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NEO-COLONIALISM IN AFRICA: A PERPETUATION OF WESTERN INTEREST

AND SUBJUGATION OF AFRICA

Article · March 2014

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EKITI STATE UNIVERSITY, ADO-EKITI
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

SEMINAR PAPER ON
NEO-COLONIALISM IN AFRICA:
A PERPETUATION OF WESTERN INTEREST AND SUBJUGATION OF AFRICA

By

Jadesola Babatola
Department of History and International Studies
Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria

(c) January, 2013

Abstract:

This paper reviewed the concept of Neo-Colonialism in Africa with a view to discuss
the perpetuation of western interest and the subjugation of Africa long after the
independence of African States from European powers. It further attempt a critique
of the diplomacy of Western Powers and their interference mechanisms in the
changed status and phases of relationship with her former colonies in Africa through
a continuous and perpetual domination of her economic structure and interest after
independence. Particular attention were drawn from the transformation of existing
colonial enterprise and foreign investments into conduit pipes to milk Africa through
the introduction and use of multinational and transnational corporations to exploit
and dominate the capital and economic structure of the African nations and the
transfer the profits back to Europe through import substitution regime.

The paper further examined the role of the Western powers in making the economy
and other existing institutions and structures of the state to remain tied to their
colonial masters due to language barriers and protocols of diplomatic relations,
treaties and existing bilateral agreements.

The paper concluded that the weakness of the structure, politics and economic
diplomacy of emerging African States after independence arose from the
underdevelopment of Africa and continued perpetuation and penetration of western
economic interest in the prevailing circumstance.
1.0 Introduction
Imperialism laid the initial stage for the domination of African continent by the
European powers in the 18th and 19th centuries. The situation resulted in the invasion
of Africa which John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson conceived as making Africa a
‘sphere of influence’ on which Europe could build an economic empire with or
without ‘a formal, legal control by one government over another country’. At best,
the motive behind European Imperial conquest and eventual colonization of Africa
resulted from ‘economic motives primarily and prestige motives secondarily’.1

There are two concepts are borrowed from the notion of Imperialism as the ‘process
of establishing colonial and neo-colonial relationships’. The second concept is drawn
from the notion which described Imperialism as a ‘creation and or maintenance of
unequal economic, cultural and territorial relationship usually between states and
empires based on domination and subordination’.2 Hence, the stage of economic
domination and subjugation of the Africa continent as a raw material exploration
field and a finished products exploitative market required the use of state
apparatuses to conceive the colonial state as a sphere of interest in order to aid the
successive exploitation of the African continent with limited resistance and orderly
process. The colonization of Africa was therefore achieved with a view to minimally
access the African continent and provides for the service and needs of the colonial
state in the effective exploration of African continent without sufferance.

The implication is that colonialism of Africa was designed to aid the survival and
extension of Capitalism for the development of the metropole and the strengthening
of her industrial complex and markets through the invasion and overrun of weaker
territories particularly Africa where opportunities abound for the creation of new

1
D. T. Osabu-Kle, African Blood for Imperialist Interests: The First and Second Scrambles for Africa –
Imperialism, Colonies and Neocolonies, Carleton University, US
2 th
Johnston, R.J. The Dictionary of Human Geography (4 Ed.), Wiley-Blackwell pg. 375 (2000) ISBN 0-631-
20561-6
settlements to explore their potential economic resources and commerce. Hence,
the justification of the Eurocentric views that European Imperialism in Africa was due
to ‘been mesmerized by formal empire and maps of the world with regions coloured
red. The bulk of British emigration, trade and capital went to areas outside the formal
British Empire...’3

In the attempt to reconstruct African history, empirical data and historical facts had
shown that the emigration of Europeans to Africa and the domination of the
continent’s economy – trade and capital by Europeans and their local collaborators
and partners were designed to further prosecute the European agenda which
Frederick Lugard (First Governor-General of Nigeria) stated in his book titled - the Dual
Mandate thus:
‘The Partition of Africa was, as we all recognize, due primarily to the economic
necessity of increasing the supplies of raw materials and food to meet the needs of
the industrialised nations of Europe...For two or three generations, we can show
the Negro what we are: Then we shall be asked to go away. Then we shall
leave the land to those it belongs to, with the feeling that they have better
business friends is us than in other whitemen...’4

