International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323

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International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijdrr

Issues with families and children in a disaster context: A qualitative

perspective from rural Bangladesh
Syeda Rezwana Akhter a,n, Ratan Kumar Sarkar b, Mitul Dutta c, Roxana Khanom d,
Nasima Akter e, Md. Raihan Chowdhury f, Mainus Sultan g
a
Institute of Educational Development, BRAC University, Dhaka, Bangladesh
b
Institute of Educational Development, BRAC University, Dhaka, Bangladesh
c
Institute of Educational Development, BRAC University, Dhaka, Bangladesh
d
ECDSP B, Institute of Educational Development, BRAC University, Dhaka, Bangladesh
e
ECDSP B, Institute of Educational Development, BRAC University, Dhaka, Bangladesh
f
Institute of Educational Development, BRAC University, Dhaka, Bangladesh
g
University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA, USA

art ic l e i nf o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Natural disasters such as floods and cyclones have repeatedly devastated lives and destroyed the be-
Received 31 December 2014 longings of people. This is especially so for children and their families in Bangladesh. This study analyzed
Received in revised form the specific aspects of vulnerability of children (birth to eight years) and their families in natural disasters
16 July 2015
and their resilience and preparedness in natural disaster contexts. Qualitative field data suggest that,
Accepted 16 July 2015
when faced with extreme natural forces, people suffered but coped with their changed situation. The
Available online 17 July 2015
data showed that families, who sometimes lost everything, had their way of living drastically changed.
Keywords: They had to live a life that was not preferable or emotionally acceptable to them. Women and children
Disasters are affected most during any disastrous situation. Throughout this study it was evident that trauma
Cyclone
brought fear and disturbance, which made children feel anxious, even after the cessation of the disaster.
Flood
Both physical and mental illness appeared in specific cases. It was also found that children felt helpless
Bangladesh
Disaster preparedness and frustrated in terms of school-related issues, a lack of space to play, and scarcity of food. Instinctive
Perception survival strategies and intra-community cooperation improved coping post cyclone. This study re-
Young children commends that disaster reduction strategies should include activities for enhancing services for birth to
eight year olds in disaster settings and encourage mitigation while being aware of localized realities,
which affect each community's coping mechanisms and ability to adapt.
& 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction and brief review of the literature
1.1. Disaster and children's vulnerable situation
Bangladesh is currently ranked as one of the world's most
disaster-prone countries [1]. Disastrous hazards, in particular, cy-
clones and floods, destroy infrastructure and displace people. In
society, children are considered as little ones and less powerful,
therefore making them more vulnerable in a disaster period.
Disasters adversely affect all aspects of children's daily lives and
their life chances as covered by the CRC (Convention on the Right
of the Child) [2]. Children's normal lives become disrupted. They
may suffer from fear, anxiety and trauma. Children's rights to
n
Corresponding author. Fax: þ 880 28828064.
E-mail addresses: syedarezwana@bracu.ac.bd (S.R. Akhter),
ratan@bracu.ac.bd (R.K. Sarkar), duttamitul@bracu.ac.bd (M. Dutta).
survival, protection, nutritious food and clean water, sanitation,
health related facilities, safety and security and education remain
in serious shortage at that time which makes them vulnerable.
Peek [3] explored the degree of children's vulnerability to disasters
and categorized the vulnerability in three terms, (1) psychological
vulnerability, (2) physical vulnerability and (3) educational
vulnerability.
1.1.1. Psychological vulnerability
When emergencies occur, infants and young children are the
most vulnerable segment of the population [4]. It is therefore a
priority to direct aid to support their wellbeing. Children's psy-
chological responses to natural disaster have been studied over
time but are largely ignored in many countries. However, the most
widely studied reaction to disasters has been post-traumatic stress
disorder (PTSD) or related symptoms [5,6]. In their review, Norris
and colleagues [6] found that young people were more likely to be
affected by disasters than adults, with 48 percent of school-age

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijdrr.2015.07.011
2212-4209/& 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
314 S.R. Akhter et al. / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323

