'Sati' as a Religious Rite: Parliamentary Papers on Widow Immolation, 1821-30

Author(s): Vasudha Dalmia-Lüderitz

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , Jan. 25, 1992, Vol. 27, No. 4 (Jan. 25, 1992), pp.
PE58-PE64
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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 'Sati' as a Religious Rite
Parliamentary Papers on Widow Immolation, 1821-30
Vasudha Dalmia-Liideritz

While 'H-indu fundamentalism' is a handy explanation for the recent resurfacing of the practice of
blurs the vision and pre-empts the need for analysis of the nature of the contradictions inherent in p
herited from the British and of the constitutive elements of the legal discourse, which suffered no ruptur
independence, but became in fact more opaque than before. In this context, the Parliamentary Papers
Immolation, 1821-30 are of immense historical value not only for the evidence of the colonial denigratton o
women and religion, but for the tensions and contradictions which they reveal, the unravelling of w
significance for the understanding of attitudes today.

'SATI' as the practice of widow immolation was 378 satis, 442 for 1816. The year 1817 do not immediately clash with the laws and
came to be generally known under British recorded a total of 707, in 1818 it rose to 839. interests of the conquerors" (1776: ix).
rule, is still prevalent as isolated incident in The years 1817 and 1818 had been cholera Pandits and maulavis as legal exegetes and
India.' The case of an 18-year old widow years, which could be a possible explanation advisors had been attached to the Supreme
being burnt alive with the body of her for the rise, as well as the increased vigilance
Court since 1777, to the rest of the courts,
husband in Rajasthan in September 1987 of the law officers in ascertaining and repor- following the Cornwallis Code in 1793.
provoked a nation-wide discussion, as well ting cases of sati. But even though the figures The clash between religious institutes and
as some ripples of excitement in the inter- decreased after that, they never went back post-enlightenment principles of rationality
national press. The key terms of the discus- to the original figures of 1815, whatever the which were held to be universally valid-
sion, however, 'superstition' 'pagan practice, justification for the increase. though they were based on principles which
'coercion', 'free decision'2 have a history The fact that under British administra- served 'the laws and interests of the con-
which reaches far back into the debates tion, the practice became more wvidely querors' was to occasion much debate. But
enshrined in tbe Parliamentary Papers on prevalent than before, was noted and discus- the imperial Romans whom Halhed held up
Widow immolation, 1821-30.3 - If recent sed at length by British legislators and as an example, had apparently managed to
controversies are to be understood rather officials. It is not surprising therefore, that negotiate such difficulties (1781: ix). It was
than taken for granted, then these Parlia- sati became the occasion for the most ex- imperative that stable criteria be establish-
mentary Papers can yield information tensive documentation centring around ed, for 'prescribed rules' were necessary in
beyond statistics and place names; they can women in the 19th century. In the first three order to pronounce judgment, as William
help to disclose the interpretive framework, decades of the century the sati issue became, Jones specified in his address to the Grand
the contradictions inherent in the colonial in fact, the battle ground for conflicting Jury in Calcutta in 1783. 'Law' was to stand
situation and further bequeathed to us, clari- ideologies, for violent missionary attacks on above the individual sense of justice (Jones,
fying thereby some of the pre-conditions of the nature and basis of Hindu civilisation, 1799: 4-5). Halhed's compilation was held
the present response. for agitated proclamations of faith, as well to be inadequate for these purposes by the
There had been queries from district as for legal wrangling and bureaucratic in- following generation. Manu was the legen-
magistrates in Bengal regarding the official sistence on detail. Thus, though worfen are dary legislator of the Hindus and Jones set
attitude towards sati since the 90s of the 18th ce-trally located in the debate, so enmeshed about translating the Institutes for the
century.4 Since 1812 the government of they in a network of structures and benefit of his fellow judges ip Calcutta.
Bengal had sought to regulate the practice -es, that they often seem peripheral. In Jones was moved, while underlining the im-
in accordance with the Shastras, the legal reconstructing the debate a century and a portance of the code, 'its austere majesty
treatises of the Hindus. The practice, it was half later it becomes imperative then, that that sounds like the language of legislation
ascertained, was authorised by the later law- we consider the conceptions and pre- and extorts a respectful awe" to admit:
givers of the Hindus, though not enjoined. conceptions which colour the documenta- It is system of despotism and priestcraft
A number of restrictions were more or less tion and its evaluation. both indeed lirnited by law, but artfully con-
clearly defined: coercion was discouraged, The first part of this paper will be con- spiring to give mutual support, though with
extreme youth, pregnancy, states of impurit) cerned with the categories within which the mutual checks: it is filled ... with idle
ensuing from the period after pregnancy, woman as a legal subject deserving scrutiny superstitions, and with a scheme of theology
menstruation, the existence of infant becomes an object of documentation. The most obscurely figurative and consequently
children. Women of the Brahman caste Parliamentary
were Papers seem to call specially liable to dangerous misconception...
only allowed to burn with the remains of forthe
this treatment, since it was the express (1799:89, emphasis added).
husband rather than with articles belonging aim of the legal discourse which constitutes Jones juxtaposed this to the humanitarian
to the deceased. Otherwise women of all the them, to encompass and control social reali- practice of European society:
four 'clean' castes were allowed to burn. ty through a set of concepts linked in a Whatever opinion in short may be formed of
After the year 1815 detailed statistics manner necessarily schematic. Manu' and his law, in a country happily
specifying name, age, caste of husband, date By a regulation of 1772 Hindus and enlightened by sound philosophy and the
of immolation were maintained and at the Muslims were to be allowed to retain their only true revelation, it must be remembered,
end of the year duly scrutinised and own religious and social practice and were that these laws are actually revered, as the
evaluated. Strict vigilance as to the enforce- to be administered according to their own word of the Most High, by nations of great
ment of the Hindu regulations was perio- legal codes, for as Nathaniel Halhed, the importance to the political and commercial
dically emphasised, but there was little first translator of the Code of Gentoo Laws interests of Eutope,. . ." 11799: 89. emphasis
change of policy till the rite was banned in clearly saw "Nothing can so favourably con- added 1.
1829 by William Bentinck, governor general duce to these two points [i e, the affections In addition to Manu, there was a vast cor-
of India. of the natives and the stability of the ter- pus of legal literature which had been com-
Since 1815 however, the statistics had exhi-
ritorial acquisition] as a well-timed tolera- piled through the ages and which seemed to
bited a prevailing tendency to increase. Thetion in matters of religion, and an adoption defy all attempts. to derive a uniform code
figure for the six divisions of Bengal for 1815
of such original institutes of the country, as valid in all parts of the cinb-continent.

