Augustus t o celebr a te ,
his victory ; Edess a Pell a B er oea Thessalonica an d Philippi

, , , , .
South of M oesi a Inferior a nd east o f M acedoni a w a s Thrace ,
wh ich under the first C aesars still retained a sem i — i n dependent

position being governed b y kings of its ow n Rh e sc u p ori s and
, , ,
others ; b ut was reduced into the form o f a province by Clau

di us . The principal tribes in Roman ti m es were the O drysae ,
the B essi a nd the C oe l e tae The cities of m ost importance we re

,
.
Byzantium and Apollonia ( S iz e b oli) upo n the co a st and Philip ,
p olis ( Filib e) and afterwards Hadrianopolis in th e interior

, ,
.
Ach aea lay directly south o f M acedonia corresponding al ,
m ost exactly with the m odern Kingdom of Greece It includ .
ed the I onian islands and the Cyclades but not Crete which , ,
belonged to th e Cyrenai ca The chief tow n s were Patrae .
( Patras ) Corinth a nd Athens

, ,
.
The Eastern o r Asiatic provinces have n ow t o b e briefly

described As already stated they were eight in number : viz
.
, .
,
Asia Proper B ithy n ia Galatia Pamph y lia C a ppadocia Ci

, , , , ,
licia Syria and Palestine

, , .
Asia Proper which included the an cient Mysia Lydia Cari a

, , , ,
and a part o f Phrygia occupied the whole wester n co a st of ,
Asia M inor extending from th e C ian ian Gulf in the Propontis

,
to Caunus on the Sea Of Rhodes Inland it reached to a bout .
the 3 2 d degree of east longitude where it adj oined Galatia an d ,
Cappadocia B ithynia bounded it on the n orth Pamphyli a on

.
,
the south The Rom a n cap ital o f Asi a Proper was Ephesus ;
.
but the following tow n s were of almost equal import an ce

Smyrna Per g am us S a rdis A p am e ia Cibotus and Synnada
, , , , .
B ithy n i a which lay north or r a ther n orth east o f Asia

, ,
-
, ,
had nearly its ol d dim ensions exte n di n g alo n g th e coast from ,
t h e mouth o f th e M ace st u s o n the west t o th a t o f the Parth enius
upo n the e a st I nl an d it reached a little south of the 4 oth

.
parallel, bei n g bounded tow a rds the south e a st by th e upper -
course of the San g ar iu s ( Sakkar iye h ) which separated it fro m ,

”
both Asi a and Galatia Its Rom an capital w as Nicomedi a .
( now I smu d) in the in n er recess of the Gulf Of Astacus Its

, .
other importa n t cities were Nic ae a ( Iznik) Chalcedo n ( Scutari ) , ,
and H e racl e ia ( Eregli) .
Galati a was situated to th e e a st o f B ithy n i a I t i n cluded th e .
an cient Paphlagonia North eastern Phrygi a and a part o f ,

-
,
Western Cappadocia The souther n p art o f the province .

,
which lay o n both sides of the river H alys was Galatia Proper , ,
an d was inhabited b y the three tribes of the T ol i st ob oii th e ,
Tectosages and the T r ocmi , The chief city of G a l a ti a was .
A n cyra ( A n gora) on th e Upp er Sang ari u s O ther important .
tow n s were P e ssinu s on the wester n border i n th e country of ,
the T olistob oii Tavi a east o f the H aly s i n the cou n try o f the
, ,
T r o c mi and Sin Op é o n the Euxi n e

, .
Pamphylia situ a ted t o th e south o f Asia contained the

, ,
four subdivisions o f Pamphylia Prop er the region origi na lly ,
beari n g th e nam e Lycia Pisidi a and I sauria ,

It extended , ,
.
along the southern coast o f Asia M inor from Caunus t o Cora

cesium and reached inlan d to the Lakes o f B ei Shehr and
,
-
E g e r di r Its chief cit y was Perga in Pamphylia Proper ; b e

.
sides which it co n tai n ed th e following towns o f note : Xanthus

i n L y ci a E t e nna and A n tioch in Pisidia O roan da and I saura
, ,
i n Is a uri a .
C a pp a docia a dj oi n ed G a l a ti a an d Pamphylia towards th e

east Like Pamphylia it comprised four regions : viz L yca
.
,
.
,
o n ia the most wester n which adj oined I sauri a a nd Asia ;

, ,
Cappadoci a Proper east o f Lycaonia o n both sides of the river

, ,
H al y s Pontus north of Cappadocia Prop er b etwee n it an d

, ,
th e Euxine ; an d Ar m e n i a Minor south east of Po n tus a rug ,

-
,
ged m ount a i n tr a ct lying along th e Upp er Euphrates The .
c hief cit y o f Cappadocia w as C ae s a re a M a zac a ( Kaisar iy e h ) b e ,

3 92 RAWL I N S O N
twee n M ou n t A rg ae us an d the H al ys It co n t a i n ed a lso the .
import an t towns of I conium ( Koniye h ) in Lyc a o n i a ; Ty ana

an d M elit en e ( M alat iye h ) i n C a ppadocia Prop er ; a nd Amisus ,
Tr a pezus ( Trebizond) Am a si a Sebastia a n d Nicopolis in P on

, , ,
t us .
Cilicia l ay e a st of P a mphyli a an d south of Cappadoci a It .
r e a ched along the south co a st o f Asia Minor fro m Coracesiu m
t o Alexandri a ( I skan de ro u n) The e a stern portion o f the prov

.
i n ce was k n ow n as Campestris the western as M ontana o r ,
Asper a Tarsus on th e Cydnus w a s it s capit a l O ther im

.
, , .
port a nt towns were Issus i n th e pass o f the n am e M op su e stia ,
o n the Pyr a mus a nd S e l e u c e ia o n the C al yc adnus n e a r its

, ,
m outh .
S y ri a which a dj oi n ed C a pp a doci a and Cilici a e xte n ded

, ,
fro m a bout the 3 8th parallel up on th e n orth t o M ou n t C a rmel

tow a rds th e south a dist a nce o f ne a rly 4 00 m iles
, It w a s .
bounded on the east by the Euphrates a s far as T h ap sac u s and

then by the waterless Syrian desert Southward it adj oined on .
Palestin e The provi n ce was divided into ten principal regio n s :

.
C ommag é né towards the north betwee n Cilicia and

, ,
Armenia ; chief city Samosata ( Su me i sat) on the Euphrate s

, .
( 2 ) C yrr h e sti c a south o f C o m mag é né between Cilicia and

, ,
M esopotamia ; chief cities Cirrhus Zeugm a ( Rum kaleh ) a nd , ,

-
,
B amb y c é o r Hierapolis ( B ambuk ) ( 3 ) Se l e u c i s on the coast .

, ,
south of Cilicia and south west o f C yrrh e st ica ; chief city A n

-
,
t i oc h with its suburb Daphn é a nd its port S e l e u ce ia

, , , ( 4) , .
C asi ot is south Of Se l e u c is so called from the Mons C asiu s ex

, , ,
tending alo n g the shore from the foot of that m ou n tain t o th e

river E l e u t h e r u s ( Nah r e l Kebir) ; chief cities L ao dic e ia and
- -
,
M arat h u s ( 5 ) Phoenicia a thin slip o f coast due south o f

.
, ,
C asio t i s reaching fro m the river E l e u th e r u s to M ount Carmel ;

,
chief towns Antaradus B e ryt u s ( B eyrut) Sidon Tyre a n d

, , , , ,
Ptolemai s ( Acre ) ( 6) C h alyb o nit is south Of C yr rh e sti ca and

.
, ,
east of Se l e u c i s lying between S e l e u c i s a n d the Euphrates ;

,
chief city C h alyb on ( n ow Aleppo ) ( 7) Chalcis o r C h al c i di c é

,
.
,
south o f C h al yb oni ti s ; chief city Chalcis on the l a ke i n to , ,
which th e river of Aleppo empties itself ( 8 ) A p am é n é south .

,
Of Chalcidic e a nd east of C asi ot i s comprising a l a rge portion

, ,
o f the O ro n tes v a lley together with the cou n try e a st o f it ; chief

,
cit y A p ame ia ; import an t towns Epiph an ei a ( Ham a h ) a nd

, ,
Emesa ( Hems) (9) C oe l é Syria south o f A pamé né and east .

-
,
o f Phoe n icia co n sisti n g o f the valley betwee n the Lebano n and

,
Anti Lebanon together with th e A n ti Lebanon itself a n d the

-
,
-
fertile tr a ct at i t s eastern base tow a rds Damascus ; chief cities

'
Dam a scus Abila and Heliopol is ( B alb e k) A n d ( 1 0) Palm y

, ,
.
r en é the desert tract south o f C h alyb onit i s a nd east o f C h al c i

,
di c é a n d A p am é n é comprising som e fertile oases o f which the , ,
principal contained the fam ous Tadm or or Palmyra the city ,

”
o f Palms The capit a l o f the e n tire Syrian provi n ce was A n
.
t i o c h o n the Lower O rontes

, The m ost imp ortant of the other .
cities i n Rom a n times were Damascus and Em es a .
Palestine which adj oined Syria o n the south was like S y ri a

, , , ,
divided up into a number of districts The chief of these were .
Galilee Samaria Jud aea I dum aea a nd Perae a wh ich last i n

, , , , ,
cluded Itur aea Tracho n itis A u rani t is B atanae a etc G a lilee

, , , , .
was entirely a n inland region being shut o u t from the coast by ,
th e strip Of territory belonging to Ph oenicia It reached from .
H ermo n o n the north t o the plain of Esdraelon and valley o f

B eth shan upo n the south The m ost important of it s cities
-
.
were C aesarea Philippi n e a r the site o f th e a n cient D an Ti , ,
b e r ias on the lake o f the nam e Capernaum a n d Jot ap at a

, , , .
S a maria wh ich lay south of Galilee exte n ded fro m th e plain o f

, ,
Esdraelon to the h ill — cou n try Of B e n j am i n ( about lat It .
reached across from th e se a to the Jordan including the rich ,
plain Of Sharon as well as the h ill country o f Ma n asseh a n d -
Ephr a im The ch ief cities i n Roma n tim es were C aesare a u p

.
,
o n th e co a st ; S e b ast é ( Samari a) N eap olis ( Shechem ) n ow , ,
Nablus and Shiloh i n th e interior Jud aea which succeeded

, , .
,
Sam aria towards the south occupied the coast li n e fro m a little ,
to th e n orth of Joppa ( Jaff a) to Raphia ( Refah ) Eastward it .
was bou n ded by the Jordan and the D ead Sea southward by ,
I dum ae a or Edom It comprised the hill country o f Judah an d .

-
B enj am i n the desert towards the D ead Sea an d the rich Sh e

, ,
fé lah or plain o f the Philistines The chief towns were Je r u sa .
lem H ebro n a nd Jopp a (Ja ff a ) I dum aea or

, ,
Rom an .
,
”
Ar a bia was the tract between Jud ae a an d E gypt ; it i n cluded
,
the Sin a itic pe n i n sula Idum ae a Prop er a nd a na rrow tr a ct , ,
a long the e a stern co a st of the Red Se a re a ch ing as far south ,

RAWL I N S O N
a s lat . The chief city was Petra Per ae a or th e tract .

,
across Jorda n comprised the entire habitable country betwee n

,
the great river of Palestine and the Syrian desert The m ore .
n orthern parts were known as Itur aea and Trachonitis ; below

these cam e A u ranit i s ( the Hauran ) G al aditi s ( Gilead ) Am mo , ,
nitis and M oab it i s The ch ief cities were Gerasa ( Jerash) a n d

,
.
Gadara .
The African o r Souther n provinces were fi v e in number : viz .

,
Egypt ; the Cyrenai ca including Crete ; Africa Proper ; Nu

,
m idia ; and M auretania O f these Egypt was by far th e most

.
important being the granary of the Empire

, .
Egypt according to Roman notions i n cluded besides the

, , ,
D elta and the valley of the Nile first the entire tract between , ,
the Nile and the Red Sea ; secondly th e north coast of Africa ,
from the western m outh of th e Nile as far as Par ae tonium and

thirdly the oases of the Libyan desert a s far west as lo n g
, .
Southward th e limit was Sy é n é n ow Assouan I n Egypt , .
Prop er or th e Nile valley and D elta three regions were recog

, ,
n i z e d— ZE g yp t u s Inferior o r the D elta which contained thirty

, ,
fi v e nom es ; H e p t an omi s the mid regio n containing seven ;

,
-
,
and ZE g yp t u s Superior the Upp er valley containing fiftee n

, , .
The cap ital o f the province w as Alexandria ; other imp ortant

tow n s were in Lower Egypt P e l u siu m Sais and Heliopolis ;
, , , ,
i n the H e p t anomis Arsino e H eracleopolis A nt ino é and Her

, , , ,
mop o li s M agna ; in ZE g yp t u s Sup erior Thebes Panop olis , , ,
Abydus O mbos and Sy en e

, ,
.
The Cyrenai ca adj oined Egypt up on the west a n d exte n ded ,
along the coast from long 2 7 t o It was a tolerably broad

.
°
tract reaching so far inland as t o i n clude the oasis o f Am mon

, ,
and perhaps that o f A uji lah The chief towns were B ere n ic e .
( now B e n ghazi ) Arsino e ( Teuchira

, ) Ptolema i s near B arc a , ,
( now D ol m e ta) and Cyr en e ( now Gre n nah) I n Crete which

, .
,
belonged to this province the most important towns were ,
Gnossus on th e north coast and G o rtyna in th e interior , .
Africa Proper correspo n ded nearly to the two m oder n B ey

li ks O f Tunis and Trip oli It extended along the shore from
.
A u t omal ax o n the Greater Syrtis to the river Tusc a ( W a dy e z -
zain ) which divided it from Numidia The province was m ade

, .
up of tw o very di fferent regions viz a n arrow strip of fl a t coast ,

.
,
re a chi n g fro m A u tomalax to the Gulf o f Kh abs o r Lesser Syr

tis a n d a broad hilly and extrem ely fertile region n orth of the
, , , ,
Syrtis and the salt lake known as the Sh ib kah the form er c o r ,
responding to the m odern Tripoli the latter to Tunis Th e , .
chief towns were in the western hill tract Hadrum etum Car
,
-
, ,
t h ag e Utica and Hipp o Z ar it u s in the low easter n regio n

, , ,
Tacap e and L e p ti s Magna or N e ap o lis , .
N u midia was comparatively speaking a small tr a ct its se a

, , ,
board reaching only from the Tusca to the A mp sag a a distance ,
o f about I 5 0 miles Inland it extended as far as the Atlas

.
m ount a ins Its chief tow n was Hippo Regius the moder n
.
,
B ona .
Mauretania the country of th e M auri or M oors extended

, ,
from th e river A mp sag a o n the e a st to about Cap e Ghir ( lat .
30 3 upon th e west It corresp onded in a m easure to th e .
modern M orocco and Algeria but did not reach so far either ,
eastward or westward Th e province was subdivided into two .
p ortions which were c a lled respectively Tingitana an d C ae sar i

,
e n sis Tingit ana re a ched fro m Cap e Ghir to the m outh Of the
.
M u l u c h a ( M u l w i a) It took its n am e from Tingis the cap ital

.
, ,
n ow Ta n giers C ae sar i e nsis lay between the M u l u ch a and the

.
A mp sag a The chief cities were C ae s a re a a nd I g ilg il i s both

.
,
o n the M editerr a nea n .
Such was th e extent a n d such were th e divisions and sub ,
divisions o f the Roman Emp ire under Augustus During the .
century however which followed upon h is decease ( A D 1 4 t o

, ,
. .
1 1 4 ) several large additions were made to the Roma n t erri
tory ; these will n ow require a few words of notice The most .
important of the m were those Of the Agri D e cu mat e s o f B rit ,
ain D acia Arm enia M esopot a mia and Assyria

, , , , .
Th e Agri D e cu mat e s fell under Rom an protection towards

th e close of the reig n of Augustus but were n ot incorporated ,
int o th e Empire till about A D 1 00 They consisted Of a tract . . .
between th e Upp er D a n ube a nd the M iddle Rhi n e reaching ,
fro m about In golstadt o n the one strea m to the mouth of the

L a h n upon the other a n d thus comprising m ost o f W u rt e m
,
berg and B aden together with a portion o f South western

,
-
Prussia The most important city in this regio n w as Sumal o

.
ce n n a on th e Upper M a in .
3 96 RAWL I N S O N
B ritain was co n quered as far as the D ee a n d the W a sh u n der

Claudius and w as probably at o n ce reduced to th e for m o f a
,
Roman province Th e chief tribes O f this portion of the island

.
were the C ant ii in Kent the Trinoba n tes in Essex the I ceni i n
, ,
Norfolk and Su ffolk the C aty e u ch l an i D ob u n i and C or nav i i

, , , ,
in the midland counties th e Regni in Sussex Surrey and , ,
Hants the B elgae in Som erset and Wilts the Dam n onii i n
, ,
D evon and Cor n wall the Silures i n South Wales and the
, ,
O rdovices in North Wales The m ost important cities were .
Cam ulodunum ( Colchester) Lo n dinium ( Lo n don ) V e ru l am i , ,
um ( St Alban s ) Isca ( Caerleon upon U sk) and D eva ( Ches

.
’
, ,
ter ) . U n der Nero and Vespasian further conquests were

made ; an d under Titus the frontier w as adva n ced as far n ort h
a s th e F r ith s O f Forth an d Clyde which the n ceforth formed ,
”
the real lim it o f B ritannia Rom ana The Highlands of .
Scotland remained in the p ossession of the C al e donii and no ,
a ttempt w as ever made to conquer Ireland ( Hibernia o r I er n e ) .
The tribes of the North were chiefly the D amnii Se l g ov ae and , ,
O t ade n i in th e S cotch Lowlands ; th e B rigantes in Y orkshire ,
Lancashire Cumberla n d Westm oreland and Durham ; and

, , ,
th e C or itani in Lincoln and Notts The most importa n t o f the .
Northern cities was Eboracum (Y ork ) .
Dacia which was added to the Empire by Traj an comprised

, ,
Hungary east of the Theiss together with the m odern prin ,
c ip ali t i e s o f Wallachia and M oldavia O n th e west th e Theiss .
separated it from th e Jazyges M e t anastae who held the tongue ,
o f land betwee n the Danub e and Th e i ss r i vers Th e Car .
p at h ian s form ed its boundary upon the n orth E a stward it .
reached to the H i e rasu s which is either the Sereth o r m ore

, ,
probably th e Pruth Southward it w as divided from Moesia by

.
the Danube The n ative capital was Z e rmiz e g e th u sa which

.
,
becam e Ulpia T rajana u n der th e Romans O ther importa n t .
towns were Tibi sc u m ( Tem esv a r ) Apulum ( C arl ob urg ) a nd , ,
Napoca ( Neumarkt) .
Armenia which like D acia was co n quered by Traj an ad

, , , ,
j oined upon the east the Roman province of Cappadocia an d ,
extended thence to the Caspian O n the n orth it was bounded .
by the river Kur or Cyrus on the south by th e M ons M asiu s , ,
on the south e a st by th e high m ou n tai n chai n betwee n the lake s

- -
of Va n an d Urumiyeh a nd by the river Araxes ( Ar a s) Its

,
.
chief cities were A r tax ata o n the Araxes Amida ( D i a rbekr ) i n ,
the upper valley o f th e Tigris and T i g ranoce rt a on the fl an ks

,
o f M ount N ip h at e s .
Mesopotam ia likewise one o f Traj an s conquests lay south

,
’
,
o f Arm eni a extending from the crest o f the M ons M asiu s al

,
m ost to the shore o f the Persian Gulf and comprising the whole ,
tract between the Euphrates and Tigris rivers Its ch ief .
regions were O srh oé n é a n d M yg donia in the n orth i n the ,
south B abylonia and M e sé n é I n Roma n times Seleucia o n .

, ,
th e Tigris was its m ost imp ortant city O ther places o f som e
, .
co n sequence were Edessa a n d C arrh ae ( Haran ) in O srh o é n é ,
N isib i s in M yg don ia Circesium n ear the m outh Of the Khabur

, ,
an d Hatr a in the desert between the Khabur and t h e Tigris .
Assyria conquered by Traj an a n d again by S e p t im i u s Se

, ,
verus lay east o f the Ti gris between that stre a m and th e m ou n

, ,
tains Southward it extended to the Lesser Zab or p erhaps t o

.
,
th e D iyal e h The o n ly town o f importa n ce which it co n t a ined

.
was Arbela .
H I ST O RI CAL S KETC H O F TH E R O M A N EM PI RE .
F I RST S ECT I O N .
From the B attle Of Actiu m , B C

. .
3 1, to the D e a th of C om
m odus , A D . .
I f we regard the reign of Augustus as comme n cing with the

victory o f Actium we must assign to his sole administration
,
the long term of forty fi v e ye a rs H e was thirt y two y ears o f

-
.
-
S our ces . T h e onl y c ont i nu ou s his t o r y w hich w e p o ss e ss fo r t his

p e r i o d i s t h at o f D i o C assi u s ( b o o ks li t o t h e l o s t p o r t i on s o f
.
w hose w o rk m ay b e s u ppli e d fr om th e abridgme nt of X i p h il i nus For .
th e earl i e r E mp e r o rs t h e mo s t i mp o rtant aut h o ri ty is T a ci tu s w h o s e ,
A nnal s an d H is t o ri e s g ave a c ont i nu ou s a cc o u nt o f R oman affairs

”
fr om th e cl o si n g y e ars o f A u g u s tu s t o t h e d e at h of D omi t i an U nfo r tu .
mat e l y l arg e p o rt i on s of b ot h t h e s e w o rks ar e l o s t an d n o abridgme nt

, ,
s u ppli e s t h e ir pl ac e M u ch i nte re s ti n g inf o rmation i s c onve y e d b y t h e

.
bi o graphic al w o rk o f S u e t on i u s ( vi tae x ii C ae sar u m i n w hich t i m e

.
h as l u ck i l y mad e n o g ap s ; b u t th e s c an d al ou s s t ori e s t o ld b y t his

an e cd ot e m on g e r ar e no t al w ay s t o b e r e c e ive d as t r uth
- S ome l i gh t .
3 98 RAWL I N S O N
age whe n he Obtained the u n disputed mastery of the Roma n

world : he lived to be seventy seven This lo n g tenure Of -
.
power j oi n ed to his ow n prude n ce and sagacity enabled him

, ,
t o settle the foundatio n s of the Empire o n so fi r m and solid

a basis that they were never except for a moment shake n
, , ,
afterwards To his prudence a n d sagacity it was also due that

.
the Empire took the particular shape which in point of fa ct

it at first assumed ; that instead of being like the kingdom s
, ,
o f the East a n open and undisguised despotism it was a n

, ,
absol u te monarchy concealed under republican forms Warned .
by the fate o f Julius the inheritor o f his position resolved t o

,
cloa k his assumptio n Of supreme and unlimited authority

under all possible constitutional formalities Carefully e s .
”
chewing every illega l title avoiding even the name D ictator
, ,
to which unpleas a nt recollections att a ched from its having bee n

borne by M arius and Sulla he built up a composite p ower b y
,
simply obtaining for himself in a way generally recognized ,
as legal all the various O ffices Of the State which had any real
,
political si gnificance These O ffices moreover were mostl y

.
, ,
taken not in perpetuity but for a term of years a n d were

, ,
renewed from tim e to tim e a t the pressing instance o f the

Senate Som e of them were also to a certain extent shared
.
, ,
with others — a further apparent safeguard State and gran .
d eur were a t the sam e tim e avoided ; no new insignia o f o ffice

were introduced ; the ma n ners and deportment Of the ruler
were citizen —like Thus both the great parties in the State
.
were fairly satisfied : it was not di fficult for republicans to

flatter themselves that the Republic still existed ; while mo n
ar c h i st s were with better re a so n co n vinced that it had p a ssed
away forever .
The chief app a rent check on the authority o f Augustus was

the Senate Retaining the prestige o f a great name favorabl y
.
,
regarded by large numbers among the people and possessed ,
o f considerable powers in respect o f t a xation o f a dministration , ,
is t hr o w n u p on t h e r e i gn s A u g u s t u s an d T i b e r i u s b y t h e H i s t o r y
of
o f V e ll e i u s P at e r c u l u s a n d o n t h o s e o f G alb a an d O t h o b y t h e i r
.
L ive s i n Pl ut arch T h e O ri e nt al h i s t o r y of t h e p e ri o d r e c e iv e s i m
.
p o rt ant i ll u s t r at i on fr om t h e t w o gr e at w o rks o f J o s e ph u s A nti q ui

t ate s J u dai cae and D e B e ll o J u d ai c o
a nd O f n omination to high O ffices the Sen a te had it been ani

, ,
mated by a bold and courageous spirit might have form ed not ,
m erely an ornamental adj unct to the throne but a real coun ,
t e r bal an ci ng p ower in the State a barrier against oppressio n

,
an d tyranny The Senate had its ow n treasury ( ce rar i um)

.
,
which was distinct from the privy purse (fiscus) of the Emperor ;
it divided with the Emperor the gover n m ent of the Roman
world having it s own senatorial provinces (pr ov i ncice S e natus)
, ,
a s he had his imperial ones (pr ov inciaz C ce sar is) ; it appointed

“ ” “ ”
presidents and proconsuls to administer the o n e a s ,
“
he did his lieutenants ( leg oti) to administer the other It .
w a s recogn ized as the ultimate seat o f all civil power a nd

”
a uthority It alone conferred the imperium or right to
.
,
exercise rule over the provincials a n d the citizens Legally .
an d constitutionally the Emperor derived his authority fro m

,
the Senate ; and it was always the a cknowledgm ent of the Sen
a te by whatever m eans Obtained which was regarded as im
, ,
parting legitimacy to the pretensions o f any new aspirant .
The Senate w a s however prevented from proving any e ff ectual

, ,
check upo n the pri n ce by the cupidity and timidity which

prevailed among its m embers All the bolder spirits had p er
.
i sh e d in the civil wars ; an d the senators o f Augustus elevated ,
o r confirmed in their seats by him preferred courting his favor

,
by adulation to imperilling their position by the display of a n

inconve n ie n t independence As tim e went on and worse Em
.
,
p e ror s th an Augustus filled his place th e conduct which had ,
bee n at first dictated b y selfish hop es continued as th e result

o f fear . O ver the head o f everyone who thwarted the imperi a l
will imp ended like the sword o f D amocles the lex de maj
, ,
”
estate . B y degrees the Senate relinquished all it s powers ,
o r suff ered them to b ecom e merely nomin a l ; a n d the Roman
prince became as a bsolute a despot as ever was O rie n tal

shah or sultan .
D urin g th e principate of Au g ustus the p eople continued

,
t o possess s om e rem n ants o f their ancient privileges While .
the Emperor nominated absolutely th e consuls and one half -
of the other m agistrates the tribes elected from amo n g candi

, ,
dates who m th e Emperor h a d approved the rem a inder Legis , .
l a tio n followed its Old cours e a n d the e n tire serie s o f Leges

,
4 00 RAWL I N S O N
Juliae e na cted under Augustus received the sa n ction of both ,
the Senate and the Centuries The j udicial rights alone of the .
people were at this tim e absolutely extinguished the p r e ro g a ,
tive of pardon which the Emperor a ssumed taking the place

”
o f the provocatio ad populum B ut the tendency o f the .
Empire was n atur a lly to infringe more and more on the re

, ,
maini n g p opular rights ; and though a certain show o f elec ,
tio n a n d a certain title t o a share in legislation were mai n tained

, ,
by the great assemblies up to the tim e whe n the Empire fell ,
yet p ractically from the reign o f Tiberius the people ceased

t o possess any real politic a l power o r privilege .
The political p ower of which the Se n ate a n d p eople were

,
deprived could not i n so large an empire as Rome be a ll

, , ,
exercised by o ne m an It was necessary that the Emperor

.
should either devolve upo n his favorites gre a t part of the a ctual
work of gover n ment o r that he should be assisted in his la
,
b o rio u s duties by a regularly co n stituted Council o f St a te .
The temper a nd circumstances of Augustus inclined hi m t o

adopt the more liberal course ; and hence the institution in his
time ( B C 2 7) o f a Privy Council ( conci li um secr etum pr incipis)
. .
,
in which all important a ff a irs of State were debated a n d legis

l ative measures were prepared a nd put into shape The je al .
o nsy o f his successors allowed this i n stitution to drop ou t o f

the imperi a l syste m and substituted favorites — the m ere cre a t
,
ures of the pri n c e — for the leg a ll y constituted cou n cillors o f

Augustu s .
As it was th e Obj ect of Augustus to conceal so far as p os ,
sible the greatness o f the ch a nge which his measures eff ected
,
in the gover n ment the magistr a tes o f the Republic were in

,
almost every instance m a intai n ed though with powers greatly ,
diminished The St a te h a d still its consuls pr aetors qu aestors

.
, , ,
ae diles a nd tribunes ; but thes e m a gistr a cies co n veyed dignity

,
rather tha n authority and were coveted chiefly as distinctio n s

, .
The really importa n t O ffi ces were certai n new ones which the ,
cha n ged conditio n of a ff a irs re n dered n ecess a ry ; as especially ,
the p raefe ctu r e of the city ( pr wfectur a ur bis) an o ffice r e ,
stored from the old rega l times a n d the comm an dership of ,
the pr ae tori an guard ( pr wfectur a cohor tium pr wtorior um) which ,
bec a me shortly the second dignity i n the St a te .

