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Source: Dawn

opinion title:Cost of climate


Date: October 12,2022
writer:Jamil Ahmad
Edited by Muddasir Ali Shah WhatsApp number
03481917831

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HUMANITY’S‫ اﻧﺴﺎﻧﯿﺖ ﮐﯽ‬unrelenting‫ ﺑﮯ رﺣﻢ‬onslaught‫ﺣﻤﻠﮧ‬

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against nature has turned catastrophic‫ﺗﺒﺎہ ﮐﻦ‬. Nature is

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striking back with floods, heatwaves, cyclones‫ ﻃﻮﻓﺎن‬and
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droughts‫ﺧﺸﮏ ﺳﺎﻟﯽ‬. Environmental disasters, spurred
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‫اﮐﺴﺎﻧﮧ‬by human-induced climate change, are battering ‫ﺗﺒﺎہ ﮐﺮ‬


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‫ رﮨﮯ ﮨﯿﮟ‬economies, and pushing millions of people into


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poverty. Poor countries are on the front lines of a war they


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did not start.


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Historically, the industrialised Global North was the major


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contributor‫ ﻣﻌﺎون‬to global warming through its unfettered ‫ﺑﮯ‬


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‫ ﻟﮕﺎم‬carbon emissions since the Industrial Revolution. Even


today, 80 per cent of global greenhouse gases come from
the 20 largest economies. In contrast‫ﮐﮯ ﺑﺮﻋﮑﺲ‬, the world’s
46 least developed countries, home to 14pc of the global
population, account for just 1pc of the world’s annual CO2
emissions‫اﺧﺮاج‬. Africa, with 16pc of the global population,
produces 3.8pc of annual carbon emissions.

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Against the backdrop‫ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬of growing carbon emissions,
the world is at risk of sliding deeper into the morass‫ دﻟﺪل‬of
a planetary crisis. Poor nations are suffering the most
because they are least prepared to absorb the impact‫اﺛﺮات‬
of climate change and least equipped‫ ﻟﯿﺲ‬to
safeguard‫ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬against environmental disasters.
The long-term economic costs of the slow onset effects

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of climate change go far beyond the immediate‫ﻓﻮری ﻃﻮر‬

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losses incurred‫ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬due to extreme weather events.

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Degradation‫ ﺗﻨﺰﻟﯽ‬of lands and ecosystems reduce

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agricultural yields‫ﭘﯿﺪاوار‬. Changing weather patterns result
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in crop failures leading to food insecurity‫ﻋﺪم ﺗﺤﻔﻆ‬.
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Zoonotic diseases are linked to loss of biodiversity.


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Immediate financial relief for climate disasters is needed.


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The intensity‫ ﺷﺪت‬and frequency of environmental


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disasters and their devasting‫ ﺗﺒﺎہ ﮐﻦ‬impact on developing


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countries has brought the issue of climate justice into


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renewed focus. Debate has intensified‫ ﺗﯿﺰ ﮨﻮﺋﯽ‬about


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financial support to the developing countries affected by


climate change-induced natural disasters. The demand is
not new.
Developing countries have sought‫ ﮐﯽ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ‬a balanced
appropriation‫ ﺗﺨﺼﯿﺺ‬of climate finance between
mitigation‫ ﮐﻢ ﮐﺮﻧﮯ‬and adaptation‫ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺖ‬. To develop

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resilience‫ ﻣﻀﺒﻮﻃﯽ‬to climate change, they call for ‘new and
additional financial resources’ from the industrialised rich
nations by invoking‫ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺗﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬the principle of historical
responsibility. This demand was reiterated‫ دﮨﺮاﯾﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ‬in
September by the African Ministerial Conference on the
Environment and the Alliance‫ اﺗﺤﺎد‬of Small Island States,
both of which represent large groups of vulnerable‫ﮐﻤﺰور‬

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countries.