PE-58 Economic and Political Weekly January 25, 1992

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Besides the tension between local usage and to effectively execute Hindu law regardingupward mobility by emulating the customs
the code as the British attempted to standar- sati, they had !necessarily to become ex- of the higher castes, and sati would seem to
dise it [Cohn, 1965], there was the dual ponents of it where it was not yet sufficientlybe a case in point.8 Yet it could also be seen
known; seek and provide amplification
nature of the authority as it existed in British as a case of inverse sanskritisation-norms
law as well, that the state "uphold the where there were gaps or where clarification imposed from above on castes and groups
church's decrees' by seculai penalties" was called for; and finally, supervise that it originally outside the scope of jurisdiction
[Derret, 1961: 81]. Since in the Indian case was legally enforced by actual presence of high caste Hindu law. The British tended
the religion in question was alien, there was during the course of the rite and active inter-to an uniform, undifferentiated application
bound to be further tension between the two ference if any violation could be detected. of the legal code they had been at such pains
legislating instances. Lord Moira (governor-general, 1813-1823) to devise, a code which cast all manners of
most clearly realised the impotence of hav- Hindus on the sub-continent, regardless of
The derivation of a uniform code regu-
ing become propounders of indigenous law actual caste customs and regional practice
lating the practice of sati proved to be an
awkward task. The attempts to establish con- in the capacity of alien rulers powerless to into the social mould prescribed by the
sonance between 'Shaster' (the legal introduce effective change: Brahmanic tradition as they understood it
We directed our opinion to be stated that the (Cohn, 1968:7).
treatises) and 'humanity', the two authorities
greatest caution was requisite on the part of The Parliamentary Papers offer ample
which were invariably juxtaposed in this
the officers of our government, in dissuading evidence of thi% inadvertent sanskritisation.
discourse, lead to an uneasy balance. 'Regard
widows from the performance of this
for the religious opinions of the natives' From Chandernagore, which was in French
ceremony, in order to avoid the imputation
(1821:64), 'erroneously derived from the possession, those wishing to perform sati
of interfering with the religious opinion of simply removed to British territory, as an
superstition they possess (1821: 136), in-
the inhabitants, to which the government of indignant magistrate reported (1821:243)..
evitably clashed with 'feelings of humanity'
a brahmin prince could not be liable
(1821: 64). But since judges had no feelings, In Farrukhabad, in the Upper Provinces,
(1821:243, emphasis added).
the sole resort was to find within the Shaster a sati took place, where the bewildered
Yet, in effect this was what the British policy-family had never before witnessed the rite.
scope for the principles of humanity and
makers seemed to aspire to-to govern the It was the insistence of the newly-bereaved
thus, practically through the back door,
country as enlightened Brahman princes. widow which apparently obliged them to
attempt to find means "to confine those
sacrifices within as narrow bounds as the The Board of Directors in London writing carry out her wishes, though there was some
rules permit" (1821:64). So, if on the one to Lord Amherst in 1823 declared themselves perplexity as to the appropriate ritual pro-
hand "the strict adherence to the ordinances unwilling to participate in this rite: cedure. After submitting a lengthy report,
of the Shaster" (1821:101) was advocated, the It is, moreover, with much reluctance that we the magistrate was moved to register protest:
actual practice, in the case of sati was never can consent to make the British government,
But I beg to-observe, with all deference, that
described as other than "this perversion of by a specific permission of the suttee, an
it might be attended with good effects, if
humanity" (1821:65), "this inhuman ostensible party to the sacrifice; we are averse
some punishment were awarded; and operate
custom' "present bigotry... uncivilised and to the practice of making British courts as a check to the growth of this barbarous
ignorant" (1821:176). expounders and vindicators of the Hindoo custom, which though it was at one time
Superintendent Ewer of the Lower Pro- religion, when it leads to acts which, not less wholly unknown in these provinces, appears
vinces could stretch this so far as to claim as legislators than as Christians, we
under the British government, to be gaining
that the rite was not religious at all, since abominate (1824:45).
grounds once more (1821:212).
eit was not prescribed bl Manu, the primaeval This was obviously an echo of the mis-
A 'candala' woman, though belonging to
legislator of the Hindus. It was local prac- sionary stand. The missionaries in India as
an 'unclean' caste, was permitted to ascend
tice, "sacred authority is subsequently pro- well as their parent organisations in Britain
the social scale, since the local pandit allow-
duced to enforce the merit of an act were in the forefront in mobilising public ed that she belonged to the fourth or
originating in the mortal feelings of affec- opinion against the rite. The language in 'shudra' caste. So she was given permission
tion, grief, despair, or some other passion which they did so was.vehemently critical to burn (1825:42).
of the mind, equally incapable of affording and tended towards wholesale dismissal of But a woman who had lived in adultery
a hope that It could be acceptable in the eyes the Hindu religion as such.5 It was obvious was not to be allowed to burn, since the
of the deity. Such can never become that they recommend drastic action. The couple could not be considered legally
religious. .." (t821:231). Calcutta Baptist paper, the Quarterly Friend married. Though the sacrifice was suspend-
The dichotomy between bigotry and of India advocated that if the British ed, the woman managed to burn. Thus the
enlightened religion could only be resolved,"possess discretionary power over the British attempt to function as a moral in-
as Lord Amherst (governor-general from Hindoo laws". then "the helpless widow hasauthorising correct ritual conduct
stance
1823 to 1828) observed, by plans for a strong claim on our compassion" (1823:44). Similarly women in the Bombay
encouraging native education, for (1823:22).6 Presidency were to be prevented from burn-
The well-meant and zealous attempts of Though the Parliamentary Papers were ing with the bones of the husband, since
Europeans to dissuade from and to dis- ordered to be printed from 1821 onwards, the Brahman women, according to the shastras
courage the performance of the rite, would extensive documentation had begun in 1815. as interpreted in Bengal, were not to be burnt
appear to have been almost uniformly un- The returns for the years 1817 and 1818 had if time had elapsed after the death of the
successful; and prove but too strongly, that shown a dramatic increase in the number of husband (1824:46).
even the best informed classes of the Hindoo
satis. Though officials had tended to view The 'jogis', a weaver community had the
population are not yet sufficiently enlighten-
this as due to cholera epidemics, and the practice of burying widows alive with the
ed to recognise the propriety of abolishing
numbers did decline, it was obvious however bodies of their dead husbands, ibstead of
the rite (1825:7).
that they had increased substantially under immolating them. As a low caste social
BRITISH AS VINDICATORS AND British jurisdiction. For, the zealous section, their resistance to change had little
watchmanship seemed to encourage, rather political weight. They were brought under
EXPOUNDERS OF HINDU LAW
than inhibit, and it was seldom that a case the jurisdiction of Hindu law; the rite was
The British had to cope with a predica- declared illegal was actually prevented, since summarily terminated. In its proceedings of
ment which, though obviously caused by this often happened in retrospect and the June 4, 1818, the Nizamat Adalat tersely
their own policy of conciliating Hindu punishment meted out tended to be cautious recorded:
orthodoxy to their position of power, had rather than cautioning.' as the Hindoo law does not sanction the
consequences whjich they could not have The sociologist M N Srinivas (1962) has practice which prevails amongst the jogee
foreseen and which lead to repeated protests coined the term 'sanskritisation' to describe tribe of burying the widow alive with the
by members from their own ranks. In order the process, whereby lower castes effect body of her deceased husband, the Vice-

