Resolutions For 2022 FIDH Congress

41st FIDH Congress – 2022 – Paris / 41ème Congrès de la FIDH – 2022 – Paris / 41° Congreso de la FIDH – 2022 - Paris
ITEM III
EXAMINATION OF THE DRAFT

ORDINARY RESOLUTIONS
41st FIDH Congress – 2022 – Paris / 41ème Congrès de la FIDH – 2022 – Paris / 41° Congreso de la FIDH – 2022 – Paris
___________
Geographic resolutions
Title Presented by
Resolution on the sale

of arms from France to Ligue des droits de l’Homme (LDH-France), Mwatana (Yémen) and the Cairo
the North Africa and Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
Middle East region
Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo (CAJAR), Instituto

Latinoamericano para una Sociedad y un Derecho Alternativos (ILSA), Comité
Permanente por la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos (CPDH), Organización
Femenina Popular (OFP), Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos (APRODEH),
Idheas Litigio Estratégico en Derechos Humanos, Justiça Global - Brasil,
Fundación regional de Asesoria en Derechos Humanos - INREDH – Ecuador,
Colombia: towards
Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos
complete peace with
(CMDPDH), Comisión de Derechos Humanos de El Salvador (CDHES), Réseau
full respect for human
National de Défense des droits de l'Homme (RNDDH- Haiti), Centro de
rights
Capacitación Social (CCS – Panamá), Centro de Investigación y Promoción de
los Derechos Humanos (CIPRODEH - Honduras), Acción Ecológica – Ecuador,
Centro Nicaraguense de Derechos Humanos (CENIDH–Nicaragua,
Observatorio Ciudadano (Chile), Centro de Estudios
Legales y Sociales (CELS – Argentina), Comité de Acción Jurídica (CAJ –
Argentina)
Resolution on serious
and systematic human
League for the Defence of Human Rights in Iran (LDDHI)
rights violations in the
Islamic Republic of Iran
Resolution on Israel’s
Apartheid Regime
Al-Haq (Palestine)
against the Palestinian
People
Nicaraguan Human Rights Centre (CENIDH) – Nicaragua, Centre for Legal

Action in Human Rights (CALDH)- Guatemala, Mexican Commission for the
Protection and Promotion of Human Rights - CMDPDH- Mexico, Idheas
Strategic Human Rights Litigation - Mexico, National Human Rights
Commission of the Dominican Republic, (CNDH-RD), Human Rights
Association (APRODEH) – Peru, Human Rights Commission of El Salvador
Resolution on the (CDHES), Ecumenical Human Rights Commission (CEDHU)- Ecuador, Rights
democratic and human and Development Centre (CEDAL)-Perú, Réseau National de Défense des
rights crisis in droits de l'Homme -RNDDH- Haiti, ), José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers’ Collective
Nicaragua (CAJAR)- Colombia, Latin American Institute for an Alternative Society and
Law (ILSA)-Colombia, Permanent Committee for the Defence of Human Rights
(CPDH)- Colombia, Goal Justice, Brazil, Movimento Nacional de Direitos
Humanos (MNDH)-Brazil, Centre for Research and Promotion of Human Rights
(CIPRODEH)- Honduras, Regional Human Rights Advisory Foundation -
INREDH – Ecuador, Legal and Social Studies Centre (CELS) – Argentina, Legal
Action Committee (CAJ) - Argentina
Resolution on the
Human Rights situation Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM)
in Syria
Resolution on the
human rights situation the Comité Vietnam pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme (VCHR)
in Vietnam 2022
41st FIDH Congress – 2022 – Paris / 41ème Congrès de la FIDH – 2022 – Paris / 41° Congreso de la FIDH – 2022 – Paris
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Thematic resolutions
Title Presented by
Comité de Acción Jurídica-CAJ (Argentina); Asamblea Permanente de

Derechos Humanos de Bolivia-APDHB (Bolivia); Movimento Nacional de
Direitos Humanos–MNDH (Brasil); Observatorio Ciudadano (Chile); Instituto
Latinoamericano para una Sociedad y un Derecho Alternativos-ILSA
(Colombia); Colectivo de Abogados "José Alvear Restrepo"-CAJAR
(Colombia); AcciónEcológica (Ecuador); Fundación regional de Asesoría en
Proposed resolution
Derechos Humanos INREDH (Ecuador); Comisión ecuménica de derechos
concerning rights of
humanos (CEDHU) (Ecuador); CDHES Comisión de Derechos Humanos (El
nature and its
Salvador); Réseau National de Défense des Droits Humains (RNDDH)
interdependance with
(Haití); Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos
human rights
Humanos (México); Centro de Capacitación Social (Panamá); APRODEH-
Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos (Perú); CEDAL-Centro deDerechos y
Desarrollo (Perú); Centro de Políticas Públicas y Derechos Humanos-
EQUIDAD (Perú);Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos (CNDH)
(República Dominicana); Programa Venezolano de Educación Acción en
Derechos Humanos-Provea (Venezuela); Altsean Burma (Myanmar)
Mexican Commission for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights

(Mexico), Pro-Human Rights Association APRODHE (Peru), Global Justice
(Brazil), Idheas, Strategic Human Rights Litigation (Mexico), Centre for
Legal Action in Human Rights - Caldh (Guatemala), Movimento Nacional de
Resolution on the
Direitos Humanos 0 MNDH (Brazil), National Human Rights Commission
importance of the work
CNDH-RD (Dominican Republic), Réseau National de Défense des Droits
of women human rights
Humains (RNDDH) (Haiti), José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers’ Collective CAJAR
defenders
(Colombia), Ecumenical Human Rights Commission (Ecuador), Human
Rights Commission CDHES (El Salvador), Rights and Development Centre,
(CEDAL) Peru, Regional Human Rights Advisory Foundation - INREDH –
Ecuador
Resolution of the 41st

FIDH Congress in
solidarity with human
DITSHWANELO – The Botswana Centre for Human Rights
rights defenders at risk,
particularly those in
detention
Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM, Syria), OPEN
ASIA / Armanshahr (Afghanistan), Viasna (Belarus), Asociacion Pro
Derechos Humanos (Aprodeh, Peru), Centro de Derechos y Desarollo
(CEDAL, Peru), Comision Nacional de los Derechos Humanos (CNDH,
Resolution on the fight Dominican Republic), Comision Ecumenica de Derechos Humanos (CEDHU,
against impunity for Ecuador), Justiça Global (Brazil), Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear
serious human rights Restrepo (CAJAR, Colombia), Fundación regional de Asesoria en Derechos
violations Humanos (INREDH – Ecuador), Réseau National de Défense des droits de
l'Homme (RNDDH- Haiti), Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de
los Derechos Humanos (CMDPDH- México), Centro de Capacitación Social
(CCS – Panamá), Acción Ecológica – Ecuador, Centro Nicaraguense de
Derechos Humanos (CENIDH – Nicaragua), Observatorio Ciudadano – Chile
41th FIDH Congress – 2022 – Paris / 41ème Congrès de la FIDH – 2022 – Paris / 41° Congreso de la FIDH – 2022 - Paris
Resolution on the sale of arms from France to the North Africa and Middle East region
Proposed by :
the Ligue des droits de l’Homme (LDH-France), Mwatana (Yémen) and the Cairo
Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
The 41st Congress of the International Federation of Human Rights in Paris, France from 23 to 27 October
2022,
Noting with concern that, following ten years of ‘uprisings for dignity’ and bitter struggles for democra -
cy and human rights in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, autocratic regimes have conti -
nued to consolidate and human rights violations to worsen, often as democratic states look on compla -
cently when not directly supplying aid and support, notably by increasing the export of arms and sur -
veillance equipment,
Observing with concern that countries in the MENA region figure among the primary destinations for
arms exports: imports have risen by 25%, ‘driven chiefly by Saudi Arabia (+61%), Egypt (+136%) and Qa -
tar (+361%)’, and concerned that this policy of arming stems from sales contracts for military and sur-
veillance equipment agreed with Western states and particularly France which is currently ranked third
among arms exporting countries, and that the contracts in question are being agreed with dictatorships
such as in Egypt or Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which bear a heavy responsibility for the
world’s worst humanitarian crisis and for the many human rights violations caused by the war in Yemen,
Recalling that arms sales to authoritarian regimes constitute a violation of international law where there
is a risk that their use leads to or facilitates the committing of human rights violations and that these vio -
lations do not need to be proven; recalling, moreover, that the French arms export regime is based on the
‘principle of prohibition’, and thus the production, trade, stockpiling and export of military materiel can
