LESSON 10 FINALS

ART & SOCIETY

Situating Art The works of National Artist for Visual

Arts, Fernando Amorsolo are paintings that depict
idyllic scenes in the countryside. Lavanderas.
How do artists continue to affirm identity? When
Oil on canvas. 1945.
you see a painting, can you immediately identify
some of the identity markers?

Can we see articulations of race, ethnicity, class, and gender that may have been shown by
the artist—whether or not he intentionally articulated it—or is the work a sum of his
observation and interpretation?

Identity is the way we perceive and express ourselves. Factors and conditions that an
individual is born with—such as ethnic heritage, sex, or one’s body—often play a role in
defining one’s identity. However, many aspects of a person’s identity change throughout his
or her life.

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Read this essay on cultural appropriation.

Cultural appropriation:
When ‘borrowing’ becomes exploitation
Olufunmilayo Arewa
Professor of Law, University of California, Irvine

The idea of “cultural appropriation” has recently entered mainstream debates about the ways in which
African cultural creations are used, borrowed and imitated by others. In fashion, art, music and beyond, some
people now argue that certain African cultural symbols and products are off-limits to non-Africans.
In March 2016, an African-American woman at San Francisco State University confronted a white
student. She said he should cut his hair because dreadlocks belong to black culture. The incident went viral.
Within a month, a YouTube video of the encounter had been watched more than
3.7 million times.
An online debate also erupted about whether it was appropriate for Canadian singer Justin Bieber to
wear dreadlocks.
Debates about appropriation aren’t always limited to cross-racial borrowing. An online discussion
about African-American appropriation of African cultural symbols also went viral. It began with journalist
Zipporah Gene asking black Americans to stop appropriating African clothing and tribal marks. She argued this
indicated “ignorance and cultural insensitivity”.
In these debates, the label of cultural appropriation is broadly applied to borrowing that is in some way
inappropriate, unauthorised or undesirable. My argument is that borrowing may become appropriation when it
reinforces historically exploitative relationships or deprives African countries of opportunities to control or
benefit from their cultural material.

A history of extraction
During colonialism, colonial powers not only extracted natural resources but also cultural
booty.
The contemporary cultural appropriation debate reflects a justified sensitivity about this
historical legacy of extraction, evidence of which can be found in various museums outside of Africa.
The theft of the renowned Benin Bronzes is just one example of this cultural looting. These artefacts
were seized by the British in 1897 during a punitive military expedition against the Kingdom of Benin. British
soldiers invaded, looted, and ransacked Benin, setting buildings on fire and killing many people. They then
deposed, shackled and exiled the Oba (king). This ultimately spelled the end of the independent Kingdom of
Benin.
The punitive force looted an estimated 3,000 bronzes, ivory-works, carved tusks and oak chests.
Benin’s cultural heritage was then sold in the private European art market to offset the cost of the expedition.
Today the Benin Bronzes can be found in museums and collections worldwide. And, in 1990, one single Benin
head was sold for US$2.3 million by a London-based auction house.
In 2010, a looted Benin mask with an estimated value of £4.5 million was withdrawn from sale by
Sotheby’s auction house following protests concerning the sale. The mask was due to be sold by descendants of
a participant in the punitive expedition.
In contrast, the descendant of one participant in the looting of Benin has returned looted
artwork.
This colonial booty was taken without permission or compensation. Some people argue a similar
dynamic exists in contemporary use of African cultural symbols, creations and products.

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Cultural fluidity
Accusations of cultural appropriation raise important and complex questions about the nature of
culture. The reality of human experience is that borrowing and cultural mixture are widespread. This is evident
in language, religion, agriculture, folklore, food and other cultural elements.
The fairy tale Cinderella provides a good example. Versions of the story can be traced back to the
Far East, Near East, Eastern Europe, Southern Europe and Northern Europe. By the mid-20th century, the
Cinderella story could be found in India, North Africa, North America, the Western Sudan, Madagascar,
Mauritius, the Philippines and Indonesia.
Cultural boundaries are fluid and shifting. Cultural systems may be significantly transformed by
different forces and influences. This means that incomplete discussions of appropriation may fail to account
for borrowing, diffusion, collaboration and other factors that lead to cultural material being shared.
Discussions of appropriation may also take insufficient account of the importance and benefits of
borrowing. Borrowing has led to the international spread of denim, mathematics and even democracy.