It w a s indeed in the m ilitar y rather th an in the civil insti

, ,
t ut i ons o f the empire that something like a real check existed

,
upon the caprices o f arbitr a ry power so th a t misgover n me n t ,
beyond a certain point w as rendered dangerous The security .
o f the empire against both external and inter n al foes required
the maintenance o f a standing army o f great magnitude ; and

the necessity of conciliating the aff ections or at least retaining ,
the respect of this arm ed force imposed limits that few but
, ,
madmen overstepped on the imperial liberty o f action N ot

, .
only had the pr aetorians and their O fficers to be kept in good

hum or but th e fiv e —
, and — twenty o r thirty legions upon the
frontiers— no c a rpet soldiers but hardy troops the real salt , ,
o f the Roman world — had to b e favorably impressed if an ,
emperor wished to feel himself securely seated upon h is throne .
This check w as the more valuable as practic a lly none other , , ,
existed It su ffi ced during the p eriod with which we are here
.
,
m ore especially co n cerned— that from Augustus to Com modus

— t o render good government the rule and tyra n n y th e com ,
p ar at iv e l y rare exception onl y about 5 7 years o u t o f th e 2 2 3

,
having be en years o f su fferin g and oppres sion .
The organization o f the army w as somewhat compli c a ted .
The entire military force may be divided under the two h eads
o f those troops which preserved order at Rom e and those ,
which maintai n ed the terror of the Rom an nam e in the prov

i nc e s
. The troops of the cap ital were of two ki n ds : the p rze
t or i an s o f whom an accou n t has been given o n p 4 00 a nd the
,
.
,
city cohorts ( cohor tes u r bance ) a s ort of arm ed police wh ose, ,
number in th e tim e of Augustus w a s 6000 The troops mai n .
t ai n e d in the provi n ces were likewise o f two kinds : those o f

the regular army o r the legionaries and th e irregulars w h o
, ,
“
were called auxilia i e au x iliar Ie s The legions consti
,
. .
, .
”
t u t e d the main stre n gt h o f the system They were divisions .
,
”
n ot regiments Each of them comprised the three ele
.
ments Of a Roma n army— horse foot and artillery— in certai n , ,
definite proportions and ( in the tim e O f Au gustus ) n umb ered

,
probably a little under 7000 m en Augustus m aint a ined .
twenty fiv e legio n s who formed thus a military force ar m ed

-
, ,
and trained in the b est p ossible w a y which did not fall much ,
short of The auxili a ries or troop s supplied b y the ,
26
4 02 RAWL I N S O N
p rovincials were about equal in number Thus the entire

,
.
force maintained in the early empire may be reckoned at 3 50 ,
000 or men.
The disposition o f the legions varied from tim e to time but ,
only within somewhat narrow limits the military stren g th ,
o f the empire being always m assed principally upon the north
e m and eastern frontiers o r o n th e lines o f the Rhine

,
the ,
Danube and the Euphrates where alone had the Roma n s at

, ,
this date any formidable foreign enemies Thirteen or four .
teen legions usually guarded the northern O r European fron , ,
tier distributed i n nearly equal proportions between the Rhen

,
ish and the Danubian provinces I n the East from four to

.
,
seve n legio n s su fficed to keep in check the barbarians of Asia .
Three legions were comm only required by Sp a in which al ,
ways cherished hopes o f independence The import a nt prov .
ince of Egypt required the presence of two legions and the ,
rest of Roman Africa was guarded by an equal n umber Two .
legions were also usually stationed in B ritain after its conquest .
The older and more p eaceful provinces as Gallia Narbonensis , ,
Sardinia Sicily Macedonia Ach aea Asia B ithynia etc were

, , , , , ,
.
,
unoccupied by any regular force order being maintained in ,
them by som e inconsiderable native levies .
The financial system o f the Empire di ffered but little fro m

that of the later Republic both th e sources of reve n ue a nd th e
,
item s o f expenditure being for the most part identical A u

, , .
gustus contented himself in the m ain with simplifying the

, ,
practice which h e found established only in a very fe w cases ,
adding a new impost The revenue continued t o be derived

.
from the two great sources Of the State property and taxes ; ,
and these last continued to be either Direct o r Indirect The ,

.
chief expenditure was on the military force land and naval ; ,
o n th e civil service ; o n public works ; and o n shows and lar
gesses It is di ffi cult t o form a n exact estimate o f the probable

.
amount of these s everal item s ; but on the whole it seems , ,
most likely that the entire an n ual exp enditure must have
amounted to at least twenty —fiv e millions of pounds sterling .
Though it was as a civil administrator that Augustus ob

t ai n e d his c h i e f re p u t at i on yet much Of his atte n tio n was a lso
‘
given to military a ff a irs and the w a rs in which he e n ga ged

, ,
either i n person or by his lieutena n ts were n umerous a n d i m ,
p ortant The complete subj ugation O f Northern and North

.
western Spain was e ffected partly by himself partly by A g r ip , ,
pa and C ar i si u s in the space Of nine years from B C 2 7 to 1 9

, ,
. . .
In B C 2 4 an attempt w as made by ZE li u s Gallus to extend

. .
,
the dominion O f Rom e into the spice region o f Arabia Felix ;

but this expedition was unsuccessful B etter fortune attended .
o n th e e fforts of the Emperor s step sons Drusus and

’
-
,
in the years B C I 6 and 1 5 t o red u ce the independent tribes

. .
,
o f the Eastern Alps especially the Rh aetians and V i n de l i c i an s , .
Two campaigns su fficed for the complet e reduction o f the e m ~
tire tract between the Lombardo Venetian plain and the course -
”
o f the Upper Danube the fortress of m odern freedom More ,
.
di fficulty however w as experienced in subduing the tribes o f

, ,
the M iddle a nd Lower Danube In Noricum Pannonia and .

, ,
Moesia a galla n t spirit Of independence showed itself ; and it

,
was o n ly after frequent revolts that the subj ugation of these

tracts w as e ffected ( between B C 1 2 and A D . . . .
B ut the m ost imp ortant o f all the Roman wars o f this period
was that with the Germans The rapid conquest of Gaul and .
o f the tracts south o f the Da n ube encouraged the Romans to
hop e for similar success against the tribes who dwelt in Cen
tral Europe betwee n the Danube and the B altic I n a m ilitary
,
.
point o f view it would h a ve been a vast gain could they have

, ,
adva n ced their frontier t o the line o f the Vistula and the
D niester Augustus seem s t o have conceived such a desi gn
. .
Accordingly from about the year B C 1 2 systematic e fforts

,
. .
,
were made for th e subj ugation of the German races east o f

the Rhin e and north of the Danube the Usipetes Chatti Si , , ,
g amb r i Suevi Cherusci Marcomanni etc

, ,
From the year , ,
.
B C 1 2 to A D 5 a continuous series o f attac ks was directed

. . . .
,
against these n ations first by Drusus and then after his death , , ,
(B C . . by Tiberius Vast armies penetrated deep into the .
interior ; fleets coasted the norther n shore and ascended t h e

great rivers to c o operate with the land force ; forts were erect-
ed ; the Roma n language and laws were introduced ; and the

entire tr a ct between the Rhine and the Elbe was brought into
a pp a re n t sub j ectio n B ut the real spirit o f th e n a tion was .
* Tib ri s
e u w a s a ls o t h e so n i n l aw o f A u g u s t u s h avin g m arr i e d - -
,
J u l ia t h e d au gh t e r o f A u gu s tu s
,
.
4 04 RAWL I N S O N
unsubdued Aft er a b rief p eriod o f sulle n submissio n (A D

. . .
5 t o revolt sudden l y broke out ( A D Arm inius a p r ince . .

,
o f th e Cheru sci took the lead Th e Rom an s were a ttacked

,
.
,
three entire legi ons under Varus destroyed and German inde ,
p e n d e n c e recovered Hencefo rt h though Rome someti mes .

, ,
in ostentation o r as a measure of precaution marched her

, ,
arm ies into the dis t ri ct between th e Rhine an d th e Elbe yet ,
no att empt w as made at conquest or p ermanent occupation .
The Rhine an d Danub e b ecam e the reco g nized limits of the

empire and except the Agri D e c u mat e s Rome held n o la n d
, , ,
on th e r ight bank O f the form er river .
Th e internal tran quillity of Rome w a s duri n g th e whole of

A u gu st u s s long reign never once interrupted Revolutionary
’
.
passions had to a great extent exhausted themselves a n d the ,
prudence and vi gi lance O f the Emperor never relaxed The .
art s of peace flouri shed Au gustus found Rom e of brick an d .
”
le ft it O f marble H e gave a warm encouragement to litera
.
t u re and with such eff ect that the m ost brilliant p eriod O f ea ch
,
n ation s literar y history i s w ont to take nam e from him Vir

’
.
g i l H orace O vi d Tib ul lus Prop ertius V ari u s Li v y a dorn ed

, , , , , , ,
his court and formed an assemblage of talent never sur passed

,
and rarely equall ed Commerce pursued its course securel y .
under his rule and though a little checked by sumptu a r y laws

, , ,
becam e continually more and more profitabl e M uch att ention .
was gi ven to agric u lture ; and th e producti veness of the land ,
both in Italy and the provinces increased Altogether the , .

,
Au g ustan age m u st be regarded as on e o f much materi al pros

p e ri t y elegance an d refinem ent ; and it can create n o surp ri se
, ,
that the mass of the population were contented wi th the new

r eg i me .
The good fortun e Of Au gustus w hi ch the a ncie n ts ad

-
,
mired was lim ited to his public and did not a ttach to his pri
, ,
vate life H e su ffered greatly from ill health more especially

.
,
in his ea rlier years Though thrice married— to Claudi a to .

,
S c r i b on i a and to Livi a— h e had no son ; and his only daughter

, ,
J u lia dis graced him by her excesses His first son in law
, .
- -
,
Marcellus was c u t O ff by S ic k ness in the flower of his age

,
and his second Agrippa died wh en he was but a li ttle more

, ,
than fifty Towards his third Tiberius h e n ever felt w a rmly ;

.
, ,
an d it w a s from n ecessit y r a ther than choice that h e ra ised him

to the second place in the empire It was n o doubt among his .
m ost cherished wishes to have been succeeded by o ne of hi s

o w n blood ; but of the three S ons born to his daughter Jul ia , ,
th e two elder Caius and Lucius died j ust a s they reached ma n

, ,
hood the latter in A D 2 the former i n A D 4 whi le the third

, . .
, . .
, ,
Agrippa Posthumus was of so dull an d stolid a temperament , ,
that not even th e pa rtialit y of family a ff ection could bli n d the

Emperor to his u nfitn e ss Deprived thus o f a ll suppo rt fro m .
those o f his o w n r a ce and lineage Au gu stus i n his O l d age ,
w as forced to l ean wholly upo n his wife and the male scions
o f her fam ily These were Tiberius th e son and Germ an icus
.
, , ,
the grandso n o f Livi a so n O f the dece a sed D rusus Whe n , .
the a ged Emperor feel in g the approach of death resolved t o , ,
m ake di stinct arrangeme n ts for the succession his choice fe l l ,
o n the former who m he adopted and associated with h im self

, ,
in some of th e m ost imp ortant of the imp erial fun cti o n s At .
the s a m e time h e required Tiberius to adopt hi s n ephew Ger

, ,
m an i cu s a nd gave th e latter th e hand of his ow n g randdau g h

,
ter Agr ipp in a Au gustus lived to s ee (A D 1 2) the birth of

,
. . .
a great gra n dson th e issu e Of this un ion and thus left on e m a l e

-
, ,
descendant who in course of tim e i n herited his crown

, .
Au gu stus died A D 1 4 i n the s eventy seve n th yea r of h is

. .
,
-
age There is no reason to b elieve that hi s end was hasten ed

.
by Livia or by any of those a bout him His h ea lth had long

, .
been giving wa y and but for the te n der c a r e Of hi s att a ched

, ,
wife h e would probably have di ed sooner H is pl a ce was

,
.
take n after som e coquetry by Tibe r ius with the e n tire a sse n t
, , ,
Of the Sen at e a nd p eople of Rom e though not wi thout Opposi

tion on th e p a rt of th e a rm y It I S import an t to Obse rve that .
,
even at this earl y date th e legion s had an i n kli n g Of their ,
stren gt h a n d would have p roclaimed an emperor and dr aw n

, ,
their swords i n his cause had not the Obj ect of their choice , ,
Germa n icus shrunk from th e treaso n Tiberius w as in debted

,
.
to th e generosit y o f his young kinsma n or to his w a nt O f am ,
b it i on for his establishment in th e imp e r ial di g ni ty without

,
a st ruggle It is p erhaps n ot surp rising that h e felt m ore jeal

.
ou sy th a n gratitude tow a rds o n e w h o h a d bee n procl aimed his
r iv a l ; but h e c an not be exo n er a ted from bl a me for so mani

4 05 R AWL I N S O N
festing his j ealousy as to make it generally felt th a t t o vex ,
thwart o r inj ure his n ephew was the shortest way to his f avor
, .
The reign O f Tiberius may be conveniently divided into three

p eriods —from h i s accession to his retireme n t from the capital
A D to 6 1 2 years ) ; from his retirement t o the death
( . 1 4 . 2 :
o f Sej anus ( A D 2 6 to. years ) ; and from the death

.
o f Sej anus t o his o w n ( A D 3 1 to years ) The main

. . .
events O f the first period were the exploits and death o f Ger
m an i c u s ; the rise of Sej anus to power ; and the death O f Dru
su s Tiberius s only s on During three years Germa n icus at
’
.
,
tempted the r e conquest of Western Germany and ravaged

-
,
with his legions th e entire country between the Rhine and the
El b e B u t n o p ermanent e ffect was produced by his incur
.
sion s ; and Tiberius after a while removed him from the West
, ,
to the East fearful p erhaps of his becomin g t oo dear to the

,
Germa n legions In the managem ent o f the East he gave

.
him as a coadj utor the ambitious and reckless Piso who ,
sought to bring his administration into contempt and was ,
believed to have rem oved h i m by p oison It is perhaps u n .
certain whether Germanicus did not really die a natur a l death ,
though his own conviction that he was poisoned i s indubit a ble .
The rise of Sej anus to p ower is to b e connected with the

general policy Of Tiberius as a ruler which was characterized ,
by a curious mixture Of suspiciousness with over c onfide n c e -

.
D istrusting his ow n abilities doubtful of his right to the throne , ,
h e saw o n every side o f him possible rivals— aspirants who

m ight thrust him from his high place The n oblest and wealth .
iest of th e Patricians the members and connections of th e

,
Julian house and th e princes o f his ow n family were the e s

, ,
p e c ial obj ects o f his j ealousy These therefore he sought .

, ,
to depress ; he called none o f them t o his a id ; he formed of

”
them no Privy Council as Augustus h a d do n e but resolved , ,
to administer the entire empire by his ow n unassisted e xe r

tions Indefatigable as h e was in business this after a while
.
, , ,
he found to be impossible ; and h e was thus led t o look o ut

for a h elper w h o should be too m ean in origin a nd position
,
t o be dangerous while h e possessed the qualities which would

,
render him u seful Such an on e h e thought to h a ve found in

.
JE l i u s Sej anus the mere so n of a Ro ma n k n ight a provincial

, ,
Of V ul sinn whom he made Pr aetoria n Prefect a nd who

, ,
gradually acquired over him the m ost unbounded influence .
The death O f Drusus was the result o f the criminal a mbitio n

o f Sej a n us which n othing could content short of the first place
,
in the empire Having seduced L iv i lla the wife Of Drusus

.
,
an d n iece o f Tiberius Sej anus wi th her aid took him o ff by

, , ,
poison (A D . .H is crime being undiscovered he soo n ,
afterwards ( A D 2 5 ) requested the p ermission of Tiberius t o

. .
marry the widow The request took Tiberius by surprise ;

.
it op ened his eyes to h is fa vorite s ambition but it did not a t ’
once destroy his influence Declining the proposal made to .
him h e allowed h i s minister to persuade him to quit Ro m e

, ,
retire to C ap r e ae and yield i n to his h an ds the e n tire conduct

,
o f a ffa irs at the capital .
The influence Of Sej anus was n ow at its height a nd was ,
ma de u se of in tw o ways — t o remove the chief remaining m e m

bers of the imperial family an d to obtain his ow n admission ,
into it B y lies and intrigues he procured the arrest a n d i m

.
prisonment of A g rippina and her t w o elder s ons Nero and ,
Drusus B y pressing his claims h e Obt a ined at last th e con

.
,
s ent of the Emperor t o the marri a ge whereto he aspired a nd ,
w as actually betrothed t o L iv il l a At the sam e time h e was .

,
made j oint consul with his m aster B ut at this point his good .
fortune stopp ed In the very a ct of raising his favorite so high

.
,
the Emperor had become j ealous of h i m Signs of his changed .
feelings soon appeared ; and Sej anus anxious t o anticipate ,
the blow which h e felt to be impending formed a plot to a s ,
sassi n at e his master Failing however to act with due prompt

.
, ,
n ess he was betrayed

, degr a ded fro m h is comm an d seized
, , ,
and executed A D 3 1 , . . .
It might have b ee n hoped th a t Tiberius relieved from the ,
influe n ce o f his cruel a n d crafty minister would have reverted ,
t o th e ( comparatively ) mild policy o f his earlier ye a rs B ut .
the a ctual result was the reverse o f this The discovery th a t

‘
he had been deceived in the man on whom alone he h a d r e

posed co n fide n ce rendered h im m ore suspicious tha n ever
, .
The k n owledge which he n ow acquired that his ow n son h a d

, ,
bee n murdered a ff righted h im Henceforth Tiberius bec a m e

,
.
a mo n ster of t y ranny bec a use he trusted no on e be c a use he

, ,
4 08 RAWL I N S O N
sa w i n mer i t of whatever kind a t o n ce a repro a ch an d a dan ‘
ger Hence a Reign of Terror followed the executio n of

.
Sej an us In the fall of the favorite all his friends all who h a d
.
,
paid court to him were implic a ted ; i n the guilt of L iv i l l a the

, ,
equal guilt o f the other rel a tives of Germanicus w as regarded

as proved Nero therefore Drusus a nd Agrippi na as w e ll
.
, , , ,
a s L iv il la were put t o death ; hu n dreds of nobles me n wo m e n

, , , ,
and eve n children were m a ss a cred The cruel tyr a nt skulking

, .
,
in hi s island abode issued h is bloody decrees a n d at the sam e

, ,
time gave himself up to str an ge and un n atural forms of p rofli

g cy seeki n g in them perhaps a refuge fro m remorse
a , , At .
length when he had reached his seventy —

, eighth y ear h is strong ,
constitution failed and he died after a short illness A D 3 7

, ,
. . .
The political and legal cha n ges belonging to the reign o f

Tiberius were not ma n y i n n u mber but they were o f c on sid ,
e r ab l e importance Am ong his first acts was the exti n ctio n

.
o f the last vestige of popular liberty by the withdr a wal fro m ,
the comitia tributa Of all share i n the a ppointm ent o f magis

trates Their right o f selection from amo n g the Emperor s
.
’
candid a tes was transferred to the S en a te an d henceforth the ,
tribes met m erely pr o for u m to co n firm the choice of th a t bod y , .
A seco n d and still m ore vital ch an ge w as the usurpatio n b y

, ,
the Emperor of the right to co n dem n t o de a th and execute ,
without trial a ll those w h o were obnoxious to h im or a t a ny

, ,
rate all whom the tribunals h a d once co m m itted t o prison .
A third i nn ov a tion was the exte n sio n o f th e lex de ma j es ,
t a te to words a nd even thoughts and the i n troduction b y ,
these m eans of constructive treaso n i n to the list of capital

o ffences It is scarcely necess a r y to observe h ow these changes
.
tended in the directio n of despotism which w a s still further ,
prom oted by the establishment of the entire bod y o f prae toria n

guards in a camp immediately outside of Rom e for the sole ,
purpose o f overawing and if n eed were coerci n g the citize n s

, , , .
The demise o f Tiberius reve a led a vital defect in the imperial

system viz the want o f a n y regular a nd est a blished l a w of
, .
,
succession Tiberius had associated n obody had desi gna ted

.
,
n obod y b y his will had left the State to shift for itself c a reless
, ,
whether or n o there followed on his dece a se a deluge U nde r .
these circumst an ces the Sen ate the prae tori a ns a nd the p eople
, , ,
might a ll co n ceive th a t the ri g ht of a ppoi n ti n g an i mper a to r ,

if not eve n that of determi n i n g whether or n o any n ew i m

r at or should be appoi n ted rested with them A collisio n
p e , .
m ight easily have occurred but the circumst an ces were fort ,
u n at e ly such as t o produce a complete a ccord between the
three p ossible disputants *

Soldiers Senate and p eople united
.
, ,
i n putting a side an y glowing dream o f the Republic and in ,
calling to the throne Caius the only surviving s on o f Ger ,
manicu s an d Agrippi n a whose parentage rendered him u n i ,
v e r sal ly popul a r while h i s age w as suitable a n d h i s ch a racter

, , ,
so far as it w a s k n ow n unobj ectio n able , .
The reign of C a ius or Caligul a as h e is ge n erall y ter med

, , ,
l a sted less than four y ears ( fro m M arch A D 3 7 t o J an u a ry , . .

, ,
A D . . but w as long enough t o fully display the disastrous

e ffects of th e p ossession Of a rbitr a ry power on a weak and
ill balanced mind At first mild ge n erous a n d seemingly ami
-
.
, ,
a ble h e rap idly degener a ted i n to a cruel and fantastic tyrant

, ,
savage m erciless and mocking D issipating i n a few months

, , .
the vast hoards of Tiberius w h o had left in the treasury a sum ,
exceedin g twe n t y one millions of o u r mo n ey h e was drive n

-
,
to supply h is n eeds i n part b y an oppressive t a xation but

, ,
mai n ly fro m confiscat ions of l a rge estates to procure which ,
it w a s o n l y n e cess a r y to make a free use of t h e l a w o f maj

”
est a s . Executions suicides exiles followed each other
, ,
throughout his reign i n an u n ceasing successio n the E mperor ,
beco m ing m ore an d m ore c a reless o f bloodshed The most .
w an to n extr a v a ga n ce exh a usted the resources of the St a te .
N o t co n te n t with the ordi na r y form s o f p ro fli g acy Caius lived ,
i n ope n i n cest with his sister Drusilla After his ow n severe , .
illness a n d her death ( A D

,
the violence of his feelin g s
. .
,
which he h a d lo n g ce a sed t o co n trol a nd the str an ge co n tr a st , ,
which those eve n ts brought ho m e to him betwee n h is we a kness ,
and his stre n gth h is unlimited power over th e lives of others

, ,
and his impote n ce t o a vert de a th s ee m t o have sh a ttered his ,
r eason an d t o h a ve re n dered h im a ctuall y i n s a ne H is s elf

,
.
de ifi cat ion his architectural extrav a ga nces his a bsurd e x p e

, ,
dit ions a n d still wilder proj ects which a ll belo n g t o the l a tter ,
half of h is reign h a ve bee n j ustly thought t o i n dic a te th a t his

,
mi n d w as a ctu a ll y u n hinged The a wful spectacle of a mad .
“
*
Th e t hr e e d i s p utant s r e fe rr e d t o w e r e C aiu s C l au d i us and , .
T i b e r iu s Se me llus .
410 RAWL I N S O N
man absolute master of the civilized world is here presented t o

us ; and the peril inherent in the despotic form of government
i s shown in the clearest light The human su ff ering com
.
’
pressed into Caligul a s short reign can scarcely be calculated .
What would have been the result had he been allowed t o live ,
o u t h i s natural term o f life ? Fortunately for the world tyr ,
anny when it reaches a certai n point provokes resistance

, , .
Caius was struck down in the fourth year o f his reign and ,
the thirtieth of his life by the swords of two o f his guards

, ,
whom he had insulted beyond endurance .
This sudden blow whereby the State was left wholly without
,
a head was an event for which the imp erial constitution had
,
made no provision ; and its occurrence produced a crisis Of

vast importance fo r its e ffect o n the imperial constitution itself ,
which su ffered a modification Two questions presented the m .
selves to be determin ed by the course Of eve n ts Was the

Empire accidental and temporary or was it the regular and ,
”
established form o f government ? And In the latter case ,
w ith whom did it rest in case of a sudde n vacancy for which

,
”
no preparation had b een made to select a successor ?
,The
all but entire abolition o f the Comitia put the claim of the peop l e
t o be heard on either point o u t o f the question : the deter
mination necessarily rested with the Senate o r the soldiers .
Had the Senate been su fficiently prompt it might not i m p r ob ,
ably have determined b oth points in its ow n favor ; it might

have restored the Republic o r it might have nominated a n
,
emp eror B ut it was unprepared ; it hesitated ; it occupied

.
itself with talk ; and the opportunity which it might have ,
seized passed away forever For the praetorians a ccide n tall y

,
.
,
finding Claudius in the palace and aware of the hesitatio n ,
of the Senate assum ed the right of choice proclaimed him

, ,
emperor and thereby asserted and established both the fi x ity

,
o f the E m pire and the right Of the army to nominate the i m
p e r at or H enceforth for more than half a century the nominees

.
o f the army wore the crown and the Senate was co n tent with
,
’
the mere ratification Of the army s choice .
Claudius who s ucceeded Caius was his uncle being the

, , ,
younger brother o f Germanicus and thus though connected , ,
with the Julian house not by birth a member o f it His reig n

,
.
l a sted between thirteen and fourtee n y e a rs from J a n uar y A D , , . .
4 1 to O ctober A D 5 4
, Though mild diligent and well
, . . .
, ,
intentioned he was by nature and education u nfitte d to rule

, ,
more especi a lly in a corrupt commo n wealth Shy weak and .

, ,
“
awkward he had been considered from his birth wanting
, ,
had been debarred fro m public life till he was forty six years -
o f age a n d had acquired the temper a n d habits o f a recluse

,
student Left to himself he might have reigned respect a bly

.
,
but it was his m isfortune to fall under the influence Of p ersons

grievously unprincipled whose characters he was unable to ,
read and who made him their tool and cat s paw H is wives
,
’
-
.
,
M essalina and Agrippina an d his freedm e n Pallas a nd N a r , ,
cissus had the real direction o f a ffairs during his reig n ; a nd

,
it was to them and n ot to Cl a udius himself that the corruptio n

, ,
a nd cruelties which disgraced his principat e were owing The .
death Of the infamous M essalina to which he consented can , ,
n ot be charged a gainst him as a crime for it was thoroughl y ,
m erited ; and the sway o f Agrippina though in the end it had ,
disastrous e ff ects was not without counterbalancing adv an

,
tages The princess who recalled Seneca from exile and made
.
him her son s tutor w h o advanced to power the honest B ur

’
rhus and protected many an accused noble cannot be re

, ,
garded as wholly a malign influence Her fear o f su ffering .
the punishment due to her infidelity and her natural desire ,
to see her son upo n the throne led her on at last to crim e ,
Of the deep est dye She took advantage of her position to .
poison the unhappy Claudius in the sixty fourth y ear of his -
ag e ,and the fourteenth of his reign .
Claudius left behind h im a son B ritan n icus w h o w a s how , ,

’
ever but thirteen years ol d at his father s death The crown .
,
therefore n aturally fell t o his adopted son Nero who had

, , ,
married his daughter O ctavi a and who was moreover a , , , ,
direct desce n d an t of Augustus Proclaim ed by th e p r mt orian s .
as soon as the dem ise Of his father in — law was known he -

,
was at once accepted by the Senate whom th e circumst a nces ,
o f the elevation of Claudius had made conscious o f their
we a kness Th e feelings which greeted his accession were

.
similar to those called forth on a similar occasion by C a ligula .
N othing but good could it w as thought proceed from the , ,

4I 2 RAWL I N S O N
gra n dso n of Germanicus the comr a de o f Luc a n the pupil , ,
of Seneca Nor were these hopes disappoi n ted for a c on si d

.
e r ab l e time During the first five y ears of his principate

.
the famous quinquennium N e ronis —all went well at any

”
,
”
rate outside the palace ; the golden a ge see med to have
,
returned ; Nero forbade delatio n re mitted taxes gave liber a l , ,
largesses made assignments o f lands enriched the tre a sury

, ,
from his private stores removed som e o f the burdens o f the ,
provincials During this period Se n eca a n d B urrhus were his

.
advisers ; and their j udicious counsels produced a mild but

firm governme n t Withi n the palac e there were indeed al
.
, ,
ready scandals a n d crimes : the impatie n t so n and the exacting

m other soon qu a rrelled ; a nd the quarrel led to the first o f
’
Nero s domestic tr a gedies the poisoning of B ritan n icus ( A D , . .
This was soon followed by the disgrace of the queen

m other w h o was banished from court and made the obj ect
,
o f cruel suspicions The gay prince passing his time in amuse

.
,
m e n ts a nd debaucheries fell n ow ( A D 5 8) under the infl u , . .
ence of a fierce and ambitious woma n the infamous Popp aea ,
Sabina wife o f O tho who consented to be his mistress and

, , ,
aspired to becom e his queen At her i n stigation Nero assassi .
n af ed first his m other Agripp ina ( A D an d then his wife . .
O ct a via ( A D who m he had previously repudiated He

. . .
n ow plunged into evil courses o f all kinds H e m urdered .
B urrhus broke with Seneca and put himself under the dir e c
, ,
tion of a n ew favorite Tigellinus a man o f the worst character

, , .
Henceforth he was altogether a tyrant Reckless in his ex .
t r av ag an ce h e encouraged delation in order to replenish his

,
treasury ; he oppressed the provincials by imposing on them

forced contributio n s over a nd above th e taxes ; he shocked
,
public Opinion by performi n g as a singer and a charioteer b e

fore his subj ects ; he displayed complete indi ff ere n ce to the
su ff erings of the Romans at the tim e of the gre a t fire ; he
Openly encouraged prostitution and eve n worse vices ; a nd
he bega n the cruel practice of persecuting Jews and Christia n s
fo r their Opinions which disgraced the empire from his tim e
,
t o that of Co n st an tine After this tyranny had endured for

.
five ye a rs somethin g of a S pirit o f resista n ce appeared ; c on

,
sp ir ac y ve n tured t o r a ise its he a d but o n l y t o be dete ct e d an d ,

struck dow n ( A D Fear now m ade the E m peror m ore

. .
cruel th a n ever Executions an d a ssassi n atio n s followed each

.
other i n more a n d m ore rapid succession All the rich and .
powerful all the desce n dants o f Augustus all those who were
, ,
noted for virtue lost their lives At last he grew j ealous o f his
, .
o w n creatures the legates who commanded legions upon the

,
frontiers and determined on sacrificing them The vali an t

, .
C o r b u l o com mander o f the forces o f the East was entrapped

, ,
a n d executed Rufus and Pr o c u l u s S cri boni u s who had the

.
,
chief authority in the two Germanies were recalled and forced ,
to kill them selves A similar fate m enaced all the chiefs of .
legions who on learning their peril ros e in arms against the

, , ,
tyrant Galba and O tho i n Spain Vindex in Gaul Claudius

.
, ,
M acer in Africa V i rg in iu s Rufus and F on t e i u s Capito in Ger

,
m a ny raised the standard o i revolt almost at the sam e time

,
.
The multitude o f pretenders to emp ire seem ed at first to prom

ise ill for the cause o f rebellio n and in on e case there was actu a l ,
war between the troops of t w o o f them termin a ti n g in the ,
death of one ( Vindex ) ; but after a while by general a gree ,
ment Galba w as chosen t o conduct the co n test and all chance

, , ,
o f dividin g his adversaries being over the hop es Of N ero fell , .
Des erted on all hands eve n by Tigellinus and the pr aetoria n s , ,
he was forced to call on a slave to despatch him that he might ,
not fall alive i n to the hands of h is enemies N ero died o n the .
9t h o f June A D 68 at the a ge o f thirty in the fourteenth

,
. .
, ,
year o f h i s principate .
Though the law o f hereditary succession in the empire had

at no tim e been formally established or even asserted with an y ,
distinctness under the early C ae sars yet there c a n be n o doubt ,
that the extinction of the Julian family by the death Of Nero

paved the way for fresh civil comm otions by practically Op e n ,
ing the prospect of Obtainin g suprem e power to numerous

claimants Hitherto the Romans had not in fact looked for an
.
imperator beyond the m emb ers actual or adopted o f a si n gle , ,
house Henceforth the first place in the State was a prize at

.
which a n yone m ight aim n o family ever subsequently Obtain ,
ing the sam e hold o n power or the sam e prestige i n the eyes ,
o f th e Romans as the Julia n .
S Sulpicius G a lb a w h o bec a me e m p eror in April A D 68

.
, , . .
,
RAWL I N S O N
by the will Of the Spanish legions and the a cquiescence of his ,
brother commanders in Gaul a n d Germany w as a Roman cast

-
,
in the antique m ould— severe simple unbending H e was , , .
thus ill fitted to bear rule in a state so corrupt as Rome had

com e t o b e ; and the disasters which followed his appointm ent
m ight have been anticipated by anyone possessed of m oderate
foresight H i s strictness a nd his parsim ony disgusted at once
.
the soldiers and the populace ; and when O tho who had ,
hoped to be nom inated h is successor turned against him on ,
a ccount of h is adopting Piso L i c inianu s he found himself with ,
scarcely a friend and was almost instantly overpowered and

,
slain (January 1 5 A D H i s adopted son Piso shared h i s

, . .
, ,
fate ; and the obs e quious S e n ate a t once acknowledged O tho

a s E mperor .
M Sal v iu s O tho the husb a nd o f the infamous Popp ae a

.
,
Sabina was a dissolute noble who h a d run through a long

, ,
course o f vice and who having exhausted all ot h er excite

, ,
ments determined in the spirit o f a gambler to play for empire

, .
Successful in seizing the throne he found h i s right to it dis ,
p u t e d by another o f G a lba s o fficers the comma n der o f th e

’
German legions Vitellius Nothing daunted he resolved to

, .
,
appeal to the arbitrament o f arms and to bring m atters to an ,
issue as soon as p ossible When in the great b attle of B edri .
ac u m fortune declared against him he took her at her word , ,
gave up the struggle as carelessly as he had begun it and by ,
a prompt suicide made the empire over to his rival O tho died .
,
April 1 6 A D 69 after a reign of barely three months

,
. .
, .
In exchanging the rule Of O tho for that of Vitellius th e ,
Roman world lost rather than gained O tho was p rofl ig at e .