Europe’s Berlin Conference of 1884-85 to scramble for and partition Africa and the
subsequent colonisation of Africa remained a watershed in the balkanization of
Africa that left the continent with underscored goals of European expansionism
towards fostering their economic and trading interest rather than modernization and
development of African society, because Europeans sought for market to sell their
finished products from the growing industries while exploring and exploiting Africa
by sourcing for their raw materials to be used to expand and service the industries,

3
Louis, Wm. Roger. (1976) Imperialism pg. 4
4
T. Pakenham, The Scramble for Africa 1876-1912, Abacus Book, George Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London,
1991
with the profit realized being ploughed into their economy and society to transform
their continent into the manufacturing centre of the world.5

A good point of reference to validate the motives of European colonisation of Africa

lies in the reasons for the British bombardment and annexation of Lagos in 1861, the
British unilateral occupation of Egypt in 1882 and the French retaliatory Blockade
and claim over the mouth of Congo, among others.6

Inquiries into African history had shown that the colonisation of Africa from the Nile
to Congo basin, the West African hinterland and the East and Southern parts of
Africa is not farfetched from the multi-facet benefits and resources of virgin Africa
which was achievable and bound with colonialism. Since Europe’s territorial
imperialistic and expansionist motives was to deplete resources of colonial states for
her greater economic benefit, the collection of those resources from the colonies
required the assumption of military and political control of those territories.

2.0 The Notion of Neo-Colonialism

Much has been said in this introduction about imperialism and colonialism in
providing a stage of analysis and appreciation for the actual understanding of the
subject matter – Neo-Colonialism.

A venture into neo-colonial experiences cannot be divorced from the goals of

European imperialism and the study of the colonial state in Africa. This is because
Neo-colonialism is prevalent in Africa unlike other continents and it can be described
as an advanced stage of colonialism because it exist in forms of the cultural,

5 th
Adas, Michael; Peter N. Stearns (2008), Turbulent Passage – A Global History of the Twentieth Century (4
Ed.), Pearson Education Inc., pp 54-54 ISBN 0-205-64571-2
6
Candice Goucher, Charles LeGuin, Linda Walton, The Tentacles of Empire: The New Imperialism and New
Nationalism in Asia, Africa, and the Americas In the Balance: Themes in Global History, The Annenberg
Foundation, McGraw-Hill, Boston, 1998
educational, industrial and technological subjugation of a former colonial territory
and the further economic domination of the independent state by the former
coloniser in the absence of an institutionalised political structure and direct military
presence for the physical control and direction of the state ideology and economy by
a superior power or former coloniser over her former and liberated colonies.

Neo-colonialism is constituted by the evolution and perpetuation of a process

whereby the existence of international diplomacy and protocols of state relations
through an entrenched constitutional government and emerging political leadership
at independence provides for a market structure cum capital and investment of the
new state and the agenda for national development working in favour of the former
coloniser. This is enhanced through continuous tying to the apron strings of the
former coloniser in determining the current and future roles and relationship of the
former colony, in world politics and economy.

It was advanced that the existence of neo-colonialism is accurately evident and seen
from the stages of national development at the points where former colonial
masters continues to influence or define ‘culture area and serves as the exclusive
positive reference group for the new nation’7.

In identifying neo-colonial tendencies, it is obvious to assert that the options left for
the new state that gained independence from her coloniser in veering out or
venturing to other scales of relation is limited. This is due to the traditions and
culture embedded in their existing relationship and confines as former colony arising
from the language barriers, lack of expertise and technological transfer, existing
industrial and trade complexes and contending ideas to transform the society and
engage in the agenda for national development with the pressures of finding a path
for national survival and growth guided by international forces and partners.
7
Remmling G.W and Campbell R.C., Basic Sociology: An Introduction to the Study of Society, Littlefield Adams
& Co, NJ, 1970 pp.66-80
On the other hand, the characteristics and development of neo-political economy in
Nigeria like some other African states translated the scale of economic growth and
development processes into ’substituted imports of intermediate and producer goods
for imports of consumer goods. This consolidates rather than undermines
dependence on foreign suppliers, since production, as well as consumption, now
depends on foreign imports’8.