samples suffering from moderate post-disaster impairment and 52
percent experiencing severe or very severe effects. But the re-
sponses of children to disaster may vary by age group and stage of
physical and mental development, and types of disaster. For tod-
dlers and very young children (1–4 years), problems include
clinginess, dependence, nightmares, refusing to sleep alone, irrit-
ability and temper tantrums, aggressive behavior, incontinence,
hyperactivity, and separation anxiety [6]. Older children (5–12
years) exhibited marked reactions of fear and anxiety, increased
hostility with siblings, somatic complaints, sleep disorders, pro-
blems with school performance, social withdrawal, apathy, re-
enactment through play, PTSD and anxiety [7]. It is evident that
teenagers (13–18 years) experienced decreased interest in social
activities and school, rebellion and other behavioral problems,
sleep and eating disorders, somatic complaints, increased or de-
creased physical activity, confusion, lack of concentration, and a
decline in responsible behaviors [8].
Child abuse and gender sensitive issues in disaster settings
have been investigated though several studies. For example, Save
the Children [8] notes that when any disaster occurs, children in
shelter houses suffer from the lack of space, sharing rooms with
strangers, the lack of privacy (especially girls), physical abuse and
sexual harassment. They are not involved in decision making or
given information and do not get enough food because they are
beaten or pushed out of queues, their food is snatched or they are
offered only scraps at the end. Table 1 shows how emotional
wellbeing suffered after cyclone Sidr hit Shatkhira, Bangladesh in
November 2007.
1.1.2. Physical vulnerability
Infants, young children, and pregnant and lactating women
(PLW) are recognized as groups prone to being affected physically
by any kind of disastrous event. They are vulnerable in terms of
insufficient access to food due to their nutritional requirements,
proper medical treatment or supplies, and lack of awareness of
safety and good health. Food shortages, drought, reduced rainfall,
salinity of water, and flooding have very negative effects on agri-
culture, which eventually affect the young growing child very
seriously in terms of lack of nutritious food [2].
Natural disasters can affect children's health in three main
ways. The first is a direct effect on children’s morbidity and mor-
tality (e.g., a child drowns in a flood, illnesses from contamination
of food or water). Family disruption caused by the loss of a parent
or other caretaker can also result in poor health outcomes after a
disaster occurs. The second effect is through the disaster's impact
on the supply of health care. By destroying, damaging, or straining
health infrastructure, natural disasters affect access to health care.
The third effect is through the disaster's impact on the demand for
health inputs, mainly through loss of income as well as increased
expenditure needed to cope with a disaster [10].
In agricultural societies, disasters such as droughts and floods
may create significant income shocks from the damage to crops
and livestock, and it has an indirect impact on reducing the de-
mand for health inputs. The impacts of natural disasters are also
likely to vary by child and household characteristics, such as a
child’s gender and age, and parent's education [11]. On the one
hand, infants may be less prone to nutritional deficiencies or ad-
verse health effects from water or food contamination because of
exclusive breastfeeding [10]. On the other hand, if the mother
suffers from malnutrition then there is a possibility the child will
not get enough nutrition from the breast milk.
1.1.3. Educational vulnerability
A study conducted by the Bangladesh Education Cluster noted
the severe and harmful impacts of disaster on children’s education
[14]. This study explained that natural hazards, such as cyclones,
floods, flash floods and riverbank erosion, damaged schools’ in-
frastructure, disrupted educational activities and displaced chil-
dren and their families. Disasters have both psychological and
physical impacts on children such as lack of shelter, water and
sanitation; reduced health and an increase in the need for food
aid; and the higher rates of child abuse. In addition, the overall
experience of going through the catastrophic conditions of the
disaster affect the education and learning activities of children.
The deprivations children suffer from contribute to their physical
and emotional distress and this extends to the loss of learning
materials and reduced access to schools. In disaster struck areas
children lose precious education hours, often resulting in lower
academic performance, higher dropout rates and the denial of the
basic right to education [14]. Children often become unable to take
part in educational activities because they are emotionally dis-
tressed or their families have temporarily migrated or school
buildings have collapsed. Save the Children [8] ran an investigation
in the post disaster period of cyclone Sidr, and found that the ef-
fects of the disaster may have increased both the number of
children not enrolled in school and the number of children who
dropped out of school because they joined the workforce to help
their family get necessary resources. This added challenges for
children to later enter the formal education system due to stigma
and shame in school, and the inability to catch up [12].
The educational consequences due to disasters affect the
learning system in many ways. Save the Children Alliance [8] in-
dicated that the child’s personal situation directly affects their
education, while the system and social contexts have an indirect
impact on the education system [13] (Table 2).
We can see, for example, that migration due to climate change
may influence the shape of displacement of students and teachers,
delayed enrollment, multiple school changes, and family in-
stability. Family instability may result in the loss of vital records,
delayed enrollment, and the child may feel the school

Table 1
Impacts on children's wellbeing after cyclone Sidr. Source: [8] (adapted) in Rahman [9], p. 253.

Issues Concern

Insecurity
Gender-based violence
Economic exploitation of children Loss of family livelihoods pushed a marked number of children into a range of dangerous or exploitative labor (e.g. factory worker,
Migration/ trafficking
Early marriage
Potential attack by another natural calamity or intruders at night due to the exposed nature of their temporary shelter and living
alone while parents fetched relief; an influx of ‘outsiders’ in the village (mostly for relief effort) created insecurity for children.
Damage of accommodation and sanitation infrastructures pushed children to live in new places, often sleeping in the same bed with
extended relatives; the absence of safe latrines compelled adult girls and women to go toilet in the field after night fall, exposing
them to harassment and molestation.
day laborer (agriculture, construction), household help etc.). This exposed them to financial, emotional and sexual abuse at the same
time.
Unsupervised and careless child migration to predominantly urban areas for work or joining an extended family member due to loss
of crops, capital items etc. enabled child trafficking.
An endemic issue, which had increased appeal to families after the disaster, as it could be a survival strategy (reducing no. of
dependents) and also a way of protecting family honor (reducing chance of being shamed by rape).
 S.R. Akhter et al. / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323 315

Table 2
Natural disaster and impact on education. Source: [8] in Rahman [9], p. 254.

Factors impacting education

Personal  Children witness or directly experience mass destruction of life and property.
 Homes destroyed; displacement uproots children and families.
 Fear of repeated disasters felt by child.
 Family focused on loss, little hope for future.

System  Government overwhelmed with immediate needs of population, no support to schools.

 Disaster makes access difficult and the movement of teachers or staff impossible.
 Temporary closures of schools leave children without structured activities or means to
work through their feelings.
 School buildings destroyed, tents or open-air classes used as alternative.
 Curriculum and learning aids destroyed.

Society  Populations move in large numbers to a concentrated area.

 Physical danger of disaster remains high.
 Loss of livelihoods.
 Damage to roads and infrastructure slows immediate response.