When borrowing becomes appropriation

In some instances, a line is crossed and cultural borrowing can become exploitative. Crossing this line
may turn acts of borrowing into cultural appropriation.
Context, particularly as it relates to power relationships, is a key factor in distinguishing borrowing
from exploitative cultural appropriation.
For example, cultural borrowing from Africa must be considered in the context of historical power
asymmetries between Africa and the rest of the world. This is particularly the case with European powers,
which developed trading relationships and spheres of influence in Africa.
These later formed the basis for colonial territories. Relationships between African countries and the
colonial powers were often extractive and included varied forms of cultural imperialism.
Examining past instances of borrowing can give guidance for future models. Continuing discussions
and a lawsuit about the song The Lion Sleeps Tonight are noteworthy. This discussion draws attention to the
Zulu musician Solomon Linda, who received little compensation for his song Mbube, recorded in 1939.
Linda’s song became The Lion Sleeps Tonight, a global pop classic that has generated substantial money for
others.
When patterns of borrowing fail to acknowledge their sources and compensate them, they can be
categorised as cultural appropriation. This is particularly the case when cultural flows reflect, reinforce or
magnify inequalities. Even in instances where sources receive compensation, later compensation does not
always redress past inequities.
The Linda family did eventually receive compensation after filing suit. When Linda died in 1962, his
widow could not afford to purchase a gravestone. His daughter died of AIDS-related illness in 2001 because
she was unable to afford antiretroviral medication.

How to block exploitative practices

Understanding the context of borrowing is important for preventing exploitative cultural appropriation.
An understanding of both borrowing and appropriation should be incorporated into legal, business and other
institutional frameworks.
In fields such as intellectual property law, greater recognition of the power structures underlying
borrowing in different contexts is important.
This can be an important starting point for blocking future exploitative cultural flows. And it can
help prevent extraction of more cultural booty. - http://theconversation.com/cultural-appropriation- when-
borrowing-becomes-exploitation-57411 / June 20, 2016

***

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APPROPRIATION
Major Points:
• Ownership generally pertains to the general right of a person or an individual to control an object purchased
or in his possession.
• Copyright – the person who created the work – exclusive rights to reproduce, to display publicly, to make
and distribute copies, and to prepare derivative works based on the original artwork, as well as to authorize
those mentioned above.
• Purchase of a created work will merely result in the transfer of ownership but the copyright will still remain
with the creator. For buyer who paid for the work, the buyer usually holds the copyright.
• Refers to borrowing images that are recognizable from different sources and using these borrowed images to
make a new art form.
• Means of experimentation by changing the context around borrowed images and objects.
• Artist establish original artwork in new context.
• Artworks can be appropriated in two ways:
• Appropriate artistic content, elements, motifs, style and genres.
• Adopt items that they consider to be artworks.
• Appropriation is different from copying or forgery.
• Appropriation allows the viewer to recognize the origin of the borrowed images and objects, as well as the
origin of the borrowed images and objects, as well as the original context.
• Forgery or copying tries to deceive the viewers into thinking that they are looking at an original work
of art.

CULTURAL APPROPRIATION
Major Points:
• Culture refers to a specific type or form of intellectual development. It also means the customs,
practices, perspectives, and even creations shared by a group of people.
• Cultural Appropriation – as appropriation that occurs across the boundaries of culture.
• A person with a certain culture takes objects created by a person or a group of persons of another culture,
and uses these objects as his or her own.