,
’
reckless sensual ; but he w as brave Vitellius had all O tho s
, .
vices in excess and in addition was cowardly and vacillating

, , ,
.
He gained the empire n ot by his ow n exertions but by those ,
o f his generals C ae c i na and Valens Having gained it h e

,
.
,
speedily lost it by weakness laziness and incapacit y We , ,

.
search his character in vain for any redeeming trait : he p os

sessed no on e of the qualities moral or ment a l which fit a man , ,
to be a ruler What was most peculiar in him w as his wonder

.
ful gluttony a feature o f his character in which he was u n ri

,
v all e d. It is not surprising that the Roman world decli n ed to

a cquiesce long i n his rule ; for while morally he w a s equally , ,
detestable with the worst princes o f the Julian house intel ,
l e c t u al l y he was far their inferior The standard of revolt was .
raised against him after he had reigned a few m onths by

, ,
Vespasian commander in Jud aea who was supported by M u

, ,
cianus th e president of Syria and the legions of the East gen

, ,
e r al l y
. The analogy of the previous civil contests would have
led us to expect the defeat of an aspirant who with troops de ,
rived from this quarter assailed the master of the West B ut ,

.
Vespasian had advan tages at no former time posses sed by any

O riental pretender He was infinitely superior as a general
.
,
a nd statesman to his antagonist He had all the respecta

, .
b ili ty O f the empire i n h i s favor a general disgust being felt ,
at the degrading vices and stupid supineness o f Vitellius .
Above all he did n ot depend upon the East solely but was
, ,
supported also by the legions o f the central provinces — Moesia ,
Pannonia I llyricum — ,
troops as brave and hardy as any in the
whole empire H ence his attack was su ccessful Securing in
. .
his own person Egypt the granary Of Rom e he sent his gen , ,
e ral s Antonius Primus and M u c i an u s into Italy

,
The ( se c , .
o n d) battle o f B e dri ac u m which was gained by Antonius in , ,
fact decided th e contest ; but it was prolonged for several

months chiefly through the obstinacy Of the V it e l l i an s oldiery
, ,
who would not p ermit their leader to abdicate In a struggle .
which followed between the two parties inside the city the ,
Cap itol was assaulted and taken the Capitoline temple burnt , ,
and Flavius Sabi n u s the brother of Vespasian slain Soon , , .
afterw a rds the Flavian army storm ed and took Rome defeated ,
and destroyed th e V it e llian s and Obtaining possession of t h e , ,
Emperor s p erson put him to an ignominious death

’
, .
Though Vitellius di d not p erish till D ecember 2 1 A D 69 , . .

,
yet the accession o f his successor T Flavius V e sp asianu s ,

.
,
was dated from the I st of July nearly si x months earlier Ves , .
pasian reigned ten years ( from A D 69 to and did much . .
t o recover th e empire from the state o f depression and e x h au s

tion into which the civil struggles o f the two preceding years
had brought it B y h i s general C e ri ali s he suppressed th e
.
, ,
revolt of Germany and eastern Gaul which under Civilis Sa , , ,
bin ns and Classicus had threatened to deprive Rom e of s o m e

, ,
416 RAWL I N S O N
of her m ost importa n t provinces By the skill and valor of h i s .
elder son Titus he put down the rebellio n of the Jews an d

, , ,
destroyed the magnificent city which alone of all the cities of ,
the earth was by her bea u ty and her prestige a rival to the
, , ,
Roman metrop olis The limits o f the empire were during his
.
reign advanced in B ritain from th e line o f the Dee and Wash ,
to that of the Solway Frith and Tyne by the generalship Of ,
Agricola The finances which had fallen into complete dis

.
,
order were replaced upon a sound footing The discipline o f

,
.
the army which O tho and Vitellius had greatly relaxed was
, ,
r e established
-
Employm ent was given to the people by the
.
construction of great works as particularly the Temple of , , ,

”
Peace and th e F lav ian Amphitheatre or Coliseu m
,
Edu .
cation and literature were encouraged b y grants o f money t o

their professors The exceptional treatment of the Stoics who
.
,
were banished from Rome arose from political motives a n d , ,
was p erhaps a state necessity Altogether Vespasia n must be .

,
regarded as the best ruler that Rom e had had since Augustus
-
a ruler who knew how to combine firmness with leniency ,
economy with liberality and a generally pacific policy with ,
military vigor upon proper occasion .
Vespasian had taken care before his decease to a ssociate his

elder son Titus in the emp ire ; and thus the latter was at his
, , ,
father s death a cknowledged without any di fficulty as sove

’
,
reign His ch a racter was mild but weak ; he cared too much
.
for popularity ; and was so prodigal o f the resources of th e

State that had his reign been prolonged he must have had
, , ,
recourse to c onfi scation s or exactions in order to replenish an

empty treasury Fortunate in his early death he left behind
.
,
hi m a character unstained by any worse vice than voluptuous

n ess Even the public calamities which mar k ed his reign
.
the great eruption o f Vesuvius wh ich overwh elm ed Pompe i i ,
and Herculaneum a terrible fire at Rom e and a destructive

, ,
pestilence— detracted but little fro m the gener a l estimation in

which h e was held being regarded a s j udgments not on the , ,
prince but on the nation Titus held the throne for the short
, .
term of tw o years and two months dying Sept 1 3 A D 8 1 , .

, . .
,
when he was n ot quite forty .
D omiti a n the y ounger brother of Titus though not a sso

, ,
lc iat e d by him i n the empire had been poi n ted out b y him a s
,
his successor ; and the incipient right thus conferred me t with

no Opposition from either Senate or army O f a morose a n d .
j ealous temper he had sorely tried the a ff ection o f both his

,
father and brother ; but they had borne patiently with his
faults and done their best to lessen them It might have bee n
, .
hoped that o n attaining to a position in which he had no longer

a rival he would have becom e better satisfied and m ore genial ;
, ,
but a rooted self distrust seem s to have rendered him morbidly

-
suspicious of m erit o f any kind while an inward unhappiness ,
made him intolerant of other men s p leasures and satisfactions ’

.
Had he succeeded in gathering real laurels o n the banks o f th e

Rhine and Danube the gratification Of his self love would
,
-
probably have improved his temper ; but as it w as his inab i l , ,
ity to gain any brilliant success in either quarter disappointed

and still further soured him M orose a nd severe by nature .
,
as tim e went on he beca m e cruel ; not content with strictl y

enforcing Obsolete laws he revived the system o f accusations , ,
condem na tions and forfeitures which had bee n disco n ti n ued

, ,
since the days of Nero ; having decim ated the r a nks Of the
n obles a nd provoked the conspiracy of Sat u rni nu s he became
, ,
still more barbarous through fear ; a n d e n di n g by distrusting ,
everyone and seeking to strike terror i n to all he drew upon ,
himself j ust as th e sixteenth year o f his reign had begun th e

, ,
fate which he deserved H e was m urdered by the freedm en of

.
th e palace whom his latest executions threatened o n the 1 8 th

, ,
o f September A D 96 , . . .
The cruelties o f Dom itian had thrown discredit on th e

hereditary principle to which though it had n o legal force his
, , ,
elevation to the principate was i n point of fact due The Sen , , .
ate which now for the first tim e s i nce the de a th of Caligula
,
found itself in a position to claim a nd exercise authority pro ,
c e e de d therefore to elect fo r sovereign an aged and childless
man on e whose circumstances rendered it impossible that he

,
should seek t o impose upo n them a dynasty It is rem a rkable .
that the pr aetorians though the y felt aggrieved by th e murder

,
o f D omitian an d demanded the punishm ent of his a ssassins

, ,
’
made n o oppositio n to the Se na te s selection but tacitl y suf ,
l ered the Fathers to assume a prerog a tive which however it ,
27
4 18 RAWL I N S O N
might be viewed as legally inhere n t in them the y had n ever ,

’
previousl y exercised Perhap s the lesson taught by O tho s fall
.
w as still in their minds a nd they fe a red lest if they attempted

, ,
t o create a n emperor they m ight again provoke th e hostilit y

,
o f the legions At a ny rate the result was that th e Senate a t

.
,
this j uncture increased its power and by its prompt a ctio n oh ,
t ai ne d a p osition a nd a consideratio n o f which it h a d bee n

deprived fo r m ore than a centur y .
M C o c c e iu s Nerva on whom the choice of the Senate fell

. , ,
was a man of m ild and le n ient temp era me n t of fair abilitie s , ,
and o f the lax morals common i n his day He was sixty fi v e .

-
o r s eventy ye a rs o l d at his accessio n an d reigned only o n e y e a r ,
an d four m o n ths For the b lood y r eg i me o f D omiti a n h e sub

.
stitute d a government of extrem e gentle n ess ; for his e xtrav a

gant exp e n diture economy a nd retrenchm e n t ; for his a ttempt
,
ed enforcement o f antique m a n ners a n almost u n iversal ,
tolerance He relieved poverty by distributions o f land a nd by

.
,
a poor — law which threw o n the St a te the mainte n ance Of many

destitute children H e continued the best of D o mitian s laws
.
’
a nd made som e excellent enactm ents of his ow n as especially ,
o n e against delation When the public tranquillity was thre a t

.
ened b y th e violence of the pr aetorians who put to death with ,
o u t trial an d with out his consent the m urderers of Dom itia n ,
h e took the wise step of securing the future o f the State b y

publicly appointing with th e sanction of the Senate a c ol
, ,
league and successor selectin g for the O ffice the person who of
,
a ll living Romans app eared to be the fittest an d adopti n g him ,
with the usual ceremonies The example thus set passed i n t o

.
a principle Of the governm ent He n ceforth it bec a m e recog .
n iz e d as the duty o f each successive emp eror to select from o ut
o f the entire population of th e empire the perso n most fit to
bear rule and m ake him his adopted son an d successor

, .
M U lp i u s T rajanu s o n whom th e choice o f Nerva h ad

.
,
fallen was a provincial Roman a native o f the colony of Italic a

, ,
in Spain His father had been consul and proco n sul ; but
.
otherwise his fa mil y was undistinguished He himself had .
b ee n bred up i n the camp a nd had served with distinction nu

,
der his fath er He had Obtained th e consulship i n A D 9 1

. . .
,
under D om iti an an d h a d bee n comm an der Of the Lower Ger

,
m a ny under both Domitian a n d Nerv a Readily accepted by .
the Senate and thoroughly popular with the legions h e as

, ,
c e n de d the throne under favorable auspices which the events ,
Of his reign did not belie The Romans rega rded him as the .
b est o f all their princes ; and though tried by a Christian o r , ,
even a p h il O SO p h i c standard he was far from being a good man

, ,
since he was a ddicted to wine and to low sensu a l pleasures yet , ,
taki n g the circumstances o f th e times into accou n t we ca n ,

”
understand h i s surnam e of O ptimus He w a s brave l a .
,
b o r i o u s mag na nim ous simple a nd un a ssuming in h is habits

, , ,
a ff able i n his m anners genial ; he knew h ow to combine strict

,
n ess with leniency liberality with eco n omy an d devotion t o

, ,
business with sociability a nd cheerfulness And if we m ay thus .
”
consider him in a qualified sense
, good we may cert a i n ly , ,
”
without a n y reserve pronou n ce him great B oth as a gen .
eral and as a n adm inistr a tor he stands i n the front rank o f R o

ma n rulers equalling Augustus in th e on e resp ect and n e a rly
, ,
equalling Julius in the other Though h e could not materially .
improve the imperial form of governm ent which took its color ,
wholly from the character o f the reigning prince yet he gave to ,
the government while he exercised it the best aspect of wh ich

it was capable He sternly suppressed delation allowed the
.
,
Senate perfect freedo m o f speech abstained from all int e rfe r ,
ence in it s app oi n tm ents and in social converse treated its mem

,
bers as equals Indefatigable in busi n ess he m anaged almost

.
,
alone the a ff airs o f his vast empire ca r rying o n a voluminous ,
correspondence with the governors of provinces an d directi n g ,
the m how to proceed i n all cases h earing carefully a ll th e ap ,
peals m ade t o him and som etim es even j udging causes in t h e

,
first inst a nce His admi n istration of the finances was extra
.
ordinarily good Without increasing taxation without having

.
,
recourse t o c onfi sc at ions he contrived to have always so full

,
a n exchequer that neither his m ilitary expeditions nor his

,
great works ( which were num erous both in Rome and the
provinces ) nor his m easures for the relief o f th e necessitous
,
am o n g his su b j ects were ever cramped o r stinted for want o f

,
m ea n s
. H e extended a n d systematized th e irregular poor law -
o f Nerva made loans at a l ow r a te o f interest to the proprietors
o f e n cumbered est a tes ; repaired the r a vages o f e a rthquakes and

4 20 RAWL I N S O N
tempests founded colo n ies constructed various m ilit a ry roads ;

,
bridged the Rhi n e and Danube ; adorned with works o f utility

and ornament both provincial towns a n d the capital H e spent .
little upon himself His column and his triumphal arch may .
be regarded as constructed for his ow n glory ; but his chief

works h i s great Forum at Rome his m ole at C e nt um c e llae
, ,
( Civita Vecchia ) his harbor at Ancona h i s roads h i s bridges

, , , ,
his aqueducts were for the benefit of h i s subj ects and j ustly
, ,
increased the a ff ection wherewith they regarded him If he .
had any fault as a ruler it was an undue ambition to extend ,
Terminus and to be k n own to future ages as a conqueror

, .
There were n o doubt reasons O f p olicy which led him to make

h is D acia n a n d O riental expeditions b ut nevertheless they ,
were mistakes The tim e for conquest was gone by ; and the
.
truest wisdom would have been to have rested content with

the lim its which had b ee n fixed by Augustus— the Rhine the ,
Danube and the Euphrates Traj a n s conquests had for the

, .
’
m ost part to be surrendered imm ediately after his decease ; and

th e prestige o f Rom e was more inj ured by th eir abandonm ent
than it had bee n advanced by his long series of victories .
Traj an o n h is return from th e East found his he a lth faili n g

, ,
.
He was sixty fiv e years ol d and had overt a xed his c on stitu

-
,
tio n by th e fatigue a n d exposure which h e had undergone in his

recent campaign s He had nom inated n o successor before
.
quitting Rom e and it w as now o f the last importance to supply

,
this omission B ut regard for the constitutional rights which

.
,
it had been his policy to recognize in th e Senate induced him ,
to postpone th e formal act as long as possible a n d it is u nc e r ,
tain whether h e did not delay till too late The alleged a dop .
tion of Hadrian by his predecessor was p erhaps a contrivance

o f the Empress Plotina after the death o f her husband It
, , .
was at any rate secret and informal ; and the n ew throne was
, ,
consequently unstable B ut th e j udicious conduct o f H adrian .
in the crisis overcam e all di fficulties ; and his a uthority w as ac

knowledged without hesitation both by th e a rm y and the Sen
ate.
Hadrian w h o succeeded Traj an in A D 1 1 7 had a reign o f

,
. .
,
n early twenty on e years ( from August A D 1 1 7 to July A D

-
,
. .
, ,
. .
I He w as forty tw o y ears ol d at h is accessio n a n d h a d

-
,
th e a dvantage ( as it was now considered ) of being childless .
Distantly related to Traj an he had served under him with dis ,
tinction and had been admitted to an intimacy both with him

,
and with th e Empress I n m any features of his ch aracter he

.
resembled Traj an He had th e sam e geniality th e same ai

.
,
fable manners the same power of uniting liberal and even m ag

,
n i fi c e n t expenditure with thrift and economy the sam e m oder ,
atio n a nd anxiety to maintain a show o f free governm ent .
Again like Traj an h e was indefatigable in his attentio n to

, ,
business and ready to grapple with an infinite multiplicity o f

,
details he was a friend to literature and a zealous patron Of th e ,
fine arts ; though lax in his m orals he avoided scandals and , ,
n ever su ff ered his love of pleasure to interfere with his duties

as prince H e di ffered from Traj an partly in a certain je al
.
, ,
o u sy and irritability o f temp er which towards the close o f his ,
life betrayed him into som e lam entable acts o f cruelty towards
those abo u t h i s p erson ; but chiefly in the absence Of any desire ,
for military glory and a preference for the arts of peace above
,
the triumphs and trophies of successful warfare Hadrian s .

’
reig n was marked by t w o extraordinary novelties : first the ,
voluntary relinquishment Of large p ortions of Roman territory

( Armenia M esopotam
,
ia and Assyria ) which were ,
evacuated ,
im mediately after his accession ; and secondly the continued ,
visitation by the Emp eror Of the various provinces under his

dominion and his residence for prolonged periods at several
,
provincial capitals Y ork ( Eboracum ) Ath ens Antioch

.
, , ,
Alex an dria were in turns honored by the presence of the Em

,
p e r o r and his court Fifteen or sixteen years o u t of the twenty

.
o n e years of his reign were occupied by these provincial prog
r e sse s which he was the first to institute

, Hadrian showed .
him self m anifestly n ot the chief of a m unicipality but th e ,
sovereign of an empire H e m ade no diff erence between the

.
v a rious races which p eopled h i s dominions With all he as .

~
so c i at e d in the most friendly way ; ascertained their wishes ;
m ade him self acquainted with their characters ; exerted himself

t o supply th eir wants Th e great works which he loved to
.
construct were distributed fairly over the di ff erent regions o f

the empire If Rom e could boast h is mausoleum and his
.
,
grand Temple of Rom e and Venus to Tibur belonged h is villa , ,

RAWL I N S O N
to Athens his O ly mp e iu m to B ritain and th e Rhenish prov ,

‘
i n ce s his great ramparts to T ar rac o his temple of Augustus , ,
to Nism es ( N e m au su s) one of his basilicas to Alexandria a ,
number of his m ost costly buildings H adrian s reign h as bee n .

’
”
pronounced with reason th e best of the imp erial series To .
have com b ined for twenty years unbroken p eace with the mai n
t e n a n c e o f a contented and e fficient army ; liberal expe n diture
with a full exchequer replenished b y no oppressive or nu ,
worthy means ; a free speaking Senate with a firm and strong -
m onarchy is no m ean glory Hadrian also d eserves praise for

,
.
the choice which he made o f a successor His first selectio n .
was indeed far from happy L C e ioniu s Verus m ay not h a ve . .
deserved all the hard things which have been said o f him but
it seems clear that he was a fop and a voluptuary—o n e there ,
fore from whom th e laborio u s discharge of the onerous duties

,
o f an emperor co u ld s carcely have been expected O n his .
death i n A D I 3 8 Hadrian at once supplied his place by the

,
. .
,
form al adoption o f T Aurelius Antoninus a man Of em inent .

,
m erit qualified in all respects to bear rule He would p erhaps

,
.
have done best had he left to his successor the sam e power of
,
f ree selection which h e had himself exercised ; but the ties of

a ff ection induced him to require Antoninus to adopt as sons hi s
own neph ew M A nn iu s Verus together with L Verus the
,
.
, .
,
so n o f his first choice L C e i on iu s (or after his adoption L

, .
, ,
.
ZE li u s) Ve r us .
T Aurelius Antoninus th e adopted son a n d successor o f

.
,
Hadrian ascended the throne in July A D 1 3 8 H e w as fifty

, , . . .
o n e years O l d at this time and reigned twenty three years dy ,

-
,
ing A D 1 6 1 when h e had attained the age o f s eventy four It

. .
,
-
.
has b een said that the people is fortunate which has no history ;
and this was eminently the condition of the Romans under the
fi r st Antonine B lam eless alike in h is public and his private
.
life he m aintained the empire in a state of peace and general

,
content which rendered h is reign peculiarly u neventful A

, .
few troubles upon the frontiers in Egypt Dacia B ritain a nd , , , ,
Mauretania employed the arm s of his lieutenants but gave rise ,
t o no w a r of any magnitude I nternally Antoninus made no .

,
changes He continued th e liberal policy o f h is predecessors

.
,
Nerva Traj an and H adrian towards the Senate ; discouraged

, , ,
AN C I ENT H I ST O R Y 4 23
del a tion ; was generous in gifts a n d largesses yet n ever ex ,
h au st e d the resources o f th e treasury ; e n cour a ged le a r n ing ;

erected n umerous important buildings watch ed over the whole
o f the empire with a father s care and made the happiness o f his
’
subj ects his main if not eve n his sole Obj ect Indulgent by
, ,
.
temp er a ment a nd conviction he extended even to the Chris ,
tians the lenie n cy which was a principle of his government and ,
w as the first emp eror who ac tively protected them I n h is .
dom estic life Antoninus w a s less happy than his virtues de

served His wife Faustina was noted for her irregularities ;
.
, ,
his two boys died before his elevation to th e throne ; an d h is

d a ughter An n ia Faustina whom h e m arried to th e elder Of his
, ,
adopted sons M Aurelius was far from spotless H e en j oyed

, .
, .
,
however in the a ffection the respect and the growing promise

, , ,
o f this a m iable and excellent prince som e compensation for his ,
other domestic troubles With j ust discernm ent he drew a .

,
sharp line Of distinction b etween the two sons assigned him by

Hadrian Towards the elder M A nni u s ( or after his a dop
.
, .
,
tion M Aurelius ) Verus he showed the highest favor m arry

, .
, ,
ing him to his daughter associating him in the gover n ment , ,
and for m ally appointing him his sole successor I n the younger .
( L ZE l i u s Verus ) he repos ed no confidence whatever ; he ad

.
v ance d him to no public p ost ; and gave h im no prosp ect h o w ,
ever distant o f th e succession , .
M Aurelius who took th e n a m e o f A n toninus after the

.
,
de a th Of his adoptive father ascended th e throne A D 1 6 1 a t , , . .

,
the age of forty H e reigned nineteen y ears from M arch

.
, ,
A D 1 6 1 to M arch A D 1 80 Although th e embodim ent of

the highest Rom an virtue—brave strict self denying l a
. .
,
.
. .
,
-
, , ,
b o r i ou s energetic patient o f inj uries a ff ectionate kind and in

, , , , ,
mental power not much behind the greatest Of previous em

p e r o r s— h e had nevertheless a sad and unh a ppy reign through
, , ,
a co n currence of calamities for only o ne o f which had h e him ,
self t o blam e His unworthy colleague Lucius Verus was by

.
, ,
h is ow n sole act associated with him in the empire ; a n d the

anxiety and grief which this prince caused him must be regard
ed as the consequence oi a foolish and undue a ff ection B ut his .
domestic troubles— the loose conduct Of his wife Fausti na the ,
deaths of his eldest son and Of a daughter the evil disposition Of ,

4 24 RAWL I N S O N
his second so n Com m odus— arose from no fault O f his o w n

, .
Aurelius is taxa b le with no unfaithfu lness to h i s marriage bed -

,
with n o neglect o f the health o r moral training o f his O ffspring ;

still less can the great calamities of his reign the terri b le ,
plague and the aggressive attitude assum ed by the bar b arians

,
o f the East and North be ascribed to any n egligence or wea k

,
ness in the reigning monarch H e m et th e pretensions of the

.
Parthians to exercis e sovereignty over Armenia with firmness

and vigor and though here he did not take the field in person ,
yet the success o f his generals and lieute n ants reflects credit
upon him When the barbarians of th e North began to S how
.
them selves formidable h e put him self at the head o f the legions
, ,
and during the space of fourteen years — from A D 1 6 7 to his . .
death in A D 1 80— occupied himself almost unceasingly in e f

. .
forts to check the invaders and secure the frontier against their
incursions Successful in many b a ttles against all his enemies
.
,
he nevertheless failed in the great Obj ect O f the war which was ,
e ffectually to repel the Northern nations and to strike such ter ,
r o r into them as to make them desist from th eir attacks From .
h i s reign the barbarians of th e North becam e a p erpetual da n

ger to Rom e— a danger which increased as tim e went on B ut .
the causes of this change of attitude are to be sought— mainly ,
at any rate— not within but beyond th e limits of the Roman

,
dominion A great m ovem ent of races had comm enced in the

.
lands beyond the Danube Slavonic and Scythic ( or Turanian )

.
hordes were pressing westward and m ore and m ore cramping ,
th e Germans in their ancient seats Th e Slavs themselves .
were being forced to yield to the advancing Scyths ; and the

wave of invasion which broke upo n the Roman frontier was
impelled by a risin g tide o f migratio n far in its rear which ,
forced it on and would not allow it t o fall b a ck At the sam e

, .
tim e a decline was going o n in the vigor o f the Roman national

,
life ; the race was becom ing exhausted ; th e d iscipline of the

legions tended to relax ; long periods Of almost unbroken peace ,
like th e reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius produced a ,
m ilitary degeneracy ; and by the progress of natural decay the

empire w as becoming less and less capable of resisting attack .
Under these ci r cumstances it is creditable to Aurelius that h e

,
succeeded in maintaining the boundaries of the empire in the

A N C I ENT H I ST O R Y 4 25
north while he advanced them in the east where once m ore

, ,
Mesopotam ia was made a Roman province and the line of de ,
m ar cat io n between Rome and Parthia becam e the Tigris i n

stead O f the Euphrates .
The eighty four consecutive years o f good gover n m ent

-
which Rom e had now enj oyed were due to the practical su b st i
t u t io n for the hereditary principle of the power of nominating
a su c cessor This power had bee n exercised in the m ost c o n
.
s c i e nt i ou s and patriotic way by four successive rulers an d the ,
result had been m ost beneficial to the commu n ity B ut th e .
four rulers had been all childless o r at any rate had had no male ,
o ff spring ; and thus it had not been necessary for a ny o f them

to balance a se n se o f public duty against the feeling of parental
aff ection With M Aurelius the case was di ff erent Havi n g
. . .
a single dearly — loved son in som e respects promising he al , ,
lowed the tender partiality o f the father to p revail over the cold
prudence o f the sovereign ; and persuading himself that C om ,
m odus would prove a tolerable ruler associated him in the ,
governm ent ( A D 1 7 7) at the early age o f fifteen

. . Hence .
Com modus necessarily succeeded him having begun to reign ,
three years before his father s death Few dispositions would ’

.
have borne this premature re m oval o f restraint and a dm issio n

t o uncontrolled authority Such a trial was p eculiarly u n fitt e d
.
for the weak character o f Comm odus Falling under the i n .
fl u e nc e of favorites this wretched p rince degenerated rap idly

,
into a cruel licentious and avaricious tyrant He began his

, , .
sole reign ( March A D 1 80) by buying a peace o f the M ar

, . .
c o ma n n i an d Quadi after which he returned to Rom e and took ,
n o further part in any m ilitary exp editions Fo r about three .
years he reigned decently well su ffering the adm inistration t o ,
retain th e C haracter which Aurelius had given it B ut in A D . . .
1 8 3 after the discovery o f a plot to murder him in which many

, ,
senators were imp licated he com menced the career of a tyr an t

,
.
Delation thinned the ranks o f the Senate while confiscation ,
enriched th e treasury Justice was co mmonly bought and sold

. .
The m inisters Perennis p rmto r ian prefect and after h im Cle

, , ,
ander a freedm a n were su ff ered to enrich themselves by ever y

, ,
n efa rious art a nd then successively sacrificed A D 1 86 to 1 89

, ,
. . .
Passing h is tim e in guilty ple a sures a nd i n the diversions Of the

4 26 RAWL I N S O N
amphitheatre wherein th e Roman Hercules exhibited him

,
self as a marksman and a gladiator Com modus cared n ot h ow ,
th e emp ire w as governed so long as he could amuse himself a s ,
h e pleased and remove by h is warrants all whom he suspected

,
o r feared . At length some Of those whom he h a d proscribed

,
and was a b out to sacri fi ce — Marcia o n e o f his concubines E c , ,
l e ct u s his chamberl a in a n d L aet u s prefect o f the pr aetorians

, , ,
learning h is intention anticipated their fate by strangling h im

,
in his bedroom Com modus w a s m urdered A D 1 92 after he

.
, . .
,
had reigned twelve years and nine months .
The disorganization of the empire which comme n ced a s ,
early as Galba arrested in its natural progress by such wise and

,
firm princes as Vespasian Traj an Hadria n and the two great , , ,
Antonines made rapid strides under Commodus who was too

, ,
wea k and too conscious of his demerits to venture on repress

ing disorders o r punishing those engaged in them The n u
, .
m e r o u s desertions which enabled M at e rnu s to form a band

,
that ravaged Spain and Gaul and gave him hopes of seizing ,
the empire the deputation o f 1 5 00 legionaries fro m B ritain

, ,
which demanded and obtained the downfall of Perennis and ,
the open conflict between the pr aetorians and the city cohorts
which preceded the death of C l e ande r are indications Of mili ,
tary insubordination and of the dissolution o f the bonds of

discipline such as no form er reign discloses to us It is e v i
, .
dent that the army in which lay the last hope o f Roman unity
,
and greatness was itself becoming disorganized N O common

, .
spirit animated its di fferent parts The city guards the prae .
,
to r ian s and the legionaries had di fferent interests

, The l e
, .
g i o n ar i e s themselves had their own quarrels and j ealousies .
The soldiers were tired Of the military life and mingling with , ,
the provincials engaged in trade or agriculture or else turned

, ,
thems elves into banditti and preyed upon the rest o f th e com
munit y M e an while population was declining and productio n
.
, ,
co n sequently diminishing while luxury and extravagance c o n ,

~
t in u e d to prevail among the upper classes and to exhaust the ,
resources of the St a te Above all the general morality w as

.
,
continually becoming worse a nd worse Despite a few bright .
examples in high places the tone Of society grew ever y where ,
more and more corr u pt Purity of life except am ong the .

,
427
despised Christians was almost unknown Patriotism had , .
ceased to exist and was not yet replaced by loyalty D ecline , .
and decrepitude showed themselves i n almost every portio n

o f the body politic and a general desponde n cy the result o f , ,
a consciousness of debility pervaded all classes Nevertheless , .

,
u n der all this apparent weakness was an extraordin a ry reserve

o f strength The empire which under Commodus seemed to
.
,
be tottering t o its fall still stood a n d resisted the most terrible , ,
attacks from without for the further space of two full c e n ,
t u ri e s .
S E CO N D S E CT I O N .
Fro m the D eath of Com m odus to the Accession of D iocletian ,
A D . . 1 93
The sp ecial characteristic of the p eriod on which we n ow

enter i s m ilit a ry tyranny— the usurpation o f suprem e power
by th e soldiers who had at last discovered their strength and , ,
n ominated o r removed emperors at their pleasure Constant .
disquiet and disturbance was the result o f this unhappy dis

c ov e r y— twenty fi v e emperors wore the purple in the space -
o f ninety two years their reigns thus averaging less than four
-
,
y ears a piece Two reigns only during the entire p eriod— those
.
o f the two Severi — exceeded ten years D educting these the .

,
S our ces A u t h o rs : D i o C assi u s a s r e p o rt e d i n th e w o rk of X iph i

.
,
l inu s ( Lib lxiii . i s s t ill ou r mo s t t r u s tw o rt h y g u id e fo r t h e g e n

.
e r a l his t o r y ; b u t t hi s fr a gme nt ar y pr o d u c t i o n mu s t b e s u ppl e me nt e d

fr o m H e r o di an ( se e p an d fr om t h e H i st o r i ae A u g u st ae S crip
.
t o r e s a s w e ll as fr om t h e e pi t omist s E u t rO p i u s A u r e li u s V icto r a nd
”
, , , ,
S e xt u s R u fu s T h e w o rks o f t h e s e l as t name d w ri t e rs c ove r t h e e nt ir e

.
-
sp a c e w h e r e a s Di o s his to r y s to p s sh o r t at his c on s u l at e A D 229 and

,
’
, . .
,
H e r o di an s t e rmi n at e s at t h e a cc e ss i on o f t h e t h i rd G o rdi an A D 2 3 8
’
, . . .
Z o si mu s H i st or i ae n ovae libri se x ; e d B e kk e r i n t h e C o rp u s H is t .
, .
B yz .
”
B o nnae an d Z o nar a s ,
ed Pi n d e r i n t h e .
,
s ame s e ri e s B o n nae . a r e als o o cc a si o nall y s e rv ic e abl e

, Fr om .
A D 2 2 6 th e his t o r y o f A g at h i as ( e d N i e b u hr
. . B onn 1 828) is of i m . .
,
p o rt an c e T o t h e s e var iou s aut h ors may b e a dd e d t h e Fr agme nt s of

.
D e x i p p u s w h e r e o f t h e r e ar e s e v e r al c o ll e c t i on s
,
T h e b e s t pr o b abl y .
, ,
i s t h at i n th e Fr agme nta H i st or i co r u m G rae c or u m of C M ii ll e r .
( P aris 1 84 1 9 ; v ol iii pp 666

,
-
C o i n s an d me dals val uabl e for
. .
,
.
,
t h e pr e c e di n g p e r i o d ar e s t ill mo r e u s e f u l fo r t h i s,
.
428 RAWL I N S O N
average for a reign is reduced to t w o years It was of course .
impossible under thes e circumstances that any renovatio n of

the empire or restoration O f pristine vigor should b e e ff ected .
The internal ad m inistration w as indeed s carcely a subj ect O f

attention Each emperor w a s fully occupied b y the necessity
.
Of maintaining his ow n p ower a gainst rival pretenders gen ,
e r all y with as good claim s as h i s o w n and resisting the attacks ,
of the barbari a ns who were continually increasing in stren g th

,
and audacity The few good princes who held the thro n e
.
exerted themselves mainly to strengthen and invigorate the

army by the r e establishment and strict enforcement Of disci
-
pline Reform in this quarter was sadly needed ; but to ac

.
complish it was most di fficult A strict emperor usually fell .
a victim to his reforming zeal which rapidl y alien a ted the ,
a ffections Of the soldiers .
The assassins of Commodus having e ffected their purp ose , ,
acted with decision and promptness L aet u s a nd E c l e ct u s pro .
c e e d e d to the house o f Pertinax prefect o f th e city revealed , ,
their deed and O ffered him the crown With a reluctan ce

, .
which may well have been unfeigned this aged senator a man , ,
Of experience in business and of un b lemished character on e

, ,
O f the few remaining friends of M Aurelius signified his c on .