Neo-colonialism therefore perpetuate an imbalance in relationship between a

former coloniser and her liberated colonies by providing a superstructure with
irresistible economic relations and potentials to further exploit and extract the
economic resources of the latter largely through provision of capital, accumulation of
profit and expansion of her home economy from the exploitative gains under the
guise of running through a global competitive market.9 However, neo-colonialism
was foisted on Africa, but could not exist without existing transferred structures,
internal collaborators and partners whose responsibility is to enjoy the benefits and
privileges of power and positions of trust in exchange for a perpetual relationship
that does not guarantee the capacity to develop and progress outside a determined
and negotiated process.

Walter Rodney evaluated the colonial economy and the emergence of neo-
colonialism in Africa as a consequence of economic subjugation and
underdevelopment of Africa after independence and then asserted thus:
‘African economies are integrated into the very structure of the developed
capitalist economies; and they are integrated in a manner that is
unfavourable to Africa and ensures that Africa is dependent on the big
capitalist countries. Indeed, structural dependence is one of the

8
Williams Gavin, Nigeria: The Neo-colonial Political Economy, in Political Economy of Africa (Selected
Readings) ed. Dennis L. Cohen and John Daniel, Longman, London, 1981 pp.46
9
C. Ake, Political Economy of Nigeria
 characteristics of underdevelopment...the underdeveloped countries are
dependencies of the metropolitan capitalist economies...it is also true that
metro poles are dependent on the wealth of the exploited portions of the
world. This is a source of their strength and a potential weakness within
the capitalist/imperialist system...The capitalist countries are
technologically more advanced and are therefore the sector of the
imperialist system which determined the direction of change...It is for this
reason that a formerly colonized nation has no hope of developing until it
breaks effectively with the vicious circle of dependence and exploitation...’
10

3.0 Neo-colonialism in Africa

Walter Rodney wrote in clear terms on the exploration and consequences of
imperialism and colonisation of Africa while laying the basis for the existence of neo-
colonialism as a new ideology for the continued exploitation of Africa States at
independence thus:
‘the economic backwardness of a given African nation...the symptoms of
underdevelopment and the secondary factors that make for poverty...lies in
seeking out the relationship between Africa and certain developed
countries and in recognizing that it is a relationship of exploitation...More
far reaching than just trade is the actual ownership of the means of
production in one country by the citizens of another...So long as foreigners
own land, mines, factories, banks, insurance companies, means of
transportation, newspapers, power stations etc, then for so long will the
wealth of Africa flow outwards into the hands of those elements’ 11.

An implied notion of neo-colonialism is drawn from the dependency theory advanced

in the study of underdevelopment of Africa by the likes of Walter Rodney, Claude
10
Walter Rodney, (1972:30-31)
11
Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Howard University Press (1972:26-27)
Ake and Amechi Okolo who asserted that former colonisers institutionalized
structurally unequal economic relationship between itself and their former colonies
through ‘changing of guards’ to systematically coordinate the processes of extracting
resources and raw materials in those territories for her economic benefits. This in
itself is akin to the interdependence of state system, wherever it perpetuates the
process and capacity to appropriate concept of balance of power through
domination and subjugation of weaker states in the international economic order.
This is what is further described as ‘a phase when the systems and structures of
exploitation have reached such a high state of perfection that they do not need the
physical presence of and supervision by the colonisers’12.

Neo-colonialism represents the capitalist domination of Africa in the post-colonial

historical experience, a period generally characterized as the early stages of political
experience of the independent African states after decolonization. It is the advanced
stages of imperialism which manifest through the exploit of unequal and dominant
economic process and structures to superimpose the former colonisers on their
liberated colonies as dependent states.

The tendency of neo-colonial experience in Africa has been largely directed at

international conspiracy and transnational trading domination by multinational and
transnational corporations at the expense of local entrepreneurs. This was
highlighted by the existence of ‘expatriate domination of investment
opportunities...their superior access to credit, supplies, and the technology and
managerial skills necessary to industrial production, (which) inhibits the accumulation
and reinvestment of capital by indigenous entrepreneurs who lack the resources
necessary to compete with vertically integrated multinational corporations13’.