Types of Cultural Appropriation

Object Appropriation
• Refers to appropriation of concrete and noticeable works of art.
• Happens when a tangible work previously owned by people from one culture was taken and adopted
by a person or a group of persons from another culture.

Content Appropriation
• Adoption of works of art that are short stories, poetry, and musical compositions.
• Happens when an intangible work previously expressed by people from one culture was adopted and used
by a person or a group of persons from another culture.
• Style Appropriation – Artist d o not replicate works created by a person or group, however, they use the
elements of those works in creating their own.
• Motif Appropriation – happens when artist are inspired by the art from a different culture, but they do not
produce artworks using exactly the same style.

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Subject Appropriation:
• Occurs when a subject matter from another culture is appropriated.
• Example would be a British writer creating a story about Pacific Islanders.
• This may happen in an offensive way. It could morally unacceptable.

ART FROM THE CORDILLERAS

In the Philippines, mountainous areas collectively called the Cordillera
Region consist of the distinct ethnolinguistic groups in Abra, Apayao,
Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, Mountain Province, Benguet, and Baguio.
Corazon Aquino signed Executive Order No. 220 in 1987, which legalized
the Cordillera Administrative Region. The tensions chat ensued between
the interests of the state and ethnolinguistic communities over the
management and control of natural resources, ethnic determination, and
flawed land rights and control caused the failure of the recognition of
autonomy. Ethnolinguistic groups must not be conflated as Igorot without
understanding the history of Cordillera. Although Ilocano is also used often
in daily conversations, ethnoliguistic groups have specific names. Because
Baguio is overly populated by migrants from all over the Philippines,
Tagalog is being used more often here than in other provinces of the
Cordillera Administrative Region (CAR).

Perhaps part of what causes the particularization of Cordillera from the

Philippines is its overall topography, cool climate, and rich biodiversity.
While the ecology of Bontoc and lfugao are similar, each of the places is
culturally unique with their own language and
customs. Cordillera is characterized by lush forests, rugged trails, freshwater rivers, and screams.
Although one basks in the hot midday
sun due to its high t o p o g r a
p h y, t h e c l i m a t e i s generally
cool. The biodiversity is rich with both
edible and non- edible forms. The
climate and soil make it generally
conducive for agriculture. Some
communities do farming in wet rice
terraces while others have dry gardens
in leveled irrigated areas like valleys.
Poultry and livestock are raised for
consumption. Although there are

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migrants residing in the Cordillera, the community is largely kin-based, accounting for greater social cohesion
in the place.

The history of Cordillera as it is written is mediated by European and American anthropologists, mining
prospectors, and officials of the colonial powers that have attempted to subdue and control the people and
natural resources of the region.

Selected typologies of artistic forms and practice included are dwellings and sculptures in wood as related
artistic expressions. Pottery is briefly mentioned as basketry stands out more in the Cordillera region. Textiles
as articles of clothing and body ornamentation are also given special mention for they serve as the pride of
ethnolinguistic groups. Brass and bamboo idiophones are part of rituals performed during occasions,
such as prestige feasts and ocher rites of passage. Last but not the least, myths and epics rooted in the
Cordillera region are sampled in this lesson.

WOODCARVING AND SCULPTURES

The range of Cordillera material culture include objects for prestige; joyous occasions,·everyday life, and
mourning. Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic motifs abound in the art forms. According to the book Sculpture
in the Philippines: From Anita to Assemblage and Other Essays (Guillermo et al., 1991), there are
several sculptural forms seen especially in Ifugao, with multiple recurrences across Cordillera. The more
commercial and ornamental forms are seen in the Baguio City public market although there are woodcarving
industries in Asin Road. Some are run and managed by families from Ifugao, where several artisans carve
and produce sculptural forms as ornament or furniture.