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UNEP estimates puts the adaption costs in the range of

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$140 billion to $300bn per year by 2030 and $280bn to

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$500bn by 2050 for developing countries. The 2009
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pledge‫ ﻋﮩﺪ‬by rich countries to mobilise‫ ﻣﺘﺤﺮک ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬by 2020
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$100bn annually is off the target and behind the timeline


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by three years.
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To fill the gap between public adaptation finance flows


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and adaptation costs of developing countries, the Glasgow


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Climate Pact adopted at the UN Climate Change


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Conference (COP26) last year, encouraged‫ﺣﻮﺻﻠﮧ اﻓﺰاﺋﯽ ﮐﯽ‬


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developed countries to “at least double their collective


provision‫ ﻓﺮاﮨﻤﯽ‬of climate finance for adaptation”. But the
question of compensation‫ ﻣﻌﺎوﺿﮧ‬is separate from
finances for adaptation. An arrangement for loss and
damage is yet to be discussed and agreed by the Climate
Convention.

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It will require political commitment‫ ﻋﺰم‬at the highest levels
to implement‫ ﻻﮔﻮ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬existing agreements on
enhancing‫ ﺑﮍﮬﺎﻧﮯ‬funds for adaptation and secure a new
funding mechanism for loss and damage.
Meanwhile, countries devastated by floods, droughts ‫ﺧﺸﮏ‬
‫ ﺳﺎﻟﯽ‬and hurricanes‫ ﻃﻮﻓﺎن‬need urgent support. UN
Secretary General António Guterres has repeatedly

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pleaded‫ اﻟﺘﺠﺎ ﮐﯿﺎ‬for immediate financial relief for climate

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disasters including debt swaps with IFIs and other donors

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as it was a “matter of justice and not generosity‫”ﺳﺨﺎوت‬.

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This is a win-win formula for enabling‫ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻨﺎﻧﺎ‬poor and
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middle-income countries to invest in sustainable‫ ﭘﺎﺋﯿﺪار‬and
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resilient infrastructure and transition‫ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻠﯽ‬to green their


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economies.
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During his visit to Pakistan amidst‫ ﮐﮯ درﻣﯿﺎن‬the floods, the


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UN head remarked that “wealthier countries are morally‫اﺧﻼ‬


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‫ ﻗﯽ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬responsible for helping developing countries like


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Pakistan to recover from disasters like this, and to adapt


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to build resilience to climate impacts‫ اﺛﺮات‬that


unfortunately will be repeated in the future”.
The rising trajectory‫ رﻓﺘﺎر‬of environmental disasters spells
doom‫ ﻋﺬاب‬for poor countries and communities. Unless
tackled‫ ﺣﻞ ﯾﺎ ﻧﻤﭩﻨﺎ‬timely through intergenerational climate
action, it will blunt‫ ﻧﺎﮐﺎم ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﺎ‬efforts to alleviate‫ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﮯ‬poverty

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and achieve sustainable‫ ﭘﺎﺋﯿﺪار‬development.
The COP27 meeting in Egypt next month will be an
opportunity for the international community to exhibit ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺋﺶ‬
‫ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ دﮐﮭﺎ ﻧﺎ‬solidarity‫ ﯾﮑﺠﮩﺘﯽ‬with the poor and prepare a level
playing field for urgent climate action which also
addresses the different layers of injustice and inequality
linked to the climate crisis.

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For Pakistan, which currently holds the presidency of the

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group of developing countries, COP27 will be a double test

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of its diplomacy‫ ﺳﻔﺎرت ﮐﺎری‬to make a convincing case for
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enhancing climate finance, including loss and damage,
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and to positively contribute to a successful outcome of
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the meeting in Sharm el Sheikh.


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The writer is director of intergovernmental affairs, United


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Nations Environment Programme.