,
s ent Influenced by L aet u s th e pr aetorians consented some

.
,
what sullenly to accept him ; th e Senate surprised and over ,
j oyed hailed the new reign with acclamations

, B ut th e .
di fficulties Of Pertinax began when h is authority was ac kn ow l

edged A n empty treasury required economy and retrench
.
m ent while a greedy soldiery and a demoralized people

,
clamored for shows and fo r a donative The donative which .

,
had bee n promised was paid ; but this necessitated a still stricter
,
curtailm ent of other expenses The courtiers and the citizens .
grum b led at a frugality to which they were unaccustomed ;

the soldiers dreaded lest a virtuous prince should enforce o n
”
them the restraints o f discipline ; the king maker L aet u s -
, ,
was disappointed that the ruler whom he had set up wo u ld

not consent t o be a m ere puppet Within three months of .
his acceptance o f power Pertinax found himself almost with

,
o u t a friend ; and when the pr aetorians instigated by L ae t u s , ,
brok e o u t in Open m u tiny h e unresistingl y succumbed and

, ,
was despatched by their swords .

The pr aetorians wh o h a d murdered Perti na x are s a id to

, ,
h a ve se t up the o ffice o f emperor to public auctio n and to ,
have sold it to M D idiu s Julianus a rich senator once gov

.
, ,
e r n or o f Dalmatia whose elevation cost him more than three

,
millions of our m oney * Julianus was acknowledged b y the .
Senate and reigned at Rom e for rath er more than two m onths ;
,
but his authority was never established over the provinces In .
three di fferent quarters— i n B ritain in Pannonia and in S y ria , ,
— the legions o n learning the death of Pertinax and the scan

,
dal o u s circumstances o f J u l ian u s s appointment invested their

’
leaders Albinus Severus and Niger with the purple and

, , , , ,
declared against the choice o f the praetorians O f the three .
pretenders Severus was at once the most energetic and th e

,
n earest Rome Taking advantage of his position he rapidl y

.
,
led his army across the Alps advanced through Ital y upo n ,
the capital stfi u c e d the praetorians by his emissaries and was

, ,
accepted by th e Senate as emperor The luckless Julianus was .
dep osed condemned to death and executed

, , .
The first ac t o f Severus on obtaining the empire was t o

disar m and disband the existing pr aetorians w h o were for ,
bidden to reside thenceforth within a hundred miles of th e

capital He then a ddressed himself t o the contest with his
.
rivals First temporizing with Albinus the com mander in

.
,
B ritain whom he promised to make his successor he led his

, ,
whole force against the Eastern emperor P e sc e n n iu s Niger , ,
defeated h is troops in two great battles at Cyzicus and Issus , ,
captured him and put him to death H e then declared Ope n ly

, .
against Albinus who advanced into G a ul and tried the fortu n e

,
o f war in an engagement near Lyons where he too su ff ered ,
defeat and was slain Severus was now master Of the whole .
empire and might safely have shown m ercy t o the partis a ns

,
o f his rivals against whom he had no j ust grounds of com

,
plaint B ut he was o f a stern and cruel temper Fort y one

. .
-
senators and great numbers of th e rich provincials were exe

c u t e d for the crim e Of opposing him ; and his government
was established on a more tyrannical footing tha n any form er
emperor had ventured on The Senate was deprived of even .
the show o f power and openly oppressed a n d insulted The

, .
empire bec a m e a complete military despotis m I n lieu of the .
E ng l i sh mone y .
430 RAWL I N S O N
old pr ae torians a body of troops selected from the

, ,
legio n aries formed the garrison Of Rome and acted as the

, ,
Emperor s body guard Their chief the pr aetorian prefect

’
-
.
,
(P r a fectus pr a tor i o) becam e the seco n d perso n in the king

,
dom and a dangerous rival to th e sovereign Not only the

,
.
command of the guards but legislative and j udicial p ower , ,
and especially the co n trol of th e fina n ces were intrusted to ,
him Severus attempted but without much e ff ect to improve

.
, ,
the general disciplin e of the legionaries ; h e also showed him

self an active and good com ma n der His expedition against .
the Parthians (A D 1 97 8) was o n the wh ole remarkably . .

-
, ,
prosperous the Parthian capital Ctesipho n falling into his

, , ,
hands and A diab é n é being made a dep ende n cy In B ritain

, .
his arms had no such decisive success ; but still he chastised

the Caledonians A D 2 08 9 and extended the limits of the
,
. .
-
,
empire in this quarter His later years were saddened by the .
unconcealed enmity of his two sons wh o were scarcely r e ,
strained by their common dependence upon their father from

, ,
an Open and deadly quarrel Determined that neither should .
be left at the mercy of the other h e associated both in the ,
empire and recommended both to the army as his successors

,
.
He died at Y ork A D 2 1 1 a t the age o f sixty fiv e having

, . .
,
-
,
reigned eighteen years .
The tw o sons o f Severus C arac all u s ( wrongly calle d Cara ,
calla ) and Geta reigned conj ointly for the space of a single
,
year mutually hating a nd suspecting on e a n other At the

,
.
end of that tim e after a fruitless attempt had been made to

,
settl e their quarrel by a division o f the empire C arac al l u s , ,
under pretence of a reconciliatio n ( me t his brother Geta in ,

“
the apartm e n ts of the Empress mo ther Julia D om n a and -

, ,
there had him murdered in her arms ( Feb A D After . . .
this he reigned for five years alone showing himself a m ost ,
execrable tyrant Twenty thousand persons were put to deat h

.
under the vague title Of friends of Geta ; amo n g them a

daughter of M Aurelius a son of Pertinax a nephew of Com
.
, ,
modus and the g re a t j urist Papinian C aracall u s then made

,
.
,
restless by his guilty conscience quitted Rom e ne v er t o return , ,
and comm enced a series o f aimless wanderings through the

provinces He visited Gaul Rh aetia Dacia Thrace Asia M i
.
, , , ,
431
n or , Syria Egypt and M esop otamia everywhere m arking h i s

, , ,
track with blood and grievously Oppressing the provincials

, .
K n owing himself to be generally hated he endeavored to ,
secure the a ffections of the soldiers by com b ining excessive

rewards for service with very remiss discipli n e thus doubly ,
inj uring the empire The vigor o f the army m elted away under
.
h i s lax rule ; and the resources o f the State were exhausted

by his ruinous profuseness which led him to devise new and ,
ingenious modes o f increasing taxation It may have been als o .
his desire t o gratify his army which induced h im to plun g e

into his great war In the West he had engaged in no hostilities
.
o f importance having merely when in Gaul made an i n si g n ifi

,
c a nt exp edition against the Alema n ni A D 2 1 4 ; but after , . .
he had transferred h i s residence to the East he determined on ,
an attempt t o conquer Parthia Fixing h i s head quarters at .

-
Edessa in M esopotamia he proceeded to tread in his father s

,
’
footsteps crossed the Tigris took Arbela and drove the Par
, , ,
t h ian s to seek refuge in the mountains A D 2 1 6 Another , . . .
campaign would have followed ; but b efore it could begin , ,
C ar acall u s w as murdered by the praetoria n prefect M ac r inu s ,
who knew his own life to be in danger .
M acr i n u s proclaim ed emperor after som e hesitation by the

,
soldiers and acknowledged by the Senate began his reign

, ,
by attempts to undo the evil policy o f C ar ac all u s th e ruinous ,
e ff ects O f which were manifest H e withdrew at once from the .
Parthian war which threate n ed t o b e tedious and expensive

, ,
consenti n g to purchase p eace o f the enemy N ot venturing .
t o interfere with the rewards o f the existing soldiery he e n ,
listed recruits upon lower term s He diminished the burdens .
o i the citizens by restoring the succession — tax to it s Old

rate o f five per cent Th ese p roceedings were no doubt salu
.
tar y and popular with th e mass o f his subj ects ; but they were
,
disagreeable to the army and the arm y was n ow th e real de

,
p o si t o r y o f suprem e power He n ce M ac r in u s like Perti

. na x , ,
soo n fell a victim to his reforming zeal The disa ff ection o f .
the soldiers was artfully fom ented by M aes a sister o f Julia ,
D omna the late empress wh o induced them t o raise to the

, ,
thro n e her grandson A v itus o r B assianu s then high priest , ,

-
o f El a gabalus in the great temple at Emesa ( Hems ) whom

, ,
432 RAWL I N S O N
sh e declared t o be a son of C aracall u s M acrinu s did not yield .
without a struggle ; b ut quitting the field while the battle was

,
still doubtful he ruined h is ow n cause by his cowardice Pur

, .
sued by the soldiers o f his rival he was captured at Chalcedo n , ,
brought back to Antioch and put to death H is son D iadu , .

,
m enus ou whom he h a d conferred the title o f Caesar shared

, ,
his fate .
A v it u s o r B assi an u s o n his accession to the throne took

, , ,
the name of M Aurelius Antoninus and assumed as an u n

.
,
doubted fact his descent from Severus and C aracallu s The .
”
nam e Of Elagabalus by which he is generally known was
, ,
perhaps also used by himself occasionally though it is not ,
found upon h i s coins His reign which lasted four years only
.
, ,
is though not the most b loody yet beyond a doubt the most
, ,
disgraceful and disgusting in the Roman annals Elagabalus .
was the m ost e ffem inate and dissolute o f mortals He openly .
p a raded his addiction to the lowest form o f sensual vice The .
contemptible companions Of his guilty pleasures were advanced

by him to the m ost important O ffices O f the State Syria n .
orgies replaced the grave and decent ceremonies of the Roma n

religion A vestal virgin torn from her sacred seclusion was
.
, ,
forced to be o ne of his wives It is astonishing that the R O .
mans degen erate as they were could endure for nearly four
, ,
years the rule of a foreign boy who possessed no talent Of ,
a ny kind and whose whole life was passed in feasting rioting

, , ,
a n d the most infamous species o f debauchery Y et we do not .
find that his gross vices provoked any popular outburst It .
was not till he threatened the life of his cousin Alexander ,

”
Severus whom he had been prevailed upon to make Caesar
, ,
that opp osition to his r u le appeared and then it cam e from the ,
praetorians These king—makers had it seems conceived

.
, ,
a certain disgust of the e ffeminate monarch who painted his ,
face and wore the attire of a woman ; and they had become
attached to th e virtuous Alexander When therefore they .
, ,
found that o f the two one must be sacrificed they mutinied , ,
slew Elagabalus and placed h is cousin upon the th r one

,
.
In Alexander Severus who succeeded his cousin A D 2 2 2, , . .

,
we come upon an e m peror of a di fferent type Carefully edu .
cat e d by his m other M ammaea the younger daughter of M ee s a

, , ,
h e presents the remarkable spectacle of a prince o f pure an d

blam eless m orals cast upon a corrupt age striving so far a s , ,
his powers went to reform the degenerate State and falling

, ,
at length a victim to his praiseworthy but somewhat feeble

e fforts It i s perhaps doubtful whether at this tim e any degree
.
o f ability could have checked e ff ectually the downward prog
ress of the empire and arrested the decay that was leading on
,
to absolute ruin B ut Alexander at any rate did not possess

.
, ,
such ability— like his cousin he w as a Syrian and the taint , ,
o f weakness w as in his blood H owever well intentioned we.

-
may consider him to have been th ere can be n o doubt that ,
he w as deficient in vigor of mind in self —assertion and in the , ,
p owers generally which make the firm and good sovereign .
H e allowed his mother to rule him throughout h is whole reign .
H e shrank from grappling with the m u tinous sp irit o f the

army and from thos e stern an d bold m easures which could
,
alone have quelled insubordination H ence his reign though .

,
i t s tendency w as towards good failed permanently to be n efit ,
the empire and can only be regarded as a lull in the storm

, ,
a deceitful calm ushering i n a more furious burst o f the t e m

,
p est It was in vain that Alexander by his simple life s e t a pat

.
tern o f frugality ; that by r e establishing the Council o f State

,
-
,
he sought to impose limits on h i s ow n power ; that by defer

ence to the Senate he endeavored to raise it in public esteem ,
and to infuse into it a feeling o f self respect that by his inti -
m acy with learned and literary men h e aim ed at elevating the ,
gown above the sword H e had n ot the strength of character

.
to leave his mark upon th e world H is attempts at reform .
failed or died with hi m Military license asserted itself the

.
m ore determ inedly for his e fforts to repress it forcing Dio ,
into retirem ent and taking the life o f Ulpian Const a nt mu

, .
tinies disgraced h i s reign and at lengt h in the German war

, , ,
the soldiers despising his military incapacity drew their

, ,
swords against the Emp eror himself a nd murdered him t o , ,
gether with his mother .
The mutinous soldiers w h o murdered Severus h a d a cted

at the instigation o f an o ffi cer n amed M aximin and this man ,
they at once proclaim ed emperor H e was by birth a Thra .
ci a m p e a sant a nd though he m ust have show n considerable

, ,
28
434 RAWL I N S O N
ability to have obtained the command of a legio n y et he still ,
remained rude and coarse fierce and brutal more than h a lf , ,
a savage The cruelties o f M ax i min directed against all the

.
, ,
noble and wealthy a n d still more his constant extortio n s soo n

, ,
made him generally detested ; an d the tyran n y o f one o f his

creatures in Africa produced a revolt a gainst him in his
fourth year— A D 2 38 The people of the province rose up
. . .
,
and made Gordi a n their proconsul together with his son , , ,
emperors With a boldness that n othing but utter despair

.
could have prompted the Senate ratified their choice Hear ,

.
ing this Maxim in who w as in winter quarters at Sirmium

, ,
-
o n the Danubian frontier im mediatel y comm e n ced his m arch ,
towards Italy hoping t o crush his enemies by his promptness

,
.
His original rivals the first and s econd Gordian ga ve him n o

, ,
trouble being put down by C ap e l lianu s governor of M a ure

, ,
tania little more than a month after their rebellion B ut the

,
.
Senate with unwonted energy supplied their place by t w o of

, ,
their ow n body P u p i e nu s and B al b inu s and undertook the

, ,
defence of Italy against Maximin They garrisoned the tow n s .

,
laid waste the country and prepared t o weary out the ar my ,
which they could not venture to m eet Th e plan succeeded . .
Maximin stopped b y the resistance of Aquileia and growing

, ,
daily m ore savage on account of his w a nt of success became ,
hateful to his ow n soldiers who rose up against him and slew ,
him with his son in his tent M aximin was killed prob a bl y
, , .
, ,
in the early part of May A D 2 3 8 , . . .
The triumph o f the Senate which seemed assured by the ,
m urder o f M aximin was regarded by the soldiers a s fatal to ,
their pretensions ; and they soon cam e t o a resolution that t h e

Senatoria n emp erors should not remain a t the head o f a ffairs .
Already before the death of Maximin they had asserted their

, ,
right to have a voice in the nomination o f the supreme author

ity a n d had forced B al b inu s and P u p ie nu s to accept at their
,
biddi n g a third Gordian grandson and nephew o f the former ,
princes o f the nam e as C aesar O n the downfall o f Maximi n

, .
,
and the full establishment o f P up i e nu s a nd B alb inu s as em

p e ro r s the y thought it necessary fo r their interests to a dv a nce
,
a step fa rther The Senate s nominees were n ot to be tolerated

.
’
on a n y terms ; a n d within s ix we e ks o f their triumph over

M a ximi n the p rmt orians murdered them a n d made the third ,
Gordia n sole emperor .
This unfortunate youth who at the age of thirteen was ele ,
v at e d t o the position o f supreme ruler over the entire Ro ma n
world continued to occupy the throne for the space o f six

,
years A D 2 3 8 to 2 44 but cannot be said to have exercised

,
. .
,
any real authority over th e empire At first h e was the mere .

,
tool o f th e eunuchs o f the palace ; after which he fell under

the influence O f T ime sic l e s or T i me sith e u s whose daughter , ,
he married and who held the O ffi ce o f praetorian prefect Time

, .
s it h e u s was an able minister ; and the reign O f Gordi a n was

not unprosperous He maintained the Roman frontier intact .
a gainst the attacks of the Persians A D 2 4 2 a nd suppressed , . .

,
a n insurrection in Africa A D 2 40 O n his return from the , . . .
Persian war he was murdered near Circesium by Philip th e

”
Arabian who h a d succeeded Tim e sit h e u s in the command
,
o f the guard .
M Julius Philippus o f B ostra in Arabia ( probably a Roma n

.
,
colonist ) who was made emp eror by the soldiers a fter they
,
had killed the young Gordian had a reign o f five years onl y , ,
from A D 2 44 to 2 4 9 He concluded a p eace with the Persians

. . .
o n tolerable terms A D 2 44 celebrated the se n e l ar games in , . .

,
com memoration o f the thousandth year from th e fou n ding of

the cit y A D 2 4 8 and defeated the Carpi on the middle Dan
, . .
,
ube A D 2 4 5 Th e notices which we p ossess of his reign are

,
. . .
brief a n d confused but su fficiently indicate the growing di s ,
organization o f the Empire Discontented with their governor .

,
P r i sc u s Philip s brother the Syrians revolted and se t up a

’
, , ,
rival emp eror named Jot ap ianu s About the sam e time the, .
,
troops in Moesia a n d Pan n onia fro m hatred o f their O fficers , ,

’
mutinied and invested with the purple a certain Marinus

, .
These two m ock emperors lost their lives shortly ; but the
M oe sian and Pannonian legio n s continuin g disa ffected Philip ,
se n t a senator nam ed Decius to bring them under The rebels .

,
however placed D ecius at their head m arched on Italy an d

, , ,
defeated and slew Philip at Verona September A D 2 49 , , . . .
D ecius m ade emperor against hi s will by the M oe sian an d

,
Pa n no n ia n le g ions was gl a dly accepted by the Se na te which , ,
was pleased t o se e the throne ag a i n occupied b y one of its ow n

436 RAWL I N S O N
n umber His short reign of two years only is chiefly remark

.
able for the first appearance of a new and formidable enemy

the Goths — who invaded the e m pire in vast force A D 2 5 0 ,
. .
,
trave r sed Dacia cross ed the Danube spread devastation ove r

, ,
Moesia and even passed the B alkan and burst into Thrace
,
.
D eci u s u nsuccess fu l in A D 2 5 0 endeavored in the following

,
. .
,
year to retrieve h i s ill fortune by destroying the Gothic host -

,
o n i t s retreat H e w as defeated however in a great battle near

.
, ,
Forum T re b on ii in M oesia and together with his eldest so n

, , , ,
whom he had associated i n the empire lost his life , .
Under these unhappy circumstances the Senate was allowed ,
to regulate the succession to the empire ; which was determined

in favor O f Gallus one O f the generals of D ecius a nd of D ecius s
, ,
’
young son H o st il ian u s V ol u sian u s the so n of Gallus was

, .
, ,
also associated in th e imperial dignity The real authority .
rested however with Gallus whose age an d experience placed

, , ,
him far above his colleag u es He comm en ced his reign b y .
purchasing a p eace from th e Goths to whom he consented to ,
pay an annual tribute on condition O f their respecting the ,
Roman frontier A D 2 5 2 H e then returned to Rom e where

,
. . .
,
he rapidly becam e unpopular partly because O f the disgracefu l ,
peace which h e had m ade partly on account of h is inertness ,
amid the fresh calamities which a fflicted the unhappy State .
Pestilence raged in Rome and over m ost Of th e empire ; while ,
fresh hordes of barbarians i n cited by the success of the Goths , ,
poured across the Danub e ZE m ilian u s governor of Pannonia .

,
and Moesia having m et a nd defeated these marauders was

, ,
proclaim ed emp eror by his army and marching upon Rome , , ,
easily established his authority Gallus and his son ( H ost ilian .
had died of the plague ) led out an army against him but were ,
slain b y their own soldiers at Interamna o n th e Nar near ,
Sp ol e t i u m ZE mil i an w as then ac k nowledged by the Senate

. .
The destruction o f Gall u s and V ol u sian u s was soon avenged .
Licinius Valerianus a Roman of unblemished character whom , ,
D eci u s had wished to i n vest with the O ffice of censor and ,
whom Gallus had sent to bring to his aid the legions of Gaul
and Germany arrived in Italy soon after the accession of
,
IE m i l i an and resolved to dispute his title to the crown

Z
,
The .
Opposing armies once more m et near Sp ol e t iu m and by a j ust , ,

retribution ZE m il ian su ffered the fate of h is predecessors

, ,
three m onths after he had ascended the throne .
The calamities O f the empire went on continually increasing .
O n the Lower Rhine there had been formed a confederacy of

several German tribes the Cha n ci Cherusci Chatti and others , , , , ,
which under the name of Franks ( i e Freem en ) becam e one

, . .
, ,
’
o f Rom e s most formidable enemies So u th of these the Ale .
,
manni in the tract between the Lahn and Switzerland had

, ,
broken through the Roman rampart absorbed the Agri D ecu ,
mates together with a portion of Vi n de l i c i a and assumed from

, ,
this position an aggressive attitude threatening not only Gaul ,
but Rh aetia and even Italy O n the Lower D anube and o n

, .
the shores of the E u xine the Goths who had now taken to , ,
th e sea m enaced with their numerous fleets Thrace Pontus

, , ,
Asia Minor Macedonia and Greece Finally in the rem ot e

, ,
.
,
East Persia under its new monarchs the Sassanid ae w as grow

, , , ,
ing in strength and extending itself at the expense o f Rom e

,
towards the north west Valerian already sixty years of age -

.
,
at h i s accession felt his ina b ility to grapple with thes e various

,
dangers and associated in h i s second year A D 2 5 4 his son

, , , . .
,
Gallienus in the empire B ut the young prince w as no m ore .
equal to th e occasion than his aged father The entire j oint .
reign of Valerian and h i s son (A D 2 54 to as well as . .
the succeeding sole reign of the latter ( A D 2 6 0 to was . .
o n e uninterrupted series o f disorders and disasters The Franks .
harried Gaul and Spain at their will and even pass ed into ,
Africa The Alemanni crossed th e Rh ae tian Alps invaded

.
,
Italy and advanced as far on the way to Rom e as Ravenna

,
.
The Goths occupied Dacia and issuing with their fleets from , ,
th e Cim merian B osphorus ravaged Northern and Western ,
Asia M inor destroyed Pit yu s Trebizond Chalcedon Nico

, , , ,
m edia Nic aea P ru sa Cius Cyzicus and Ephesus overran

, , , , , ,
Greece took Athens and Corinth and carried O ff an immense

, ,
booty into the regions beyond the Dan u be The Persians .

,
under Sap or conquered Armenia invaded M esopotamia de

, , ,
feated Valerian and too k him prisoner near Edessa advanced ,
into Syria surprised and burnt Antioch took Tarsus and C ae

, ,
sarea M azaca and returned triumphant into their ow n country

,
.
At th e sa me ti m e and in consequence of the ge n eral disor

,
438 RAWL I N S O N
g an iz which these various invasions produced n umerous

at i o n ,
independent sovereigns started up in di fferent parts of the

Roman empire as O de n at h u s in the East who reigned at Pal
, ,
myra over Syria and the adj acent countries Posth u mus and ,
Victorinus in Gaul Celsus in Africa I n g e n u u s and A u r e o l u s in

, ,
Illyria M acr ian u s in Asia M inor Piso in Thessaly ZE mi l ianu s

, , ,
—
in Egypt e t c These sovereigns known as the Thirty T y
,
.
“
rants — had for the m ost part brief an d inglorious reigns and
their kingdoms were generally as short lived as themselves -
.
In two quarters however a tendency to a permanent splitting

, ,
u p o f the empire was exhibited The kingdo m of O de nat h u s .
passed from that prince to his widow Zeno b ia and lasted for ,
ten years —fro m A D 2 64 t o 2 73 The Gallic monarchy o f . . .
Posthumus showed still greater vitality continuing for seven ,
teen years u n der four successive princes Posthumus Vic

, , ,
t o r i n u s Marius and T e t r i c u s
, Gallienus quite incapable o f
, .
,
grappling with the terrible di fli cu l t i e s o f the time a imed at ,
little more than maintaining his a uthority in Italy Even there .

,
however he w as attacked by A u r e ol u s ; and in the war which

,
followed his ow n soldiers slew him as he lay before Milan i n to

, ,
which A u r e ol u s had thrown himself A D 2 6 8 , . . .
From the state of extrem e wea k ness and disorganization

which Rom e had now reached a state which seemed to portend ,
her almost imm ediate dissolution sh e was raised by a succes ,
sion o f able emperors who although their reigns were unhap , ,
pily short contrived at once to reunite the fragments into which

,
the empire had begun to split and to maintain for the most ,
part the integrity Of the frontiers against the barbarians .
Claudius Aurelian Tacitus Probus and Carus— fiv e warlike

, , , ,
princes— reigned from A D 2 68 to 2 83 and in this space of . .

,
fifteen years the progress that w as made towards a recovery

,
o f the power and prestige o f Rome is most remarkable M . .
Aurelius Cla u dius the successor o f Gallienus who reigned

, ,
from A D 2 68 to 2 70 gained a great victory over the Alemanni

. .
,
in Northern Italy in A D 2 68 and another over the Goths at . .

,
Nissa in Moesia A D 2 69 His successor L Domitius Aure

,
. . .
, .
l ian u s routed an army of Goths in Pannonia A D 2 70 a nd

, , . .
,
e ff ectually checked the Alemanni in North Italy B e n t on .
reu n iting the fragme n ts of the empire h e undertook a w a r ,

a gainst Ze n obia A D 2 72 a n d brought it to a happy conclu

, . .
,
sion the year after He then tur n ed his a rm s agai n st the great
.
Western kingdom Of Gaul Spain and B ritain which was held , , ,
by T e tri cu s and succeeded in r e establishi n g the a uthority o f

,
-
Rome over those regions A D 2 74 H e w as a bout to proceed

, . . .
a gainst the Persians A D 2 75 whe n he fell a victim to the

,
. .
,
m alice of his priv a te secretary Eros ( or M ne sth e us) whose , ,
misco n duct he had thre a tened to punish .
Th e m ilitary glories of Aurelia n s reig n have throw n i n to ’
som e obscurity h is prudential m e a sures ; yet to these Rom e

probably owed as m uch H e fi na lly relinquished to the Goths
.
a n d Vandals th e outlying province o f D acia which h ad proved

‘
from the time o f its occup a tion by Traj an n othing but a n i n

cumbra n ce to the emp ire The Roman i n habitants were r e .
moved across th e D anube into Moesia a part o f which w a s ,

”
henceforth know n as D aci a A u re l iani Aurelia n a lso forti .
fi e d the cap ital an ew thus securing it fro m a coup de main

, ,
which the incursions of th e Aleman n i had show n to be a real

danger H is walls which were restored by Ho n orius c on
.
, ,
tin n e with som e sm a ll exceptio n s to be those o f the moder n

, ,
city .
The a ssassi n ation of Aurelia n w a s displeasi n g to the a r my

wh ich he com m an ded ; a n d th e soldiers instead of allowi n g ,
any o f their o fficers to assum e the purple a pplied to the Sen ,
ate to appoint a n ew emperor Th e Senate hesitated ; but af .

,
ter an interval o f six m onths complied with the request a nd , ,
elected M Claudius Tacitus one of th eir body A ple a sing

.
,
.
dream w as entertained for a few weeks o f restoring som ethi n g

like the O l d Republic but th e illusion soon va n ished Tacitus .
was called away from Rom e by an irruption of the Alani into

Asia M inor and there perished six o r seven months after his
, ,
accession either from weaknes s or through m ilitary viole n ce

,
.
O n learning the death o f Tacitus Florian his brother as , , ,
sum ed the imperial dignity a t Rom e while th e army Of the East ,
raised to the purple their general M Aurelius Probus A , . .
bloody contest for the empire seem ed impe n ding ; but it was
preve n ted by the lukewarm ness o f Florian s soldiers in his ’
cause Sacrificing their leader who survived h i s brother little

.
,
m ore than three mo n ths they passed over t o h is riv a l wh o

, ,
446 RAWL I N S O N
thus becam e undisputed emperor Probus was a warlike and .

,
at the sam e tim e a careful and prudent prince anxious to bene ,
fit his subj ects n ot merely by m ilitary expeditions but by the

, ,
arts of peace He delivered Gaul from the German hordes

.
which infested it and carried the Roman arms once m ore b e

,
yond the Rhine to the b an k s o f the N e c kar and the El b e The .
Agri D e c u m ate s becam e again a portion Of the empire and ,
the rampart of Hadrian was restored and strengthened O n .
the Danube Probus chastised the Sarm a tians and by the mere ,
terror O f hi s arm s induced the Goths to sue for peace In Asia .
M inor he recovered Isauria which had fallen into the hands o f ,
robbers I n Africa he pacified Egypt The court of Persia

. .
sought his alliance The troubles raised by the pretenders .