12
Amechi Okolo, Dependency: The Highest Stage of Capitalist Domination in Africa, in The Future of Africa and
the New International Economic Order, R.I. Onwuka and Olajide Aluko (ed.), Macmillan, Lagos (1986:296-320)
13
Akeredolu-Ale, E.O, The Underdevelopment of Indigenous Entrepreneurship in Nigeria, Ibadan, 1975
Though, the independence of most African nations were celebrated with the physical
handing over of powers to the modern African States, the continued role of many of
the foreign powers as evident in the interference with her political, economic and
social life particularly in countries colonised by France and Belgium left much in
doubt. This is what has turned Africa into a blood-letting zone for wars, civil wars,
genocides and political instability arising from the evils of colonialism and the
unequal arrangement and structuring of the Africa State to leave it perpetually under
the control and intervention of the Europeans.

The political crisis in Congo for instance linked to exploration of economic resources
and political imbalance as well as the persistent interference and influence of France
in internal coordination and resolution of political differences and leadership
disputes in Francophone countries, can be easily highlighted as facts of neo-
colonialism. The same experience occurs in Sudan, Angola and Mozambique to
mention a few others.

In an attempt to explore the effects of neo-colonialism in Africa, it has been well

stated that ‘foreign faces have withdrawn after appropriate native or local faces (the
interlocuteurs valuables – negotiators worth talking to)14 have been groomed and
installed to perpetuate the continued influence of the former colonisers. This is why
it was asserted that the degree of economic exploitation of Africa failed to change
after independence though the corresponding political responsibility and
international stigma had been removed from the neck of the former colonisers
through a grant of independence and tactical withdrawal to the ‘home bases in the
West from where it still operates coquettishly and covertly, exploiting nations,
manoeuvring men and governments but this time by remote control’.15

14
Offiong, D.A, Imperialism and dependency, Fourth Dimension, Enugu, 1980 p.65
15
Amechi Okolo, Dependency: The Highest Stage of Capitalist Domination in Africa, in The Future of Africa and
the New International Economic Order, R.I. Onwuka and Olajide Aluko (ed.), Macmillan, Lagos (1986:296-320)
Considering the circumstance under which local entrepreneurships were developed
and made to compete and create capital, many of them became what is usually
described as ‘compradores’, that is, intermediaries between foreign interest and the
indigenous polity and economy, which are transformed or transited to the former
colony as a source of both capitals and contracts. Many of such indigenous
Entrepreneurs were known to have established companies with foreign interest and
partnership at various stages of their contract awards and execution as well as
transfer of funds to overseas countries resulting in capital flight.

This takes a discerning mind back to the theoretical appraisal of the study of
Imperialism as a stage of western capitalism to which juxtaposes with the concept of
Neo-colonialism at an advanced stage by borrowing definitions of the learning curves
in Marxian theory, which V.L. Lenin advanced thus:
‘...Capitalism at the stage of development ... in which a certain group of
countries have their economics conditioned by the development and
expansion of another economy, in which the former is subject. The relation
of interdependence between two or more economies and between these
and world trade, assumes the form of dependence when some countries
(the dominant) can expand and give impulse to their own development,
while other countries (the dependent) can only develop as a reflection of
this expansion. This can have positive and or negative effects on their
immediate development. In all cases, the basic situation of dependence
leads to a global situation in dependent countries that situates them in
backwardness and under the exploitation of the dominant countries. The
dominant countries have a technological, commercial, capital resources
and social-political predominance over dependent countries (with
predominance of some of these aspects in various historical moments). This
 permits them to impose conditions of exploitation and extract part of the
domestically produced surplus...’ 16

Though notable scholars denounced the Lenin concept of capitalism and economic as
economic imperialism and an untenable ‘kind of economic determinism’ failing to
produce new theories of imperialism17, history has validated that a continuation of
imperialistic influences and tendency to influence the policies of an independent
colonial territory by her former colonial masters over through conditions highlighted
as ‘hand of Esau and voice of Jacob’ in economic terms rubs off the true
independence of such modern African states in the development process.

This portion of the study cannot be concluded without making a mention of the well
positioned rationale of supporters of the gains and existence of Multinationals in
developing and under developing countries. It has been stated without
contradictions that ‘each of these (their) claims...can be challenged’18, though
identified as follows:
a. Provide scarce capital
b. Provide equally scare technology
c. Provide know-how which provides commodities at lower prices for
more people
d. Provide access to export markets
e. Contribute through taxes paid and
f. Provide employment
g. Participate in local development

4.0 Neo-Colonialism and Class Structures in Africa

16
V.L. Lenin, - Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, Moscow, 1965
17
Imperialism - 2012 Online Resource, Google docs.
18
Dennis L. Cohen & John Daniel (ed.), Political Economy of Africa (Selected Readings), Longman, London,
1981 pp.68
Neo-colonial experience in Africa also gave birth to class creation and widened class
dominance and manipulation in perpetuation of power and access to capital and
development opportunities.