environment unwelcoming, unsupportive and unfriendly. Conse-
quently, it may result in poor academic performance, delayed
progress and ultimately failure to complete education.
1.2. Young children's vulnerability and capacity of resilience
Young children's vulnerability and their experience of disasters
leads them to cope and form resilient behavior. Their exposure is
conditioned by where and how young children live in relation to a
natural hazard. It has been suspected that the risk for an under
eight year old child to disaster-related harm is much higher than
for adults and older children [15]. It is influenced not only by their
socio-emotional, physical and cognitive development but also by
their families’ vulnerability.
Despite their vulnerability, young children do have the capacity
to anticipate, cope with and recover from hazard impacts. Their
capacity grows with age and developmental maturity. Children's
resilience increases with their understanding about risks in the
surrounding environment and knowledge of what to do when a
disaster strikes. Data from the International Resilience Research
Project, conducted with children of specific age groups (0–3, 4–8
and 9–11) across 22 countries, demonstrated that by the age of
9 years children can promote their own resilience at the same rate
as adults, and while cultural differences exist, these do not prevent
the promotion of resilience [16].
Children's vulnerability can be reduced by taking essential
measures to address the vulnerable group and by providing them
with support. Besides, early warning preparedness for children
would be the necessary steps in this regard. The benefit of invol-
ving children in disaster risk reduction (DDR) education pro-
grammes was experienced during the 2004 tsunami, which was
caused by the Indian Ocean earthquake [17]. The general picture
that emerged from the study by Martin was that children's capa-
city to participate in the DRR process is severely undermined in
Bangladesh [17].On the other hand, the inclusion of children in the
national Standing Orders on Disasters and the inclusion of DRR
issues in the national education curriculum demonstrated that
Bangladesh recognized the importance of engaging children in
DRR education [17].
Children represent a country's future, and the capacity of
Bangladesh to face new challenges associated with climate change
depends highly on the knowledge, abilities and skills developed by
children on disaster risk reduction issues. A review of the existing
literature shows that, although a number of studies have been
carried out in Bangladesh looking at different aspects of flooding,
cyclone and water logging, a systematic documentation of the
psychological, physical and educational dimensions of vulner-
ability of children in disaster, and reluctance to disaster pre-
paredness, especially for children and women, is lacking. It is
therefore imperative to collect, compile and systematize the di-
verse range of experiences during and after disaster that gives an
understanding of vulnerability children and their families. This
paper aims to fill this gap by showing behavioral responses of
children and their families to pre and post disastrous situation and
identifying indigenous knowledge on adapting and coping with
changed situations. The practical significance of the findings may
help policymakers, planners and practitioners to advise on inter-
ventions for enhancing the effectiveness of disaster preparedness
including children, with a broader goal of building a disaster-re-
silient coastal community.
2. Study area and methodology
From the experience of a previous study, a literature survey and
discussion with experts, the research team selected the research
areas (Fig. 1). The districts, two coastal districts (Bhola, Shatkhira)
and a northern district, Kurigram, were selected initially on the
basis of severity of an environmental disaster. One sub-district
from each identified district and three unions from each sub-dis-
trict were selected though a field analysis of these three districts.
Study villages were selected purposively based on earlier studies,
which indicated vulnerability of all three locations to multiple and
frequent disasters [18–24]. Considering such vulnerability, these
study areas were selected to represent flood, cyclone and water
logging in order to explore the variations in awareness among
inhabitants of different locations.
A research design is a blueprint of research, which informs the
selection of research tools and participants, and determines the
logical categories for analyzing the collected data [25]. The study
utilized a qualitative approach involving phenomenological and
in-depth interviews and focus group discussions (FGD). The in-
terview has become the main data collection procedure associated
with qualitative research [26]. Through phenomenological inter-
views, researchers tend to find out the meaning of a phenomenon
as it is lived by the subjects [26]. Four adults were selected for
316 S.R. Akhter et al. / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323

Fig. 1. Selected research areas.

phenomenological and in-depth interviews to investigate their participants and contexts.