,
Sat u r n in u s in the East and P r o c u l u s and B o nosu s in th e West

, ,
he suppressed without a n y di fficulty Amo n g h is plans for .
recruiting the strength O f the empire two are specially notice

able— the settlem ent in m ost o f the frontier provinces of large
bodies of captured or fugitive barbarians Franks Van dal s B as , , ,
t ar nae Gepid ae etc and the improvement o f agriculture by the

, , .
,
drainage Of m arshy tracts and the planting o f suitable localities

with the grap e Th e first of these plans was attended with a
.
good deal of success ; th e second unfortunately provoked an

out b reak which cost Probus his life H e had ventured to em .
ploy h is soldiers i n agricultural labors which were distasteful ,
to them and perhaps i nj urious to their health O n this ac

, .
count they mutinied seized their arms and in a mom ent of , , ,
passion stained th eir ha n ds with his blood Probus died A D

, .
,
. .
2 8 2 after a reign Of six years and si x m onths

, .
After murdering Probus the soldiers conferred the purple on ,
M A u reli u s Carus prefect of the praetorians who proclaim ed

.
, ,
”
his two sons C ar i n u s and N u me r ianu s C ae sars and associ
, , ,
ated the elder C ar in u s in the cares o f empire Leaving this

, ,
.
prince to conduct a ff airs in the West Car u s proceeded at th e ,
head of a large army to I llyricum where he inflicted a severe ,
defeat o n the Sarmatians killing and taking pris

,
oners after which he proceeded to Persia where h e carried all ,
before him overrunning Mesopotamia and taking Seleucia

, ,
and Ctesiphon The complete conquest of Persia was antici

pated ; but the sudde n de a th of the E mperor—who m differe n t
.
AN C I EN T H I STO R Y 44 :
authors report to have been murdered to have died of disease , ,
and to have been killed b y lightning— put a stop to the expedi

tion and saved the kingdom of the Sassanid ae Carus died
,
.
,
A D 2 8 3 after he had reigned a little more than a year

. .
, On .
his death h i s so n N u m e r ianu s w as acknowledged as emperor

,
.
The year following A D 2 84 saw the death of N u me r ian u s

, . .
, ,
who was murdered at Perinthus by his father — i n law the pr ae -

,
torian prefect Arrius Aper C arin u s still ruled in the West ;

, .
but the army of the East discoveri n g the death of N u m e ri an u s

, ,
which was concealed set up a rival emperor in the person o f

,
Diocletian who slew Aper with his ow n hand and m arching

, , ,
westward defeated C ar in u s who was then assassi n ated by o n e

, ,
of his O fficers A D 2 8 5 , . . .
The period O f extrem e military license here terminates For .
ninety two years from A D 1 93 t o 2 84 the soldiers had e n

-
, . .
,
j oyed almost continuously the privilege of appointing whom so

ever they pleased to the O ffic e of suprem e ruler In a few in .
stances they had allowed a favorite prince a Severus a— ,
Valerian a Claudius a Carus— to nominate an associate o r

, ,
a successor ; and on one occasion they had put the n omin a tion
unreservedly into the hands O f the Senate ; but generally they
had asserted and maintained their right at each vacancy Of the ,
throne to choose and proclaim the imperator They had like

, .
wise ta k en up on th em selves to rem ove b y assassination even th e

r u lers of their ow n choice when they b ecame oppressive or in ,
any way unpop u lar Ten emperors h a d thus p erished by mili

.
tary violence in the space of sixty six years ( A D 2 1 7 t o -

. .
among them the virt u ous Alexander the mild G or dian u s the , ,
excellent Probus— and thus every emperor knew that h e held

o ffice simply during the good pleasure o f the troops and that if ,
he o ffended them his life would be the forfeit Such a system .
was tolerable in only one resp ect— it tended naturally to place

power in the hands of able generals B ut its evils far m ore than .
counterbalanced this advantage B esides the general sense o f .
insecurity which it produced and the absence o f anything like ,
plan o r steady system in the administration consequent upon ,
the rapid change o f r u lers it necessarily led to the utter de ,
m oralization o f th e army which involved as a necessary result ,
the a bsolute rui n of the e mpire The a rmy w as under the i m .

,
44 2 RAWL I N S O N
perial system the salt O f the R oma n world ; to corrupt it

,
was to sap the very life of the State Y et how could discipline .
be maintained when every general was bent on ingratiati n g

,
himself with his troop s in the hope of gaining what had come ,
to be regarded as the great prize of his profession a n d every ,
emperor was aware that to institute a searching reform would

be to sign his ow n death warra n t ? It was fortu n ate for Rome -
that sh e had p ower ful enem ies upon her frontiers B ut for th e .
pressure thus put both upon the m e n an d the o fficers her a rm ies ,
would have degenerated much m ore rapidly tha n they actu a lly
did a n d her ruin would have been precipitated
, .
T H I R D S ECT I O N .
Fro m the Accessio n of Diocletia n , A D . . 2 84 , to the fin a l

Division of the Empire ,
A D . .
With the accession of D iocletian th e declining empire ex

p e r i e n c e d another remarkable revival a revival moreover Of , , ,
a new character involving many changes and constituting a , ,
B e sid e s t h e Epi tomis t s E ut r op i us A u r e l iu s V ict o r Ru

S ou r ces .
, , ,
fu s Z o nar a s an d O r o si u s t h e mo s t i mp o rt ant au t h o ri t i e s fo r t his p e ri o d

, , ,
are Z o si mu s w h o s e H is t o ri a N ov a c ove rs t h e sp a c e b e tw e e n t h e
, ,
a cc e ssi on o f M a c r i n u s A D 2 1 7 an d t h e si xt e e nt h y e a r o f H o n o ri u s
, . .
, ,
A D 4 1 0; A mm i anu s M a rc e lli nu s w h o s e e igh t e e n b o o ks o f

“
. . H is ,
t o ri e s c onta i n a p r o lix a cc o unt o f t h e e ve nt s w hich h app e n e d b e t w e e n

A D 3 5 3 a n d 3 78 ; an d t h e O b sc u r e au t h o rs o f t h e P ane g y rics ” “
. .
,
M a m e r t i n u s E u m e n i u s N a ari u s e t c w h o mu s t b e c o n s u l t e d fo r t h e
, ,
z ,
.
,
e nt ir e p e ri o d b e t w e e n Di o cl e t i an a n d Th e o d o si u s ( A D 2 84 t o . .
Of i n fe ri o r i mp o rtan c e y e t s t ill o f c on si d e r abl e val u e ar e t h e Chris t i an

, ,
”
w ri t e rs E u s e bi u s ( H is t o ri a Eccl e si a s t ic a ; B u rt on O x o nii s
“
,
ed . .
,
1 85 6 ; 8v o a n d V i t a C ons t ant i n i M agn i ;

,
ed H e in i ch e n L i p si ae . .
,
”
L ac t ant i u s Op e r a B i p o n t i 1 786 2 v o ls 8v o ) J o h n o f
.
,
'
.
,
M al al a ( i n C M ull e r s Fr ag m H i s t G r ae c v ol
.
’
J o h n o f A nt i . . .
, .
o c h ( i n t h e s am e c o ll e c t i o n ) S o cr ate s S o z o me n T h e o do r e t E v ag ri
, , , ,
us e tc
, Th e . Arm e n i an H is t o r y of M o s e s of Ch o r e n is o cc asi onall y
s e rv ic e abl e A n oth e r i mp o rt ant s o u rc e is t h e
. C o d e x T h e odo si
anu s ( e d Sis m on di L i p si ae 1 73 6 4 5 ; 6 vo ls f o li o ) w hi ch gi ve s t h e
. .
,
-
.
,
l aw s p ass e d b e t w e e n A D 3 1 3 an d 43 8 and t h e C o d e x J u s t i n i anu s

. .
,
( e d Kri e g e l L i p siae 1 844 ; 3 v o ls 8y o ) w hich c ont ai n s nume r ou s

. .
,
.
,
l aw s of e m p e r o rs b e tw e e n H a dri an and C on s tant i ne C o i n s m e d als .

, ,
a nd i n scrip ti ons a r e als o val u abl e fo r t h e p e ri o d .

fresh ph a se o f imperialism w hich contrasts stro n gly with th e

,
previous o n e Power passed away from the hands of the sol

.
diers and tended to becom e dynastic ; the pri n ciple of associa

,
tion adopted on a wide scale gave stability to the governm ent ;

, ,
the hel m o f the State w as grasped by firm hands and various ,
new arrangements were m ade all favorable to absolutism , .
Such restrai n t as the Senate had up to this tim e exercised on

the desp otic authority o f the emperors— a restraint slightest n o
doubt in the cases where it was m ost needed yet still in the ,
worst case not wholly nugatory— was completely rem oved by

the departure o f the Court from Rom e and the erection o f other ,
cities — Nicom edia Milan Constantinople— into seats of gov

, ,
e r n m e nt Wh e n Rom e was n o longer the capital the Roma n

.
,
Senate became a m ere municipal body directing the a ff airs o f ,
a single provincial town ; and as its lost privileges were n ot

transferred to another assembly the Emperor remained the sole ,
s ource of law th e sole fountain Of honor th e o ne an d only

, ,
principle o f authority Ag a in th e influence o f the pr aetorians ,

.
,
who in their fortified camp at once guarding and com mandi n g

, ,
Rom e had co n stituted another check on th e absolute power

,
o f the princes ceased with the reform s o f Diocletia n and C o n

,
st an t i n e who respectively di m i n ish ed their n umbers an d sup

,
pressed them Th e O rientalization o f th e Court the c om

.
,
p a r at i v e seclusio n o f the m onarch an d the multiplication o f ,
o fficers and cerem onies weakened if it did n ot even destroy

, , ,
such little control as p u blic Opinio n had h itherto exercised over

the caprices o f the m onarch Above all the m ultiplication o f .
,
emperors and the care taken t o secure the throne against such
an occurrence as a vacancy took from the legionaries the ,
power which they had so long exercised and so much abused

, ,
o f making and destroying m onarchs at their will and placed ,
th e imperial authority almost b eyond the risk Of d a nger from

military viole n ce .
While the principle of a uthority w a s thus gaining i n stren gth ,
and th e anarchy which had prevailed for m ore than half a cen
tury w as giving place to the firm if somewh a t over despotic ,
-
,
rule of princes w h o felt themselves secure in their possessio n

o f th e throne another quite separ a te and m ost imp ortant
,
ch an ge w as t a ki n g pl a ce whereb y n ew life w a s infused i nto the

,
444 RAWL I N S O N
com mu n ity Christia n ity hitherto treated as inimical to the

.
,
State contemned and ignored or else down trodden and O p

, ,
-
pressed found itself at length taken into favor by the civil

,
power being first tolerated by G al e riu s after he had vainly

, ,
endeavored to root it out and then established b y Constan tine , .
As there c an b e no doubt that by this tim e th e great mass o f

the intellect and virtue o f the nation had passed over to the
Christian side the State cannot but have gained considerably
,
by a change which enabled it to employ freely these persons .
B ut scarcely any politic a l change i s without its drawbacks .
The esta b lishment of Christianity as th e State religion while it ,
alienated those who still adhered to heathenism tended to cor ,
rupt Christianity itself which persecution had kept pure t u rned

, ,
the attention Of the rulers from the defence and safety o f the
empire to m inute questions o f heterodoxy and orthodoxy and ,
engaged the civil power in new struggles with it s own subj ects ,
whom it was called upon to coerce as h eretics or schismatics .
M oreover the adoption o f Christianity by a state all whose

, ,
antecedents were bound up with heathenism was like the put ,

”
ting of a new patch on an ol d garm ent which could not bear ,
the alteration All the ol d associations all th e o l d m otives to

.
,
self—sacrifi ce and patriotism all the old watch words and rally ,
-
ing cries were discredited ; and new ones in harm ony with the ,
n ew religion could not at once be extemporized A change o f

, .
religion even though from false to true cannot but sha k e a

, ,
n ation to its very core ; and th e Roman body politic was too ol d -
and too infirm not t o su ff er severely from such a disturbance .
The change cam e too late thoroughly to revive and renovate ;

it may therefore n ot improbabl y have we a ke n ed an d h elped
, ,
towards dissolution .
N o r were the other political changes o f the period wholly

and altogether beneficial The partition Of the supreme power .
among numerous c o ordinate emperors was a fertile source O f

-
quarrel and m isunderstanding and gave rise to frequent civil ,
wars The local principle on which the partition w as made i n

.
creased the tenden cy towards a disruption o f the empire into

fragments which had already manifested itself The degra
, .
dation O f Rom e and the exaltation of rival capitals worked

in the same directio n an d w as likewise a breaking with ,
the past which could not but be tryi n g an d hazardous Th e .
completer despotism gave no doubt n ew vigor to the admin , ,
i st rat io n but it was irksom e and revolting to the feelings o f

many m ore especially in the provinces o f the West ; it alien
,
ated their a ffections and prepared them t o subm it re a dil y to a

,
change O f governors .
B ut if the rem edies devised b y the statesm e n o f the D ioc l e

,
t iani c period were insu ffi cient to restore the Empire to its pris
tine strength and vigor at any rate they acted as stimulants , ,
and revived the m oribund State very wonderfully for a space

o f time not inconsiderable From the accession o f Diocletian .
to the death o f Theodosius the Great ( A D 2 84 to is a . .
period exceeding a century During the whole o f it Rom e .

,
maintained her frontiers and her unit y rolled back each wave ,
o f invasion as it broke upon her and showed herself superior ,
t o all the surrounding peoples Fo r the gleam o f glory which .
thus gilds her closing day m ust we not regard her as in a great ,
m easure indebted to the reform s of D iocletian and Consta n

tine ?
D iocleti a n w as proclaim ed emp eror by the soldiers in Sep ,
tember A D 2 84 H e defeated C arinus and entered o n h is

, . . .
,
full sovereignty i n the followi n g year His first public m e a s

,
.
ure ( A D 2 86) was t o associate in the Emp ire under the title o f
. .
,
Augustus h i s comrade in arm s M ax i m ian a man w h o had

, , ,
risen from the ranks an d w h o had few m erits besides that o f

,
being a good general A few years later ( A D . he c om . .
p l e t e d h is schem e O f gover n m ent by the further creation of two

”
Caesars who were t o stand to th e tw o Augusti as so n s
,
and successors G al e riu s an d Consta n tius s elected r e sp e c

.
,
t iv e l v for this importa n t O ffice b y D iocletia n and M ax i mi an

'
were both o f th em active and able generals younger than their ,
patrons and well suited to fill th e position which w as assign ed

,
to them They readily a ccepted th e O ff ers of the tw o emp erors

.
,
and after repudiating their own wives m arried respectively the

, ,
dau g h t e r an d th e step — daughter o f their p a trons Th e I m .
perial College being thus complete D iocletian proceeded to a ,
divisio n of the empire analogous t o that which h a d form erly

t a ke n place under the triumvirs Reservin g to the elder .
Augusti the more settled provi n ces he a ssig n ed to the ,

44 6 RAWL I N S O N
Cae sars those which required the c a re o f younger and more

active me n Gaul Spain an d B ritai n with th e defe n ce of th e
.
, , ,
Rhine against the Germans were intrusted to Constantius ; ,
the Danu b ian provinces N oricum Pa n no n ia and Moesia to , , , ,
G al e r iu s Italy and Africa to M ax i mi an while Diocletian him

self retained Thrace Macedon Egypt and the East It was , , , .
understood however that the unity o f the empire was to be pre

, ,
served the C ae s a rs were to be subordi n ate to the A u

gusti ; and the younger Augustus was to respect the
superior dignity of the elder The four pri n ces were to for m .
an imperial B oard or College and were to govern the ,
whole State by th eir united wisdom .
“
The complex governm ental system thus est a blished b y Dio
c l e t i an worked thoroughly well while he himself retained the
su p erinte n dence of the m achi n e which h e had inve n ted No .
quarrels arose the C ae sars restrained themselves within the

lim its set them ; and M ax i mian w as always ready to submit his
j udgm ent to that of his benefactor M a ny da n gers from with .
o u t and som e from within threate n ed the State ; but they were
, ,
met with energy and comb a ted with success by the imperial
rulers In B ritai n for a while (A D 2 87 to
.
,
a rebel chief . .
,
C ar au si u s a German prob a bly defied the Rom an arm s and

, , ,
maintained an indep endent sovereignty ; but the a uthority o f

Rome was re established in this quarter ( A D 2 96) by the
-
. .
victories of Consta n tius M ax i mian put down the troubles .
which as early as A D 2 87 had broke n o ut i n Gaul ; while at a

,
. .
,
later date ( A D Consta n tius delivered the sam e province

. .
from a furious i n vasio n Of the Alemanni G al e ri u s a fter main .

,
taining for m any years the h onor of th e Roman a rm s upon the

Danube engaged th e Persians in the f a r East and a lthough at
, ,
first sig na lly defeated (A D ma de up for his defeat by a . .
great victory in the year followi n g which led to a peace very ,
advantageous t o the Ro man s Fi na lly D iocleti an a nd Max .

,
imian subdued revolt i n Afric a ch a stised the M oors and the ,
Egypti an s an d put to death the prete n ders w h o had raised the

,
standard o f revolt i n those region s .
B ut while success attended the a rms of Diocleti an an d his

colleagues against whatever enemy they were tur n ed whether ,
foreign or domestic the results achieved by the inter na l a dm in

,
istratio n th e empire were less satisfactory After long c o n

of .
sideration Diocletian determ ined towards the close of A D

, ,
. .
3 02 to compel uniform ity o f religion and for this purpose i s

, ,
sued an edict against the Christia n s ( A D wh ich led to . .
terrible excesses Throughout the entire empire except in the

.
,
extrem e West where Const a ntius protected those o f th e new

,
religion one —half of th e com munity found itself proscribed ;

”
,
the m ost relentless persecution followed ; thousa n ds were put

to death in alm ost every province ; the churches were de mo l
i sh e d en dowments confiscated the sacred b ooks burnt m eet
, , ,
ings for worship prohibited the clergy declared e n em ies o f the ,
State A war of exterm ination com menced to which there

.
,
seem ed to be no end for as usual th e blood of the m artyrs , ,

”
proved the seed O f the Church and the ranks of the Chris ,
tians were replenished as fast a s they were thinned A state o f .
things worse tha n civil war prevailed authority bein g engaged ,
in a co n flict in which it could no t succeed and bein g thus ,
brought into disrepute while the m ost cruel su fferings were

,
day by d a y inflicted on the citizens wh o were least deserving of

them .
N o r was suffering at this period confined t o th e Christians .
The establishment o f four Courts i n stead of on e and the mul ,
t ip li c at ion Of offi cials a n d o f arm ies v a stly augmented the ex ,
p e n di t u r e ; an d a he a v y i n crease o f taxatio n was the n ecessary

consequence The provinces groaned u n der the burden of
.
oppress ive imposts ; which were wrung from the reluctant tax
payer by viole n ce and eve n by torture In dustry sank beneath .
a system which left it without reward ; production diminished ;

and th e price o f all comm odities rose T o m eet this evil a .
,
futile attempt was made to fix by a law a m aximum o f prices

fo r all the necessaries and m ost o f the com modities Of life for
, , ,
corn wine and o il salt hone y butchers m eat vegetables

, , , , ,
’
-
, ,
clothes fi sh fruit laborers wages schoolmasters and adv o

, , ,
’
,
’
c a tes fees boots and shoes harness timber and beer Such
’
, , , , .
an i n terference with the natural course o f trade could o n ly ag

gravate th e evils which it was intended to allay .
The severe illness which a fflicted D iocletian i n A D 3 04 w a s . .

,
probably th e chief cause determining him o n the m ost cele

b rate d a ct o f his life—his abdication H is health made rest .
44 8 RAWL I N S O N
necessary for him and he may n aturally have desired to preside

over the steps which required to be taken in order to secure the
continuance of his system after h e him self should h ave quitted
life Accordingly he formally a bdicated h i s p ower in A D 3 05
.
, . .
,
after a reign of twenty — one years and compelled M ax i m ian to ,
”
do the sam e The two C ae sars G al e ri u s and C On stant i u s
.
, ,
”
became hereupon Augusti and should according to the , ,
original design o f D iocletian have respectively succeeded to ,
the provinces O f the East and O f th e West and have each ap ,
pointed a C aesar to rule a portion of his dominions B ut .
the partiality of Diocletian for his own C ae sar and son — in

law G al e r i u s o r h is conviction that the emp ire required a chief
, ,
ruler to prevent it from breaking up produced a m odification ,
of the original plan G al e r i u s with D iocletian s sanction ap

’
,
.
,
”
pointed both the new C aesars and assigned them their g ov ,
e r n m e n t s giving to his nephew M aximin

, Syria and Egypt ; ,
to his friend Severus Italy and Africa Constantius simply r e

, .
t ai n e d wh a t he already had G al e r i u s reserved for h i s o w n

.
share th e entire tract betwee n Gaul and Syria and was thus ,
master in his ow n person o r by his deputies o f three fourths

, ,
-
o f the emp ire .
The new p artition of the empire was followed shortly by the

death o f Constantius who expired at Y ork July 2 4 A D 3 06, , ,
. . .
O n his decease the legions imm ediately proclaim ed his son

, ,
Constantine his successor This was an infr i n gem ent of the

, .
n ew order of things ; but G al e r iu s felt himself o b liged to c on

done i t to recognize a legitimate C aesar in the new prince
, ,
”
while he raised Severus t o th e rank o f Augustus The har .
m ony o f the empire w as thus still preserved in spite Of the ir ,
regularity which had threatened to disturb it and the Roman ,
world continued to be still amicably governed by four princes ,

”
two o f whom were Augusti and two C aesars .
B ut it was not lon g before the tranquillity was interrupted .
M ax e n t iu s so n O f M ax im ian took advantage of the discontent

, ,
prevalent in Rom e and Italy owing to the loss o f privilege and

dignity to raise th e standard O f revolt assum e th e imperial or
, ,
n ame nt s and boldly proclaim himself emperor

, His father .
,
”
M ax i m i an j oined him and resum ed the rank of Augustus
, ,
.
In vain Severus hurried to Rome and endeavored to crush t h e ,

i n surrection Aba n do n ed by his troops he fell i n to h is e u

.
,
em y s hands and was compelled to end his life by suicide AI D

’
, , .
3 07. I n vain G al e r i u s at the head o f all the forces o f the ce n

,
tral and eastern provinces sought to impose his will on the ,
rebellious Romans and Italians ; after a short c a mpaign he w a s

obliged to retreat without e ffecting anything M ax im ian an d .
M ax e n t i u s wh o had allied themselves with Co n stantine held

, ,
their ground s u ccessfully against the e fforts O f their ant ag o

mists and for a brief space the empire was administered peace
fully by six emperors Constantine M ax i mian and M ax e nt iu s, , ,
in the West ; in the East G al e r i u s Maxim in and Licinius w ho , , , ,
had received the imperial dignity from G al e r iu s after the de a th

o f Severus .
The inh erent evil o f th e n ew system of government now be

gan to show itself First M ax im ian and M ax e nt iu s quar
.
,
r e ll e d and the form er was forced t o take refuge with C o n

,
st an t i n e Then Constantine himself had to defend h is positio n

.
a gainst the intrigues o f his father i n law and havin g defeated - -

,
him put him to death A D 3 1 0 In the next year G al e riu s

, , . . .
perished by the m iserable death wh ich has Often befallen per

s e c u t o rs and th e rulers o f the Roman worl d were thus reduced
to four Constantine in the West M ax e nt iu s in Italy and Afric a

, , ,
Licinius in I llyricum and Thrace M aximin in Egypt a nd Asia , .
B ut no friendly feeling now united the m embers o f the Imperial

College War broke out between Const a ntine and M ax e ntiu s
.
in A D 3 1 2 and between Licinius an d M aximin in the year

. .
,
following I n each case the struggle w a s soon decided C on

. .
st an t in e vanquished his adversary in two battles — on e near
Verona th e other at th e Colline gate— and becam e m a ster of

,
Rom e and Italy M ax e nt i u s perished in th e Tiber Maximi n

. .
was defeated by Licinius in a single great fight near H e racl e ia ; ,
but the victory was decisive being followed sh ortly b y the de ,
feat ed emperor s suicide It remained that the tw o victors

’
.
,
lords respectively o f the East and of the West should me a sure ,
their strength against each other Th is they did in A D 3 1 4 ; . . .
and after a long and bloody struggle interrupted by a n interval ,
of peace ( A D 3 1 5 to . victory declared itself in favor o f

.
the Western legions and Constantine wh o is not without re a, ,

”
so n given th e epithet O f th e Gre a t bec a m e sole ma ster o f ,
29
4 56 RAWL I N S O N
the reu n ited Roma n Empire The defeated Lici n ius was a s a .
,
matter of cours e put to death A D 3 2 4

, , . . .
The reign of Constanti n e the Great is the tur n i n g poi n t of -
this period of the history He completed the revolution which .
Diocletian had begun B y his e n tire abolition of the p r ae t o

.
rians and conversion o f their prefects into purely civil o fficers

, ,
h e secured the State as far as was possible from the tyr an ny of

th e sword B y the erection of his n ew c a pital and the form a l
.
,
tra n sfer o f the seat of governm ent from Rom e to Byza n tium ,
he put th e finishing stroke to the degradatio n of the old m e

t r op ol i s destroyed forever the power o f the Se na te a nd freed
, ,
the emperors fro m all those galling restrictions which ol d c on

stit u t i o n al form s an d usages imposed upon them B y his or .
g an iz at ion of t h e Court o n a thoroughly Eastern model h e ,
stamp ed fi n ally o n th e later empire the char a cter o f O rient a lis m

which a ttaches to it Finally by his new division o f the e m
.
,
pire i n to Prefectures an d his a ssign ment o f di fferent p ortio n s

,
o f his dominions t o his sons a n d nephews on whom h e c o n ,

” ”
ferred the titles o f C aesar o r King h e m a intai n ed i n a , ,
modified form the principles o f a federated as disti n ct fro m

a centralized government and of j oint as distinct from sole rule , ,
which w as the most original and at the sam e tim e th e m ost ,
doubtful of Diocletian s conceptions

,
’
.
B ut th e reforms of Constantine were not limited by the r an ge

o f his predecessor s conceptions He established not merely
’
.
,
a t the Court but through out the empire a graduated nobility

, , ,
the archetyp e Of th e m odern systems mainly but n ot wholl y ,
offi cial composed o f three ranks : th e illustrious (i llustres) ;

,
”
th e respectable (spe ctabiles) ; a n d the right honorable
“
(clar issimi) To the illustrious class belonged the consuls
.
duri n g their term o f o ffice ; th e p a tricians life peers w h o t e , ,
c e iv e d th e title o f p at r i c i u s at the will of th e Emperor ; th e

pr aetorian prefects six in number four provincial and t w o met
, ,
r o p olit an— the prefects respectively o f Rom e and Consta n ti
n O p l e ; th e masters — general of the cav a lry and infantry ; an d

th e seve n chief o fficers of the Court m entio n ed in the preced ,
i n g sectio n Under the h ead o f respectable were i n cluded

.
the proconsuls Of Asia Africa an d Ach aea ; the heads o f the , ,
thirteen dioceses whatever their sp ecial title whether vicar

, , ,
cou n t o r august a l prefect a n d th e second r an k of O fficers in the

,
army thirty fi v e in number o f whom ten were counts

,
-
,
”
and the remainder dukes The subordinate governors of .
provinces consulars presidents and correctors together with

, , , ,
the other m embers of the Roman and Constanti n opolitan Sen

a tes constituted the class o f right h onorables o r C laris
,
”
sim i. Constantine likewise reorganized the Roman army .
H e m ultiplied the number and reduced the stre n gth Of th e

legions which were raised from thirty o r thirty one to a hun
,
-
dred and thirty two while the strength o f each sank from 6000
-
,
t o 1 000 or 1 5 00 H e divided the soldiers into the two classes

.
”
of p a latines and borderers th e form er quartered in the ,
chief towns o f the empire the latter stationed upon the fron ,
tiers The whole army he p laced under two ( later under four )
.
,
comm a nders called resp ectively m aster of th e h orse (mag

, ,
iste r equitum) and m aster o f the foot ( ma g iste r p tum) but

e di ,
e a ch practically com manding m ixed armies in the field Next .
in ran k to them were the various counts and dukes who ,
a cted as lieute na nts or divisional generals and were st a tioned ,
i n the m ore exposed provinces .
It is n ot certain that Const an tine made any cha n ge i n the

n ature or am ou n t of the taxes which the imperial gover n ment
exacted from its subj ects B ut the fact that the era o f i n .
dictions dates from a year within his reign ( Sept 1 A D 3 1 2 ) .

, . .
would seem to imply that th e practice of making a new survey

o f the empire for fi n ancial purposes every fifteen years was c o m
me n c e d by him The land tax (capitatio o r indictio) with its

.
-
,
supplem ent the poll tax ( capitatio h umana o r ple be ia) th e tax
,
-
,
o n trades ( aur um l ustr ale ) the indirect taxes customs etc , th e , , .

,
forced contributions ( aur um cor onar ium) were all o f them i m , ,
posts of o l d standi n g at this time ; and it is not easy to se e that

Co n sta n tine added any others He was probably rigid in his .
ex a ction o f taxes and may have been the first to require that
,
a ll paym ents to the tre a sury should be made in gold ; but th e

charge o f Oppressing his subj ects by the imposition o f n ew and
unheard O i burdens which rests upo n the sole testimo n y Of the
-
,
”
prej udiced Zosimus is certainly n ot prove n , .
B ut the gre a t change the crow n ing reform introduced an d

, ,
c a rried through by Constantine w a s his reformation o f religio n .

45 2 RAWL I N S O N
Here he did not so m uch go beyond as directly co n tradict t h e

ideal of Diocletian D iocletian and after him G al e riu s had
.
, ,
endeavored to destroy Christianity root and branch b y th e , ,
fire of persecution B ut they had failed ; and G al e r iu s had ac

.
k nowledged the failure by an edict issued from his death bed -

,
which permitted to the Christians the free exercise o f their r e

li g i o n and invited them to aid the su ffering emperor by their
,
prayers G ale r i u s however and th e emperors Of h is appoint

.
, ,
m ent though they tolerated Christianity had remained heath

, ,
e n s an d had continued to maintain heathenism as the State

,
religion It remained for Constantine not m erely to tolerate

.
,
b u t in a certain sense to establish th e new religion ; to recog ,
nize it s bishops and clergy as privileged persons t o contribute ,
largely towards its endowment to allow the m eetings and give ,
e ff ect to the decrees O f it s councils to conform the ju ri sp r u ,
dence of the State to its precepts and its practices H ence the .
laws against infanticide against adultery against p ederasty

, , ,
against rape and seduction passed at this period ; hence th e

edict for the general Observance O f Sunday and the new a n d ,
strong restrictions upon the f acility of divorce Co n sta n tine .
did not indeed as has som etim es been supposed proscribe

, ,
heathenism he did not shut up the temples neither did he for ,
b id the O ffering o f sacrifice B ut he completely dissociated .
the State fro m heathenism and to a certain extent allied it with

,
Christian ity he stopped all m agisterial O ffering o f sacrifice ; he

shut up the temples where the ritual was im moral Though .
not a baptized Christian till shortly before his death he threw ,
th e whole weight O f his encouragem ent on the Christia n side ;

and the rapid increase in the number o f professing Christia n s ,
which now se t in must b e regarded a s i n great part the e ff ect

,
o f h is patronage .
The character o f Constantine has been variously estimated ,
according as his patronage O f Christi a nity has been liked o r

disliked The m ost impartial writers V iew him as a m a n i n
.
whom vice and virtue weakness and strength o f mind were

,
curiously b lended His m ilitary talents and his p ower o f or

.
g a n i z a t i o n are incontestable His a ctivity courage prudence

.
, , ,
and a ffectionateness can n ot be questioned B ut he w as less .
clement and humane than it w as to have been expected th a t

the first Christian emperor would have shown him self ; he was
str a ngely superstitious ; and his religio n so far as it can b e ,
gathered from his public acts his coins his m edals and his , , ,
recorded speeches was a curious m edley o f Christianity and ,
paganism which it is not pleasant to contemplate H is char

, .
a cter deteriorated as time went on H i s b est p eriod is that o f .
his administration of Gaul A D 3 06 to 3 1 2 As he grew older , . . .

,
he becam e more suspicious more irritable m ore harsh and , ,
s evere in his punishm ents The dar k est shadow which rests .
upon his reign is connected with the execution of his son ,
Crispus and his nephew Licinius events o f the year A D 3 2 6 ;

, , , . .
but it is impossible to say whether these acts were or were not , ,
a State necessity— whether they punished a contemplated crim e ,
o r were cruelties which had their origin in a wicked and u n
worthy j ealousy Th e harm ony which subsisted between Con

.
st an t i n e and his other sons and the kindness which he showed ,
towards his half brothers and their O ffspring may reasonably

-
,
incline us to the belief that in the great tragedy o f h is dom estic

life Constantine was rather unfortunate than guilty .
The later years of Constantine were troubled by th e bar

b ar i an s o f the North and East who once m ore assum ed th e ag ,
g e ssiv e and invaded or threatened to invade the Roman

r , , ,
territory In the vigor O f his youth and middle age he had r e

.
p e l l e d such attacks in person defeating the Franks and Ale ,
manni in Gaul A D 3 09 and the Goths and Sarm atians upon

, . .
,
the Dan u be A D 3 2 2 Less active as h e approached o l d age

,
. . .
,
he employed th e arm s of his eldest son Constantine to chastise , ,
the Goths in A D 3 3 2 and allowed the hostile proceedings o f

. .
,
the Persian s ( A D 3 3 6) to pass unrebuked At the sam e tim e

. . .
he m ade preparations for the succession in anticipation of ,
his o w n demise creating his third s on Constans and his

, , ,
”
nephew D al m ati u s C aesars making another nephew Han
, , , ,
n i b ali an u s Rex and assigning to these two nephews and his

, ,
three surviving sons the administration of di fferent portions Of

h i s dominions Constantine died May 2 2 A D 337 having
.
, , . .
,
reigned nearly thirty — o n e years .
The designs o f Const a ntine with respect to the successio n

were not allowed to take full e ffect Troubles followed close .
upon his de ce a se w hi ch led t o the re mov a l of D al mat iu s a nd

,
454 RAWL I N S O N
H annib alianu s, a nd the murder of m ost of their near relatio n s

a nd p a rtisans The three sons o f Constantine divided his do
.
m i n ions b etween them Constantine ret a ining the portio n as ,
signed him by his father viz the Gauls Constans receiving , .