only be undertaken with government authorisation and under its control – Article L2335-4 of the French
Defence Code enables licences granted to be suspended, withdrawn or modified ‘for reasons of France’s
international obligations’, and that this national regulation is intended to prevent armaments that are
made in France from being used to supply armed conflicts and civil wars and to commit human rights vio -
lations,
Noting that all research conducted by FIDH, its member organisations and numerous other human rights
organisations has documented prior and present violations of international humanitarian law and human
rights committed by all warring parties in Yemen; the coalition forces directed by Saudi Arabia and the
United Arab Emirates have constantly flouted the rules of armed conflict – naval blockade, targeting of ci -
vilians, arbitrary detention, forced disappearance, torture and other inhumane behaviour have become
the daily fate of Yemenis; France nonetheless continues to sell arms, which are used in this conflict, and to
supply intelligence, logistical support, targeting assistance and training of coalition forces. Our research
has also shed light on the responsibility of the French government and several French companies as re-
gards the bloody crackdown in Egypt since General Abdel Fattah al-Sissi came to power. By supplying the
regime with military and surveillance materiel and equipping the Egyptian security and law enforcement
services with powerful digital tools, the French authorities and companies have contributed to the esta-
blishment of an Orwellian structure of surveillance and control, used to stamp out any attempts at dissent
or mobilisation. By pursuing arms and surveillance equipment export agreements in the name of the fight
against terrorism or so-called strategic alliances with particularly repressive regimes involved in serious
human rights violations, France is helping prolong the conflict in Yemen and ensuring the long-term suffe -
ring of the Yemeni people and the repression of tens of thousands of human rights defenders and political
opponents in that country,
Condemning the hypocrisy of the French government, which stubbornly denies the use of French mili-
tary and surveillance equipment to commit human rights violations, despite the existence of several NGO
reports and a note issued by the military intelligence directorate of France’s Ministry of Armed Forces to
the contrary; speaking out too against the lack of will on the part of the French authorities to adhere
more effectively to their national and international commitments, remedy the persistent lack of transpa-
rency surrounding arms contracts agreed with these regimes, in spite of their involvement in wars and
their repression of opponents and dissenting voices on their soil, tackle the absence of a chain of respon -
sibility and put an end to the prevailing impunity,
41th FIDH Congress – 2022 – Paris / 41ème Congrès de la FIDH – 2022 – Paris / 41° Congreso de la FIDH – 2022 - Paris
FIDH condemns in the strongest possible terms the pursuit of sales of French military and sur-
veillance equipment to countries which use them in armed conflicts and to repress their political oppo-
nents and human rights defenders,
FIDH calls on the French authorities to suspend the transfer of French arms to countries which are
members of the military coalition engaged in the conflict in Yemen, notably Saudi Arabia and the United
Arab Emirates, given the widespread violations of human rights and international humanitarian law,
FIDH demands total transparency on arms exports and the induction of a permanent parliamentary
commission of enquiry, responsible for the systematic a priori and a posteriori control of French arms and
surveillance equipment exports to sensitive destinations, notably Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emi-
rates,
FIDH directs the French authorities to conduct an enquiry into the legality of previous sales of arms and
surveillance materiel under the terms of France’s international legal obligations, in order to determine the
legal responsibilities both of the French government and French companies,
FIDH calls for the reform of the process for authorising the exports of arms and dual-use goods to en-
sure that France systematically and fully observes its legal obligations under national and international
law.