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Published in Dawn, October 12th, 2022


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Source:Dawn
Article title:No resolution in sight
Date :Octo October 13,2022
ADDRESSING an election rally in the Indian state of Gujarat
on Monday, Narendra Modi had the gall‫ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﮧ‬to say that
he had “resolved the problem of Kashmir”, apparently‫ﺑﻈﺎﮨﺮ‬

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referring‫ ﺣﻮاﻟﮧ دﯾﺘﮯ ﮨﻮﺋﮯ‬to the illegal move made by his

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government to annul‫ ﻣﻨﺴﻮخ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the disputed‫ ﻣﺘﻨﺎزﻋﮧ‬region’s

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autonomous‫ ﺧﻮد ﻣﺨﺘﺎر‬status in 2019. The fact is that the

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Indian prime minister’s assertion‫ دﻋﻮے‬is far from reality.
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Kashmir remains a disputed region as per international
consensus‫اﺗﻔﺎق راﺋﮯ‬, and no amount of constitutional
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subterfuge‫ ﺗﺨﺮﯾﺐ ﮐﺎری‬and spin is going to change that


stark‫ ﺳﺨﺖ ﯾﺎ ﺗﻠﺦ‬fact. Moreover, India’s Home Minister Amit
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Shah was in the held valley last week where he told a rally
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in Baramulla that “why should we talk to Pakistan? We will


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not talk”, effectively shutting the door on all dialogue on


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this key issue for the foreseeable ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﯿﺎس‬future.


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Yet the international community continues to view


Kashmir as a disputed region. As the German foreign
minister told a press conference she was addressing with
her counterpart Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari recently, her
country supported the “engagement of the United Nations
to find a peaceful solution” to the Kashmir dispute.

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Moreover, the US ambassador to Pakistan also paid a
recent visit to Azad Kashmir. While those familiar with
international diplomacy‫ ﺳﻔﺎرت ﮐﺎری‬say both the German
minister and the US ambassador’s actions should not be
viewed as a great diplomatic breakthrough‫ﭘﯿﺶ رﻓﺖ‬, and
were probably‫ ﺷﺎﯾﺪ‬designed to express the West’s
displeasure‫ ﻧﺎراﺿﮕﯽ‬with New Delhi over its position on the

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Ukraine war, the foreign officials’ remarks and activities

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have certainly ruffled‫ ﺟﮭﻨﺠﮭﻮڑا‬Indian feathers. After all,

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India is hypersensitive‫ اﻧﺘﮩﺎﺋﯽ ﺣﺴﺎس‬to all foreign

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commentary on Kashmir, and all actions that do not align
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with its tunnel vision regarding the disputed territory are
summarily rejected. Whether the Indian establishment
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admits it or not, its mix of ‘carrots’ and ‘sticks’ in held


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Kashmir will not resolve this critical issue. What can make
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a difference, however, is if India adopts a more flexible


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attitude, and realises that the Kashmir question cannot be


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adequately‫ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬addressed unless dialogue is


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carried forward involving Pakistan as well as the


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legitimate‫ ﺟﺎﺋﺰ ﻗﺮار دﯾﻨﺎ‬Kashmiri leadership.


Published in Dawn, October 12th, 2022

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Source: Dawn
opinion title: Politics and the establishment
Date: October 12,2022
writer: Zahid Hussain
WITH just weeks left for him to doff‫ اﺗﺎرﻧﮯ‬his uniform,
COAS Gen Qamar Bajwa has assured‫ ﯾﻘﯿﻦ دﻻﯾﺎ‬the nation

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that the armed forces have distanced‫ دور‬themselves from

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politics and want it to stay that way. One would like to

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believe the good general, of course. But it’s not as simple
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as it may sound given the existing power matrix in the
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country.
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Notwithstanding‫ ﮐﮯ ﺑﺎوﺟﻮد‬Gen Bajwa’s solemn‫واﺿﺢ‬


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declaration ‫اﻋﻼن‬, the security establishment remains the


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most powerful political force in the country. Its


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stepping‫ ﻗﺪم رﮐﮭﻨﺎ‬back from power politics appears to be a


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tactical‫ ﺣﮑﻤﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﯽ ﭘﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﯽ‬move and doesn’t signify ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮨﯽ‬


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‫ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬a complete abdication‫دﺳﺘﺒﺮداری‬. It is more a matter of


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changing alignment. With the ongoing political


confrontation‫ ﺗﺼﺎدم‬and increasing polarisation in the
country, the balance of power remains with the military.
It is no secret that the security establishment not only
determines national security and foreign policy but also
continues to play the role of arbiter‫ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬in domestic politics,

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despite its weakening‫ ﮐﻤﺰور‬control over fast-changing
political events.
Gen Bajwa’s recent high-profile visits to Washington and
other capitals testify‫ ﮔﻮاﮨﯽ‬to the establishment’s
continuing‫ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞ‬predominance‫ ﺑﺮﺗﺮی‬in the country’s power
structure. The protocol was not what another country’s
army chief would have received.