The bulul (a carved wooden figure of the anito) references granary spirits and is
considered as an ancestral figure who guards the granaries against diseases to
ensure a good harvest. From this practice, it is clear that the lives of lfugao
artisans as well as the families who possess them revolve around the payao
(terraced farm lands). Traditional art forms and processes are therefore linked to
each other and underscore the importance of land and ancestral domains. The
bulul is also seen during healing rituals, often the recipient of offerings. Unlike
sculptures in art schools, it is carved by craftsmen and unsigned. George Ellis,
writing during the American colonial period, identifies a certain bulul maker
named Tagiling. The bulul is a nude anthropomorphic figure seen in both male
and female iterations.

It is carved from a block of solid wood and often found in sitting position with
knees drawn up, arms parallel, and hands resting on the opposite kneecaps (a
folk custom when gathering outdoors by an open fire). On occasion, one hand
supports the cheek, head is bigger in proportion to the entire figure. According Bulul
to Alice Guillermo, its “over-all expression is archaic and austere, implying
latent spiritual power of a plane apart from human existence, no clear intention
to represent individuals".

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The kinabbigat is carved in relief along the posts of the entrance to

the hut or granary. This standing anthropomorphic figure functions as
guardian of homes. Sculpture is then clearly related to architecture.
Some families are wealthy and can commission carvers to create carved
items for them.

An Ifugao kinabbigat
The pokok is used for storing grains of rice. Across the Cordillera, pigs
or catties are consumed and shared by the community. In Ifugao, the
hagabi is a status furniture owned by a kadangayan (wealthy elite), and
made from a single massive log with carved boar or carabao heads
ornamenting both ends. The binabbuy is an animal form such as the pig
and crocodile. It is an ornament found almost everywhere. Coffins
usually feature sculptural relief forms of the amphibious crocodile
figure. The creature is considered a messenger between gods as it
journeys in both land and sea.

The tattagu is a household utensil seen in handles of vessels, ladles, and spoons. It is designed like a miniature
bulul. The tattagu can also depict animal shapes, with the pig being most common.

On another note, Guillermo asserts that there are similarities of the kinabbigat with the korwar (sacred
statue) of New Guinea. Among societies that are marred by a greater incidence of conflict and fighting across
kin-groups, the komis and bihang, standing/ seated figures made from dark meshed roots of a giant fern, are
placed along forest paths. It underscores the importance of community territories; and how territories and
the natural resources included in it sometimes become the source of conflict.

POTTERY

Hand-modelled pottery is practiced among the Bontoc people. The Kalinga are also known for well- crafted
pottery pieces with geometric patterns.

BASKETS

Baskets in Cordillera are woven vessels characterized by ergonomic and sturdy designs because of the
abundance of materials in the region. The material is important not only to the maker but also to the end-user.
Indeed, the terrain in Cordillera requires sturdy materials for burden baskets and hand- carried vessels.
Livelihood activities also require designs that are suited co the purpose of the vessel. According to
Robert Lane (1986), there are abundant materials, but only experience allows one to assess, which of these are
the appropriate ones to use, because the properties of the material in relation to its design is a mark of the
artisan's skill and experience. While basketry is a traditional art form practiced and situated material i n a
community context there are artisans distinguished for expertise. A good maker is sensitive to the raw maker
and its gauge, as materials are manipulated into a finished form. Lane further observe, that "the will and soul of
the maker in form the structure of the basket, it is not tradition alone that determines its visual properties.”

The extensive mountain range of the Cordilleras also indicate the abundance of biodiversity. The similarities
across ethnolinguistic groups account for similar ecologies and livelihood means—

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cultivation of wet rice, vegetables, and freshwater fish. The meat from livestock
and poultry may be smoked for it to last, especially in areas without electricity
and refrigeration. Smoking meat often causes soot to accumulate in the dwelling,
causing carved objects and woven vessels to be slightly blackened. Each piece
even has a distinct smell—that of smoked meat. An object tends to have acquired
that distinct scent over several months of exposure. This results in unique colors
and textures. Weaving techniques for basketry produce many specialized forms.
The pasiking or backpack basket in split rattan is the most common. The hues
range from reddish brown to that of split banban (with light tan color) and
finished with rattan bindings. There is no limit to the embellishment and
ornamentation, but creations have to be understood along with the purpose of
use, beyond the commercial and decorative functions of low quality merchandise
produced in bulk.
Pasiking