Colombia: towards complete peace with full respect for human rights
Proposed by:
Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo (CAJAR), Instituto Latinoamericano para una Sociedad y un
Derecho Alternativos (ILSA), Comité Permanente por la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos (CPDH),
Organización Femenina Popular (OFP), Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos (APRODEH), Idheas Litigio
Estratégico en Derechos Humanos, Justiça Global - Brasil, Fundación regional de Asesoria en Derechos
Humanos - INREDH – Ecuador, Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos
(CMDPDH), Comisión de Derechos Humanos de El Salvador (CDHES), Réseau National de Défense des
droits de l'Homme (RNDDH- Haiti), Centro de Capacitación Social (CCS – Panamá), Centro de
Investigación y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos (CIPRODEH - Honduras), Acción Ecológica – Ecuador,
Centro Nicaraguense de Derechos Humanos (CENIDH–Nicaragua, Observatorio Ciudadano (Chile), Centro
de Estudios Legales y Sociales (CELS – Argentina), Comité de Acción Jurídica (CAJ – Argentina).
The 41st Congress of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), held between 23 and 27
October 2022, greets the new government of Colombia and declares its satisfaction with the initiative to
seek total peace announced by the president Gustavo Petro Urrego.
We would also repeat our deep concern over the murder of social leaders and defenders of human rights,
the number of which exceeds 1,350 victims since the Peace Agreement, and also the extermination of
former servicemen who signed the Peace Agreement, the number of which exceeds 330 victims since it
was signed.
We, the FIDH and its world allies, have taken action so that the desire for peace with social justice can be
realised in Colombia. The FIDH 41st Congress appeals to the new Government and the international
community to:
i) Ensure comprehensive compliance with the Peace Agreement signed in 2016 between the FRAC-EP
guerrilla forces and the Colombian State with the agreed ethnic, gender, LGBTI and territorial approaches;
ii) Achieve reactivation of the peace negotiations process with the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla
forces, with the participation of victims and social movements and accompanied by the international
community;
iii) Ensure the disassembly of paramilitarism and its support networks by constructing a public policy
agreed by consensus on the Security and Guarantees Commission created by the Peace Agreement.
Furthermore, as allies of the FIDH, we consider that the new Government should reorient its human rights
policy in order to ensure full compliance with them. In this respect, we call on to:
i) Comply with the recommendations of the United Nations System and bodies of the Inter-American
Human Rights System and conceive a monitoring mechanism with the participation of civil society;
ii) Strengthen the implementation of the Integrated System for Peace, ensuring compliance with the
recommendations of the Truth Commission, the participation of victims and the prosecution of those most
responsible before the Special Peace Jurisdiction (JEP) and the effective response to the relatives of
disappeared persons through the Unit for the Search of Disappeared (UBPD);
iii) Agree to a National Programme of Guarantees for defenders together with the human rights
organisations and ensure enforcement of the Integrated Guarantees for Women Leaders and Human
Rights Defenders Programme established in Decree 1314;
iv) Provide full guarantees for the exercise of social protest, move forward in the reform of the National
Police and ensure compliance with relevant international recommendations;
v) Ratify instruments such as the Protocol to the Convention against Torture, the Optional Protocol to the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Escazú Agreement, and also full
ratification of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance,
recognising the competence of the Committee on Enforced Disappearances to receive and examine
reports on breaches of this Convention.
Finally, we appeal to the International Criminal Court to review the decision of the Office of the Prosecutor
to close the preliminary examination of Colombia.
Proposed resolution concerning rights of nature and its interdependance with human rights
Proposed by :
Comité de Acción Jurídica-CAJ (Argentina); Asamblea Permanente de Derechos Humanos de Bolivia-
APDHB (Bolivia); Movimento Nacional de Direitos Humanos–MNDH (Brasil); Observatorio Ciudadano
(Chile); Instituto Latinoamericano para una Sociedad y un Derecho Alternativos-ILSA (Colombia);
Colectivo de Abogados "José Alvear Restrepo"-CAJAR (Colombia); AcciónEcológica (Ecuador); Fundación
regional de Asesoría en Derechos
Humanos INREDH (Ecuador); Comisión ecuménica de derechos humanos (CEDHU) (Ecuador); CDHES
Comisión de Derechos Humanos (El Salvador); Réseau National de Défense des Droits Humains (RNDDH)
(Haití); Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos (México); Centro de
Capacitación Social (Panamá); APRODEH-Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos (Perú); CEDAL-Centro
deDerechos y Desarrollo (Perú); Centro de Políticas Públicas y Derechos Humanos-EQUIDAD
(Perú);Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos (CNDH) (República Dominicana); Programa
Venezolano de Educación Acción en Derechos Humanos-Provea (Venezuela); Altsean Burma (Myanmar)
The FIDH and its members have maintained a historic commitment to the protection of human rights and
the recognition of new rights to protect life, in the entire meaning of the word.