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His remarks at a luncheon meeting in Washington

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attended by officials of various think tanks were political in

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essence‫ﺟﻮﮨﺮ‬.
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The military leadership may have distanced‫ دور ﮐﯿﺎ‬itself
from the kind of overt‫ واﺿﺢ‬political role it was alleged ‫ﻣﺒﯿﻨﮧ‬
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‫ ﻃﻮر ﭘﺮ‬to have played in the hybrid political rule with Imran
Khan as prime minister. But it is evident‫ واﺿﺢ‬that it is not
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out of the political game and its shadow continues to


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loom over ‫ﺑﮍا ﺣﻮﻓﻨﺎک دﮐﮭﺎﺋﯽ دﯾﻨﺎ‬a weak civilian


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dispensation‫ ﺗﻘﺴﯿﻢ‬struggling to find its moorings‫ ﭨﮭﮑﺎﻧﮯ‬as


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the democratic political process unravels‫ﮐﮭﻞ ﺟﺎﺗﺎ ﮨﮯ‬.


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In fact, the military leadership’s decision to withdraw its


support to Imran Khan was as political as was its
backing‫ ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ‬for the novice‫ ﻧﯿﺎ‬cricketer-turned-politician.
Khan’s ascendancy‫ ﭼﮍﮬﺎﺋﯽ‬to power owed itself to the
political engineering allegedly carried out by the security
establishment. It was argued‫ ﺑﺤﺚ ﮐﯿﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ‬that the ‘corrupt’

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dynastic‫ ﺧﺎﻧﺪاﻧﯽ‬political leadership had failed and an
‘untainted‫ ’ﺑﮯ داغ‬leader could deliver better governance.
It is apparent that a political narrative‫ ﺑﯿﺎﻧﯿﮧ‬was built up to
project ‘Mr Clean’ and to manipulate‫ ﺟﻮڑﺗﻮڑ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬the 2018
elections. It seems that it was the decision not of the top
man alone but the entire security establishment to back
Imran Khan against the ‘corrupt’ and ‘tested’ political

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leaders. Indeed, it was not the first time that a political

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leader had been produced from the establishment’s

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hatchery.

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Our political history is replete‫ ﺑﮭﺮی ﭘﮍی ﮨﮯ‬with such
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experiments. But there has not been any such example of
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a hybrid political structure as was witnessed‫ دﯾﮑﮭﺎ ﮔﯿﺎ‬with


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the installation of the PTI government. The overt‫ﮐﮭﻠﯽ‬


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involvement‫ ﻣﺪاﺧﻠﺖ‬of the security agencies in political


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machinations and the propping up of an incompetent‫ﻧﺎاﮨﻞ‬


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administration made the security leadership increasingly


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controversial‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎزﻋﮧ‬. The granting of a second term in


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office tarnished‫ داﻏﺪار ﮐﯿﺎ‬Gen Bajwa’s position.


Meanwhile, Khan’s inability‫ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻣﯽ‬to deliver on his promises
and his maverick‫ آوارہ‬style of governance made him a
liability‫ ذﻣﮧ داری‬for his alleged patrons‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻮں‬. Besides
lack of governance, it was Khan’s reckless‫ ﻻﭘﺮواہ‬handling
of the country’s foreign policy and his irresponsible ‫ﻏﯿﺮ ذﻣﮧ‬

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‫ دار‬statements that caused the gulf between the civil and
military leadership to widen‫وﺳﯿﻊ‬. The growing opposition
challenge to the PTI government also compelled‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮر ﮐﯿﺎ‬
the establishment to distance itself from its protégé‫ﺣﺎﻣﯿﻮں‬.
It came as a rude shock to Khan when the military
leadership refused to help him in the face of the
opposition’s no-confidence move. That set the ground for