personal perspectives and experiences. A focus group is a carefully
planned discussion designed to obtain perceptions in a defined
area of interest in a permissive non-threatening environment [27].
In this research, focus group discussions were used to generate
broad views of the issues from a group of participants, and to
verify and compare the data collected through individual inter-
views. A total of 24 participants were included in the focus groups,
where 50% of the participants were male and 50% were female.
The selection criteria for participants for the interviews and focus
groups were parents and teachers of children aged 0–8 years who
had experience of natural disaster. These approaches helped to
gain in-depth information and answer questions regarding
Children are the best sources of information about themselves
[28]. There is a particular need to get inside the unique culture of
childhood to understand how the world actually appears to them.
Seventeen children from age five to ten years were selected pur-
posively for interview, short scripts and drawing. Mauthner sup-
ports child interviews as a data collection method [28]. The ap-
proach is that children render a general script of a recurring event
instead of giving specific details about any one of these events
[28]. Docherty and Sandelowski argue that for younger children
the ‘draw and write technique’ is useful prior to or during the
interview [29]. The ‘draw and write technique’ can be effectively
integrated into interviews in order to provide a focus for children
 S.R. Akhter et al. / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323
especially where the research topic is abstract or not immediately
salient in children's lives [29].
Before starting the data analysis process, objectives and key
research questions were reviewed by the research team to better
articulate the purpose of the research. All accumulated data in-
cluding journals and field notes were transcribed and edited
methodically. Afterwards, the entire body of data was arranged
and grouped in different categories. Next, several sessions of group
reading were conducted to systematically check the data. While
reviewing the data, researchers' own thoughts and ideas regarding
each theme or issues were noted down separately. Prioritization
was done to select the strongest data. Data which powerfully
narrated the issues were identified as representative data. Then,
based on the emergent themes, data were categorized, organized
sequentially and coded. Analysis was carried out according to
different themes and patterns, and result and discussion points
were recorded. In this research, inter-method triangulation was
used to ensure the validity of data.
The research study followed the principles and guidelines that
are ethically and morally correct. The study draws on ethical
guidelines developed by James P. Grant School of Public Health,
BRAC University.
All information about study participants was kept in strict
confidence. Identities were made anonymous by using identifier
codes on data files and storing the lists of participants and their
identifier codes separately in a locked cabinet. The researchers
sought voluntary participation from the research participants and
provided informed consent letters before starting field work. The
informed consent letter explained the research topic, purpose and
method for maintaining confidentiality. Permission was requested
before using the tape recorder or capturing any photographs. The
names of participants and any other personal means of identifi-
cation were not used in the data analysis and dissemination,
thereby ensuring that personal identities were kept anonymous,
and pseudonyms were used while representing the data. Partici-
pants were assured that they could withdraw from the study at
any time without mentioning any reason. In addition, researchers
showed respect to their culture and values.
The results should be interpreted considering the following
limitations. The study only included data from two specific dis-
tricts while the disaster effects might be more adverse in different
areas. The initial plan for covering three districts was hampered
due to extreme political instability in the country. Additionally, the
results did not account for emergency response to disasters;
therefore the study-estimated effects may represent a lower
bound of the true effect of natural disasters. Lastly, the findings
only captured the effects of disasters on households that remained
in the same location after the disaster and among children who
were alive at the time of the study.
3. Results
Patterns and categories were identified by reviewing the text
created from interview transcripts, field notes and journals as well
as text derived from the children's art project, and essay notes. A
synthesis of this data from across the mediums is used to re-
present the participants' voices in this section. Priority was given
to the data that was relevant to the research questions.
The following were the key themes derived from the data:
 Impact of the disaster on health, livelihood and education.
 Trauma due to the disaster.
 Adaptation and coping mechanisms.
 Children's perceptions and experiences.
317
3.1. Impact of the disaster on health, livelihood and education
The full impact of a disaster is understood by exploring the
different aspects of impact on the research participant's life. A
thorough review of the data suggested the following five inter-
related and interconnected areas of impact: children's health and
nutrition; family income, expenses and livelihoods; changes in the
local environment; early marriage; and the education system. The
selected data is presented along analysis and interpretation under
each of the sub-categories. Many participants talked directly of
their experience with Cyclone Aila, which made landfall in Ban-
gladesh on May 25 2009. Others gave details from many experi-
ences of disaster and flooding.
3.1.1. Children's health and nutrition
Data in this sub-category suggested specific impact on food
intake, problems with nutrition, the spread of disease and severe
difficulties with sanitation.
The families subjected to the disaster experienced a reduced
amount of food intake, and as a result family members, especially
children, suffered from hunger, which led to problems with nu-
trition. This particular situation was outlined as follows:
Right after Aila, the family of Abdul Alim, was able to prepare
food only one time a day whereas they used to prepare three
meals a day at normal times. They started using one cooked meal
to feed themselves three times a day. As a result, they were suf-
fering; especially children were mostly suffering from hunger that
led to their low level of nutrition.
Due to long term flooding and water logging in their home
area, firewood and kindling for stoves got wet, making it an
unusable fuel source. People could only cook once a day, indirectly
impacting on children's nutrition, as the cooked food sometimes
spoiled before it was eaten.
In addition to the difficulties of food intake and reduced level of
nutrition, the disaster caused waterborne diseases including
diarrhea, dysentery and skin diseases. The suffering caused by
disease was aggravated by malnutrition. A research participant
described the situation of spreading diseases as well as her son's
problem with severe malnutrition:
Due to the children's contact with saline water, different kinds
of skin diseases that included itchiness were spread due to the use
of saline water for bathing children on the badh. Besides, the water
was full of contaminated materials and people were eating fish
from that water. As a result family members, especially children,
were suffering from diarrhea and dysentery.
She continued to report her son's severe malnutrition:
The younger son was experiencing his first teething after Aila.
But the dentine of the teeth was eroding and coming out like dry
bark of tree. As a result his upper four teeth gradually eroded and
even now at age four, his four upper teeth have all most abolished.
Frequently he has tooth ache, bleeding and his gum was infected
with pus. He cannot eat any solid food.
One of the major difficulties women reported was sanitation.
Since the life on badh was transitory, there was not any permanent
home structure with sanitation facilities. Therefore, there was no
privacy for women's sanitation; this situation compelled them to
take care of their natural needs after sunset. As a result, they
significantly reduced their food and water intake in day time. The
impact on their health and psyche was narrated by several re-
search participants:
Especially women faced severe difficulties with sanitation.
They waited ‘til sunset for fulfilling their natural needs. For this
reason, they ate and drank less at day time. Because of this, wo-
men developed health problems, which lead to malnutrition and
severe weight loss and they became very thin and skinny: espe-
cially for the lactating mother, it has a severe effect on their ability
318 S.R. Akhter et al. / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323
to breastfeed their children.
It was reflected in discussion in the focus groups, that men
could go for natural calls anywhere at any time, while the women
had to wait for a suitable situation. Even if one temporary toilet
facility was arranged, women had queue with men for their nat-
ural needs and that made them uncomfortable, resulting in re-
luctance to use the facility.
The data indicated that during a disaster and the recovery from
a disaster women and children suffered a great deal more than
men. The impact manifested in the form of health problems, re-
duced levels of nutrition, and poor sanitation. In addition to this,
lactating mothers experienced reduced ability to feed their
children.
3.1.2. Family income and livelihood
The impact of a disaster is intertwined with reduced family
income and changes to people's overall livelihood. The inter-
pretation of data in the sub-category highlights the reduction of
family income which led to the children's low nutrition levels.
Due to lack of preparedness and the sudden storm surge, food
kept in storage such as rich, dried food, and fish in ponds (espe-
cially shrimp) were damaged. This created unexpected food scar-
city and subsequently impacted people's health and wellbeing.
However, many people also experienced loss of assets which cre-