, ,
the share of D al mati u s besides his o w n and Constantius ab ,

“
sorbing the k ingdom of H annibalianu s But the brothers .
could not long remain at peace among them selves C on .
st ant i n e the eldest discontented with his sh a re required

, , ,
Constans to relinquish to h i m th e diocese o f Africa and when ,
the latter demurred invaded his territories and sought to com ,
pel the surrender H e had however m iscalculated his .

, ,
st re n gth a nd was easily defeated and slai n ( A D

, C 011 . .
stans took possession o f his government but ruling tyran , ,
n i call y was ten years later ( A D

, ,conspired aga inst by his . .
generals and m inisters on e o f whom M ag ne nt iu s assumed , , ,
the purple c a ptured and slew Constans and reigned in his

, ,
stead M eanwhile Constantius was engaged in a n u n success

.
,
ful war against the Persia n s under their king Sapor who ai m ed , ,
at recovering the provinces ceded to G al e ri u s b y his grand

father Recalled b y the dangerous condition O f the West
.
,
where besides M ag n e nt iu s another O fficer V e t ranio ge n er a l

, , , ,
i n Illyricum had b een proclaim ed emperor Consta n tius i n the

, ,
space of three years (A D 3 50 to 3 5 3) put down all oppositio n . .

,
forcing V e t ranio to abdicate his dignity a nd retire i n to private

life ( A D . and driving M ag ne nt iu s after twice defe a ting
.
,
him — at Mursa in Pannonia A D 3 5 1 and at Mount Seleucus ,

. .
,
in G a ul A D 3 5 3—to take refuge in suicide Co n sta n tius thus

, . . .
,
in the sixteenth year after the death of h is father Constantine ,
reunited under h is sole rule the scattered fr a gme n ts of the Ro

man world .
The sole reig n o f Co n sta n tius wh ich lasted from A D 3 5 3 to ,

. .
3 6 1 was a period o f mixed disaster and success exhausting

, ,
to the empire but not inglorious His bloody contest with ,

.
M ag n e nt i u s had greatly weakened the Roman m ilitary force ,
and exposed the empire almost without defence to the a ttacks

o f the b arbarians German tribes had been actually e ncou r.
a ged b y Constantius to cross the Rhine and had pla n ted them ,
selves firm ly on its left b a nk The Quadi a n d Sar ma tians .
ceased to respect the frontier of the D an ube In th e East .

S a por resumed his aggressive operatio n s an d poured his hosts ,
into the Roma n province o f M esopotamia B ut though the .
Roman a rm s sustained m a n y reverses especially in the East , ,
and though the p rovi n ces su ffered grievously from hostile i n

roads yet on every s ide the honor o f the empire w as upheld o r
,
vindicated and n o permanent conquest Of Roman territory was

,
e ffected Constantius repulsed the Quadi and attacked the m

.
in their ow n abodes A D 3 57 ; se t a king devoted t o h is in

, . .
t e r e st s over the S ar m at ae A D 3 5 9 ; a nd prevented Sapor fro m ,

. .
occupyi n g the regions which he overran with his army A D , . .
3 60 In the West the e ff orts o f Julian were crowned with still

.
,
m ore decided success The Franks and Alemanni defeated in

.
,
a number o f battles ( A D 3 56 to evacuated their n ew . .
conquests a n d retired to the right ba n k of the Rhine ; but even

h ere the vengeance of the Romans followed them Julia n led .
three expeditions across the great river ravaged Germ any fa r ,
a n d wide and retur n ed into Gaul with a rich booty

, .
I n his relations with the p rinces o f h i s fa mily Const an tius

w as peculiarly u n happy At his accession A D 3 3 7 he had .
, . .
,
sanctioned if he had not even com m anded the massacre o f his

, ,
t w o surviving uncles a n d s even o f h i s cousins Two cousins .
only Gallus and Julian boys o f si x a n d twelve respectively he

, , ,
had spared Having n o m ale Off spring and having lost his t w o
.
,
brothers w h o died childless it w as only to these two prince s

, ,
that he could look if he desired heirs o f his o w n blood and

,
lineage Accordingly when the troubles caused by M ag n e n

.
,
tius sum m oned h im to the West A D 3 5 0 h e drew forth Gallus , . .

,
fro m the retirem ent in which he bred him up conferred upo n ,

”
h i m the title Of C aesar and intrusted t o him the admi n istr a,
tion o f the East B ut the ill trained prince having grievously

.
-
abused his trust was in A D 3 54 sum moned to app ear before

, . .
Constantius at M ilan and when he obeyed w a s seized while , , ,
upo n his j ourney impriso n ed and put to death Shortly after

, .
wards (A D 3 5 5) Julia n w as by th e influence o f th e Empress

. .
, ,
Eusebi a advanced to the dig n ity made vac a nt by h is half

,
’
brother s deceas e and i n vested with the gover n ment o f th e
G a uls but the Emperor was from first t o last j ealous o f his
young ki n sman and harsh in h is treatm ent of him At le n gth .
,
when he found himself a bout to be deprived of the troops w h o

45 6 RAWL I N S O N
constituted h is sole defence Julian allowed his soldiers to pro

,
claim him emperor ( A D . and marched eastward to main

.
t a in his cause in arm s Another civil war would have followed

.
had not Constantius opportu n el y died ( A D 3 6 1 ) and left the . .
throne open to his rival .
Julian the last prince of th e house of Co n stantine who su c

, ,
c e e de d to th e undivided empire o n the death o f Constantius ,
was a man of unquestionable a bility and o f nearly blameless

m oral ch a r a cter ; but his reign w as a m isfortune for the empire .
A pagan from conviction he not only restored Paganism to its

,
o ld position as the esta b lished religion Of the State but e n ,
d e av o r e d to destroy Christianity by depriving its professors Of

the adv an tages o f wealth knowledge a n d power and perti
, , ,
n ac i o u sl y directing against the m every weapon o f petty perse
c u tio n The success of his enterprise had it bee n possible

.
, ,
would have deeply inj ured the State since it would have sub ,
stituted a degraded moi al it y and an e ffete religion for an eth ical

'
syste m in which eve n sceptics can find no fault and a fa ith ,
whose vitality is evidenced by its continuing to exist and to

flourish at th e present day B ut success was wh olly imp os .
sible ; even a partial success could only have been gained at the
expense o f a prolonged civil war ; a n d thus the sole result o f
the emperor s futile attempt was to caus e a large am ount of
’
actual su ffering to exasperate the two parties against each

,
other and to prolong a struggle which could only end in one

,
way The religious counter revolution which he designed was

.
-
altogether a m istake and an anachronism ; and it was well for

the empire that th e brevity o f his reign confined the tim e of
su ffering a nd of struggle withi n n arrow limits .
Nor was the great military expedition which Julian u n der

took against th e Persians more fortunate in its results than h i s
crusade against the faith Of half h is subj ects The end at which .
he aimed— the actual destruction o f the Persian empire—w a s

grand a nd th e plans which he form ed for the accomplishment
,
o f his obj ect were not ill devised ; but he had underrated the
-
di fficulty o f his u n dertaki n g a n d had counted too much on ,
all his plans being carried o ut successfully The allies o n .
whose a ssistance he recko n ed—Ar meni a and Liberia—Jailed

h im ; his seco n d a rm y which h a d bee n directed t o t a ke the
,
li n e o f the Tigris and j oin him before Ctesiph on n ever m ade ,
its appear an ce ; he him self accomplished without disaster his

ma rch along the Euphrates and th e Nahr Malcha to the Per -
sian capital but he found h is forces insu fficient t o undertake

,
i t s siege and after an imprudent delay h e w as compelled j ust

, ,
a s the heats o f summ er were com ing o n to comm ence his r e ,
treat B ut the multitudinous enem y hung about his rear c u t

.
,
O ff his stragglers deprived him o f supplies and eve n venture d

, , ,
where the ground was favorable to occupy and interrupt h is ,
line of march Like the Ten Thous a nd Greeks in their retreat

.
through the s a me regions th e Rom a n army had day after da y ,
t o fight its way At length in one o f these n um erous comb a ts

.
Julia n fell The soldiers forced to supply his place created

.
, ,
the Christian Jovian emp eror ; and Jovian procured himself

, ,
a safe retreat from Persia with the remnant o f Julian s army b y ’
relinquishing the provinces ceded t o G al e riu s in A D 2 48 to . .

,
gether with a portion of M esopotamia .
The reign o f J ovia n lasted only a few months— fro m Ju n e ,
A D 3 63 to February A D 3 64— but it was long e n ough t o

. .
, ,
. .
e n able him to reverse h i s predecessor s religious cha n ges an d

’
,
restore Christianity to its form er position He conducted the .
army O f Julia n from the eastern bank o f the Tigris to A n cyr a

i n Phrygi a religiously perform ed the stipulations Of his tre a ty
,
with Sapor replaced Athanasius o n his episcopal thro n e a n d

, ,
issued an edict of universal toleration His death February 1 7 .

, ,
A D 3 64 was sudden a nd mysterious but is m ost probabl y t o

. .
, ,
be a scribed to natural causes .
An interregnum of ten days followed the death of Jovian .
At its close t h e g reat O fficials O f the empire took upon them

selves to no m inate a monarch and selected Valentinian a , ,
Christian and a brave O fficer who had served with distinctio n ,
both on the Rhine and in Persia The army ratified the choice .
,
b ut required the new emperor to associate a colleague being ,
anxious ( apparently ) to prevent the recurrence of such a time

Of uncertainty and suspense as they had j ust experienced Val .
e n t i n i an conferred the purple o n his younger b rother Valens , ,
and com mitted to his hands the administration of the p ra

”
fe ct u ra O ri e nti s reserving th e rest of the empire for himself
,
.
He fixed h is court at Mil a n and fro m this centre or some , ,

453 RA W L I N S O N
ti m es from T r eves he govern ed w ith vigor an d success , ,
t ho u gh not w i t h o u t occa ion al cru el t y t h e v a rio u s prov s

,
i n c e s of t h e W est I n person or b y h i s gener al s he defeated

.
, ,
t h e Pic t s an d Scots in B ri t ai n t h e Saxons in Northern Ga u l .

,
t h e F r an k s and A lem an n i u p on th e Rh ine and th e Qua di upo n ,
t h e D an u b e ever yw here m ai n t ain i n g the fronti er and de f end
in g it b y ca tl es an d ramp ar ts H e s u ppressed t h e revolt o f

s .
Pirm u s in Af rica an d r e estab l ished the Roman auth ority over

.
-
Num i dia an d M a u retan i a As ear l y as A D 3 67 he associated . . .

,
hi s son Grati an in t h e honors of th e i mperi al di g nity b ut gave

.
, ,
h i m no share in th e governm ent H e died at B r e g e ti o on th e .

,
D an u b e Novem b er 1 7 A D 3 7 5 when he had rei gn ed between

, , . . .
eleven an d twelve v e ar s .
Meanwhil e t h e weak er Val ens in th e East c ruel tim id and

, , , ,
gove r ned b v favo r ites w ith di ffi c u lt y m ai n tained hi m self upo n

.
t h e thr one w hi ch h e owed not to his ow n m erit b ut to the af .

,
fe cti on or t h e j ea lo u sy of hi s b roth er Th e i n s u rrecti on of .
Procopi u s had n earl y b rough t h is rei gn to an en d in th e ye a r

aft er hi s accession A D 3 6 5 b ut was s u ppressed b y the cour
,
. .
,
age and devo t ion of th e b rave an d un se lfish Sa l lust W ar wi t h

'
t h e Visigo t hs wh o had em b raced th e cause of Procopius fol

, ,
lowed A D 3 67 an d was concl u ded b y a p eace A D 3 69 o f

,
. .
, , . .
,
whic h t h e b ar b a rian s di ctated the term s A ca mpaign against .
Sap or A D 37 1 had no res ul t of i mportan ce I n the follow

,
. .
, .
in g y ear t here was a con spir a c y at A n t ioch w hi ch t hr eatened th e

life of t h e Emp eror B u t t h e gr e at event O f the reign of V ale u s
.
was the irr up t i on of t h e Hun s i n to Europ e and t h e consequent ,
precipitati on on t h e Rom an Emp i re of the dispossessed Go ths ,
who received as supp li an ts an d fugiti ves were in a li t tl e while

, ,
dr iven b y ill — trea t m ent to declare th em selves enemies an d in ,
th e t w o ba t tl es O f M ar c i an op l e and Adri an ople proved their

su p e ri or i t v over th e Rom a n ar mies def e a ti n g fir st th e generals ,
O f Valens a n d then Valens h im self who was sl ai n at Adr i an o

, ,
ple w i t h tw o thirds O f h i s soldi ers A D 3 78

,
-
,
. . .
O n the dea t h of V alen t i n ian A D 3 75 he had been succe e d ,

. .
,
ed b v his son G rati an a you t h of seventeen who im m e diately , ,
as sociated in th e government h is brother Valentin ian I I a boy ,

.
,
of fiv e Grati an the p u p il of the C hri stian poet Ausoni us was

.
, , ,
amiable but weak S O long as the instru ctors of his youth

.
main ta i n ed the ir a uthori ty over him he co n duct ed him self w i t h ,
credi t an d s eem ed to be an excellen t rul er Ga u l w as de livered .
from t h e A leman ni under h is au spic e s b y t h e vict o r y of A r

g e n tar ia ( A D . an d t h e East which th e preci p i t ation of
.
,
his uncle had p revented h im from saving w as w i se ly p lace d ,
un der the s u perintenden ce O f Th eodosi us who m Gratia n rais ed ,
from a p riva t e s ta ti on t o be h is co ll ea g u e A D 3 79 T h e pre , . . .
fecture of I ll yri cu m w as vol u n ta rily ceded b v t h e W e st ern to

'
t h e Ea s tern Emp eror B u t as a dvanci n g m anho od eman e i

.
pated Gratian from con t rol t h e nat ural soft n e s and wea kn e s ,
s s
O f his c h a racter di sp la yed i ts e lf U nw o rt h v fa vori t es O b tain ed .
from hi m t h e directi on of pu b lic a ff ai rs and cr u ell y a b u sed his ,
co n fidence H u n t in g b ecam e h i s p a sio n an d t h e ho u rs w h i c h

.
s
sho u ld have b een gi ven t o b u sines s w ere devo t ed t o t h e pl e as

ures an d exci t em en t of t h e chas e Th e arm y w as negle c t ed .
an d res ented i ts tr ea t m ent ; th e in d olen t em pe ror w a de s i s ed ; s
in a s h ort t i m e revol t b r o ke o u t M axi m u s a Ro m an set tl e d .

,
i n B rit ai n w as in ves t ed wi th t h e p u rp l e b y t h e B rit ish l egio n

,
s
,
and pas sed over i n to Gaul w i t h t h e in t en t io n of en ga gin g ,
Grati a n B ut th e Gal li c legi o n s re fus ed t o fi h t ; an d Gr a ti an

.
g
,
qui tt i n g Par is w h er e he held hi s co u rt fled t o Ly o n an d w as

, .
s
,
th er e overta ken and slai n A D 3 8 3 , . . .
Maxi m us success fu l t h u s far o b tai n ed an ac kn o w l ed g m en t

, ,
of h is di gni t y from Th eo dosiu s on con diti on of hi ac kn ow l e dg ,

s
ing in hi s tu r n t h e ti t l e of Val en ti ni an I I an d lea vi n g hi m in

u n di stur b ed po ss es ion of the I ta lia n prefec t ur e whi c h ha d
s
.
be e n made over t o hi m b y hi s b ro t h er B u t th e am b i t ion of .
th e us ur per i n duced hi m aft er a fe w vea t s t o b rea k h s en gage

i
ment In Augu st A D 3 87 h e c o ss ed t h e Al p s in vaded

.
,
. .
,
r
,
Ita ly an d drove Val en tini an to tak e refu ge in th e Ea t Th ere

,
s
th e gr ea t Th eodosius a fter so m e h es it ati on e mb ra c e d th e c au e

, .
s
of hi s nephew m a rr ied h i s s i t er Gal l a an d de fe t i n g M axi

,
s
. .
a
m u s in Pann on i a L D 3 88 rep la ced th e v o un g V al en ti ni a n

, : .
,
U po n t h e th rone .
Val entin i an H wh o n ow at t h e age o r eig htee n be ca m e for

.
,
th e s econd t im e em peror w as ami abl e an d wea k l ik e h is .

,
b roth er He all ow ed a su bj ect A r g ob a t e a Fr ank b v race

.
,
s s
, .
t o Obt ai n a po siti on in t h e ki n gdo m si mil ar t o t h a t oc cu p ied b y
the may o r s of th e p al a ce un der t h e M ero vi n gi a n b rag o f s

4 00 RAWL I N S O N
Fra n c e then becoming aware of his own want o f au

; an d ,
t h o r i t y attempted t o rem ove him but in vain

, A r g ob ast e s , .
asserted h i s power refused to lay dow n his o ffice and after a

, ,
few days m urdered his master A D 3 92 a nd placed a creature ,

. .
,
o f his own o n e Eugenius upon the throne

, , .
The n e w emperor was not acknowledged by Theodosius ,
whose natural indignation at the contempt shown for his ar

rangements w as stimulated by the prayers and tears O f his wife ,
Galla the sister o f the murdered m onarch After temporizing

, .
for some m onths while he collected a formida b le force the

, ,
Eastern emperor invaded the provinces Of the West defeating ,
his rival by the help Of his ow n troops n ear Aquileia and caused ,
his head t o be struck from h is shoulders A D 3 94 The , . . .
Fr a nk A rg obaste s became a fugitive and soon afterwards

, , ,
term inated his life by suicide .
The reign Of Theodosius in the East runs parallel with those

o f Gratian M axim us Valentinia n I I and Eugenius in the
, , .
,
West com m enci n g A D 3 79 in the fourth year o f Gratian and

, . .
, ,
terminating A D 3 95 the year after the death of Eugenius

. .
, .
It i s a reign which surprises u s by its wonderful vigor The .
”
O do si u s truly deserved the nam e of Great By a combina .
tion of patience and caution with vast m ilitary s k ill h e in the ,
course of five years ( A D 3 79 to 3 84 ) e ffectually reduced the . .
hordes o f the Visigoths t o subj ection converted them from ,
enemies into subj ects and was able to use their swords against ,
his other adversaries It w as no do u bt an evil that these bar

.
b ar i an s and th e O strogoths also after their defeat in A D 3 8 6

, ,
. .
,
were settled within the limits o f the empire in Moesia Thrace , , ,
Illyricum and Asia M inor ; since they were not su fficiently

,
civilized to amalgamate with the other subj ects o f the State .
But Th eodosius had only a choice O f evils If he had not given .
t h e bar b arians settlem ents he would have driven them to de ,
spair ; and m ore was to be feared from their despair than even
from their fi c kl e n e ss and turbulence Theodosius himself kept .
the Goths quiet while he lived He employed them with good .
e ff ect against Maximus and Eugenius If his successors had .
had his talents the new subj ects of the e m p ire m i g h t very
, ,
possibly have bee n kept under control and have becom e its
, ,
stren gth i n ste a d of proving i ts we a k n ess .

The vigor o f Theodosius which was emp lo y ed with such

,
good e ff ect agai n st the Goths and against the usurpers wh o

,
troubled the repose of the West found another a nd m ore ques

,
t ion ab l e vent in the regulation of the faith of his subj ects and in
earnest and prolonged e fforts to establish uniformity of t e
l ig i o n .A qualified persecution o f heathenism had bee n sanc
t io n e d by som e previous emperors Theodosius b roadly for .
bade all exercise of the chief rites o f the old pagan religio n
under the extrem e penalty of death ; shut up o r destroyed the
temples ; confiscated the O l d endowments ; an d m ade every a ct
o f the worship penal Towards heretics h e acted with equal
.
decision but with somewhat less harshness Th e Arians a n d

, .
other sects condemned by the Councils of Nice (A D 3 2 5 ) and . .
Constantinople ( A D 3 8 1 ) were compelled to relinquish their

. .
churches vacate their sees and m a k e over their endowm ents

, ,
to the orthodox th ey were forbidden to preach to ordai n m i n ,
i st e r s and even to m eet for pu b lic worship but the penalty i n

,
case of disobedience rarely went beyon d a fine or exile an d ,
practically the penalties were very seldom enforced The ad .
m inistration of Theodosiu s was very m uch less severe tha n his

laws ; and to j u dge him from h i s code alone would give a f a ls e
idea o f his character .
Still Theodosius ca n not be wholly absolved from th e charge

of violence and cruelty H is temper was capricious and while
.
,
upon som e occasions h e exhibited an extraordinary degree Of

clem ency a n d gentleness under extrem e provocation as whe n ,
( in A D 3 8 7) he pardoned th e insolence of Antiochenes yet

. .
,
o n others h e allowed the fury which opposition awoke in him
to have free course and involved th e innocent and the guilt y

,
in on e sweeping sentence o f punishm ent The m ost notable .
example O f this culpable s everity is to be found in the fam ous

massacre o f th e Th essalonians for wh ich h e was compelled to
,
do penance by St Ambrose ( A D
. . .
The victory of Theodosius over the usurper Euge n ius A D , , . .
39 ,4 had m ade him m aster of the West and reunited for the last
,
tim e the whole o f the Roman world under th e sceptre O f a si n gle

m o n arch B ut the union did n ot last longer than a few months
. .
It h ad com e to be an accepted principle of the imperial p olicy

that the weight of the i n ter na l a dmi n istr a tio n a nd the defe n ce ,
462 RAWL I N S O N
of the fro n tiers against the b a rbaria n s was a burden be y o n d the ,
powers o f any single ma n From the accession of Diocletia n .
the Roman world had bee n governed excepting on rare o c ,
c a sions b y a plur a lity of pri n ces ; a n d it had been the usu a l

,
practice to partition o u t the provinces am ong them Theo .
do si u s therefore had n o sooner defeated Euge n ius tha n h e

, , ,
sent for his younger s on Honorius a b oy of eleven and pre , , ,
pared to make over to him the Western Empire Soo n after .
wards finding his end approaching he formally divided his

, ,
dominions between his tw o sons leavi n g the East to Arcadius , ,
the elder and the West to Honorius whom he placed under the
, ,
guardia n ship o f the general Stilich o Theodosius expired at .
Milan in the fiftieth year of his age a nd the sixtee n th o f his

reign Ja n u a ry 1 7 A D 395
, , . . .
FO URT H S ECT I O N .
History of the Western Empire from th e Accessio n o f Hono

rius A D 395 to the Deposition o f Rom ulus Augustus
, . .
, ,
A D . .
Hitherto the East and West if politic a lly separate govern ,
ments had been united by sympathy by the m utual lending

, ,
an d receiving of assistance and by the idea at any rate that in , , ,
some sense they formed on e empire With Arcadius a nd .
Honorius this idea begins to fade and disappe a r ; relatio n s o f

friendship between th e governm ents are replaced by feelings
o f j ealousy O f mutual repulsion Of suspicion distrust a n d dis
, , , ,
like Hence the disr u ption o i th e empire i s ordi n arily dated

.
S our ces r e ign of H on o ri u s Z o s i mu s is ou r ch i e f aut h ori ty ;

. Fo r t h e
b u t his pr e j u di c e d his t o r y mu s t b e s u ppl e me nt e d a n d o ft e n c o rr e c t e d
fr om t h e w o rks o f t h e p o e t Cl au di an ( e d K on ig G ot ti n g ae 1 808 ; 8v o ) .
, , ,
w h o is h o w e v e r t o o e u l o gis t ic B ot h fo r t his an d fo r t h e s u bs e q u e nt
.
p e ri o d t h e Epi t ome o f O r o si u s and t h e Chr on icl e s o f Pr o sp e r

,
”
,
a n d M a rc e lli n u s a r e of s e rv i c e J o r nan de s t h e G ot hic his t o ri an ris e s

.
, ,
i n i m p o rt an c e as t h e his t o r y O f t h e G ot hs b e c o me s m o r e a n d m o r e
,
cl o s e l y inte rmi xe d w i t h t h at o f t h e R o man s T h e e ccl e si as t ic al his .
t o r i a n s S o cr at e s
, S o z o m e n T h e o do r e t e t c
, an d t h e,
chr on o l o g e rs , .
, ,
I dat i u s I s o do r u s e t c h av e an o cc asi onal val u e

, , .
, O t h e r aut h ors w ill .
b e me nt i o n e d un d e r p ar t ic u l a r h e ads .
from this tim e though th e separ a tio n w a s really so gr a dual that

,
the historian acts somewhat arbitrarily in fixing o n any definite

point There i s however n one better than th e date com monly
.
, ,
take n ; a nd as the Eastern or Byzantine Empire belongs c on

,
fe sse dly to M oder n a n d not to Ancient H istory the fortunes o f ,
the Wester n Empire will alo n e be followed in this co n cluding

section o f the history o f Ancient Rome .
The origin o f the estrangem ent between the East a nd West

appears t o have been the mutual j e a lousy and conflicting pre
tensions o f R u finu s the minister of the Eastern a n d Stilicho
, , ,
the ge n eral and guardian O f the Western emperor This je al .
o nsy cost R u fi nu s his life and rendered the relations betwee n

,
the two states unsatis f actory The ill will was brought to a he a d
.
-
,
when the Goths Of Moesia and Thrace having revolted under ,
Alaric inste a d of being sternly repressed by the Easter n em

,
p e r or were treated with and induced t o rem ove to a regio n

,
from which they threatened Italy When Alaric w as m a de by .
Arc a dius m a ster general o f the Easter n Illyricum A D 3 98

-
, . .
,
it w as felt at once that the West was m enaced ; and the dreadful
invasions which followed were ascrib ed not without som e show ,
o f reason to the connivance of the Emperor o f the East wh o

, , ,
t o sa v e hi s ow n territories had let th e Goths loose upon h i s

,
brother s The first invasio n in A D 4 02 carried devastation

’
.
,
. .
,
Over th e rich plains Of N orthern Italy but was e ff ectuall y ,
checked by Stilicho who completely defeated Alaric in the

,
battle o f P o ll e nt ia ( March 2 9 A D 4 03 ) and forced h im to ,

. .
retire into I llyricum The s econd invasion A D 408 was.

,
. .
,
m ore disastrous The empire had lost the services of Stilicho

.
,
who had been sacrificed t o the j ealousy o f an ungrateful mas

ter Alaric marched upon Rome and formed the siege of the
.
,
city but after som e months consented to spare it on the receipt

,
o f an enormous ransom A D 4 09 H e then sought to come

, . . .
to term s with Honorius wh o had fixed his court at Ravenna ;

,
but being i n sulted during the negotiations h e broke them o ff

, , ,
once more marched on Rom e starved the city into subm ission , ,
and entered it as its master A D 4 1 0 A puppet emperor was , . . .
set up in the person of a certain Att a lus wh o was however , ,
after a few m onths again degraded by Alaric to a priv a te co n

,
dition The court of Rave nn a still refusing the ter m s o f p eace

.
4 64 RAWL I N S O N
which Alaric O ff ered he finally in August A D 4 1 0 resolved , , , . .

,
to push hostility to the utmost Advancing a third time upon .
Rome he too k and sac k ed the city overran Southern Italy

, , ,
and made himself master o f th e whole peninsula from the walls

o f Ravenna to the Sicilian sea The Roman Empire o f the .
West would probably have now come to a n end had not death ,
overta k en the bold Goth in the midst o f his conquests His .
brother — i n law Adolphus who succeeded him had n either h i s

-
, , ,
talents nor his ambition After exhausting Southern Italy by .
plunder and ravage for the space of two years he made peace ,
with H onorius accepted his sister Placidia in marriage a nd

, , , ,
withdrew his ar mv from Italy into Gaul A D 4 1 2 ,

. . .
Nor were the sac k of Rome and the devastation Of Italy b y

the Goths the only calamities which a fflicted the empire during
this m iserable period The invasion of the combined Va n dals .
,
Suevi B urgundians and Alani under R h adag ai su s ( A D

, , , . .
which carried fire and sword over the regions between the Alps
and the Arno would have been regarded as a misfortune o f the
,
first magnitude if it had not been thrown into the shade by ,
the more terrible visitation of the Goths Stilicho indeed with .

, ,
consummate generalship defeated this form idable host slew , ,
R h adag ai su s and forced the remainder O f h i s army t o retire

, .
Italy after su ffering ravage through its whole extent from the
,
W ild and savage hordes Of Sarmatia and Germany was by the ,
year A D 4 1 2 cleared of all it s invaders a nd was once m ore

. .
,
ruled in peace by the son of Theodosius B ut if no wors e .

,
c a lamity than utter exhaustion was inflicted on the centre o f

the empire a sadder fate bega n to overtake the extremities
, ,
from which Rom e withdrew her protection or which were torn ,
from her by the barbarians The remnant of the host of Rha .
dag ai su s Vandals B urgundians and others after quitting

, , ,
Italy passed into Ga u l ( A D

,
overran the region between . .
th e Rhine and the Pyrenees and took possession of a b road ,

”
tract which becam e known as B urgundy Passing the n ce .
into Spai n they carried all b efore them spreading themselves

, ,
Over the entire peninsula from the Pyrenees to the straits of

Gibraltar In Southern Gaul and Spain they were shortly fol
.
lowed by the Goths who under Adolphus crossed th e mou n , , ,
t a i n s drove the Vandals into G all ic ia and B mt i c a (thence c a lled

,
Vandal u sia or Andalusia) an d established i n Spain an d Aqui ,

”
taine the Kingdom of th e Visigoths which a lthough for , ,
a tim e (A D 4 1 4 to 4 1 8) nomi n ally subj ect to Rome beca me

. .
,
under Theodoric I ( A D 4 1 8 ) completely independent About . . . .
the same tim e B ritain was finally c u t adrift from the empire .
I n Gaul the Franks followed the example o f the B urgu n dians ,
and crossin g the Lower Rhine established themselves in the

, ,
region about Cologne and Tr eves Thus almost the whole of .
the pr a fe ctu r a Galli a r um passed o u t O f the hands of the Romans ,
who retained nothing west o f the Alps but the province of

Gallia L u g du n e n si s .
It is not surprising that during this troublous period Hono

rius found h is right to the throne disputed by prete n ders B e .
sides Attalus there arose in Africa a M oorish usurper n amed ,
Gildo who assumed the governm ent of the Five Provinces

, ,
A D 398 but was defeated by the Roma n s under M asce z e l

. .
, ,
G il do s brother In B ritain a Consta n tine was proclaimed

’
.
emp eror A D 4 07 who associated on the thro n e his son C on

, . .
, ,
stans and extended his dominion at on e tim e ( A D 408 to

,
. .
4 09) over th e greater portion o f Gaul an d Spain ; but after

the revolt of his general G e r ont iu s in the last nam ed provi n ce , ,
-
,
he was defeated and put to death by Constantius o n e of ,
Honorius s commanders A D 4 1 1 A second revolt occurred

’
, . . .
in Africa under Cou n t H e racl ian A D 4 1 3 Assum ing the , . . .
purple he ventured to invade Italy but was defeated in the

, ,
n eighborhood of Rome and on returning to h i s province was , , ,
put to death by his indignant subj ects After the death o f .
Constantine the sovereignty o f Roman Gaul was assumed

,
by Jov inu s A D 4 1 2 who associated on the throne his brother

,
. .
, ,
Sebastian ; but these usurpers were easily put down by the

Gothic leader Adolphus A D 4 1 3 The latter ye a rs Of H O
, , . . .
n o r iu s ( A D 4 1 3 to 4 2 3 ) were free from troubles of this kind

. . .
The weak prince strengthened himself by marrying h is sister ,
Placidia the widow o f the Gothic chief Adolphus t o Co n st an

, , ,
tius his successful general a n d associatin g the latter i n the

, ,
gover n m ent A D 4 2 1 Constantius however reigned only

,
. . .
, ,
seve n months and he was soo n followed t o the tomb by his

,
u n h a ppy colleague w h o died o f a dropsy August 2 7 A D , , , . .
4 2 3 without m aki n g any arr a ngements for the succes sion

,
.
30
466 RAW L I N S O N
The vacant throne was seized by John principal secretary ,
o f the late emp eror ; but Theodosius I I who had succeeded .