fconomic and Political Weekly January 25, 1992 PE-59

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 President in Council entirely concurs with the
nizamut adawlut in thinking that the prac-
tice in question should be positively'and
entirely interdicted. .. It appears, however,
to be highly objectionable that so inhuman
a practice, without legal sanction, should be
continued (1821:179).
It is not on record whether it was forthwith
considered permissible for the jogis to burn
their widows instead.
All in all, it was question of policy,
'politic' and 'impolitic' are frequentiv used
terms, the attempt to absorb the authority
of former -ruling classes, to assimilate, and
if convenient temper and thus render un-
objectionable to themselves.
A LEGAL SUBJECT FOR SATI
In this section I should like to consider
the conceptualisation of Hindu women as
it emerges from this documentation, and this
in their capacity as legal subjects. At this
point, it is important to emphasise that the
account which follows is in no way in
defence of an act which belongs to a world
to which there is no direct access except as
part of history. It is difficult, if not impos-
sible, to read between the lines, in order to
provide even a speculative account of the
social experiential reality of the cases record-
ed. It is possible however, to 'see how the
women were seen, without necessarily seeing
what there was, to determine the vefifiability
of the criteria applied to the women concern-
ed, in order to qualify as "a legal subject for
a suttee" (1821:38).
The police officers present on the scene
were required to be notified in advance, they
were to determine and record the age of the
woman-whether below the age of puberty
-finally fixed at 16, whether pregnant or
not, the age of her children, caste and name
of the husband, but the most important task
was to ascertain whether the act Was
volunatry or not. There were a number of
eyewitness reports, where force had been ap-
plied to prevent the woman from escaping
from the burning pile, for it was often a
question of fierce family honour. The point
was stated repeatedly and with great em-
phasis, as in the General Rules and Circular
Instructions to the Magistrates and Police
Officers Regarding Suttees, promulgated by
the Nizamat Adalat, the chief criminal court
in the Presidency of Bengal, in 1817:
These ordinanices require that the sacrificeEwer posited an ur-sati, whereby one
be, in all instances, perfectly voluntary; thatwoman, from overpowering devotion and
the widow be of a competent age to judge
and choose in a matter of so mucth con-
sequence to herself and her childreni,
(1821:137).
The premise was clear enough. 'I'heore-
tically at least, the woman was considered
to be an agent capable of making a free
choice. The very concept occasioned protest
While submitting the report and statement
of satis for the year 1815 to the Nizamat
Adalat, E Watson, fourth judge, Calcutta
Court of Circuit, stated categorically: "It'
appears to us, that the assent of the woman
should be utterly void, and that the persons
killing her at her desire or command should,
PE-60 Economic and Political Weekly January 25, 1992
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in the eyes of the law, be murderers" "to events which could be narrated in the
(1821:99). The question then, was whether common sense language of the cafe. To
the power of legitimate volition could be popularise, to render plausible, to make
ascribed to Hindu women. Magistrate Bird credible the incredible persisted as the great
of the city of Benares suggested the pro- heroic act of the age" (Manuel,
mulgation of an additional rule to safeguard 1959:124-125).
against the whims of women, for there had Now this original heroic sati according to
been three cases of illegal sati. He proposed Ewer, excited 4dmiration and possible
that they burn immediately upon receiving emulation as a novelty, but it would never
the news of the husband's death and not have been installed as a rite, if the interested
later, this in order "to put an end to a prac- relatives and the Brahmans hrad not stepped
tice, not at all unusual, of becoming a suttee in at this stage. This vwas also the opinion
many years subsequent to the husband's of E Molony, acting magistrate of Burdwan
death, in a fit of caprice or of worldly dis- district, where the practice was frequent:
appointment, after having in the first in- It is needless here to rematek, the influence
stance neglected to become a suttee; a prac- which education has upon the reasoning
tice, which I understand, is neither recognis- powers of the human mind; the total want
ed nor encouraged by the doctrines of the of any thing like a system of education
Hindoo religion" (1821:134). -among the natives is also well known ... We
have known, that whatever little education
The most detailed paraphrase of this view
was once again supplied by superintendent is given to the males is never extended to the
Ewer of the Lower Provinces. He maintained female sex; I have never met an instance of
that there could in fact be no such thing as a Hindoo woman, of whatever rank, who
a 'voluntary suttee': "that is, few widows could write even her name. If, therefore, we
would ever think of sacrificing themselves,
find that the greater proportion of the men
are unable to give a reason for the perfor-
unless overpbwered by force or persuasion;
mance of the sacrifice, it is surely fair to infer
very little of either is sufficient to overcome
that the women are not better informed on
the physical or mental powers of the majori-
the subject; and therefore it is fair to sup-
ty of Hindoo females". Therefore, Ewer
pose that the resolution to become suttees
reasoned further, "her opinion on the sub-
cannot proceed so much from their having
ject can be of no weight, and whether she
reasoned themselves into a conviction of the
appear glad or sorry, stupid, composed or
purity of the act itself, as from a kind of in-
distracted, is no manner or proof of her real
fatuation produced by the absurdities poured
feelings" (1821:227). It was evident that once
into their ears by ignorant brahmins, most
it was possible to abstract the woman's real
of whom, if asked, would be found unable
feelings from her environment and upbring-
to give a reason for the doctrines which they
ing, there could be no motivating ground for
inculcate (1821:235, emphasis added).
the sacrifice. Women were at all times
The woman was therefore uniformly refer-
victims of persuasion, since in any case they
red to as 'the victim'. 'the poor creature', 'the
had no direct access to the shastras and
infatuated victim'. The possibility of ever
could form no independent opinion. "Now
forming 'free, voluntary, unbiased and
it is well known that the education of
uninfluenced' (1823:63) judgment was
Hindoo females, of all'ranks, precludes the
forever precluded in the case of Hindu
possibility of their having, of themselves,
women; for as the governor general in
any acquaintance whatever with the contents
council, Lord Amherst himself concluded
of the shastras" (1821:228).
after studying the report and statement for
Ewer had sent a questionnaire regarding
the year 1821:
the sati regulations to the several magistrates
the women are taught from irtfancy to believe
of the Lower Provinces and while analysing
that by consenting to the immolation, they
their response, he proposed the following
perform an act, if not of imperative duty, at
thesis regarding the evolution of the prac-
least one that will redound to their own credit
tice. He was voicing a general opinion, when
and raise the reputation of their fainilies. On
within this theory he located the woman as
the other hand, that a refusal involves the
a creature who could not be actuated by
reproach of cowardice, or of the want of true
reason but was moved by feeling alone, devotion to their husbands (1824:43).
which was ever amenable to manipulation.
Such then was the predicament of 'law'
and the legislators. Women in order to be
legal subjects were to function autonomous-
grief, voluntarily committed the heroic act,
ly, but they could not in effect be free agents,
"not with any idea that such an act could
since from birth onwards certain notions
be acceptable to the gods, or of any benefit
were inculcated in their minds. It is not
to herself in a future existence, but solely
remarkable then, that no judgment is passed
because her affection for the deceased made
upon women, since in a way they could not
her regard life as a burden no longer to be
be held responsible for their actions. They
borne" (1821:231).
existed, not unlike savages, in a kind of pre-
This wxas an acceptable stand, th& act of
the woman then was no longer rooted in
moral state, neither good nor evil, moved by
social instinct and feelings, defenceless, since
superstition but as motivated in an excess
of emotion, was part ot a world accessible
reason could not be a regulating principle,
and thus all the more exposed to corrupting
to enlightened thought. Essentially the same
tendency was to be observed in Europe as influence. They could ultimaTely only be
regards the mythological, miraculous aspects protected .