ates long term economic dearth. Two of the participants described
such losses:
Ponds full of fish were gone, houses were damaged, all foods
for example, rice, wheat all that were stored were washed away.
Many were left with no sign of their home at all.
Before the disaster, people used to engage with various jobs for
their livelihood which also supported better intake of food and
nutrition. But while interviewing the participants, it became clear
that the storage of food became almost nil after disaster, and that
this was devastating to them. In addition, a few of the villagers
stated their dissatisfaction with the gradual reduction of their fa-
mily income due to restrictions on using the forest as a source of
income after the disaster. The restriction is a measure put in place
to protect the rapidly changing environment due to climate
change as well as disasters. This illustrates that the inter-
dependence of people and place is complex and fraught with
tensions.
3.1.3. Experience of changes in the local environment
One major impact of the disaster was the change to the local
environment. The following data suggests how this impacts the
inhabitants:
There were a lot of trees like date palms, other fruits and woods
before Aila. They used to process the date palm liquid and make
molasses at their own house. Now they do not see molasses at all.
It is noted that the number of trees in this locality has been
significantly reduced. In some places trees have totally dis-
appeared. This particular situation has direct impact on food
production and family income: the date palms were providing
molasses to be consumed by family members, especially children,
and some family members were selling molasses to obtain a small
family income.
Changes to the local physical landscape are also associated with
climate change. As the experience of one participant shows, it
ultimately had an impact on his profession:
A few years ago Abdul Alim had a shop at the nearby local
market. The water level of the nearer river was quite low at that
time. But in two years the level of water raised one more feet
during high tide. After that Abdul Alim closed his shop at that
location. Again after two years when he visited that same place, he
saw water level raised another foot from his last visit. Also Abdul
Alim observed that the river bank nearer to his house which used
to flood at high tide to around one foot now flooded three to four
feet.
He continued to describe his experience, relating the devasta-
tion of the disaster to changes brought about by climate change:
Abdul Alim talked about the changed nature of natural dis-
asters, climate change and environmental changes. He perceived
that the characteristics of disasters had changed. The water level
was rising day by day. According to him, high tide from the sea had
risen up to two to three feet in last eight to ten years.
The relationship between environmental factors such as the
salinity caused by the disaster and the reduction of trees and
agriculture is evident. The participants are also highly aware of the
connection between climate change, disasters and the accumula-
tive effect on not only the environment, but their livelihoods as
well.
3.1.4. Early marriage
This study showed that the impact of the disaster on the lives of
children and families is complex and can be unforeseen. For ex-
ample, the data revealed that following the disaster parents of
young girls and boys aged around ten to twelve arranged mar-
riages for their children. Because disaster relief was distributed per
family, the community took the opportunity to create new families
and thus gain more relief. The participants of FGD described the
situation as follows:
Many children were wedded on the embankment. Children
even below age 10 were married. The main reason behind that was
relief. Many NGOs gave relief per family regardless of how many
members a family had. Then many families tried to create a new
family by marrying their children and making a new shanty for
them. This would let them get relief as a family. The children
celebrated their wedding nights at those shanties, which led to
many teenage pregnancies.
Another interview participant stated that parents arranged
weddings as they were concerned about their daughters' security
in the aftermath of the disaster. Additional, but related, grounds
for early marriage also came from another FGD. The participants
stated that their locality had no facilities for education beyond
primary school, and that it was deemed unsafe to send their
daughters to far off secondary schools:
As they do not have any secondary school here, many children
end their education after primary, especially girls. The nearby
secondary school is at other side of the river and quite far away.
Girls fall victim of teasing on the way to school. Because of that
many parents feel insecure to continue girls' education. Parents
start thinking about marrying their daughters and organize early
marriages.
It is clear that girls are extremely vulnerable in times of disaster
and uncertainty. Their family's efforts to protect them reduced
their future choices as it is not safe for them to continue with
schooling. The data also showed that policies of well-meaning aid
agencies can unintentionally contribute to marriages between
children.
3.1.5. Education system
The disaster disrupted regular life patterns including primary
school attendance. However, more than temporary damage was
done to the education system; the loss of educational materials
and the shut down of school activities led to long term absences
from school and increased dropout rate.
Cyclone Aila washed out a lot of infrastructure in coastal areas.
The impact on education was high as many schools were damaged
and books were washed away. In addition, due to damage to local
transportation and the use of schools as shelter houses, regular
school activities were totally suspended even in the post disaster
period. Since education facilities were severely damaged, children
 S.R. Akhter et al. / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323
gradually lost interest in education. Discussions with focus group
participants revealed that in the most affected areas some children
were unable to attend school for two years. As a result normal
educational processes were discontinued. While children were not
attending school, however, an informal education system was
created on the river bank by some teachers for small learning
groups of young children.
In flood affected areas schools typically remain closed for one
to two months. Most of the children among the participants
mentioned a loss of interest in studying during this time at home.
One child participant said: “When flood comes we cannot do
classes. Sometimes the water stays for days and we have to study
at home. I do not like to study at home.” Another child participant
said: “School remains closed for a month and everything around is
under water. The water contains filth and putrefies. It becomes
hard to study.” The fact that many school buildings had become
shelters for families was also mentioned as a factor in the chil-
dren's loss of motivation for learning.
A teacher revealed that due to long periods of school closure
children experienced low achievement in examinations. He stated:
“After one or two months of being closed, the school started and
we found that children are lagging behind. When the exams start
the problem becomes worse and many fail. ”
We also found that a natural disaster impacts a child's psyche,
hindering the capacity for a fear free learning environment. One of
the participants recalled an incident of a child who drowned while
coming to school. She also highlighted the suffering of children
and her loss of interest in studying while staying home for long
time. Children also became distressed from their journey to school.
As local transportation had become unusable, children started
using banana rafts to drift between school and home. The danger
from snakes caused children to panic which also indirectly affected
their motivation to attend school. The eventual and long lasting
effect of this was on educational achievement as well as their
personal development and well-being.
All the above data indicates the impact of the disaster on the
educational system. Serious problems, including dropout, loss of
educational interest of children, damage of educational materials
and infrastructure were reported. The data also indicated the use
of schools as shelter houses which created deprivation of physical
facilities of education. However, regardless of the situation, tea-
chers and the villagers created innovative strategies to continue
educating young children.
3.2. Trauma due to disaster
Trauma caused by disaster can be grasped through the lived
experiences of those affected. This study intended to explore how
trauma was experienced by families, especially children, due to a
natural disaster. The review of the data suggested the following
three sub-categories: psychological impact and expression of
trauma, trauma due to loss of life, and sexual harassment and
abuse.
3.2.1. Psychological impact and expression of trauma
Data in this sub-category illustrated the various ways in which
participants expressed their trauma. Family members, especially
children and women, reported experiences of profound melan-
choly that impacted on their psyche and disrupted their day to day
living. The grief of the participants as they spoke of these impacts
was clearly evident. For example, one mother described her
daughter's behavior:
The young girl jumped out of sleep suddenly, became upset and
started talking nonsensically. She cried out noisily and eventually
suffered from fever. She cried for two to three days and repeatedly
said that they did not have any house to live. Where would they
319
live? As they had to take shelter in her aunt's house, she became
eager to return their own residence.
Another research participant told of the mental distress of his
nephew:
Abdul Alim had a nephew who suffered even some time after
the disaster. During cyclone Aila, he was 7 or 8 years old, so he
knew the destruction capacity of the disaster very well. For many
days, he woke up from sleep crying loudly. He told his uncle of his
nightmares – the water surge was coming, the wind was coming.
It is evident that children suffered post-traumatic stress from