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Khan’s ouster‫ ﺑﮯ دﺧﻠﯽ‬less than four years after his rise to

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power. But the whole episode has left the country in a

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greater political mess, with the former prime minister

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fighting back with a ferocity‫ درﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﮯ ﺳﺎﺗﮫ‬not witnessed
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before.
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Imran Khan is now taking on the very institution that not


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only helped bring him to power but which also propped


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up‫ ﺳﮩﺎرا دﯾﻨﺎ‬his fledgling‫ ﻧﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﮧ ﮐﺎر‬administration. That has


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also put the military leadership in a quandary‫ﭘﺮﯾﺸﺎﻧﯽ‬.


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However, its decision to step back has not made its role
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less controversial. In fact, it is now facing more intense


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attacks from a populist leader who the establishment is


seen to have created.
Interestingly, the same narrative that was used to project
Khan has come back to haunt‫ ﭘﺮﯾﺸﺎن ﮐﺮﻧﮯ‬the security
establishment. The former prime minister is using the
corruption narrative effectively against his rivals. The

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security establishment is now being accused of protecting
the same ‘corrupt’ dynastic‫ ﺧﺎﻧﺪاﻧﯽ‬politicians whom it once
sought to eliminate‫ ﺧﺘﻢ‬from the political scene. This
political crisis may drag the institution deeper into the
morass‫دﻟﺪل‬.
What makes the matter more complex is that the military
leadership is now facing criticism for its ‘neutrality’. Each

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player in the political divide, in fact, wants the military on

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its side rather than sitting on the fence‫ﺑﺎڑ‬. While a weak

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civilian government looks towards the military to counter

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‫ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﮧ ﮐﺮﻧﺎ‬Imran Khan’s growing popularity, the former
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prime minster wants the military to return to supporting
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him. It is with a purpose that Khan made the appointment


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of the army chief controversial ‫ —ﻣﺘﻨﺎزﻋﮧ‬to bring the new


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chief under pressure.


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There is no struggle for supremacy‫ ﺑﺎﻻ دﺳﺘﯽ‬in a


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democratic civilian authority; rather, it is a ruthless‫ﺑﮯ رﺣﻢ‬


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power struggle. Political confrontation‫ ﺗﺼﺎدم‬and


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polarisation have further weakened the country’s


democratic institutions and will strengthen‫ ﻣﻀﺒﻮط ﺑﻨﺎﻧﮯ‬the
military’s role as arbiter‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﯽ ﮐﺮدار‬. It’s merely‫ ﻣﺤﺾ‬an
illusion‫ وﮨﻢ‬that the establishment has distanced itself from
politics.
It may be an end to hybrid rule but there is no

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indication‫ اﺷﺎرہ‬of the military withdrawing from politics.
The change of guard within its ranks is not likely to change
the present power matrix and the institution’s
predominance‫ﺑﺮﺗﺮی‬. The worsening political crisis and
Imran Khan’s refusal to work within a democratic
framework, however flawed it may be, has pushed the
country towards a political dead end.

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The PTI’s threat to storm the capital has further

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vitiated‫ ﺧﺮاب ﮨﻮ ﮔﯿﺎ‬the political atmosphere and created

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more space for extra-constitutional powers to act. Indeed,

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it will be good for the country and the security institution if
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the military keeps itself out of politics. But that is not
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likely‫ اﻣﮑﺎن ﻧﮩﯿﮟ‬to happen with the political forces fighting


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each other.
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The writer is an author and journalist.


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zhussain100@yahoo.com
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Twitter: @hidhussain
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Published in Dawn, October 13th, 2022

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 A greenhouse gas is a gas that absorbs and emits
radiant energy within the thermal infrared range,
causing the greenhouse effect. The primary
greenhouse gases in Earth's atmosphere are water
vapor, carbon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide, and
ozone.

 Zoonotic diseases are caused by harmful germs like

3 1
viruses, bacterial, parasites, and fungi. These germs

78
can cause many different types of illnesses in people

91
and animals, ranging from mild to serious illness and

1
even death. 48
03
 The United Nations Environment Programme is
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responsible for coordinating responses to


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environmental issues within the United Nations


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system. It was established by Maurice Strong, its first


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director, after the United Nations Conference on the


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Human Environment in Stockholm in June 1972.