,
his father Arcadius in the Empire of the East refused to ac

, , ,
knowledge the usurper and claim ed the throne for his infant ,
n ephew Valentinia n the son of Constantius an d Pl a cidia A

, ,
.
n aval a n d military expedition which he sent to Italy was a t , ,
first unsuccessful but after a while signs of disa ff ection ap , ,
p e ar e d among the Italian soldiers who preferred a m o n arch ,
descended from the great Theodosius to an unknown upstart .
Treachery opened the gates of Ravenna t o the Easter n arm y ,
and John delivered into the hands o f his e n emies w a s b e

, ,
headed at Aquileia A D 4 2 5 ,
. . .
The nephew of Honorius who was n ow raised to the throne , ,
was a child Of no more tha n six years Of age H e was therefore .
placed under the guardianship o f h i s mother Placidia who , ,
adm inistered the empire from A D 4 2 5 to 4 50 The govern . . .
m ent o f an infant and a woman was ill suited for a kingdom

placed in desp erate circum stances a n d precipitated the ruin ,
which had long bee n visibly impending The j ealousy felt by .
the gener a l A é t iu s towards B oniface Count o f Africa and the , ,
unworthy treatm e n t o f the latter drove him into rebellio n , ,
induced him t o invite over th e Vandals from Spain A D 4 28 , . .

,
and led to the loss o f the African diocese and the establish ,
m ent o f a Vandal kin gdom in that region by the renowned

Genseric A D 4 2 9 to 4 39 Family arrangements connected
, . . .
with the betrothment of Valentinian t o Eudoxia daughter ,
Of Theodosius H had even before this ( A D 4 2 5 ) detached

.
,
. .
from the West and made over to the East the provi n ces o f
Pan n onia Noricum and Dalm atia Excepting for som e pre
, , .
carious possessions in Gaul and Spain th e Western Empire ,
was now confin ed to the three countries o f V i n de l i c ia Rh ae ,
tia and Italy The sword Of A e t iu s maintained with tolera ble

, .
success the dimensions o f Roman Gaul against the attacks ,
from Opposite sides o f the Visigoths and the Fra n ks A D

, , . .
4 3 5 to 4 5 0 ; but his contest with the latter brought into the

field a n e w foe th e terrible Attila king O f the Huns who
, , , ,
professing to embrace th e cause of a fugitive Frankish king ,
crossed the Rhine i n to Gaul at the head of a vast arm y a nd ,
spread devastation far and wide over the country Th e R o .

ANC I E N T H I ST O R Y 467
man s and Visigoths were forced into a temporary alliance and ,
united their arms against th e Scyth O n the field O f Chalons .
the question w as tried and determined ( A D whether the . .
predomi n ance of power in Western Europ e was to fall to the

Tatars o r to the Teutons to a savage race heath en anarchical , , , ,
an d destructive or to o ne which had em b raced Christianity

, ,
which had aptitudes fo r organization and law and could c o n ,
struct as well as destroy The decision was fortunately in .

, ,
favor o f the Teutons Attila retreated beyond the Rhine ; and .
although in A D 4 5 2 h e endeavored to retrieve his failure

. .
,
invading Italy and spreading desolation over the whole plain

,
Of the Po yet it was onl y to retreat once m ore to his palace in

,
the wilds of Hungary The year following A D 4 5 3 he burst .

, . .
,
a blood vessel and died suddenly ; and the West was delivered
-
,
from all peril O f becoming the prey o f Tatar h ordes Two .
years later Valentinia n also lost his life being murdered A D

, , , . .
4 55 by Maximus whos e wi fe h e had dishonored and the

, , ,
retainers o f A é tiu s whom o n grounds Of suspicion he had , , ,
executed .
Maximus the murderer o f Valentinian I I I succeeded him

, .
,
as emp eror but reigned less than three m onths ( March 1 6

,
to June 1 2 A D 4 5 Anxious to strengt hen his hold upon

, . .
the thron e by connecting himself with the royal house of Theo

do siu s he marrie d his so n Palladins t o the daughter O f Valen
, , ,
tinian and forced Eudoxia Valentinian s widow and daughter

, ,
’
of Theodosius I I to beco me his wife The outraged matron .

, .
implored the aid of Genseric whose fleet com manded the Med ,
it e r ran e an ; and the bol d Vandal greedy after the spoil Of ,
Italy readily responded to her call H i s landing at O stia was

, .
the signal for the Romans to rise against their sovereign in ,
whom they saw the auth or O f their calam ities ; but the murder
of the Roman emperor failed to propitiate the Vandalic king ,
whose mind was intent upon plunder D espite the intercession .
o f Pope Le o Genseric entered Rom e with his tro ops and gave
, ,
it up to them t o pillage for fourteen days Whatever Attila had .
left was n o w carried O ff Eudoxia and her two daughters were .
made prisoners and borne away to Carthage Even the .
churche s were not spared All that yet remained in Rom e .
o f public o r private wealth o f sacred o r prof a ne treasure , ,

4 68 RAWL I N S O N
was transported to the vessels o f Ge n seric and rem oved to ,
Africa .
This terrible calamity so paralyzed the Roma n s that they ,
appointed no emperor in th e place o f Maximus When how .

,
ever the news that the throne was vacant reached Gaul A v it u s
, , ,
the commander o f the legions there induced h i s soldiers to ,
proclaim him ; and as he was supported by the Visigoths of

,
\Y estern Gaul and Spain Rome and Italy for a brief space ,
acknowledged him as their sovereign B ut Italian pride chafed .
against the imposition o f a monarch from without ; and Count

R i c i m e r a Goth who commanded the foreign troop s in the
, ,
pay O f Rome disliked the rule of an emperor in whose appoi n t

,
m ent he had had no hand A v it u s was therefore required t o .
abdicate after h e had held the thron e a little more than a ye a r ;

,
he consented and laying aside the imperial O ffice became

, , ,
B ishop of Placentia but died within a few month s Of his ab

,
d i cat i on whether by dise a s e o r violence is uncertai n

, .
It was evidently the wish Of Count R i c im e r to assum e the

crown which h e had forced A v itu s to resign ; but he saw that
Rom e was not yet prepared to submit herself to the rule of
a b arb arI an and he th erefore after an interval Of six m o n ths
, , ,
placed an emperor on th e throne in the p erson o f M ajor ian ,
wh o ruled well for four years from A D 4 5 7 to 4 6 1 M ajorian , . . .

,
who w as a man O f talent and character addressed himself espe ,
c i al l y to the struggle with the Vandals of Africa whose con ,
stant depredations deprived Italy o f repose Not content with .
chastising the disorderly bands which ravaged h i s coasts h e ,
prepared to invade the territory o f Genseric with a fleet and

army These were collected at th e Spanish port o f Carthagena ;
.
but the emissaries of Genseric s ecretly destroyed th e fleet ; and

M ajo ri an having returned to Italy was like A v it u s forced to
, , , ,
abdicate Count R i c i m e r bei n g j ealous of his pr oteg e a nd de

, ,
s ir ou s of appointing a n emperor o f inferior ability .
Th e imperial title and ensigns were n ow conferred on a

puppet n am ed Severus who served a s a convenient screen ,
.
behind which Count Ri c ime r co n cealed the authority whic h

h e himself really wielded B ut Severus dying at the e n d o f .
four years A D 4 65 R i ci me r at length felt himself su fficie n tl y

, . .
,
stro n g to take Ope n ly the sole and entire directio n of the a ffa ir s
of Italy H e respected Roman prej udices however so far as

.
, ,
to a bst a in fro m the assumption o f the imperial name His .
positio n was a di fficult o ne for the Emperor of the East loo k ed

,
coldly o n him while he w as exposed to constant attack from

,
the p owerful fleets of Genseric and Marcellinus the sovereigns ,
of Africa and Dalmatia a nd had further to fear the hostil i ty

,
o f E g idius Roman com ma n der in Gaul who refused to ac

, ,
knowledge his a uthority The peril O f his situation compelled

.
him two years after the death of Severus A D 4 67 to apply

, , . .
,
for aid to the Eastern emperor Leo and to accept the terms , ,
o n which that prince was willing to succor him The term s .
were galling to his pride Italy was required by Leo to subm it

.
to a sovereign o f h is choice which fell on A nt h e m iu s a B y z an

, ,
tine nobleman o f distinction .
The establishm ent of A nt h e miu s as Emperor of the West

w a s followed by a s erious e ffort against the terrible Vandals ,
who were now the enemy from whom Italy su ff ered the most .
Alliance was m a de between Leo A nth e m iu s and Marcellinus ; , ,
a n d while th e Dalmatian fleet protected Italy and retoo k Sar

dini a two great expeditions were directed b y the Eastern em
,
p e r o r upon Carthage A D 4 6 8 O ne O f these starting from

, . . .
,
Egypt attac k ed Tripoli surpris ed th e cities of that p rov m c e

, , ,
and proceeded along the coast westward The other which .

,
consisted Of 1 1 1 3 ships h a ving on board ,

m en was ,
directed upon Cap e B ona abo u t forty miles from Carthage , ,
and should at once have laid siege to the town B ut B asiliscus .

,
the com mander allowed him self to be amused by negotiations

,
while the cunning Genseric made preparations for the de st r u c

tion of the fleet which he accomplished by means O f fi r e ships
,
-
,
th u s entirely frustrating the attack The remnant of the e x p e .
dition withdrew ; Genseric recovered Sardinia and shortly ,
afterwards established his power over Sicily thus obtainin g ,
a p osition from which h e menaced Italy m ore than ever b efore .
”
B u t the Empire as it was still called was to be su b verted
, , ,
not by its external b u t its internal foes Though R i ci me r had

,
.
consented to the nomination of A nt h e mi u s as emperor and ,
had bound himself to h is cause by accepting his daughter in

marriage yet it was not long before discord and j ealousy sepa
,
rated the professed friends A s A nth e miu s had fixed his court
.
4 70 RAWL I N S O N
at Rome R ic ime r retired to Milan whence he could re a dily

, ,
correspond with the b ar b arians o f Spain Gaul a nd Pa nn onia , , .
Having collected a considerable army he marched to the gates ,
Of Rom e proclaimed O ly b ri u s the husband of Placidia ( young

, ,
e st daughter o f Valentinian emperor and forcing his , ,
way into the city slew A nt h e m i u s and established O lyb r i u s

, ,
upon the throne (July 1 1 A D , . .
The Western Empire had now in the space o f sixteen years , ,
experienced the rule o f six di fferent sovereigns I n the four .
years O f continued existence which still remained to it four ,
other emperors were a b out to hold the sceptre The first .
o f these O l y b r iu s retained his authority for little more than

, ,
three months ascending the throne July 1 1 and dying by

, , ,
a natural death O cto b er 2 3 The chief event of his reign was

, .
the death O f Count R i c i me r who expired forty days after his ,
capture of Rome A u gust 2 0 leaving the command of his army

, ,
to h is nephew G u n dob ad a B urgundian G u n dob ad gave

, ,
.
the purple in A D 4 73 to G l y c e ri u s an o b scure soldier ; but

,
. .
, ,
the Eastern emperor Leo interposed for the second time and , , ,
assigned the throne to Julius Nepos the nephew of Marcelli ,
nus and his successor in the sovereignty of Dalmatia Nepos

, .
easily prevailed over Glycerins who exchanged his imperial ,
dignity A D 4 74 for the bishopric of Salona ; but the new

, . .
,
emperor was scarcely settled upon the throne when the b ar ,
barian mercenaries who were now all — powerful in Italy r e

, ,
v o l t e d under the patrician O restes A D 4 7 5 and invested with ,

. .
,
the purple his so n Romulus Augustus called by way o f c on , , ,
”
tempt ,
A u g u st u l u s A u g u st u l u s the last o f the Western .
,
emperors reigned less than a year ( O ctober 3 1 A D 4 75 to

, , . .
A u gust 2 3 A D The mercenaries shortly after his ac

, . .
,
cession demanded one third o f the lands o f Italy and when

,
-
, ,
their demand was refu sed took arms under the command Of ,
’
their German chief O doacer slew O restes the Emperor s
father and deprived A u g u st u l u s of his sovereignty The dig"
, , ,
.
,
n it y o f Emperor of the West was then formally abolished ; and
O doacer ascended the throne as the first barbarian King

”
Of Italy .
The history o f th e Western Roman Empire here terminates .
The Empire had endured 5 07 years ( B C 3 1 to A D . . . .

under seventy s even princes Attaining its greatest magnitude

-
.
in the reign of Traj an when it extended f r om the Pillars of ,
Hercules and the Friths of Forth and Clyde to the Caspian

and the Persian Gulf it had gradually broken up and c on ,
tracted i t s limits until it had come to be almost confined to

,
Italy Its ruin had b een caused partly by internal decay but
.
,
mainly through the repeated invasions of vast hordes of bar

b ar ians Goths Vandals Huns B urgundians Suevi Alani
.
, , , , , ,
Alemanni Franks Heruli had precipitated themselves in a

, ,
ceaseless succession on the regions which Roman civilization

had turned into gardens and poured in a resistless torrent over ,
province after province The force o f the attack fell mainly .
upon the West After the first rush O f t h e Goths across the
.
Lower Danu b e in the tim e o f Valens the tide of migration

, ,
took wholly a westerly course Pannonia Spain Africa most .

, , ,
o f Gaul were occupied b y the invaders

,
Italy attracted each .
m ore powerful spoiler and host after host desolated its fertile ,
plains Rome herself w as taken rep eatedly and was sacked

.
,
twice by Alaric and by Genseric She felt that she needed

, .
all her resources for her own defence and was therefore obliged ,
to relinquish such outlying provinces as no foe had captured .
Hence B ritain parts o f Gaul Vin de l i c ia and proba b ly Rh aetia

, , , , ,
were abandoned : Pannonia Noricum and Dalmatia were , ,
parted with ; at l ast nothing remained but Italy ; and Italy ,
could not undertake to defend herself H e r rulers had long .
ceased to put any tr u st in Italian soldiers and had drawn their ,
recruits from the outlying provinces rather than from th e heart

o f the empire Finally they had thought it excellent strategy
.
,
t o take the barbarians themselves into pay and to fight H uns ,
with Goths and Goths with B urgundians o r Vandals But this

,
.
policy at last proved fatal The barbarians p erceiving their .

,
stre n gth determined to exert it and to have Italy for them

, ,
selves I t was more pleasant to be masters than servants The

. .
imperial power had in fact been long existing upon su ff erance ;

the edifice was without due support and it only needed th e ,
touch o f a finger to make it fall What O doacer did R i c i me r .

,
might have done with as much ease ; but the f a cility of an

enterprise is not always appar ent beforeha n d .
PART l l .
— HISTO RY O F PARTH l A .
GE O GRAPH I CAL O UTLI NE O F TH E PARTH IAN

EM P I RE .
The Parthian Empire at its greatest extent comprised the

countries between the Euphrates and the Indus reaching ,
northward as far as the Araxes the Caspian and the Lower, ,
O xus and southward to the Persia n Gulf and the Indian

,
O cean It thus covered in the main the sam e ground with

.
, ,
the Persian empire Of Cyrus and with the original kingdom

of the Seleucid ae ; b ut it was less extensive than either of those
great monarchies It did not include Syria or Phoenicia o r
.
, ,
Palestine or Armenia or any portion of Asia M inor nor does

, , ,
it seem to have comprised th e valley of the Upper O xus much ,
less that of the Jaxartes Its greatest length between the Eu

.
,
p h rat e s and the Indus may be estimated at about o n e thousand

,
nine hundred miles while its greatest width between the

, ,
Lower O xus and the Indi an O cean may have equalled or , ,
a little exceeded a thousand miles Its area cannot have fallen

, .
m u ch S hort o f a million square m iles .
B ut of this vast space a very large proportion was scarcely

habita b le The M esopotamian Persian Kh are sm ian Gedro
.
, , ,
sian and C arm an ian deserts occupy at least o n e half o f th e

,
-
region between the Euphrates and the Indus ; and though not ,
a b solutely incapable o f supporting h u m an life these tracts can ,
at the best sustain a very sparse and scanty population Such .
possessions add but little to the strength Of the empire which

comprises them and thus m ay be omitted from consi d eration
,
when we seek to form an estimate Of its power and resources

‘
About half a million square miles remain when we have de

ducted the deserts ; an area only on e third o f that o f Rome -
,
b ut still very much larger th a n that O f any modern European

state excepting Russia .
The Parthian Em pire was like most others divided into , ,
provinces O f these the most important were i n the west

.
, ,
Mesopotamia and B abylonia ; in the m id region Atropat en e -

, ,
M edia Assyria Susiana and Persia ; towards the east Par

, , , ,
t h y é n é or Parthia Proper Hyrcania M ar g iana Aria Z ara n g ia , , , , ,
Carmania S acast an é A rac h o sia and G e dro sia O ther minor

, , , .
divisions were C h al o nit i s C am b adé né M e sé né R h ag iana , , , ,
C h oar é n é C o mi sé n é A r t ac é n é A p av ar c t i c é n é e t c
, ,
It will be , ,
.
Observed that the main provinces were for the most part iden
tical in name at any rate with provinces o f the O l d Persia n
, ,
Empire already described in this work As however even

,
.
, ,
in provinces of this class certain changes have Often to be

noted in respect of boundaries or principal towns it seems , ,
b est to run briefly through the entire list .
M esopotami a — The nam e o f M esopotamia was applied by

the Parthians not to the whole region between the Tigris and
,
Euphrates rivers but only to the upper portion of it— the tract
,
b ounded on the north by the M ons M asiu s and on the south by ,
a canal uniting the two stream s a little a b ove the 33 d parallel .
Its chief cities were A nt h e mu si a Nicephorium C arrh ae Euro , , ,
p u s Nisibis and H atra

, ,
.
B a b ylonia lay below M esop otam ia extending to the c on fl u ,
ence O f the E u phrates and Tigris and including a tract o f ,
considerable size and importance o n the right bank O f the

form er river Its chief towns were S e l e u ce i a o n the Tigris
.
,
B abylon B or sipp a and V o l o g e si a

, , .
M e sé n é called als o C h ar ac é n é was the tract below B aby

, ,
lonia reaching to the shores o f the Persian Gulf Its capital

, .
was C h ar ax Sp asin i at the confluence pro b ably of the Kuran , , ,
with the Euphrates The only other city of any importance .
w as T e re do n o r D ir i dot i s on th e G u lf at the mouth of th e , ,
Euphrates M e sé n é was famous for its thic k groves of palm

.
trees .
Susiana had nearly its Old boundaries and dimensions Its .
chief cities were Susa and B adac a .
Assyria according to the nom enclature of the Parthi a n

,
period designated a tract which lay wholly to the east o f th e

,
Tigris extending from Arm enia on the north to Susiana on th e

,
south and interposed between M esopotamia and M edia

,
4 74 RAWL I N S O N
Magna It was divided into numerous districts among which

.
,
the most important were C or dy é n é ( the country o f the Kurds )

in the north A diab é n é the tract about the two Zab rivers
, , ,
A rb e lit is the region about Arbela C h al o niti s the country

, , ,
about H olw an and A p o llo niat i s o r S itt ac é n é the tract upon

, ,
the lower co u rse of the D iyal e h river In this district was .
situated Ctesiphon the capital o f the whole emp ire O ther

, .
importa n t towns were Arbela the capital of A r b e litis Ap ol , ,
lonia the Old capital o f A p oll oniati s and A rt e mita in the same
, , ,
region which became under the Parthians C h al asar

, , .
Atropat en e lay between the northern part of Assyria ( C or

dy é n é ) and the western shore of the Caspian thus correspond ,
ing ne a rly to the moder n A z e rb ijan Its chief city was Gaz a .
o r G az aca ( afterwards C an z aca) now T ah kt i — Sule i man Atro

’
-
, .
p a t en e was not s o absolutely a part O f the Parthian Empire

a s m ost o f the other provinces It was a fi e f over which the .
Parthian m onarch claim ed a sort of feudal supremacy ; but

was governed by its ow n princes who were sometim es n ot ,
eve n appointed by the Parthian king .
M edia lay south and south east o f Atropat en e extending -

,
from the Kizil Uzen and the Caspian on the north to about ,
the 3 2 d parallel towards the south where it adj oined on Susiana ,
and Persia It contained several districts of which the chie f

.
,
were M edi a I n ferior M edia Sup erior C amb adé n é and Rha
, , ,
giana The chief towns were Ecbatana ( now Hamadan ) B a

.
,
g i st ana ( B ehistun ) C o n c o b ar ( Ku n g aw u r ) Aspada na ( Isf a

, ,
h a n ) R h ag e s or E u rO p u s ( Kaleh B rij ) a n d C h arax

, , .
Persia like Susiana retained its Old dime n sio n s and bou n
, ,
dar i e s except that it had ceased t o be rega rded as comprising

,
Carmania which was reckoned a distinct country After th e

, .
destruction of Persepolis by Alexa n der Pasargad ae seems to ,
have been the chief city .
Carm ania adj oined Persia upon the east It extended from .
the Persian Gulf t o about the 33 d parallel thus including a ,
large portion of the desert o f Iran The chief town w as C a r .
m ana ( now Kerman ) .
P art h y é n é or Parthia Proper lay north o f Carmani a a nd

, ,
west of M edia Magna It comprised th e ol d country Of the.
nam e together with most of the desert which in e a rly times

,
A N C I E NT H I ST O R Y 4 75
was k n own as Saga rti a Amo n g its subdivisions were Choa

.
r é n é C o mi sé n é A r t ac é n é T ab i é n é e t c
, , The c a pital city was
, , .
H e c at o mp yl u s O ther important towns were A p ame i a i n

.
C h oar é n é near the Caspia n Gates and P art h au n i sa o r N i sae a

, , ,
( Nishapur ) .
Hyrcania was north of Parthi a being the tract at the sout h ,
eastern corner of the Caspian along the course of the river ,
Gurgan Its chief cities were Syrinx Tap é on the shore o f

.
, ,
the Caspian Carta ( p erhap s the earlier Z adracart a) T al abr o c é

, , ,
and Samar ian é .
M arg iana was situated east and north east o f Parthia and -
Hyrcania i n the low plain between the Elburz range and the
,
Sea o f Aral It lay alo n g the co u rse of the river Margus ( now
.
—
the Murg ab) The only city in Parthian times w as An t i
.
o c h e i a ( M erv
Aria included the district which bore the same na me under

the Persians but comprised a ls o the tract between H erat and
,
the H amo on o r S ea of Seist a n Its chief city was A rt ac oan a .
( H erat ) O ther towns of som e conseque n ce were Phra ( F u r

.
rah ) Gari ( Girisk ) a nd B is ( B ist )

, , .
Z aran g ia o r D r an g i an a had come t o be used in a n arrower

, ,
a cceptatio n tha n the ancient on e It was now only a small .
tract close upo n the H am oo n the district upon the H ar oo t ,
rud and Furrah — rud being reckoned to Aria and that on the ,
Lower H e l m e nd being separated off and forming the new ,
province of Sacastané The chief town of Z arang ia was P r O p h

.
t h asia .
S acast an é l ay south of Z aran g ia, corresponding to the S e g e s

tan o f the Arabian geographers which is now know as Seistan , .
Its chief cities were Sigal and Alexandropolis S acast an é ( i e . . .

,
the la n d o f S a c ae) had probably been occupied by a colony of

Scyt hs in the interval between Alex a nder s conquests a nd the ’
formation of the Parthia n Empire .
“ ”
A r ac h o si a ( or White I ndi a a s th e Parthia n s called it) ,
seems t o h ave been identical with the country known by the

sam e nam e t o the Persians It lay east o f Sacast an é and cor .
,
responded ne a rly with the modern Kandahar The capital was .
Alexandropolis on the A r ac h ot u s ( A rg h an d ab ) Its oth er

,
-
.
chief cities were Demetrias P h arsan a and P ar ab e st é , , .

4 76 RAWL I N S O N
G e drosi aretained i n the m a in its an cie n t limits which were ,
n early those o f the modern B e l u c h i stan It w as however .

, ,
perh a ps somewhat encroached upon towards the north by

S acast an é The province lay south o f this tr a ct and o f Ara
.
c h o si a and east of Carma n i a .
H I ST O RI CAL S KETCH O F TH E PARTH IAN

EM PI RE .
Fro m the Fou n datio n o f the Kingdom about , B C 2 55 to the

. .
,
Creation of the Empire by Mithridates o r A r sace s VI , .
about B C . .
Parthi a which in the e a rlier times Of the Persi a n m onarchy

, , ,
form ed a portion only o f a large satrapy extending fro m the

*
S our ces s ou rc e s for th e his to r y of P art hi a ar e sc ant y and
. Th e
sc att e r e d O f nat ive s ou rc e s w e p o ss e ss onl y a v e r y i n c ompl e te s e ri e s
.
,
o f c o i n s g e n e r all y w i t h ou t d at e s an d w i t h o u t t h e sp e ci al n a m e o f t h e
,
ki n g ; an d a fe w mu t il ate d i n scrip t i on s N o cl assic al aut h o r so far .

,
as w e k n o w e ve r t r e at e d o f t h e his t o r y o f P a r t hi a as a w h o l e ;
, an d
fe w e ve r mad e P a rt hi an his t o r y i n any of i t s p o rt i on s e v e n a sp e ci al , ,
s u b j e c t of att e nt i o n A rr i an s P art h i c a w a s a me r e a cc o u nt of t h e
.
’
P art hi an W ar o f Tr aj an w ri tt e n fr om a R oman p o i nt o f v i e w ; and o f

,
t his w o rk t h e r e on l y r e mai n ab o ut tw e nty sh o rt fr agme nt s ( S e e t h e .
fr ag me nt s c o ll e c t e d I n C M ii ll e r s Fr agme nta H is t G rae c o r u m v ol ’

. .
, .
i p p 5 86
, . S t r ab o 5 a cc o unt O f t h e P art hi an m ann e rs an d c u s
’
t o ms i n t h e sixt h b o o k of his H ist o ric al M e mo irs an d t h e s e c on d

”
,
b o o k o f his C ont i nu at i o n o f P ol y bi u s w o u ld h ave b e e n mo s t i nt e r

”
,
e st in g ; b ut t h e s e w o rks h ave w h o ll y p e rish e d T h e e xt an t w ri t e r .
w h o t e lls u s mo s t ab o u t t h e P a r t hi an s is J u s t i n ; b u t t his c a r e l e ss his

t o ri an h as mo s t imp e rf e ct l y r e p o rt e d his aut h o ri t y T r o g u s P o m p e i u s , ,
a n d n e e ds p e rp e t u a l c o rr e c t i on Fo r t h e e a rli e r hist o r y w e ar e r e d u c e d
.
t o sc att e r e d n o t ic e s i n S t r ab o A r r i an J u s t i n P o l y bi u s L u ci an an d
, , , , ,
Phl e g on o f Tr all e s ; for t h e middl e p o rt i on fr om t h e t i me o f P h raat e s ,
I I I t o Vo n o n e s I
. w e h av e Appi an i n his .
, M it h r i dat i c a an d
”
S y ri ac a J u s t i n Pl ut arch i n his Liv e s o f L u c u ll u s P omp e y
, ,
“
, ,
Cr ass u s an d A nt on y J o s e ph u s i n hi s A nt i q u it at e s J u dai c ae and D i o

, , ,
C assi u s ( bks xxxv .fo r t h e l at e r his t o r y fr o m V o n o n e s t o t h e de

.
, ,
s t r u c t i on of t h e monarch y ou r aut h o ri t i e s ar e T aci tu s i n his A nnal s

, ,
”
J o s e ph u s S u e t on i u s H e r o di an t h e H i st o r iae A ug u st ae S c r i p t o r e s
, , , ,
and ab ove all D i o ( bks l v i

, , . .
Ir an ic desert to the J a x a rtes an d from the C a sp ian to Sa m ar ,
cand appears towards the close o f the Persia n period to have

,
constituted a satrapy by itself ( or with the m ere addition o f

Hyrcania) in which condition it was conti n ued by the suc
,
c e sso rs of Alexander Tranquillity was preserved till about

.
B C 2 5 5 when the wea k ness o f Antiochus Theus and the

. .
, ,
success Of the B actrian rebellion encouraged the Parthians ,
to rise against their Greek masters and to declare themselves ,
an independent people Their leader in the revolt w as a certai n

.
A rsace s This person was the com mander o f a body o f Scy

.
thian D ah ae from the banks o f the O c h u s who migrated into ,
Parthia and O b taining the ascendency in the country r a ised

, ,
their general to the position o f k in g There was probably .

, ,
s u ffi cient a ffi nity between the im migrant D ah ae and the pre
vio ns inhabitants o f the region for the two races readily t o
coalesce ; both appear t o have been Turanian ; and the D ah ze
were so completely absorbed that we hear nothing of them
in the subsequent history The names of Parthia and Par .
thian prevailed ; a nd the whole n a tion presents t o us on e

uniform type .
This typ e i s on e Of a l ow a nd coarse char a cter The man .
n ers o f the Parthians even at the height o f their power had

, ,
a ti ng e of T a tar barbarism Their mimetic a rt w a s rude com .

,
pared n ot only with that of the Greeks but even o f the Per
, ,
sians In their architecture they imitated the heavy and mas

.
s ive constructions o f the B abylonians . Their appear a nce was

repulsive They were treach erous in war indole n t and u u re
.
,
fined in p eace Still they possessed qu a lities which fitted the m

.
to beco m e a ruling nation They were b rave enterprising .

, ,
and fond Of w a r ; while they had also a certain tale n t for organ
i z ati on a nd administratio n They a re n ot ill represented by .
-
the modern Turks who a re allied t o the m in r a ce an d rule

, ,
over som e o f the sam e countr i es .
A r sac e s the first king reig n ed we are told only t w o ye a rs

, , , , ,
probably from B C 2 5 5 to 2 5 3 He occupied hims elf chiefl y

. . .
in consolidating h i s domi n io n over the Parthi an s themselves ,
many of whom resisted his authority Antiochus Theus whose .

,
rule he had subverted s eems t o have made n o e ff ort to recover

,
his hold on Parthia being too much engaged i n his w a r with

,
4 78 RAWL I N S O N
Ptolemy Philadelphus A rsac e s however appears to h av e .

, ,
fallen in battle .
The first A r sace s w a s succeeded b y his brother T e ridate s , ,
who had assisted him in his original revolt H e took the title .
o f A r s ac e s after his brother s death ; and the practice thus ’
begun passed into a custom which continued to the ver y close ,
o f the empire T e r idat e s o r A rsace s I I reigned thirty —seve n

.
,
.
,
years from B C 2 5 3 to 2 1 6 H e made himself master of H yr

, . . .
cania probably about B C 2 40 thereby dr a wi n g upo n himself

, . .
,
the hostility both of Seleucus C allin ic u s whom he deprived of ,
a province and o f D iodot u s I o f B actria who becam e a larmed

, .
,
at the increasing power o f his neighbor C alli ni c u s a n d D i .
o dot u s accordingly made com mon cause ; and the former led
, ,
an expedition against T e ri date s B C 2 3 7 which alarmed h im , . .

,
s o that at first he fled from Parthia into Scythia D i o dot u s I . .