Recognising that the violations suffered by human beings, communities, peoples, territories and, in
particular, nature, have reached extreme situations that threaten the existence of life on the planet and
that contradict the emancipating spirit of the struggle for rights that has driven humanity.
Bearing in mind our conviction that human rights cannot be separated from their link to nature, where life
is reproduced, and that the only way to address environmental problems and nature ’s problems is by the
interdependence of rights, with a vision of inter-disciplinarity and according to principles of
intersectionality, solidarity and non-discrimination.
Therefore, affirming that nature must be recognised as a subject of rights independently from its
use to the human being, since ecosystems and natural communities have the right to exist, be preserved
and be restored.
Also affirming that the political, economic and social objectives of States and society must be harmonised
with the lifecycles and laws originating in natural systems. In a context of climate and environmental
emergency, it is essential to recognise nature as a subject whose rights and interests must be taken into
account.
Recognising the clear interconnection and interdependence between the environment and human rights,
established for the first time in the 1972 Stockholm Declaration and the 1992 Rio Declaration and
adopted by Resolution A/HRC/48/L.23/Rev.1 of the Human Rights Council in October 2021. It considers
that the recognition by the Human Rights Council of the fundamental right of all human beings to live in a
clean, healthy and sustainable environment is an important step towards better protection of people and
the planet, but it is not sufficient.
Recognising some legislative progress in the rights of nature locally, nationally and internationally: in
2019, 28 States had existing or pending legal provisions on protection of the rights of nature, a number
that has grown rapidly in recent years i. Similarly, the 2010 World People’s Conference on Climate Change
and the Rights of Mother Earth ii and the World Conservation Congress of the IUCN in September 2012 also
recognised the rights of nature and supported the establishment of a Universal Declaration of the Rights
of Natureiii.
Denouncing the fact that many States, and also businesses, have a direct role in the violation of human
rights and the rights of nature. This situation is aggravated by the capacity to exert pressure, impact,
disinformation practices and even the use of strategic litigation against public participation (SLAPP) by
many corporations. In order to achieve their ends, they create mechanisms to coerce, seduce or
blackmail, which they use to pressure leaders and communities, causing division and ruptures of the
social fabric or weakening of the exercise of the right to defend human rights and the rights of nature.
Recognising that there are communities at risk who fight for their life, their territory and their rights and
defenders who suffer various forms of persecution, repression and criminalisation because of their work to
defend and care for life.
Remembering that all people, organisations and groups have the obligation to care for, spread and fight
for the protection of all forms of life, according to their resources and possibilities, and that they therefore
also deserve special protection and respect for their activities to defend the rights of nature.
Against this background, we, the FIDH and its members,
1. Invite the United Nations and the international community to require States to recognise the
importance of caring for ecosystems and natural communities trough a declaration of the rights of
nature, with a view to prioritising respect and restoration of nature over manipulation and
commercialization of its functions.
2. Appeal to States to recognise nature as a subject of rights and to comply with the obligation of full
protection of human rights and the rights of nature, recognising their universality, interdependence and
indivisibility in their legal systems and ensuring that they remain in operation effectively by means of
public and jurisdictional policies.
3. Call on States to commit to the obligation to protect the people and communities that defend nature
and that are at risk.
4. We require businesses to assume their responsibilities to respect national, regional and international
systems for the protection of human rights and the rights of nature, to comply strictly with due diligence
and to assume their obligation to provide relevant information, with transparency and fulfil the laws that
States impose for prevention, restoration and comprehensive repair, when violations of human rights and
the rights of nature occur.