both their experiences with the cyclone and the losses caused by
it. This impacted on their physical health as well as their mental
health.
3.2.2. Trauma due to loss of life
The aggression of the disaster caused loss of life that severely
impacted surviving family members. The love and affection and
thousands of previous memories associated with the deceased
family members caused great emotional distress. The loss of his
mother and siblings led to severe depression for one boy:
At time of Aila, the cyclone, this boy was 7 or 8 years old and he
was the only member who survived. His mother was guardian as
well as propeller of their family as his father left them. The boy lost
his other two brothers along with his mother all together. He got
shelter in another family, but could not forget. As a consequence of
this miserable experience, he became emotionally unbalanced. He
kept on saying “I will go to my mother, please take me to her.”
The loss of a child is excruciating for a mother, the level of grief
reported showed their extreme trauma. One interviewee de-
scribed the state of a mother who lost her two babies during the
disaster and seemed to lose her mind after seeing the body of one
of her babies floating in the flood water:
During the disaster, a mother was carrying her two babies, one
on her shoulder and another around her waist. Both of them were
washed away in the strong current of the water. Their mother
became distressed, crying deafeningly and tearing at her hair. La-
ter, we saw the dead body of a child hanging in the thorns and
floating in water and the mother of the baby was crying beside the
body.
Children and families were deeply traumatized by the deaths of
loved ones in the disaster. The participants recounted examples of
what this grief looked like in the short term. Further studies of the
long term psychosocial impacts on children are needed.
3.2.3. Sexual harassment and abuse
The data in this sub-category revealed a picture of young girls
and women who were extremely vulnerable. Following the dis-
aster many male members of the family were absent. Their ab-
sence meant the females were unprotected and the loose social
structure and lawlessness created increased opportunity for men
to commit sexual harassment and abuse. This issue was portrayed
in an interview:
During the disaster, women, especially adolescent and young
ladies, were harassed by certain persons. Divorced women or wi-
dows had been abused in many cases. The individuals entered into
the house when it was unprotected and abused them.
Participants also commented on the lack of justice in these si-
tuations, and how this made victims resentful. Women, young
women in particular, faced many traumatic experiences during
and after the disaster.
In summary, this section showed the impact of the disaster on
the health, livelihoods and education of children and their fa-
milies. Some losses were tangible items that could be replaced,
while other losses were hidden, irreversible and irreplaceable. All
of these losses impacted on the physical and mental health of the
children and women especially.
320 S.R. Akhter et al. / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323
3.3. Adaptation and coping mechanism in disaster
People's experiences in relation to their coping mechanism and
adaptation strategies were gathered during the data collection.
The elaboration of the following four sub-categories provides
narratives supported by selected excerpts from the data.
3.3.1. Coping and adjusting to a new reality
The data in this sub-category revealed the hardship and se-
verity of people’s situations. It also showed their resilience and
ability to adapt. A participant of one FGD articulated how her fa-
mily spent the night immediately after the disaster took place, and
what actions they took to adapt to their new reality:
I sat down for whole night wearing wet clothes, keeping my
child in my lap, as did many other people. Next morning, I made a
hole to cook on the embankment where we took shelter. My
husband and father-in-law built a hut (shanty) there with the
things that they could collect. We cooked and lived on the em-
bankment in that shanty for months.
After overcoming cyclone Aila the people came up with stra-
tegies to implement in recurrent disasters, such as severe flooding.
The knowledge they derived from their experiences with Aila re-
sulted in the people modifying their residence for protective
measures, such as the participant who described how they de-
fended their houses from imminent water surges:
The houses and the whole village were situated in low land. We
have made the houses high by adding more soil as foundation
after Aila, so that we can survive with our kids. We have made the
houses sit up as high as the water level reached during Aila.
This shows the residents are resilient and coming to terms with
their new reality: frequent severe flooding and extreme weather
events. They know that they must adapt in order to survive and
protect themselves as best they can.
3.3.2. Cooperation and togetherness
Despite many cases of vulnerable people being taken advantage
of, data from this research drew a picture of harmony and to-
getherness. It indicated that at a time of danger and destruction
people overcame their self-centeredness and daily conflicts. Ex-
periences that had accumulated through this study showed ex-
amples of humanity, resolution of conflicts and the extension of
helping hands to one another.
A research interviewee portrayed the togetherness of two fa-
milies in the following way:
There was much conflict between two neighboring families.
After the disaster it was found that they were cooking and taking
meals together. They were living together in same the hut made
on the embankment. At that time it was not possible to identify
any differences among people.
Another FGD participant illustrated the situation this way:
During disaster, there was no hostile feeling or anger to any-
body. Whenever anyone was in dilemma, others come forward to
solve the problems. If one could not have a meal, other people
offered drinking water, food. One could not cook food if there was
scarcity of firewood, so someone would offer theirs. In the period
of the disaster, people’s attitudes became more positive and open.
While the data undoubtedly highlighted the vulnerability of
children and women, it also revealed a strong sense of community
and shared sense of humanity in the face of the disaster. This
provides a basis for future work to improve the support and
structures available for those who remain vulnerable.
3.3.3. Training and preparedness
The accumulated data in this sub-category revealed the train-
ing opportunities provided by various organizations for preparing
for future adverse situations. Training centered on awareness
raising and preparedness, so that the people in the disaster prone
areas would be capable of taking action to save their lives and
properties from future disaster.
A research participant articulated what sorts of trainings were
provided by various organizations to help them realize the in-
tensity of upcoming disaster and prepare for it:
After cyclone Aila, many organizations are providing different
trainings. They are providing trainings on what should be done
before, during or after disaster. The women got training about
their dressings during disaster, how they should arrange their hair
etc. We did not know that pregnant women, children and old
people should be sent to shelter first. It made us aware of disaster,
the precautions we can take and what danger signs to look for.
After receiving training from different organizations, people in
the disaster prone area became alert and organized:
There was no committee about disaster previously, but one is
being formed at present. Whenever any news of upcoming dis-
aster arrived, people would say, ‘we have nothing to do to save
ourselves’. Now the people were aware of their own
responsibilities.
Thus, in the aftermath of cyclone Aila lessons were learned and
future preparations to avoid such severe losses were put into
place.
3.3.4. Outside help
Data in this sub-category depict the help and support received
by disaster affected areas from different outside organizations.
Many organizations helped the distressed people by providing
food, drinking water, clothing and medicine. At the same time they
provided support with cash and in-kind donations for rehabilita-
tion and long term development.
A participant of a FGD portrayed how outsider friends helped
them after the overwhelming disaster:
In the morning after cyclone Aila, different people were coming
with packets of food like Chira (dry food made of rice) and dis-
tributing them among the affected people. BDRs (Bangladesh Rifle)
and others were coming with dry food and drinking water. Some
organizations provided one or two bundles of tins to the dis-
tressed families and then people came to rest a bit.
Some organizations contributed to the rehabilitation and re-
construction of the roads and embankments. It was a ‘Food for
Work’ scheme and thus people earned wages for immediate
benefit and developed skills that could provide more long term
benefits.
In summary, during and after the disaster, people have to cope
with the situation and adopt changes in lifestyle so that they can
overcome difficult circumstances. In such adverse situations,
people empathize with one another and come forward with their
helping hands wholeheartedly. In disaster, people encounter dif-
ficulties and they have to struggle heart and soul to save their
lives. Trainings are necessary to impart practical knowledge and
skills to prepare for and combat disaster. Outside help can save
lives in a disaster, and provide support for rehabilitation, re-
construction and continuing education.
3.4. Children's perceptions and experiences
This study tried to capture how children perceive disaster and
what their experiences were in disaster prone areas. The vulner-
ability of children and how they have been affected are also de-
scribed. Reviewed data of this category suggested two sub-cate-
gories: fears and anxieties, and perception of helplessness.
3.4.1. Fears and anxieties
Experiencing any disaster is traumatic for children. In this
study many children spoke about their traumatic experience, fear,
 S.R. Akhter et al. / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323 321