,
however dying a n d being succeeded by his so n D i odot u s I I

, , .
,
T e r i dat e s found a means o f breaking up the a llia n ce and drew ,
over the B actrian prince to his side A great battle followed ; .
an d C al l in i c u s being signally defeated Parthia n i n depe n de n ce

, ,
w a s regarded as at length fully established .
T e r i dat e s was succeeded by a 5 011 whose real na m e is u n ,
known but who reigned as A r sace s I I I Pursui n g the ag

, .
g r e ssiv e policy o f his father he overr a n Eastern M edia and , ,
threatened to co n quer the entire province about B C 2 1 4 , . . .
Antiochus the Great upo n this m arched against him ( B C

, , . .
drove his troops fro m Media took h i s capital H e c atom , ,
py l u s a,
n d pursuing him into Hyrcania there brought h i m ,
to a n engagement the issue o f which was doubtful A rsac e s

,
.
greatly distinguished himself ; and the Syria n monarch fi n ding ,
the conquest of the new kingdom impossible came to terms ,
with his foe confirming him in th e possession o f both P a rthia

,
and Hyrc a nia but probably requiring him to furnish a c on

,
tingent to his proj ected Eastern expedition B C 2 06 It i s u n , . . .
ce rtain how long A r sace s I I I lived after this ; but the best .
authorities assign him a reign o f about twe n ty years —from

B C
. . 2 16 to 1 96 .
IV ) now becam e king a nd reigned for

P r i ap at i u s ( A rsace s .
,
fiftee n years—from about B C 1 96 t o 1 8 1 H e appe a rs to . . .
have bee n an u n w a rlike prince and to have bee n co n te n t with ,

m a i n taining without any attempt to exte n d his dominions

, , .
The B actria n monarchs o f this period were aggressive a nd

powerful which ma y in part account for this pause i n the
,
Parthian conquests P riap at iu s left tw o sons P h raat e s a n d

.
,
Mithridates the former of whom succeeded h im

,
.
P h raat e s I ( A r sac e s V ) had a short reign probably from

. .
,
about B C 1 8 1 t o 1 74 N othing is known o f him exceptin g

. . .
that he extended his dom inions by the conquest of the M ardi ,
o n e o f the most powerful tribes o f the Elburz and though he , ,
had m any children left his crown t o his brother Mithridates

, , ,
who m he regarded as peculiarly fitted for the kingly O ffice .
M ithridates j ustified this Opinion by the extensive conquests

o f which an a ccou n t will be given in the next s ection He .
transformed the small kingdom which he received from P h raa

t e s i n to a vast an d flourishing empire a nd established the gov ,
e r n me nt al syste m o n which that empire was the n ceforth a d
ministered .
From the Found a tio n o f the Empire by M ithrid a tes I a bout .

,
B C 1 74 to the Commencem ent o f the W a rs with the

. .
,
Romans B C 5 4 , . . .
The P a rthi an dominio n h a d hitherto bee n co n fined to a com

p ar at iv e l y n a rrow territory between the C a spi a n Gates o n the
o n e h a nd and the districts Of Aria ( Herat ) and M ar g ian a ( M erv )
upon the other The neighboring B actria with its Greek

.
,
pri n ces and its semi Greek civilizatio n h a d b ee n a far more

-
,
powerfu l state a nd h a d probably acted a s a constant check upo n

,
the aspirations o f its weaker sister Co n scious o f their weak .
ness the P a rthian mo n archs had cultiv a ted good relatio n s with
,
the B a ctrians and so far a s app e ar s n o war h a d hith erto broken

, ,
o u t between the contermi n ous powers B ut with the a ccessio n .
of Mithridates I ( A r sac e s V I ) this state o f things cam e t o an

. .
e n d The B a ctrian pri n ces were about th is tim e directing their

.
a r ms tow a rds the E a st be n t on establishi n g their a uthority i n

,
Afgh an istan and North western I n di a It would seem that -
whil e their mai n stre n gth w a s empl o yed in this quarter the ,
p rovi n ces n earer ho m e we re l e f t w ith out a d e q u a t e defe n ce an d ,

48 6 RAWL I N S O N
tempted the cupidity of the Parthia n s Mithridates I who . .

,
w as contemporary with E u c rat ide s o f B actria beg a n ag g r e s ,
sions on the Bactrian kingdom probably soo n after his a cces ,
sion Success attended his eff orts and he deprived E u c rat ide s
.
,
o f at least two provinces A few years later on the death of .

,
Antiochus E p ip h an e s B C 1 64 he turned his arms against , . .

,
the West After a protracted struggle h e succeeded in redu e

.
,
ing M edia to obedience H e then Conquered Susiana Persia .

, ,
and B abylonia extending his dom inion o n this side as far as

,
the lower course of the Euphrates Nor did these gains content .
him After the death o f E u crat ide s ( about B C

. he re . .
sumed his war with the B actrians and completely destroyed ,
their kingdom In v a i n did these unfortunately isolated Greeks

.
implore the help o f their Syrian brethren Demetrius N icator .

,
who in B C 1 4 0 endeavored to relieve them was defe a ted and

. .
,
m ade prisoner by Mithridates w h o ret a i n ed h im i n captivity ,
till his ow n de a th about B C I 3 6 , . . .
The satrap ial system which had been introduced by the ,
Persians and continued by Alexander and his successors was

, ,
n ot that a dopted by Mithridates in the orga n izatio n o f his

e mpire O n the co n trary he reverted to th e Older a nd simpler
.
,
plan which prev a iled in the East before the rise o f the Persia n s
,
to power This was t o allow each nation to have its ow n

.
n a tive king its o w n l a ws and usages and simply to require the

, ,
subj ection of all these monarchs to the chief of the ruling

n ation as lord param ount or feudal head Hence the title , .
”
King of Kings so common on the Parthian coins from the
,
”
time of Mithridates Each king was bound to furnish a .
contingen t o f troops whe n required a nd likewise an a nnual ,
tribute ; but otherwise they were i n dependent .
The co n stitutio n u n der which the Parthia n s the mselves were

ruled was a ki n d Of limited monarchy The ki n g w a s perm a .
n e nt l y advised by t w o councils o n e consisti n g of th e members ,
o f his o w n royal house the other O f the great men ( M y ra r ave s)

-
, ,
comprising both the temporal and spiritu a l chiefs o f the nation

’
( th e a oqbol a n d the ua q oc) The monarchy was elective the

. .
,
ki n gs however bei n g n ecess a rily taken from the family o f the

, ,
A rsac i dae When the meg istaues h a d n ominated a monarch

.
,
the right of pl a ci n g th e di a de m o n h is head belonged to the

surena or fi e l d m arshal The meg istcmes cl a imed a right to

,
-
.
depose a monarch w h o displeased them ; but an y attempt t o

exercise this p rivilege was sure to le a d to a civil war and it ,
was force n ot law which determ i n ed whether the prince should

, ,
retain or forfeit his crow n .
The Parthians a ff ected i n the main Persi an customs The , , .
s a m e state a nd dignity were mai n tained by the A rsaci dm a s

by the Ach aeme n id ae The Court migrated at di fferent seaso n s
.
of the year t o Ctesiphon Ecbatana and Hyrcania Polygamy , , .
was pr a ctised on a l a rge scale not o n l y by the m o na rch but , ,
by th e nobles Luxury however was at no time carried t o

.
, ,
the sam e extent by the Parthians as it had bee n by th e Per

sians the former continued t o the last a rude coarse vigorous , ,
people I n s ome few respects they adopted Greek man n ers

.
,
as in the char a cter of their coi n s an d the lege n ds upon the m ,
which are Greek fro m first to l a st and evidently imit a ted fro m ,
the coi n s of the S eleucid ae Their mimetic art shows also .
Grecia n i n flue n ces ; but it n ever a tt a i n ed t o any high degree

o f excelle n ce .
The fou n der of the E m pire M ithrid a tes I w as succeed e d , .

,
upo n the thro n e b y his son P h raat e s I I w h o is know n a s , .

,
Ar sace s VI I a n d reig n ed about n ine or te n y e a rs fro m a bout

.
, ,
B C 1 36 to 1 2 7
. . The earlier p a rt of his reig n s eems t o h a ve
.
been quiet an d p eaceful ; but a bout B C 1 2 9 Antiochus Si . .

,
de t e s who reigned over Syria u n dertook an e xpeditio n t o the

, ,
East for th e purpose of rele a sing his brother D em etrius an d ,
humbling the pride of the P a rthia n s Success a t first atte n ded .
his e fforts P h raat e s w a s defeated i n three bat tles a nd B ab y

.
,
l oni a was recovered by the Syri a ns A gener a l dispositio n t o .
revolt showed itself a m ong the Parthia n feudatories P h r aate s .

,
reduced to str a its rele a sed D e metrius an d s e n t h im into S yr i a

, ,
while at the s a m e time h e i n voked the aid of th e Tura n ia n

hordes w h o bordered his northern fro n tier B efore these a llies .
,
however could a rrive h e had brought th e Syrian mon a rch

, ,
i nto di ffi culties a tt a cked and overpowered his a rmy i n its wi n

,
ter qu a rters and slai n Side t e s himself in a battle H e n ow

-
,
.
d etermi n ed t o i n v a de Syria ; but the Tur an ians whose a id he ,
h ad invoked discon te n ted with their treatm e n t a tt a cked him

, , .
A w ar with thes e n o ma ds followed i n which P h raat e s w a s ,
31
432 RAWL I N S O N
u n successful His army composed in p a rt of c aptured Greeks

.
, ,
pl a yed him false ; and he himself fell in the fight about B C 1 2 7 , . . .
O n the death o f P h r aat e s I I h i s uncle A r t ab an u s was .

, , ,
pl a ced upon the throne The Syrian wars n ow e n tirely ce a sed .

,
n o e ffort being made by the Seleucid ae after the death o f Si ,
de t e s t o recover their Easter n provinces

, B ut the place of this .
enemy w as taken by o ne more formid a ble The Turanian r a ces .
o f the tract beyond the O xus had b ee n lo n g increasin in

g
power Their incursions across the river in so m e of which
.
,
they reached Hyrc a nia and Parthia Proper were constant , .
We h a ve seen that P h raate s I I a larm ed at th e attack of .

,
S i de t e s c a lled the m i n t o his a id and afterwards lost his life

, ,
in a war with them The sa m e fate befell his successor I n

an engagement with a Tura n i an tribe called T o ch ari he re "
. .
c e i v e d a wound in his ar m fro m the eff ects o f which he died , ,
about B C 1 2 4 . . .
A r tab an u s w as succeeded by his son Mithridates I I who , .

,
is known as A r sac e s I X H e was a warlike and p owerful .
prince whose achievements procured h im the epithet o f the

,
”
Great H e e ffectually quelled the spirit of the northern
‘
nom ads whom he defeated in several eng a gem ents ; and in

, ,
a long series of wars he extended the Parthian power in many ,
directions At length he e n gaged in a contest with the Ar

.
m e nian king O r t o a di st e s (A rt av asde s

, who was compelled
to a disadvantageous p eace for his observance of which he ,
gave hostages among them Tigr a nes a pri n ce of the blood

, ,
royal Tigranes induced the Parthian monarch to aid him

.
in g a ining the Arm enia n throne by u n dertaking to cede to ,

“
him a part o f Arm enia ; a n d this cession took place about

B C 96 B ut here the successes o f Mithridates cam e to an end
. . . .
Tigranes having becom e king o f Arm e n ia declared war

, ,
against his benefactor recovered the ceded territory invaded , ,
Parthia itself conquered A diab é n é and forced the kings o f

, ,
Atropat en e and G or dy é n é to becom e his tributaries about B C ,

. .
90 t o 87 Soon after this M ithridates seem s to have died after

.
,
a reign which must have exceeded thirty fiv e years -

.
It is uncertain who was the i mm ediate successor of M ith

r i dat e s I I The list o f T r o g u s as reported by Justin is here
.
, ,
fault y ; and from the incide n t a l n otices of other writers the ,

successio n of the ki n gs ca n o n ly be determi n ed co nj ecturally .
It is usual t o place after M ithridates I I a certain M nasc iras .

,
who is m entioned by Lucia n as a Parthia n monarch B ut .
there is no evidence th a t M nasc iras followed immedi a tely a fter

M ithridates H o r eve n that he reign ed at this period Th e
.
, .
n ext king whom we can p ositively place after M ithrid a tes I I .
is Sanat roe c e s w h o mounted the throne a bout B C 76

, . . .
Sanat r oe ce s ( A r sac e s X L ) at the age o f eighty becam e king , ,
o f Parthia by the assista n ce o f the Sac arau c ae o ne o f the ,
Turania n tribes of the n orth He reigned s even years only .

,
from a bout B C 76 to 69 H e was contemporary with Ti

. . .
granes of Armenia and Mithridates of Pontus and s eem s t o ,
have bee n e n gaged in war with the former ; but the p a rticul a rs
o f this contest are unknown .
Ph r aat e s son of Sanat r oe ce s succeeded him an d took the

, , ,
title Of 9 6 69 G od Ascending the throne a t the moment

when the Mithridatic War entered on a new phase the losses ,
o f the Pontic monarch havin g forced him to seek a refuge i n
Armeni a an d Rome being about to transfer the struggle into

,
this q u a rter he w as na turally drawn into th e co n test B oth

,
.
sides sought h is a lli an ce ; but it w a s n ot till Pomp ey took the

directio n o f the w a r B C 66 that th e Parthian mo na rch de , . .
,
sisted from an a ttitude o f neutr a lity He then made a n alli an ce .
with the Ro ma ns an d while Po m pey pressed M ith rid a tes with

,
all his forces P h raat e s made an attack upo n Tigra n es The

,
.
diversio n determined the Mithridatic War i n favor of Rom e ;

but as usual when her obj ect w a s gained the gre a t republic
, , ,
repaid a ssist an ce with i n gratitude Tigra n es w as i n B C 6 5 .

,
. .
,
aided by the Roma n s against P h raat e s The province o f .
G o r dyé n é which Ph raat e s h a d recovered was retaken by the

, ,
Roma n s an d a ssig n ed to Ar me n i a It w a s in vain that th e .
Parthi an king remo n strated Pompey w a s inexorable ; an d .
Ph raat e s a bout B C 63 cam e t o terms with Ti gra n es

, . . Shortly
,
.
afterwards ( B C 60) he died poisoned as was reputed by his

. .
, , ,
t w o sons M ithridates a n d O r o de s
,
.
M ithrid a tes the elder of the tw o so n s of P h raat e s I I I suc

,
.
,
c e e de d him Tigr an es I having died in Arme n ia a n d Arta

. .
,
v asde s his seco n d son having seized the throne

,
Mithridates
, ,
beca me e n ga ged i n a w ar with Ar me n i a on b ehalf of his

4 84 RAWL I N S O N
b rother in l a w Tigr an es t h e eldest son o f the late ki n g His

- -
, , .
e ff orts however were unsuccessful a n d had no e ffect but to

, , ,
alie n ate A rt av asde s After a reig n of a few years M ithridates

.
,
was deposed by the Parthi a n nobles ; a nd though he main ,
f ai n ed himself for so m e co n siderable tim e in B abylon he was ,
at l a st captured a n d put to de a th O r ode s his brother whom .

, ,
the Parthi a ns h a d ma de ki n g i n his roo m succeeded h i m , ,
about B C 5 5 . . .
Fro m the Co mm e n ce m e n t of the W a rs with Ro m e B C 5 4 t o , . .

,
the D estructio n of the P a rthia n E mpire by the Persian s ,
A D
. . 22 6 .
The aggressive policy s y ste ma tic a lly pursued by the Rom a n

Republic re n dered a w a r with Parthia the n atural s equel t o
the victories over M ithrid a tes an d Tigra n es The struggle .
with these princes had reve a led to Rome the existence o f an

O riental power greater a n d richer tha n either Pontus or Ar
me n ia ; and the j ealousy as well a s the cupidity o f the republic , ,
was stirred by the revelatio n N o speci a l grounds of compl a int .
o r qu a rrel were reg a rded a s n ecessary b efore the war could
be co mm enced It w as e n ough that the time had a rrived whe n

.
it seemed t o be for th e interest of Ro me to i n cre a se her empire

a t the expe n s e o f Parthia W a r w a s declared without eve n .
a pretext B C 5 5 an d i n the followi n g y e a r Cr a ssus a tt a cked

, . .
,
O r o de s .
The i mm edi a te result of the dis a strous expeditio n of Crassus

was the adva n ce of the Parthia n s a cross the Euphr a tes In .
B C 5 2 a nd again in the ye a r a fter P ac or u s the son of O r o de s

. .
, , , ,
at the head o f a large a n d well a ppointed a r m y crossed from -

,
M esopotamia into Syri a an d r a vaged the Rom a n territory ,
fa r an d wide Upper Syri a was overru n Cilicia inv a ded A n

.
, ,
t io c h a n d A n tigoneia thre a te n ed the Rom a n ge n eral B ibulus , , ,
defeated C a ssius however ga i n ed certai n successes ; a n d

.
, ,
suspicio n havi n g bee n throw n upo n the lo y alty o f P ac oru s ,
O ro de s recalled him a n d withdrew his troops withi n the Eu ,
p h rat e s B ut eleve n ye a rs later h e made a seco n d adv an ce

. .
O nce m ore P acor u s this ti me assisted b y the Roma n refugee , ,

A N C I EN T H I ST O R Y 485
L ab ie nu s, crossed the Euphrates B C 40 a n d i n vaded the , . .

,
Syri an presidency A Roman army under D e c idiu s Saxa

.
, ,
was destroyed ; A n tioch A p am e ia Sidon Ptolemai s were , , , ,
occupied ; Jerusalem was e n tered and plundered and A ntig ,
o n us set as P a rthian V iceroy upo n the throne The Parthians

, , .
were co mplete m a sters o f Syria Phoe n icia and Palestine ; a nd , ,
proceeded to i n v a de Asia M inor occupying the whole s outh ,
co a st a s fa r a s Cari a and sending their plundering ba n ds into

, ,
I o n ia an d the Roma n Asia At this point however their .

, ,
progress was stayed a nd reverses began t o befall the m Ven

, .
t i di u s defeated and slew L ab i e nu s in B C 39 a n d gained a . .

,
similar success over Pacor u s in the n ext year The Parthians .
retired from S y ria n ever t o reoccupy it and henceforth were

, ,
co n tent to resist the att a cks and a ggressio n s of the Ro ma ns .
The death o f O rode s followed closely upon this defeat B C , . .
37 . He either died of grief for the loss o f P ac or u s o r was ,
murdered by P h raat e s the son who m h e h a d put forward as

,
’
his successor whe n he heard o f P ac or u s s dece a se P h raat e s .
IV succeeded h im and reig n ed as A rsac e s XV Aga i n st h im

.
, .
A n tony i n B C 3 6 led h is great expedition O n ce m ore on

, . .
, .
Parthia n soil the Ro ma n s were completely baffl ed ; an d the

retre a t of A n to ny w a s almost a s dis a strous as that of the a r my
o f Cr a ssus The P a rthi an power issued fro m these early c on
.
tests with Ro me i n t a ct ; each side held its ow n ; an d it s ee med

as if the Euphr a tes w a s t o b e a per man e n t b a rrier which the
Termi n us of n either n atio n could cross .
A n u n interesti n g period of the P a rthian histor y now sets i n .
Rom e an d Parthia a bst a i n equ a lly fro m direct attacks upo n

each ot h er while each e n de a vors t o obtai n a predomi nan t in
,
fl u e n c e in Arm enia which alter na tely leans o n on e o r other

,
o f the t w o powers Troubles are excited by the Roma n s within

.
the Parthi an royal f a mily ; and alm ost every reign exhibits
o n e or m ore pretenders t o the thro n e w h o disturb an d some ,
ti mes expel the legiti ma te mo na rch This period l a sted 1 50 .
ye a rs— fro m the retre a t of A n to n y B C 3 6 t o the s ixtee n th , . .

,
ye a r of Tr aj an A D 1 1 4 , . . .
*
C h o sro é s ( A rsac e s o n obt a i n i n g th e crow n p ro ,
c e e de d a l m ost i m m e di a tel y t o a sse r t the a uthority o f P a rthi a
Ab out A D 1 07 . . .
48 6 RAWL I N S O N
over A r m e n i a b y deposi n g the reign i n g mo na rch E xe dare s , ,
a n d placi n g his n ephew P art h amasiris the son o f P ac oru s

, , ,
upo n the Ar me n i an thro n e This a ct furnished an excuse to

.
Traj an for his Eastern expedition a p a rt of his great scheme ,
o f co n quest The e a rlier oper a tio n s o f the Roma n emperor

.
were altogether successful ; he deprived P arth amasir is o f his

ki n gdo m an d m a de Ar m e n ia 3 Roma n provi n ce without a
,
struggle ; he r apidl y overr an Mesopot a mi a an d Assyri a taking ,
the cities o ne a fter a n other an d a dded those countries t o the

,
empire ; he pressed southward took S e l e u ce ia Ctesipho n and , , ,
B a bylo n desce n ded the Tigr is t o the s e a ; an d received the

,
sub missio n of M e sé n é the tr a ct upo n the Persi a n Gulf I n

, .
an other directio n his ar m s pe n etr a ted as f a r a s Susa B ut it .
was e asier t o co n quer tha n t o hold Revolts broke out i n the .
countries a lready occupied at Se l e uce ia at Edessa at Nisibis

, , , ,
a t Hatr a a nd elsewhere Tr aj an felt that he must retire T o

, . .
cover the ignominy of his retre a t he held an assembly at C t e si ,
phon an d placed his m ore souther n co n quests u n der the sov

,
e r e i g nt y of a mock ki n g a na tive n a med P art h amasp at e s

,
H is .
other co n quests Armenia Mesopotami a a n d Assyri a h e ma i n

, , , ,
t ai n e d an d stro n gl y garriso n ed B ut they co n ti n ued Rom an

.
fo r o n ly about t w o y e a rs ( A D 1 1 5 to The first act of

. .
H a dria n w a s t o reli n quish the whole results o f the Parthia n

war of Tr a j an an d to withdraw the legio n s withi n th e lin e of
,
the Euphr a tes C h osr oes retur n ed to his c a pit a l P art h amas
.
,
pates quitti n g it an d falli n g b a ck on his Ro man frie n ds who ,
ma de h im ki n g of Ar m e n i a The P a rthia n empire w a s r e

.
stored t o its ol d limits ; a n d frie n dly rel a tio n s subsisted between

C h osroes an d H a dri an u n til the de ath of the for m er prob a bl y ,
a bout A D 1 2 1
. . .
The successor o f C h osroe s w a s his son Vol og e se s I I ( Ar , .
sace s X X V I ) w h o reign ed fro m a bout A D 1 2 1 t o 1 49

, He . . .
kept the pe a ce with Ro m e throughout the whole of his reign ,
though sorely te mpted t o i n terfere with th e a ff airs o f Arme n i a ,
which h a d reverted t o th e positio n of a Rom a n fi e f He was .
co n t e mpor a ry with A n to n i n us Pius The only import a nt eve n t .
o f his reign w a s an invasio n o f M edia Atropat en e by the Alani ,
w h o were beco mi n g formidable i n the tr a ct between the B lack

Se a an d th e C a s p i an Volog e se s bribed these e n e mies t o retir e
. .
His successor w as an other Vol og e se s the third of the na me , ,
w h o was prob a bly his so n He reigned from a bout A D 1 49 . . .
t o 1 92 Duri n g the lifetime o f A n to n i n us Pius he rem a ined

.
,
a t pe a ce with the Romans ; but soo n a fter the accession o f

M Aurelius ( B C 1 6 1 ) he provoked a war b y i n v a ding Arme n i a
. . .
fo r the purpose of severi n g its con n ectio n with Rome At the .
outset he was successful ; Arme n ia w a s occupied ; S e v e rianu s ,
Rom an prefect of C a pp a doci a was defe a ted his a rm y de , ,
stroyed and he himself slain ; the P a rthian hordes once m ore

,
crossed the Euphrates an d c a rried dev a st a tio n i n to Syri a ; but ,
their triumph w a s short — lived Verus was se n t t o the E a st ; .
a nd though i n dividually he did n othi n g yet his generals gained ,
gre a t adv a nt a ges The Parthi an s were driven from Syria and
.
Ar m enia ; M esopot a m ia w as Occupied ; S e l e u ce ia Ctesipho n , ,
a nd B a bylo n t a ken ; and the royal palace a t Ctesipho n bur n t

(A D . . Parthi a the n sued for peace and obtained it by ,
ceding M esopot a m i a an d a llowing Arme n ia to return t o the ,
positio n of a Ro ma n depe n dency V ol og e se s thus hu mbled .

, ,
rem a ined quiet during h is later y e a rs livi n g on frie n dl y ter ms ,
with M Aurelius and with Com modus

. .
Vol og e se s I I I left t w o so n s V ol og e se s an d Tiri date s o f

.
, ,
whom the elder Vol og e se s succeeded h im This pri n ce h a v

, ,
.
,
i n g u n fortu n atel y a tt a ched himself t o the cause of P e sce nn iu s

Niger A D 1 93 w a s a tt a cked by the Roma n emp eror
,
. .
, ,
S e p t i mi u s Severus after he had defeated Niger a n d suff ered i m

, ,
porta n t reverses The Ro man ar m y adva n ced through M eso

.
potamia t o th e Tigris crossed into Assyria and occupied Adia , ,
b é né desce n ded the river i n ships to Ctesipho n which it took

, ,
and plundered captured also Se l e u ce ia an d B abylon a nd r e

, ,
turned without su fferi n g an y worse defe a t tha n a double repulse

from the w a lls of Hatra The onl y per ma n e n t fruit of the cam .
i n w a s however the addition o f Adi abé n é or Norther n

p ga , , ,
Assyria to the empire which the P a rthia n mo n arch was forced

, ,
t o cede t o his adversary A D 1 99 Nothi n g more is k n ow n , . . .
of Vol o g e se s IV excepti n g th a t h e left sever a l so n s an d th a t

.
, ,
he reig n ed till about A D 2 1 2 or 2 1 3 . . .
Upo n the de a th of V ol og e se s I V a co n te n tio n a rose b e .

,
tween his sons with respect t o th e successio n which see ms ,
t o h a ve f a lle n a fter a short struggle t o an oth e r Vol og e se s

, , ,
488 RAWL I N S O N
who w a s ki n g whe n C arac al l us wishing t o pick a q uarrel with ,
Parthi a sent t o dema n d the surre n der of t w o refugees Tiri

, ,
dates an d A n tiochus Vol og e se s at first refused ; but when .

,
h e w a s threate n ed with i n v a sion yielded A D 2 1 5 Soo n a fter , , . . .
this he must h a ve ceased t o reign for we fi n d C aracall u s i n , ,
A D 2 1 6 n egoti a ting with A rtab an u s

. .
, .
A rtab anu s (A rsac e s X X X ) the l a st ki n g o f Parthi a is , ,
thought t o h a ve bee n a son of Vol og e se s IV and a brother of .
V ol og e se s V He reig n ed from A D 2 1 5 o r 2 1 6 to 2 2 6 Cara

. . . .
callus be n t on a Parthian camp a ign in which he was to riv a l

, ,
Alex an der se n t in A D 2 1 6 to demand the daughter of A rt a

, , . .
,
b an us i n marri a ge A rtabanus refused and C aracall u s i m m e

.
,
diat e ly crossed the Euphrates took p ossession of O srh oé né , ,
proceeded through M esopota mi a t o th e Tigris i n vaded Adi a ,
b é né took Arbel a a n d drove the Parthians into the mountains

, , .
He then returned t o Edess a in O srh oé né and was proceeding ,
in the y e a r following t o re n ew his att ac k w h e n he was murdered ,
by order of M acrinu s his pr aetoria n prefect M acr inu s then , .
c a rried on the w a r for a short tim e but bei n g twice defeated , ,
by A rt abanu s n e a r Nisibis he was content t o purch a se pea ce ,
by the expe n diture o f a l a rge su m of money and the surre n der

o f a ll the Roman possessions beyo n d th e Euphrates The .
domi n ions Of th e P a rthi an s were thus o n ce more extended to

their a ncie n t limits a n d A rt ab anu s had even reclaimed and,
exercised the Old P a rthi an suzer a i n ty over Arme n ia by ,
appointing his ow n brother t o be ki n g when suddenl y an i nsu r ,
rection broke out i n the south Th e Persians u n der Arta .

,
xerxes the son of S a ss an rebelled after four ce n turies of sub

, , ,
je c t i o n agai n st
,
their P a rthi an lords defeated the forces o f ,
A rt ab an u s in three gre a t b a ttles a n d in th e third slew that ,
king him self The Parthi an empire cam e thus sudde n ly t o an

.
end A D 2 2 6 whe n it had given few signs of internal decay

, . .
,
o r weakness It was succeeded by the New Persian Mon a rchy

. ,
or Kingdo m of the Sassanidm which l a sted fro m A D 2 26 ,

. .
to 6 5 2 .

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FR OM TH E EARLIE S T TI MES TO) TH E

PERSIA , G REEC E , M AC EDO NIA , PARTHIA, AND RO M E

W ILL IA M F M C D O W ELL S T D PHD

C HANCELLO R or THE U NI VERS I TY O F DENVER

N annotating the B ibl ical t e xt concern ing the making of ,

many books a fourteenth century commentator declared

most positively that the only books which might be read

S olomo n and ou r medi aeval sage would scarcely have cause

t ion reign supreme and the classics o f literature are barely

circulated The classics are largely relegated to the shelves o f

public libraries which are obviously only accessible to a smal l

There has been an e ff ort of lat e to supply the reading public

with various encyclop aedias of literature which so far as the , ,

literary selections are concerned bri n g to mind the gru mbler s ,

comment on h i s dinner I t s all very well as f ar as it goes and

p zf di as are in the n ature of an thologies an d while they may , ,

who wish to possess the classics in their entirety .

The proj ectors o f the present series of books have made it

no desire to pose as educational philanth ropists They clai m .

h owever that the publication of these classics wil l certainl y

thors selected i n clude only the master minds of a n cie n t and

The art features comprise photogravures f rom famous pai nt

min at i on s o f medi aeval books and paleographic manuscripts ,

choice examples of early printing and engraving and various ,

O n the Library Committee are such competent j udges of

versity ; Justin M c C ar th y historian and litt é rateur ; Richard

Henry Stoddard poet and literary critic and Dr Pa ul van

Dyke Professor o f H istory at Princeton Each of the classics

selected has a special introd u ction by a writer fully q ua liﬁed t o

a ble device i n the art of book —making has been brought i n t o

and binding are of excellent q u ality

toward mental culture In the University Collection of Illus

t rat e d Classics the intellectual pleasures and luxuries of li fe

Let the toast be what Al fonso King of Aragon w as wont to , ,

say were the four best things of li fe : O ld wood to burn

HE author o f this volume is one of the ma n y n otable ex

k n ow n a s C an o n Rawlinso n O n e o f his most widel y .

him a f a vorite with m an y students .

George Rawlinson w as b orn in 1 8 1 5 in O xfordshire E n g ,

l a nd bei n g ﬁv e years you n ger than h is brother Sir Henry Cres

wicke R a wlinson the O rient alist a n d diplomat B oth

were educ a ted a t E a li n g School the former gr a du a ti n g fro m

O xford with classic a l ho n ors in 1 83 8 H e bec a me a fellow o f .

Exeter College i n 1 840 B a mpton Lecturer in 1 8 59 Camde n

Professor of A n cie n t History a t O xford i n 1 86 1 holdi n g that ,

o fﬁce u n til 1 889 whe n he resig n ed I n 1 872 he was a ppointed

Can on of C a nterbury Cathedr al Th e m ere titles o f his books

i n dicate wh a t a prodigious worker he has been His i n dustr y .

is ama zi n g an d his a chieveme n ts surprisi n g even for a life u n

he h as writte n the followi n g historical works : Th e Five Great

O riental Mo na rchy or the Geogr a phy History an d A n tiquities

Geograph y History an d A n tiquities of the Sass an ian or N e w

n er Wilki n son a tr a nslation of Herodotus with exte n sive notes

an d illustr a tio n s His B am pto n lectures i n 1 85 9 wer e upo n

The Historical Evidence o f the Truth o f the Scripture

on Herodotus i n the n inth edition of the Encyclop aedia B rit a n

Story o f the Nations series He held the ofﬁ ce of Classical .

Examiner under the Council o f Military Education from 1 8 59