of religious life-an effort to reduce these Intimately co)nnected with this vision of
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the woman is the stereotype of the crafty voured to set before her the absurdity of such and modification, be applied in the con-
priest. If religion as practised on the sub- conduct, and how much it was in variance struction of an alternaive view of sati.
continent was viewed largely as a corpus of with the character of the Divine Being; ... Perhaps it is worth the effort for us, who
superstitious beliefs-or 'prejudices' in the and assured her, that if poverty had driven have inherited the humanistic concern of the
language of the day-then it was the Brah- her to her present resolution, if she would Englishman, to make an attempt to redefine
mans who were the fostering agents, both only abandon it I would find her adequate our stand before we disqualify and condemn
as Halhed had early remarked, as "priests support. After reasoning with her for a long the women perfornming sati in terms too
and legislators" (1781E liv), a view common time, I took higher ground, and, plainly told sweeping and too uncritical of their histo-
since its popularisation by the Deists in the her she was a self-murderer; and that, instead rical legacy and basis.
17th and 18th centuries; "sacerdotal plot- of finding happiness after death as the In the year 1829 Lord William Bentinck,
ters. . . themselves enveloped by the vapors reward of her conduct, she must be visited newly appointed governor general of India,
of darkness which' they had originally with the punishment, which a murderer passed a regulation making sati an offence
generated" (Manuel, 1959:69). deserves. She told me that she was not poor;
punishable by law. His justly famous mninute
that she had never committed any sin; that of November 8, 1829 tackles issues which
In the Parliamentary Papers they are
her heart was holy; that she had gone to God,
constantly referred to as 'hungry brahmins', had long been skirted and remains note-
and that He had ordered her to do what she
'necessitous brahmins' (1821: 227, 270). It worthy in its attempt to resolve the contra-
-was about to do. This last expression she ex-
is once again superintendent Ewer who ex- dictions of the colonial situation.
plained by saying, that she had gone to the
plicitly thematises the link between law- He insists emphatically that."nothing has
idol, and that it had told her to burn. It im-
making and the execution of it, both of been yielded to feeling, but that reason, and
mediatoly struck me, that perhaps some in-
which functions are seen as being oppor- reason alone, has governed this decision", of
terested individual had induced her to go to
tunistically used by the Brahmans. Contem- abolishing "this inhuman and impious act"
the temple, and had employed means to give
porary Brahmans, he allows, were an ig- her such an answer; but on this subject I
(Datta, 1988:237).9 He feels impelled to
norant breed, unable to provide grounds for quote the testimony of a contemporary
could obtain no information, as her answers
their dogma, but originally they had known Indian in support of his claim that the rite
were vague and unsatisfactory.
better. After the first sati took place was not part of the original religion of the
After bathing and praying, the widow
in a short time the brahmins began to Hindus: "that enlightened native Rammohun
distributed some'betel-nut and spice to those
perceive, that if properly managed, suttee Roy, a warm advocate of the abolition of
around, who fell at her feet and did her
might be made a very productive source of suttee, and all other superstitions and cor-
reverence, as a being of superior nature. She
emolument; and the most esteemed authors ruptions, engrafted on the Hindoo religion,
ascended and calmly laid herself down on the
of the age were induced to recommend it as which he considers originally to have been
pile, without the smallest assistance; and
a most meritorious act, productive of good a pure deisri-' (Datta, 1988:241).10
nothing I have ever witnessed surprised me
effects to the souls of the widow and her hus- With the help of reason then, these later
more than the indifference with which she
band, and to those of the surviving mcmbers engraftings are to be removed, and religion
went through the whole. She was a young
of their families; they also prescribed forms cleansed of immorality:
woman of perhaps about twenty-two, in the
and ceremonies in which the attendance of "I know nothing so important to the im-
full vigour of health and strength. There ap-
brahmins was of course indispensable (1821: provement of their future conditions, as the
peared no symptom of grief for her departed
231).
husband, and I should certainly have thought establishment of a proper morality, whatever
William Jones had remarked that in the their belief, and a more just conception of
her in a state of stupor, but for the answers
Institutes of Manu the two-despotism and the will of god. The first step to this better
she gave io our questions and the composure
priestcraft--though they operated as a with which she performed all the cere- understanding will be dissociation of reli-
system of mutual check ultimately reinforced
monies.... When I saw the poor deluded gious belief and practice fromn blood and
each other. Half a century later one had creature actually mounjed the pile I reallymurder.
felt They will then, when no longer
practically come full-circle: the new legis- so agitated as not to be able minutely to under this brutalising excitement, view with
lators while ostensibly supporting the old observe if she took a light along with her more calmness, acknowledged truths" (Dat-
laws, were Jo protect the woman from the (emphasis added, 1825:212-214). ta, 1988:249). Thus could "a foul stain upon
old law-makers. Thus the Nizamat Adalat British rule" be washed, and religion and
The beliefs of the two could obviously not
was urged by judg C Smith to "interfere
be subsumed uider one global category, humanitv become reconciled.
with a vigorous hand for the protection of
religion, though each was convinced and Bentinck claimed: "I write and feel as a
the weak against the strong, of the simple rested in his or her position. The inquirer legislator for the Hindoos" (249). The
against the artful classes of its subjects. . could not believe that there was no manipu- British government seemed to have-at least
(1823:63).
lation and that the woman seemed to per- for the time being-come to terms with the
As the final document for the year 1825,
form the act voluntarily. The woman seems position they had long eyed with unease, that
an extract from the Bombay Courier is in-
not to have grasped the implication of the of a Brahman prince, albeit enlightened,
cluded in the Parliamentary Papers. It is the
question. Here it needs to be emphasised who could confidently arnend. A network
report of an exceptionally lucid encounter
once again that in providing the view point
of power relationships had emerged,
between an Englishman who inquires and of the woman, there is no attempt to vin-
alliances established in the last century seem-
describes his experience in an unbureaucratic
language, free from legal encumbrance, and dicate the practice. But it is important to takeed to have matured-the rich landed pro-
note of the natcOre of the mutual incompre- prietors were beholden to the British for
a young Indian woman about to perform
hension, of the one perspective remaining their position and the native army had no
sati, whose answers are clearly recorded. In
incomprehensible in terms of the other. present cause for discontent. Bentinck could
the encounter, two worlds, apparently
Whose was the true god, whose belief in the confidently maintain: "we are supreme"
mutually exclusive, accost each other with
near total incomprehension. It is worth nature of life after death the more le*iti- With this self-appointed task of protec-
extensive quotation: mate? What is the distinction between ting the 'innocent victim', the British further
The poor wretched woman I found seated 'superstition' and 'religion"? On what pre- took over the ftunction not only of potent
on a mat, and surrounded by about forty or mises does 'reason' rest and whe'n does legislation, but also of manly protection:
fifty females, who all seemed to be in a state 'voluntary decision' as applied to women "Were the scene of this sad destruction of
of perfect indifference, and were frequently become acceptable? How adequate are these human life laid in the Upper instead of the
laughing to each other... she seemed to be categories and how do they co-relate to the lower Pros-inces, in the midst of a bold and
social and religious phenomena under
in the possession of all her faculties, arnd gave manly people, I might speak with less con-
distinct answers to all my questions, .. she review'? The analysis of the Parliamentary fidence upon the question of safety" (240).
obeyed the commandment of God, and was Paprers would s.uggest that the terms of their Henceforth, the regulation proclaimed: "all
certain of' everlasting happiness. I endea-disculssion cannot, without further reflection
persons convicted of aiding and abetting in