The context of government leadership, political administration and state bureaucracy

inherited from the colonial era is the first pointer to the largesse of class
differentiation between the ruling elites, educated senior public servants and other
cadres of state employees. It created a wide gap leading to class differentiation, hero
worship and the craze for money making at the expense of good governance and
disciplined public life.

In fact, the economic structure inherited from the colonial state was a class structure
that created gaps between the senior cadre and junior workers, with the salaries and
nature of benefits derived from Government. This resulted in the existence of ‘highly
inegalitarian colonial administrative, salary and tax structure, with its complex of
fringe benefits (car and child allowances, health facilities and housing subsidies,
available to the earners of high salaries).

The matter was worsened by the regime of salary structure and allowances imposed
on various categories of government employees. This was largely criticised by a
leading Nigerian Nationalist and political leader, Obafemi Awolowo, in 1970 when he
stated thus:
‘One of the evil things we inherit from the British is a colonial salary
structure. In the early stages of colonialism... all senior posts in
Government and mercantile services were exclusively reserved for and
held by Europeans. The salaries paid ...were fixed...in Britain in identical,
equivalent, and comparable posts...By contrast, however, under the
colonial administration, unquestioning obedience, cringing, and fawning,
 on the part of Nigerian civil servants, often counted more towards
personal advancement than efficiency and initiative’19

In the Nigerian experience, attempts by 1971 Adebo Commission and 1974 Udoji
Commission to reverse the trends in salary and wages regime failed to achieve any
change in class differentiation, but to widen the existing gaps regardless of the
improvements introduced at the lower base. The same has remained in place over
the years till date. The higher a salary earner becomes, the better the state of life
and comfort, and even opportunities to make money.

In the private sector, the same pattern existed where the owners of means of
production determines the cost, profitability and access to medium of production
and services at the expenses of the masses. This showed the limited economic
framework of the Nigerian State with deeper reflection on morale of workers and
citizens and state of preparedness of the institutions left behind by colonial
administration for the proper sustenance of the State and her human resources.

As identified in the cases of ITT which dominated the Nigeria’s Communication

Technology sphere in the 70s and Julius Berger which dominated the Road and Bridge
Constructions since the 80s, it could be suggested that ‘lucrative profits have accrued
to those able to establish control of monopolistic niches in the distribution of
commodities, rather than to those who have organized their production most
efficiently. Consequently, politics and favour of foreign companies, itself a product of
political influence, became the primary sources of capital accumulation by Nigerians...

19
Obafemi Awolowo, The Strategy and Tactics of the People’s Republic of NIGERIA, Macmillan, Lagos. 1970 Pg.
25
Professionals, bureaucrats and merchants used state power to establish themselves
as a bourgeoisie’20.

The above situation led to the articulation of a position in the economic history of
Africa with reference to Nigeria that ‘the social relations of production and
distribution in which the urban petty bourgeoisie are involved preclude them from
taking effective class action in their own interests. At times, they have followed
populist leaders, to whom they have looked to favour them with a share of the
resources appropriated by the bourgeoisies’21.

5.0 Conclusion

Colonial rule in Africa and the perpetuation of European Imperialism resorted to the
disorganization of traditional African society and impoverishing of the population in
the transition from traditional to modern system of socio-economic and politico-
military dependence barely providing opportunities for Africans to survive as
independent states in modern international politics and diplomacy.

The era of colonial rule showed that Africans trading partners and producers
operated in an unequal scale with their European partners whose aim was to
establish western based capitalism that simultaneously reduced the power and
economic opportunity of the African participants while it ensured that:
‘Europeans controlled colonial credit and trade tariffs. Few Africans
prospered during this era; colonial controls hampered the development of
free enterprise, and European governments offset the high coats of
extracting raw materials and transporting them to European-based
manufacturing centres by providing price supports...African colonies
20
Osoba, ‘Ideological Trends’ quoted by Williams Gavin, Nigeria: The Neo-colonial Political Economy, in
Political Economy of Africa (Selected Readings) ed. Dennis L. Cohen et al, Longman, London, 1981 pp.47
21
Williams Gavin, Nigeria: The Neo-colonial Political Economy, in Political Economy of Africa (Selected
Readings) ed. Dennis L. Cohen and John Daniel, Longman, London, 1981 pp.54
 supported many European industries that otherwise could not have been
profitable. For example, the textile industry of France depended on the
cheap cotton supplied by French West African colonies to remain
competitive with technologically more advanced manufacturing...Africans
became dependent consumers of European textiles, iron pots, agricultural
implements, soap and even foodstuffs...’22