5. We call on organisations and social movements to maintain systems of alert, monitoring and reporting
in the case of violation of human rights and of the rights of nature. To record and report any incidents
observed so that the people who defend the rights of nature will have the tools for the work to care for all
lifecycles.
i Mapping Transnational Rights of Nature Networks & Laws: New Global Governance Structures for More Sustainable Development:
available in English at http://files.harmonywithnatureun.org/uploads/upload924.pdf
ii World People’s Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth, available at: https://cmpcc.wordpress.com/derechos-
madre-tierra/
iii WCC-2012-Res-100-SP Incorporation of the rights of nature as the critical key for the decisions of the IUCN, available at:
https://portals.iucn.org/library/sites/library/files/resrecfiles/WCC_2012_RES_100_ES.pdf
Resolution on the importance of the work of women human rights defenders
Proposed by :
Mexican Commission for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights (Mexico), Pro-Human Rights
Association APRODHE (Peru), Global Justice (Brazil), Idheas, Strategic Human Rights Litigation (Mexico),
Centre for Legal Action in Human Rights - Caldh (Guatemala), Movimento Nacional de Direitos Humanos 0
MNDH (Brazil), National Human Rights Commission CNDH-RD (Dominican Republic), Réseau National de
Défense des Droits Humains (RNDDH) (Haiti), José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers’ Collective CAJAR (Colombia),
Ecumenical Human Rights Commission (Ecuador), Human Rights Commission CDHES (El Salvador),
Rights and Development Centre, (CEDAL) Peru, Regional Human Rights Advisory Foundation - INREDH –
Ecuador.
Bearing in mind the instruments for protecting human rights, in particular the Convention on the
Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Inter-American Convention on
the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women (Belem do Para Convention), and
also the Resolution on the protection of women human rights defenders and women's rights defenders.
Deeply outraged by the context of multiple acts of violence and inequalities suffered by women in various
countries. On a global level, the United Nations estimates that 70% of poor people are women and that
they disproportionately bear the impacts of climate change.
Observing that women victims of domestic, sexual, workplace and institutional violence [and] families of
women victims of feminicides or disappearance suffer because of impunity, corruption and general
violence, day by day, indolence, retraumatisation and indifference from the States that failed in their duty
of protection.
Particularly concerned about the risks linked to sexism, macho violence and authoritarianism that women
human rights defenders face in many of FIDH’s members countries.
Concerned by the escalation of authoritarian governments criminalising the defence of human rights.
Aware of the importance of the work of women human rights defenders in transforming gender roles and
developing mechanisms for self-protection and collective protection for women victims of various types of
violence. As well as to guarantee conditions of equality that promote the demand for rights and allow for
the strengthening of the rule of law.
Aware that women human rights defenders face violence suffered by men, but also violence that is
justified by social norms, roles and stereotypes; that such violence must be seen from a gender and
intersectional perspective, as well as from a feminist point of view.
The FIDH calls on:
States to promote public policies to respect, recognise, protect and guarantee the right of all women to
defend human rights.
International cooperation to promote the creation of women's networks that call for accompaniment from
an intersectional, inclusive and gender-sensitive perspective.
The international community to promote spaces where the trajectories, causes and risks of women human
rights defenders are made visible, particularly those in contexts where their personal integrity is at risk.
Updated 18 October 2022
Resolution of the 41st FIDH Congress in solidarity with human rights defenders at risk,
particularly those in detention
Proposed by :
DITSHWANELO – The Botswana Centre for Human Rights
The 41st FIDH Congress, meeting in Paris (France) from October 23 to 27, 2022, wishes to express its
solidarity with and support for human rights defenders around the world who are victims of harassment,
attacks, repression, criminalisation and arbitrary detention because of their activities to promote human
rights.
Condemning the fact that in many countries, the universality of human rights and their protection system is
increasingly being challenged by state and non-state actors on the pretext of political, economic, cultural,
religious or security imperatives.
Underscoring the fact that in authoritarian countries as well as in some countries experiencing democratic
backsliding, characterised by a lack of rule of law and of independence of the judiciary, and sometimes
marred with corruption, nepotism and discrimination, discourses questioning counter-powers continue to be
trivialised, generating increased divisions within societies, and consequently the exclusion of human rights
defenders from public debates, preventing them from playing their role as checks and balances.
Denouncing the smear campaigns and the dissemination of fake news presenting defenders as "enemies of
the state", "foreign agents", "criminals", "traitors" or "terrorists".