Economic and Political Weekly January 25, 1992 PE-61

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ttie sacrifice of a Hindoo widow, by burning
or burying her alive, whether the sacrifice
be voluntary on her part or not, shall be
deemed guilty of culpable homicide" (em-
phasis added, 253).
A final acknowledgemen that which
had vexed legislators for at least two deca-
des-it really was of no consequence whether
the sacrifice was voluntary or involuntary,
the woman could he no other than an in-
nocent victim.
At least on the stirface of it, Bentinck
seemed to face up to the responsibility of
legislating for the Hindus as one actually in-
volved and implicated in the system, rather
than merely administering and supervising
the proper observation of the Hindu legal
code from outside and above, while at the
same time barely countenancing it. It would
be outside the scope of this paper to enter
into a consideration of his motives, political,
evangelical, utilitarian and otherwise. The
solution he found, however-of purging the
religion of aspects he found 'immoral'
could also be viewed as high-handed and
peremptory-to be expected of an alien ruler
attempting to determine the nature of reli-
gious beliefs held by a subject people. It is
possible that though the regulation termi-
nated the widespread of the practice, the
symbolic value of sati was intensified on a
scale much determined by the policy of what
I have for convenience labelled 'inverse sans-
kritisation'. There is ample literary evidence,
glorifying sati to support this, it needs
however to be sifted dispassionately. For
mere suppression does not terminate 'super-
stition', it finds other modes of expression,
and the contradictions far from being resolv-
ed, continue to co-exist.
CONC IJSION
The Parliamentary Papers are to be treated
as of immense historical value, not so much
for the evidence of the colonical denigration
of Hindu women and religion, nor for all
that they do not disclose about women, as
for the tensions and contradictions which
they reveal, the unravelling of which has vital
significance for the awarencss of attitudes
today.
I have tried to demonstrate that the cate-
gpries discussed in this paper are tar frorn
being self-explanatory, or sel f-justificatory.
Their application to the Indiart situation,
even super-imposition, at a particular
historical period was part of an attempt by
an European colonial power to come to grips
with an awkward task-that of ruling an
England.'4 And this, not in order to
alien people in interests wbich in their establish
turn
distance from a practice to be view-
could ony be alien to the people concerned.
Enlightened mistrust of ritual, of super-
remains to be established, but in its specific
stitious belief, of credulous women and crafty
social configuration, which needs to be in-
priests was offset by pragmatic concerns
vestigated rather than castigated, and this
regarding alliances, which often meant sup- in spite of the awesome spectre of human
port for the verv forces which reactivated
certain strands of tradition. It can hardly be Just as 'religion' and 'superstition', so also
regarded as a co-incidence, that the collu- the 'reason' and 'feeling' polarity as equating
sion of these forces with the political struc-
respectively with 'culture' and 'nature' as ap-
tures of authority meant fuFt her authorisa-plied to gender, was the product of 18th cen-
tion and ramification of the practice of sati.
This led to an apparent ideological contra-
diction, which condemned and vilified even
as it supported and codified Brahmanic
traditiQn, which supervised the practice of
sati while attempting ostensibly to weed it
out in the interests of humanity, and finally
highlighted the importance of voluntary im-
molation, while maintaining that in effect,
Hindu women could have no free will.
In order to avoid being caught up in these-
contradictions, there would be need for us
today to emancipate ourselves from the
categories of post-enlightenment thought, to
effect a conceptual shift such as, partially
at least, has taken place in anthropology."
This most urgently in the matter of
establishing a distinction between 'supersti-
tion' and 'religion', without trying to find
global definitions, for a discourse cast in
universal lerms would necessarily be a denial
of the historically specific functions of these
terms.'2 What the British felt compelled to
elevate to 'religion' and what was discarded
as 'superstition' needs at least be evaluated
once again, and the beliefs of the partici-
pants need to be taken into account. Only
then could there be a dialogue with those
actually involved in the rite today, or with
those in the past, whose testimonies are
recorded in the Parliamentary Papers,
however inadequately.
Both Bentinck and the officials involved
in the correspondence recorded in the
Parliamentary Papers denied women the
ability of free volition. If we are to treat
women, not alone as victims of their respec-
tive belief systems, but restore at least a
measure of 'subjectivity' and autonomy to
them, then we are compelled to consider
seriously the amount of legitimate authori-
ty and formal recognition we accord to
them, to revieu the spheres of power
in 'traditional' and neo'traditional societies
for women as well as for men. Anthro-
pological literature bears testimony to the
complex set of attitudes and social constella-
tions, whereby a special status was reserved
for widows, for the power of women, when
it is not contained in the benign aspects of
'wife' or 'mother' has often been regarded
as 'uncontained', as threatening and signall-
ing danger.13 Those are questions which
need detailed study, in specific historic
detail. Then it could become possible to ex-
plore the putative differences between the
social status of the widow in India arid, of-
ficial claims notwithstanding, the condition
and social insecurity of unattached women-
spinsters and widows-in 19th century
ed as a malformation of some norm, which
sacri fice.
tury enlightenment thought (Bloch and
the nature of the contradictions inherent in
Bloch, 1980, Jordanova, 1980)). These latter
were by no means simple categories, because
though they defined each other negatively
as well as complementarily, each contained,
through this very process of definition also
a critique of the other. 'Feeling' was a com-
plex conceptualisation of the feminine,
developed both by the French philosophers
of the period (Steinbrugge, 1987), as well as
by a physiology which purported to equal-
lv consider biological, psychological and
social phenomena (Jordanova 1980). By the
turn of the 19th century there was a broad
consensus, that women were the products of
'feeling'-both biologically*as being, in their
reproductive function, identical with 'nature,
as well as socially, by virtue of the very func-
tions they were called upon to fulfil. Thus
on the one hand, they were dependent on
manly judgment and enterprise, since they
lacked 'reason'. on the other they were
credulous, "the negative aspects of female
naturalness", which made them prone to
superstition. "The classic example of the
problem was the uneducated woman under
the thumb of her priest, who fed her a diet
of religious dogma, urging her to believe
things which served his interests alone"
(Jordanova, 1980; 51).
In England this restrictive definition and
corresponding socialisation was particular-
ly linked to the Evangelical Christianity, and
church and chapel remained central to the
articulation and diffusion of the beliefs and
practices relating to feminity and manliness
(Davidoff and Hall, 1987). This was a mode
of thinking mainly current in middle class
educated thinking, though popularised and
readily accessible to all those who would be
literate in the lexica of the first half of the
19th century.'5 It was an ideology obvious-
ly closely linked to the modes of production,
reserved
of professional life in industrialised socie-
ty, and the sphere, public a-id domestic
henceforth to be regarded as pioper for each
sex, and the occupation corfespondingly
reserved for men and wpmen. The farming,
labouring population remained largely un-
affected by them, as also the idle rich. That
these characteristics and criteria were applied
indiscriminately by British officials to the
Indian situation, from the turn of the 19th
century onwards, in an age confident of the
right to evaluate by its own standards, should
offer little cause for surprisc But there is ob-
vious need to clarify the relationship of these
concepts to the social reality of different sec-
tions of Indian society, to the past as far as
there is available data, and certainly anew
to the present. Perhaps some degree of cor-
respondence can be established, as regards
the restrictive function of gender-
conceptualisation, but also these would need
to be identified rather than taken for
granted.
Further, the political implication of the
re-surfacing of the rite amidst popular ac-
claim need to be probed. 'Hindu fundamen-
talism' is a handy caption, but it blurs the
vision, for it relegates phenomena which fill
us with unease, to a convenient category,
which pre-empts the need for analysis-of