Walter Rodney observed that human development affected social advancement and
demands of each society while her socio-political and economic system rubs on her
fortunes and failures. He noted that the weaker nation with less economic capacity is
bound to be adversely affected and the bigger the gap between the two societies,
the more detrimental the consequences.23 He noted further that where the weaker
state survives the onslaught of the imperial powers, its survival and development
requires moving above the economic plain created by the imperial powers. 24 The
failure of African states to develop beyond the colonial structures at the early stages
of independence and decolonization were inherent neo-colonial experiences of that
era, which tied Africa to the apron strings of Western societies.

Claude Ake, another celebrated scholar of Africa’s political economy followed a

similar path like Rodney by validating the premise and effect of European
imperialism in Africa. He felt the need to ‘cut through the confusion over the motives
of western colonisation in Africa but also to shed light on the colonial experience in
Africa and its effects on Africa’s development’25, arguing that it is crude to reduce
colonialism of Africa to a single motive of European imperialism when the central
role was contributed by economic factors. Borrowing ideas from Hobsbawm notes,
Ake observed that changing character of the relation of Western Europe and Britain
to the wider world economy originally intensify the concept of imperialism as the
22
ibid
23
Ibid.
24
ibid
25
C. Ake, The Political Economy of Africa, 1980
need arose for Europe to find market for overseas products for everyday use, market
that could be expanded in larger quantities and more cheaply and the creation of
economic system to produce abroad, while conquering colonies to serve the
economic advantages of their European conquerors.26

The implication of the above is that the emboldened increase in the continued
intervention, influence and control of African States by their former colonial masters
is nothing less than neo-colonialism with attendant consequence summarised below:
a. Unstable political institutions foisted on the state without the consent of the
citizens
b. Internationally guided behavioural patterns and attitude fuelled by colonial
experiences and past relationship where the former acts as ‘the principal tutor
and guardian’ of the interest of her former colonies at a price.
c. Continuous economic relations arising from monopoly domination inherited
from colonial era and perpetuation of economic exploitation and subjugations
d. Maximization of exploitative mechanisms through patronage system, trade
balancing and determination of commodity pricing in international market
e. Destruction of the culture and education of the African States through
continued advancement of foreign culture and language to supplant the
African culture

26
ibid
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adas, Michael; Peter N. Stearns, Turbulent Passage – A Global History of the

Twentieth Century (4th Ed.), Pearson Education Inc. 2008

Ake C., The Political Economy of Africa, Longman, 1980

Dennis L. Cohen and John Daniel (ed).,The Neo-colonial Political Economy, in

Political Economy of Africa (Selected Readings) Longman, London, 1981

Google docs, Imperialism - 2012 Online Resource.

Candice Goucher, Charles LeGuin, Linda Walton, The Tentacles of Empire: The New
Imperialism and New Nationalism in Asia, Africa, and the Americas In the Balance:
Themes in Global History, The Annenberg Foundation, McGraw-Hill, Boston, 1998

Johnston, R.J. The Dictionary of Human Geography (4th Ed.), Wiley-Blackwell (2000)

Lenin, V.L. Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, Moscow, 1965

Louis, Wm. Roger. (1976) Imperialism

Offiong, D.A, Imperialism and dependency, Fourth Dimension, Enugu, 1980

Onwuka, R.I. and Olajide Aluko (ed.), The Future of Africa and the New International
Economic Order, Macmillan, Lagos 1986

Osabu-Kle, D.T. African Blood for Imperialist Interests: The First and Second
Scrambles for Africa – Imperialism, Colonies and Neocolonies, Carleton University, US

Pakenham, T. The Scramble for Africa 1876-1912, Abacus Book, George Weidenfeld
& Nicolson, London, 1991

Remmling, G.W and Campbell R.C., Basic Sociology: An Introduction to the Study of
Society, Littlefield Adams & Co, NJ, 1970

Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Howard University Press, 1972

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