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 The Glasgow Climate Pact is an agreement reached


at the 2021 United Nations Climate Change
Conference. The pact is the first climate agreement
explicitly planning to reduce unabated coal usage.

 COP26 :The 2021 United Nations Climate Change


Conference, more commonly referred to as COP26,

14
was the 26th United Nations Climate Change
conference, held at the SEC Centre in Glasgow,
Scotland, United Kingdom, from 31 October to 13
November 2021. The president of the conference was
UK cabinet minister Alok Sharma.

 Debt swaps refer to agreements between a creditor


and a debtor, wherein the existing debt is replaced by

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a new instrument or commitment, entailing some

78
financial relief for the debtor and a reallocation of

91
cash flows towards targeted objectives.

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48
 An international financial institution is a financial
03
institution that has been established by more than
ah

one country, and hence is subject to international law.


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 win-win formula: More specifically, we show how


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value is organized around the “win-win formula” a


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narrative plot in which economic and environmental


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gains reinforce each other. We highlight several key


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elements that organize this win-win plot: First,


business opportunity and business models work as
critical discursive elements.

 Intergenerational justice is mainly defined as a form


of distributive justice, where present generations hold
an obligation towards future generations “not to
pursue policies that create benefits for themselves

15
but impose costs on those who will live in the future‫۔‬

 COP27: The 2022 United Nations Climate Change


Conference, more commonly referred to as COP27,
will be the 27th United Nations Climate Change
conference, to be held from 6 to 18 November 2022 in
Sharm El Sheikh, Egypt.

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 Tunnel vision is the loss of peripheral vision with

3
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retention of central vision, resulting in a constricted

91
circular tunnel-like field of vision.

1
48
 luncheon :a formal usually midday meal as part of a
03
meeting or for entertaining a guest.
ah

 A think tank, or policy institute, is a research institute


Sh

that performs research and advocacy concerning


i
Al

topics such as social policy, political strategy,


ir

economics, military, technology, and culture. Most


s
da

think tanks are non-governmental organizations, but


ud

some are semi-autonomous agencies within


M

government or are associated with particular political


parties, businesses or the military.

 Definition of prop up
: to stop (something) from falling or slipping by
placing something under or against it We propped up
the beams with long boards. propped the plant stems

16
up.

 A hatchery is a facility where eggs are hatched under


artificial conditions, especially those of fish, poultry or
even turtles. It may be used for ex-situ conservation
purposes, i.e. to breed rare or endangered species
under controlled conditions; alternatively, it may be for
economic reasons‫۔‬

3 1
78
Todays words Synonyms

91
quandary(noun): dilemma; plight; predicament.

1
48
ferocity(noun):. savagery; brutality; violence.
03

maverick(noun): individualist; nonconformist; dissident.


ah
Sh

tarnish(verb): discolour; stain; rust.


i
Al

reiterate(verb): restate; recapitulate; repeat.


s ir

subterfuge(noun): trickery; intrigue; dishonesty.


da
ud

annul(verb): revoke; nullify; invalidate.


M

morass(noun): quagmire; swamp; mire.


batter(verb): thrash;. buffet; belabour.
spur(verb): stimulate; encourage.

17
Todays Vocabulary and their Use
vitiate ‫ﺧﺮاب ﮨﻮﻧﺎ‬:development programmes have been
vitiated by the rise in population.
haunt‫ ﭘﺮﯾﺸﺎن‬:The decision to leave her children now
haunts her.
protégé ‫ﺣﺎﻣﯽ‬,‫ زﯾﺮ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ و ﺣﻤﺎﯾﺖ ﺷﺨﺺ‬:Ruskin submitted

31
his protégé's name for election.

78
abdicate ‫دﺳﺘﺒﺮدار ﮨﻮﻧﺎ‬:He has abdicated his responsibilities

1 91
and he should resign.
48
03
ah
iSh
Al
s ir
da
ud
M

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