PE-62 Economic and Political Weekly January 25, 1992

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policies inherited from the British, of the an arm that, sooner, or later, will extinguish A S Altekar (1956), The Position of Women in
constitutive elements of the legal discourse, the Suttee fires of India" Hindu Civilisation, Delhi: Motilal
For one of the earliest and most detailed Banarsidass.
which suffered no rupture after in-
repsorts from the missionary perspective, see Maurice Bloch and Jean H Bloch (1980),
dependence, and occasioned no noteworthy Ward, 1811: 544-66. 'Women and the Dialects of Nature in Eigh-
pause for self-reflection, but became in tact, 6 The report cited here is part of the teenth Century Frenich Thought' in
because unopposed, more opaque than in documentation included in the PP. From MacCormack and Strathern, 1980,
the troubled times when an imperial power the missionary perspective also there is com- pp 25-41.
had struggled to impose categories on, what plete identification with the ruling race, as Calcutta Review (1868), 'Suttee', XLVI, 92,
the report testifies further: "Are the sacred pp 221-61.
was for them, an unwieldy social system.
principles of justice to be abrogated because James Clifford and George E Marcus (1986),
Whereas there can be no question of a
private individuals are mistaken in their Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics
linear continuity in the political configura- notion of the worship which is acceptable of Ethnography, Berkeley: U niversity of
tions as they existed in the early 19th cen- to the Deity? The admission of this princi- California Press.
tury and the late 20th century, there are cer- ple would rend asunder the bonds of socie- Bernard S Cohn (1965), 'Anthropological Notes
tain parallels which could reward analysis, ty; for if the highest crime, that of murder, on Disputes and Law in India' in America?;
both in the nature of political alliances the may go unpunished when committed under Anthropologist, Vol 69, No 6, Part 2,
a religious pretext, what crime can we con- (Special issue: The Ethnography of Law
British chose to enter into as well as in the
sistently punish in India'? There is no species (ed), L Nader), pp 82-122.
conciliatory gestures which contradicted of abomination which the Hindoo code - (1968), 'Notes on the History of the Study
their proclaimed objectives. does not sanction under some shape or of Indian Society and Culture' in Structure
other. But the whole course of our judicial and Change in Indian Society (eds), Milton
Notes proceedings demonstrates that we have Singer and Bernard S Cohn, New York:
never acted on these principles" (1823:21). Wenner Glen Foundation for Anthro-
I Sati is a Sanskrit term, meaning a 'good or This is supported by the quotation of a long pological Research.
a virtuous woman', exemplified most of all passage from Locke. V N Datta (1988), Sati A Historical, Social and
in the devotion to the husband. Since these 7 Exemplified in the reply to the magistrate, Philosophical Enquiry into the Hindu Rite
qualities were held to climax in the supreme Southern Concan, March 14, 1822, by of Widow Burning, Delhi: Manohar.
act of self-immolation after his death, the J Farish, secretary to government: "The Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall (1987),
women who underwent this sacrifice, retain- honourable the governor in council instructs Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the
ed the appellation as long as they were me to inform you, that under the orders English Middle Class 1780-1850, London:
remembered. The British usage restricted given to him, the sirkumaviesdar of Hutchinson.
the term to the sacrifice alone, the act as Rutnagerry did his duty in prohibiting the J Duncan M Derret (1961), 'Sanskrit Legal
well as the agent. suttee on this occasion, and the disregard Treatises Compiled at the Instance of the
2 Used variously, for instance in the report of his prohibition was illegal, and might British' in Zeitschrift fur vergleichende
published in India Today, October 15, 1987; without injustice be punished; such a step Rechtswissenschaft, Vol 63, pp 72-117.
as also the controversy around these very however in this instance would be highly im- Deborah Gordon (ed) (1988), Inscriptions
issues in the Illustrated Weekly of India, politic, and you have shown great prudence (Special Issue: 'Feminism and the Critique
February 4, 1988, February 28, 1988, March and judgment in forbearing to adopt it" of Colonial Discourse'), Nos 3 and 4.
13, 1988; the Hindi Hans, October 1987 as (1824:49). Nathaniel Brassey Halhed (1781), A Code of
castigating the reporting style of the Hindi 8 See Ahmad, 1965; for a more provocative Gentoo Laws, Or Ordinations of the