Basketry and carving in Ifugao are elaborate traditional art forms. While objects are created according to
highly specific uses, the creativity of artisans stand out as evidenced by the various designs created for a
particular purpose. Therefore, the material culture of Ifugao cannot be seen in terms of utility only (Lane,
1986). Even the aesthetic properties of each vessel is shaped by the material conditions of its production. For
example, the heat and smoke from the house in Ifugao blacken the baskets as well as wooden utensils hung up
or scored on the shelf that surrounds the walls. The color is therefore acquired depending on how long it was
exposed to soot. Therefore, each piece is unique and not mass-produced. The variety of basket forms studied by
the writer Robert Lane (1986) is quite astonishing. His findings suggest that the cultures of Cordillera are
complex and material culture has developed at an advanced stage, without the need for colonial intervention.

TEXTILES

Active weaving centers in Northern Luzon include the following: Kiangan,

Banaue, and Hungduan in Ifugao; Samoki, Bontoc, Sagada, Besao, and
Paracelis in Mountain Province; Lubuagan and Dacalan in Kalinga; and
Baguio City. For textile expert Norma Respicio, the art of the loom figure
prominently in communities wherein the belief system involves a world
where ancestral spirits and nature are invoked in ritual. Respicio cites how
the few-es and tinangurawan cloths are used in death rituals of the
kachangyan or the rich families among the Kankana-ey and Bontoc (2014).
The buawaya or crocodile is a common motif seen in the tie-dyed cloth of
Ifugao and the warp-float motifs of Bontoc. Respicio mentions that among the
ltneg of Cordillera, the agkabkabayo is a shawl and blanket featuring
anthropomorphic figures on a horse.

The x and diamond motif are clustered in repeating iterations, as seen in the Bontoc wrap-around skirt. This
may be the singgadom motif. It also has a diamond grid that represents the forest (Respicio in Araneta and
Lim, 2014). The wrap-around skirt is composed of three panels of handwoven textile sewn together. Other
motifs associated with Bontoc are anthropomorphic forms called tinaggu, the python or iniddo, the beetle
inattip, and everyday objects like the mortar, ladder, and the shuttle (Araneta and Lim). The loincloth is usually
dark blue with yellow accents for older men. There are rows of triangles with a zigzag, representing
mountains and rivers-the sinullaman

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motif. This is indicative of the importance of land and water as resource that often sparks conflict among
ethnolinguistic groups and with outsiders.

The Kalinga are all known for their elaborate clothing; the Maducayan of the eastern portion, the Lubuagan of
the southern portion, and the Balbalan of the northern portion; there is a common preference for the color red
and cloth embellished wi’d-i beads. The red dye comes from tree barks. The lamma is the blouse of plain
white weave with red embellishments on the cuffs (Pastor-Races in Araneta and Lim, 2014).

The Ifugao also share a common characteristic-their traditional cloth is composed of red, black, and white
threads woven together. Red would serve as the ground, interspersed with patterns of black and white and
motifs of zigzags and triangles used in greater intervals. Sagada weaving is known for their geometric patterns
of woven durable cloth that can last for many years. Although available in different colors, Sagada textiles
maintain a steady rhythm of linear patterns with small rectilinear forms and linear incisions inside each
demarcation.