Fig. 2. One child's drawing.

anxiety and helplessness at the time of the disaster. They mainly
described the post disaster situation. Children expressed their fear
and anxiety about when flooding occurs. The sound of gusty wind,
which is associated with flood waters, makes them scared. For
example, children commonly mentioned fear of snakes and insect
bites. They said snakes come with flood water and get inside the
houses and bite people, and as noted earlier, the threat of snakes in
the river made children afraid of traveling to school in rafts.
Drowning, which is common during a flood situation, was also
noted by children. They said in flood affected areas many children
died because of drowning. During a conversation with a member
of the research team a child recalled:
Lots of people die during a flood. One of his neighbors' young
children, went home alone and fell over in the flood water and
drowned. Although they were not friends, he was shocked by this
incident and every year when flooding occurs it reminds him of
that event.
It was noticed that even children took on the responsibility of
saving their loved ones in disaster and they realized that children
needed to be careful at that time. They said during flooding, those
who had siblings had to prevent them from drowning.
Traumatic experiences of flooding are comparable to other
disasters. A child's quote can be noted here. He said: “river erosion
starts all of a sudden, paddy fields, playgrounds disappears; at that
time people have no time to save their belongings; it makes him
scared as it seemed that everything will collapse”.
The same perception was evident in a child's drawing. Fig. 2
shows the vulnerability of children during a cyclone. The child
described the picture: “the child in the other boat is bending his
head down in fear.”
Traumatic memories mentioned by children are fear of snakes,
watching flood water come at night, drowning and being sur-
rounded by water. Their reactions of stress and anxiety were no-
ticeable when they recounted their experiences.
performance for most children. After flooding extremely bad
smells were almost everywhere. The smell lingered in school for a
prolonged time. Children said it was unbearable and they found it
hard to stay in the class as they often felt like vomiting.
In a child's interview it was mentioned that during flooding,
water got inside their house, the toilet went under water and as a
result sanitation could not be maintained. Children contracted skin
diseases from using flood water. This results in severe itching.
Contaminated flood water also pollutes river water.
Children in disaster prone areas wrote that during flooding,
roads, houses, bridges, school, and college structures were da-
maged. Playgrounds were under water, and consequently, children
could not play. They felt unhappy as they could not go outside and
could not meet and play with friends. They had to stay at home as
their parents did not allow them to go outside alone.
Crises of food and other commodities were also indicated in the
reviewed data. Children pointed out that in flood affected areas it
was hard to manage safe drinking water. People were often unable
to go to the market to buy food and there was also a scarcity of
food in the market. One child's observation can be noted here:
“food and other commodities were soon gone. If you go to other
people's house for food, they say, ‘Go away, we do not have food,
how can we afford to give food to you?’” He mentioned that this