Jansatta, September 18, 1987. formulation see Nandy, 1980. For an at- Pundits, From a Persian Translation, Made
For a sample from the German press, see tempt at social analysis by breakdown of from the Original, Written in the Shanscrit
the Frankfurter Aligemeine Zeitung, caste and occupation figures see Roy, 1987. Language, London, 1st ed, 1776.
December 23, 1987, as well as the Berlin 9 Bentinck's Minute and the regulation are Karin Hausen (1976), 'Die Polarisierung der
daily taz, November 23, 1987. easily accessible in Datta, 1988:237-250, 'Geschlechtscharaktere' - Eine Spiegelung
3 The official title of.these is Papers Relating 25 1-253. der Dissoziation von Erwerbs - und
to East India Affairs, viz Hindoo W'idows 10 Ramnmohun Roy's role in the abolition of Familienleben' in Sozialgeschichte der
and Voluntary Immolations, by order of the the rite has always e\cited a grea. deal of Familie in der Neuzeit Europas (ed),
House of Commons from 1821 to 1830, comment. He was against the practice, but Werner Conze, Stuttgart: Klett.
cited hereafter with year of publication and also initially against legislation as being Kenneth Ingham (1956), Reformers in India
page. * inappropriate, and accepted this at a very 1793-1833. A n Account of the Work of
4 The legal and political history of sati has late stage. Besides his own writings, the C-hristian Mlissionaries on Behalf of Social
been dealt with extensively by the follow- most pertinent contemporary compilation Reform, Cambridge: University Press.
ing: Calcutta *Review, 1868; Thompson, on Roy is Joshi, 1975. William Jones (1799), The Works of William
1928 and Seed, 1955; all three representing 11 An awareness indicated for instance in the Jones. Vol VII (Containing: Institutes of
the British stand with varying degrees of critical reflection, from a feminist point of Hindu Law; Or, The Ordinances of Manu,
identification. For a study of Western reac- view in Strathern, 1987; on a general anthro- According to the Gloss of Calluca) Indian
tions, see Sharma, 1979; for excellent pological level in Marcus and Fischer, 1986 report, Delhi: Agam Prakashan, 1979.
analysis of the official discourse and debate and Clifford and Marcus, 1986, the feminist L J Jordanova (1980), 'Natural Facts: A
Mani, 1985 and 1987. For an historical critique of the latter two titles in Gordon. Historical Perspective on Science and
survey of the rite from ancient times up to 1988. Sexuality' in MlacCormack and Strathern,
the present, with reformist, apologetic 12 See Kippenberg, 1983, for a suggestive sum- 1980, pp 42-69.
tendencies, see Datta, 1988, useful also for mary of the stand regarding definitions of V C Joshi (ed) (1975), Rainmohun Roy and the
data on Rajasthan not easily accessible religion. Process of lModerni.sation in India, Dehi:
eleswhere. For the pre-British legal history 13 See Rosaldo, 1974 for some discussion of Vikas.
of the rite, the only sources at present are the issue, as also 1980, for later qualifica- P V Kane (1941), H'istory of Dharmasastra,
Kane, 1941 and Altekar, 1956. There is tions of the results of her survey. Voi 11, Part 1, Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental
obvious need to re-evaluate the material they14 An approach initiated by Stein, 1978, which Research Institute, article on Sati,
collected. needs to be concretised with regard to the pp 624-35, 2nd ed, 1974.
5 On the efforts of the missionaries to attitudes of important figures in the sati Hans Gi Kippenberg (1983), Diskursive
mobilise public opinion against sati, see debate, such as Superintendent Ewer. Religionswissenschaft-Gedanken zu einer
Ingham, 1956: 44-54. On the petitions sent 15 See Hausen, 1976 for the descriptions of Religionswissenschaft, die weder auf einer
to the House of Commons by citizens 'female' and 'feminine' in the popular allgemiein gultigen Definition von Religion
holding meetings for the specific purpose German lexica of the period, as well as for
in several towns, see Peggs, 1830. As a the economic aspects of the polarisation of
sample of Peggs' style, as one in the gender roles in middle-class family and pro- Economic and Political Weekly
forefront of the campaign, citing a sym- fessional life. A wailable -from
pathetic review of his pamphlet on the sub-
A.K. Nayak,
ject: "There bs a voice that must be heard,
Refertnces Bus Stand Book Stall,
that will require it-the voice of an
enlightened and Christian people: that voice
A F Salahuddin Ahmad (1965), Social Ideas Bhubaneswar - 751 009,
(Oh, let it be loud and solemn!) must, we and Social Change in Btengal 1818-1835, Orissa.
are confident, awaken a power and move Leiden: F J Brill.