Blankets and articles of clothing are woven through the back strap loom. They are worn in the context
of rituals as well as everyday encounters and rites of passage. Textiles are also prestige symbols, as what
happens among the Kalinga. It must be noted that a significant amount of time is invested on each piece. So
important are woven traditions that woven cloth is brought to the afterlife and mentioned in myths and folk
tales in the Cordillera

ADORNMENTS

In Kalinga, body ornamentation through

tattoo is ritualized and important in displaying
one's status and attributes. The wearer is
meant to display these bodily ornaments even
way into the afterlife (Amores, 2013). The
village of Buscalan is hidden in the mountain
ranges and accessible by walking through a
trail. Whang Od—who, at the time of this
writing, is in her 90s—is considered one of
the last tattoo makers or mambabatuk in
Kalinga. Traditionally, a young man has tattoo
drawn on his skin only after killing an enemy.
The tattoo is called the batuk, a native tattoo
reserved only for those who have earned
warrior status. It is drawn using two bamboo
The famous ‘mambabatuk’, Whang Od of Kalinga.
sticks. A thorn
at the end of each stick pricks the skin. Women who acquire tattoos are set_ apart and considered beautiful.
Arms would be embellished with rice grain patterns, mangles, and dots. The patterns refer to animals
considered to have supernatural powers. Acquiring a tattoo was a way of accessing the divine as much as it was
a display of status in the community.

Early Filipinos love to adorn themselves with ornaments. Archaeological evidence, such as the ling- ling-o and
beads made of clay as well as gold, underscore the importance of adornments. Earthen beads are considered
family heirlooms. It IS generally equivalent to cattle, a signifier of wealth and

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capacity to sponsor community feasts. There are also adornments in brass, copper, and
gold due to Cordillera's natural environment.

The land is rich in mineral resources. In the Philippines, the word linang refers to the
processing of gold ores and makilinang means to share in this process. The importance of
gold manifests in historical and anthropological documents. Ramon Villegas’s writings on
the collection of the Central Bank and the lntramuros Administration is a good source book
(1983). In a much later publication, he writes mostly about private collections of articles of
clothing and jewelry acquired from the Ilonggot of Nueva Vizcaya, Gaddang, and Kalinga.

FOLKTALES

Here are some folktales based on the research of Luisa Carino (1990). Cordillera folk tales
explain phenomena, expound on ideal virtues, and narrate the origins of people and the
natural world.

"How Rice and Streams Came to Be"

The folk tale underscores the value of sharing to the community. In the story, resources for
food are shared by two blind women who previously beg their neighbors for food. They
were lost as they tried to find food and stumbled upon an old woman who gave them a
sack of rice and bottle of water chat will never run empty.

"Why Some People Have Fair Skin"

The folk tale is an attempt co explain why some members of the community have fair skin.
Star maidens used co descend from che heavens to bathe in a stream, until the owner of the
gabi field realized chat gabi plants near the stream always look trampled upon. The man
cook the wings of one of the scar maidens and her sisters had no choice but co leave her
behind. In time, the star maiden fell in love with the man and they became husband and
wife. Thus, fair-skinned Cordillerans are their descendants.

"References to Body Ornaments-Dummaria and Apian"

In the story, Dummaria fell in love with a snake who was kind to her and built her a house.
She got lost in the forest because her friend, Apian, left her. Apian was jealous that
whatever Dummaria pulled out from tree barks became fine Balandan cloth. One day,
people killed the snake and as he gasped for life, he instructed Dummaria to drop him on
the dordori jar. She does as instructed. Years later, when Dummaria has eventually
remarried, she opens the dordori jar and finds shiny bungot beads (worn around the neck),
garanaic beads (bracelets), and sagaban beads (for head ornaments).

PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL

For Ramon Santos, music in the Cordillera is oriented around feast rituals that
involve peace pacts, courtship, marriage, and funeral rites (2015). Among the
Ibaloi, feast rituals are called cañao, chaw- es, and bugnas or peshit sponsored
by rich families called the baknang (Maceda, 1998; Santos, 2015). The cañao
involves the sacrifice of a pig or carabao to ensure blessings, healing, or journey
to the afterlife. It resonates with folk tales in the Cordillera. According to Jose
Maceda, in Kalinga, peace pacts called the bodong are peak harvest celebrations

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that maintain the social peace and order. The mumbaki of Ifugao honors the
ancestors and facilitates healing rituals.

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