3.4.2. Perception of helplessness

Children felt helpless and depressed when they observed water
everywhere during flooding. In the essays, the children described
their helplessness in terms of things such as school related issues,
lack of space to play and scarcity of food.
One child wrote that schools were shut down as flood water
got inside the school, roads were damaged and therefore parents
did not allow children to go to school. However, it hampered their
education as they are absent in class, resulting in poor exam Fig. 3. Another child's drawing.
322 S.R. Akhter et al. / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323
experience was really insulting and upsetting for him and his fa-
mily. He added: “even if people manage to go to the market, they
do not have enough money to buy food.” Another child mentioned
that they could not fulfill their dietary needs as their mother could
not cook because the stove went under water, and due to fuel
scarcity and cost, a temporary stove was used to cook once daily
instead of three times.
In the cyclone prone area one child expressed his fear and
helplessness in his drawing. He drew a house, which he explained
was shuddering and a little boy in the house seemed aquiver on
his feet (Fig. 3).
During disaster, children had to deal with the situation while
facing trauma and helplessness. Though they overcame the diffi-
culties, their experience and memories of the struggle stayed in
their heart and soul. It was necessary for others, especially elders,
to acknowledge this emotional vulnerability of the children and
counsel them with practical knowledge and skills to recover.
4. Discussion
Children and their families from the coastal and northern areas
of Bangladesh bore the brunt of the disaster in this study. Based on
impressions derived from participant interviews, FGDs, and chil-
dren's writing and drawing, the findings highlight three under-
lying and interrelated issues related to children and their families
at the time of disasters: physical, psychological and educational.
Each issue left survivors vulnerable, and they needed to adapt to
and cope with their new reality. The daily reality of life for children
presented in this study corresponds closely with findings from
previous studies, indicating that progress in disaster preparedness
practices is slow.
The current study highlighted the reduced level of nutrition
and sanitation of children and women during disaster. Peek [3] has
stated that residing in hazard-prone regions in poorer countries
and communities, losing a parent or becoming separated from
family members and experiencing malnutrition and poor diet or
artificial feeding (i.e., bottle feeding) puts children at higher risk of
developing acute respiratory infections or diarrheal diseases. This
study found that at the time of disaster or after disaster, people,
especially children, suffered from diarrhea, fever, pneumonia and
skin diseases. We also know that the conditions Peek describes
were experienced by children in this study in Bangladesh.
As the data presented in this study shows, women and children
were particularly vulnerable in terms of their personal security.
Following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, the media and ad-
vocacy organizations drew attention to the risks of sexual violence
and human trafficking [3]. Similar concerns were raised by Save
the Children [8] after cyclone Sidr in 2007. Unfortunately, this
study also found the vulnerability of adolescent girls and the po-
tential increased incidence of early marriage. In the wake of the
disaster, families felt afraid for their young daughters' safety and
instigated early marriage. Well-intentioned policies of NGOs also
resulted in children being married young, highlighting the com-
plexities and interrelatedness of the issues arising from the dis-
aster and reiterating the need for lessons to be learnt.
By looking at the data relating to people's livelihoods we see
the complexity of the interrelated issues children have to cope
with after a disaster in rural Bangladesh. The study found that
before disaster, people used to engage in various jobs for their li-
velihood, which supported better intake of food and nutrition. But
while interviewing the participants, it was gravely expressed that
the food supply was almost nonexistent after the disaster. An
earlier study showed exposure to a disaster in the past year was
associated with significantly worse nutrition-related outcomes,
including a greater likelihood of surviving children being stunted
and underweight [30]. Moreover, malnutrition in childhood has
been linked to adverse health and socioeconomic outcomes in the
long term [31]. As this study showed, the loss of family livelihoods
and assets made children insecure and susceptible to child labor as
the family tried to cope with reduced income. And it meant adult
males frequently left the area to find work [33], leaving women
and children unprotected.
The study also indicated the impact of disaster on the educa-
tional system, which showed some serious problems including
dropout, loss of educational interest of children, and damage to
educational materials and infrastructure. The data also indicated
that the use of schools as shelter houses deprived children of
physical facilities for education. However, regardless of the situa-
tion, people created innovative strategies to try to continue chil-
dren's education. It is also evident in the education cluster study
[14] that the education sector in Bangladesh is highly vulnerable to
these disasters. They stated that the delivery of education services
was severely hampered due to the impacts of these disasters and
noted the huge knowledge gap that this resulted in for the chil-
dren affected. The correlation between being uneducated, poor
and unhealthy is well known.
Finally, the fact that children were experiencing trauma well
after the disaster is documented in this study. Both physical and
mental illness manifested in specific cases. It was also found that
children felt helpless and frustrated when they observed the cat-
astrophes of the disaster. The study indicated that witnessing the
sudden death of any person or child, or losing a family member
resulted in life-long trauma. It was noticed in this study that even
children felt responsible for saving their loved ones in the disaster
and they were aware of the need to be careful due to the risks
involved for their own safety. They described their helplessness in
terms of school related issues, lack of space to play and scarcity of
food. Durkin and colleagues [32] showed that the prevalence of
both aggressive behavior and enuresis in children rose sharply
after exposure to major environmental stress. The results from
that study indicated that children's exposure to stressful events
played a causal role in the development of psychiatric disorders.
The findings of this study suggest that a longitudinal study of the
psychosocial impact on children in rural Bangladesh is certainly
warranted.
5. Conclusion and recommendations
Children are particularly vulnerable to the effects of natural
disasters. This study analyzed the specific aspects of vulnerability
of children (0–8 years) and their families in natural disaster and
the resilience and preparedness under the circumstances of nat-
ural disaster.
During the disaster period, people extended their helping
hands to one another and previous conflicts gave way to to-
getherness. Training was an effective tool to make people aware
and prepare themselves regarding disastrous situations, but the
amount of training people received was inadequate. Outside help
was effective for saving lives and necessary for rehabilitation and
reconstruction as well as the continued study of distressed people.
However, sometimes aid recipients became too dependent on the
outside organizations. And sometimes the outside organizations
needed to respond in a way that was more culturally and con-
textually appropriate so that women and children were more
protected.
The results of the current study suggested that the negative
effects of disasters were stronger among children. Existing policy
efforts in response to disasters must be improved in order to mi-
tigate the substantial negative effects on children. It is hoped that
this study will stimulate further research opportunities in
 S.R. Akhter et al. / International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 13 (2015) 313–323
Bangladesh on disaster, its association with climate change and its
impact on child development; modern innovative coping and
mitigation measures to reduce the devastating impacts of all
natural disasters; and behavioral and psychological consequences
of disasters and other extreme situations on children.
The following recommendations are made based on the re-
search objectives. In order to explore children's vulnerability in
both slow and sudden onset disaster there needs to be
a. Cooperation amongst local communities as well as between
the regional and national levels. Information and knowledge
sharing and lesson learning can facilitate mutually beneficial
partnerships.
b. Mental health and psychosocial support within the commu-
nities in post-cyclone and post-flood contexts.
c. ECCD activities should be incorporated into DRR policy. Due to
rapidly changing conditions, countries like Bangladesh are in a
threatened position due to the vulnerability and frequency of
disaster. The issue of child development is a great concern in
such conditions. Comprehensive child development programs
are essential and necessitate the involvement of the interna-
tional community.
d. Advocacy for activities that enhance services for birth to 8
year's age group children in disaster. A knowledge sharing
platform should be created within this region in order to
disseminate knowledge to policy makers, local authorities,
communities and practitioners in mainstreaming child cen-
tered DRR within relevant policies, development planning and
guidelines on a regular basis.
e. Interventions supporting children in pre and post disaster
periods. Capacity-building activities of various institutions and
agencies for implementation of relief and rehabilitation pro-
grams should be strengthened. The capacity building for
grassroots and national level monitoring needs to be
enhanced.
In closing, we agree with Martin when he says that children
have an important role to play before, during and after natural
disasters. Building a ‘culture of risk reduction’ by engaging both
children who attend school and those who do not in disaster
preparedness and mitigation activities can help to protect children
from the negative consequences of disasters [17]. This study has
shown that these measures are much needed by the children of
Bangladesh.
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