Economic and Political Weekly January 25, 1992 PE-63

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 noch auf einer Uberlegenheit von Wis-
senschaft basiert' in Neue Ansatze in der
Religionswissenschaft (eds), B Gladigow
and H G Kippenberg, Munich: Kosel,
SAMEEKSHA TRUST BOOKS
pp 9-28.
Selections of articles from Economic and Political Weekly
Carol MacCormack and Marilyn Strathern
(eds) (1980), Nature, Culture and Gender, General Editor: Ashok Mitra
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lata Mani (1985), 'The Production of an Lopsided Growth
Official Discourse on 'Sati' in Early Nine- Political Economy of Indian Development
teenth Cent ury Bengal' in, Europe and Its
Others, Vol 1, Proceedings of the Essex by Pradhan H Prasad
Conference on Sociology of Literature, July
This collection of essays in political economy unravels the forces which have acted as
1984 (ed), Francis Barker, et al, University
of Essrx, pp 107-27. a drag on Indian development. The Achilles' heel of Indian development plans, the author
- (1987), 'Contentious Traditions: The Debate argues, has been their preoccupation with investment planning to the neglect of institu-
on 'Sati' in Colonial India' in Cultural tional transformation. Within this broad framework the author discusses a wide range of
Critique, pp 119-56.
subjects including macro-economic plan models, choice of techniques, the persistence
Frank E Manuel (1959), The Eighteenth
Century Confronts the Gods, Cambridge, of outmoded production relations in agriculture, growing political assertion by the middle
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. peasantry, roots of agrarian violence and uneven regional growth.
George E Marcus and Michael M Fischer
pp vii + 125 Rs 110
(1984), Anthropology as Cultural Critique,
Chicago and London: University of
Chicago Press.
The Retarded Economies
Ashis. Nandy (1980), 'Sati: A Nineteenth Foreign Domination and Class Relations in India
Century Tale of Women, Violence and and Other Emerging Nations
Protest' in At the Edge of Psychology:
Essays in Politics and Culture, Delhi: by Nirmal Kumar Chandra
Oxford University Press.
Why is it that while the former colonies and semi-colonies have emerged as a major force
Papers Relating to East. India Affairs: viz,
Hindoo Widows and Voluntary Immola- in world politics over the last four decades, their economies in most cases remain retarded?
tions, Printed by Order of the House of The first part of this volume focuses on the exchanges between the poor and the rich
Commons, 1821-30. nations. Did western aid, private capital and technology really help India, or was it the
James Peggs (1830), India's Cries to British
other way round? Granting that both sides made some gains, did the USSR derive undue
Humanity, London: Seely, 2nd ed, Indian
report: Cries of Agony, Delhi: Discovery advantage through its bilateral trade and aid transactions with the third world? Can the
Publishing House, 1984. theory of unequal exchange explain the growing ecQnomic hiatus between the north and
Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo (1974), 'Woman, the south? The second part of the book is concerned with the domestic scenario in India.
Culture, and Society: A Theoretical Over- The author tries to relate the overall stagnation in material production per capita to the
view' in Woman, Culture and Society (eds),
balance of class forces that emerged after independence as a result of a strategy of in-
M Z Rosaldo and L Lamphere, Stanford:
Stanford University Press, pp 17-42. dustrialisation-based on imnport substitution. Long-term trends in aggregate and sectoral
-(1980), 'The Use and Abuse of Anthro- outputs, the terms of trade between industry and agriculture, real wages and unemploy-
pology: Reflections on Feminism and Cross- ment rates, savings and investment, private monopoly capital, etc, are analysed in this
Cultural Understanding' in Signs, Vol 5, context. Further, the existing laws and regulations on private sector monopolies are also
No 3, pp 389-417.
examined from the same perspective. The final essay is a critique of the recent tilt, inspired
Benoy Bhusan Roy (1987), Socio-economic
Impact of 'Sati' in Bengal and the Role of
by the IMF and the World Bank, towards liberalism in India's economic policies.
Raja Rammohun Roy, Calcutta: Naya Pp 388 + index Rs 240
Prokash.
Rammohun Roy (1982), The English Works of Centre-State Budgetary Transfers
Raja Rammohun Roy (ed), J C Ghose,
2 Vols, New Delhi: Cosmo. Edited by I S Gulati
Geoffrey Seed (1955), 'The Abolition of 'Sati'
The papers brought together in this volume examine the federal financial rerationship in
in Bengal' in History, October, pp 286-99.
Arvind Sharma (1979), 'Suttee: A Study in India as reflected in transactions through the budgets of the Union and State governments.
Western Reactions in Thresholds in Hindu- Under the Constitution, the Finance Commission, appointed by the President every five
Buddhist Studies, Calcutta: Minerva years, is expected to recommend adjustments in inter-federal transfer of budgetary funds
Associates, pp 83-111. to meet the changing requirements of the system. In fact the transfer of resources from
M N Srinivas (1962), Caste in Modern India
the Centre to the States has taken forms which have fallen largely outside the ambit of
and Other Essays, Bombay: Asia Publishing
House. the Finance Commission and it is the Planning Commission which has come to play a very
Dorothy K Stein, (1978), 'Women to Burn: major role in the determination of Centre-State financial transfers. The involvement of the
Suttee as a Normative Institution' in Signs, Planning Commission has not, however, resulted in a more total view being taken either
Vol 4, No 2, pp 253-68.
of financial devolution from the Centre to the States or of inter-state distribution of the
Liselotte Steinbrugge (1987), Das moralische
Geschlecht: Theorien und literarische amounts so devolved. While transfers under the aegis of the Finance Commission, the
Entwurfe uber die Natur der Frau in der so-called statutory transfers, have aimed at covering the non-plan revenue account gaps
franzosischen Aufklarung, Weinhein and of the States, the plan transfers coming under the purview of the Planning Commission
Basel: Beltz.
have sought to plug gaps in the States' resources for financing their plans. The gap-filling
Marilyn Strathern (1987), 'An Awkward approacth thus continues to dominate Centre-State financial transfers. If Centre-State financial
Relationship: The Case of Feminism and
relations are to be made more equitable and are to have greater regard for efficiency
Anthropology' in Signs, Vol 12, No 2,
pp 276-92. in budgeting, it is argued, existing institutional arrangements will have to be substantially
Edward Thompson (1928), Suttee A Historical modified. This volume seeks to contribute to raising and debating the relevant questions.
and Philosophical Enquiry into the Hindu
Rite of Widow Burning, London: George Pp viii + 312 Rs 225
Allen.
Copies from
William Ward (1811), Account of the Writings,
Religion and Manners of the Hindoos, OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
Including Translations from their Principal Bombay Delhi Calc utta Madras
Works, In Four Volumes, Serampore:
Mission Press.

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