Underscoring the fact that the security of human rights defenders is particularly precarious in conflict, post-
conflict, occupation and security crisis situations.
Concerned by the considerable reduction of civic space for human rights defenders at the national and
international level, against the backdrop of the global health crisis, security concerns, conflict situations,
political violence and the growth of anti-rights, anti-gender, extremist religious movements, notably in
Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Belarus, Cambodia, Chad, China, Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC), Djibouti, Ethiopia, Hungary, Indenosia, India, Laos, the Maldives, Mali, Myanmar,
Nicaragua, Niger, Pakistan, the Philippines, Poland, Russia, Senegal, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Sudan,
Tanzania, Thailand, Uganda, Ukraine and Vietnam.
Condemning the proliferation of laws criminalising human rights defenders’ work, including the right to
peaceful protest, and their improper use by law enforcement actors.
Highlighting the fact that the vulnerability of defenders often stems from a lack of visibility, recognition and
societal understanding of the role of human rights defenders, impunity for perpetrators, a lack of political will
to respect human rights, including land and environmental rights and rights relating to sexual identity and
orientation, its expression and sex characteristics.
Underscoring the long-standing patterns of gender inequality, the instrumentalisation of religion, tradition,
cultural or family values, leading to gender based restrictions and violations against women, the denial of
women’s rights to sexual and reproductive health, equal status before the law, protection against violence
and participation in public and political life, and hence to specifically targetted attacks against women human
rights defenders, who are targeted not only for their gender but also for what they do as human rights
defenders and other economic, social, cultural or geographical factors such as class, age, langage, sexual
identity or orientation, location, ethnicity, etc.
Paying special tribute to the representatives of our member organisations who have departed over the
last three years, such as Michel Tubiana from LDH in France ; Kamran Arif, I. A. Rehman and Dr. Mehdi Hasan
from HRCP in Pakistan ; Pancho Soberón from APRODEH in Peru, and Alaa al-Siddiq from ALQST for Human
Rights in Saudi Arabia.
Also paying tribute to those engaged in courageous fights, sometimes at the cost of their health, such as
Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja in Bahrain, and Alaa Abdel-Fattah in Egypt, both of whom have been on hunger strike
for several months.
Denouncing the recent deaths and killings of human rights defenders in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Brazil,
Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, Honduras, India, Iraq, Mexico, Myanmar, Nicaragua, Palestine, Peru,
the Philippines, and South Africa.
Condemning in particular the fact that many human rights defenders are detained arbitrarily, often under
poor conditions, sometimes under torture, on trumped-up charges and after proceedings which violate the
right to a fair trial, particularly those working under authoritarian regimes, or in situations of political crisis or
social protest, such as in Algeria, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Belarus, Cambodia, Chad, China, DRC, Egypt,
Guatemala, Guinea, Hong Kong, India, Mexico, Morocco, Myanmar, Nepal, Nicaragua, Niger, the
Philippines, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Tajikistan, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates,
Venezuela, or Vietnam.
Recognising the disastrous impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the « human security » of many human
rights defenders, such as in Algeria, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Brazil, Cambodia, China, Colombia, Egypt,
Guatemala, Honduras, India, Iran, Mexico, Morocco, Nicaragua, the Philippines, Rwanda, Saudi
Arabia, Thailand, Turkey, Venezuela, and Zimbabwe.
Condemning the recurrent obstacles (defamation campaign, harassment, legal proceedings, etc.) to which
the representatives of FIDH member organisations are also subject in many countries and the arbitrary
detention of many of them:
- in Belarus: Ales Bialiatski (President of the Human Rights Centre Viasna), Valiantsin Stefanovic (member of
the Board of Viasna and Vice President of FIDH) and Uladzimir Labkovich (lawyer and coordinator of the
Human Rights Defenders for Free Elections campaign), have been arbitrarily detained since July 2021, while
Leanid Sudalenka (lawyer of the Homieĺ (Gomel) branch of Viasna) has been detained since January 2021,
Maria (alias Marfa) Rabkova (coordinator of the Viasna volunteer service) since September 2020, and Andrey
Chapiuk (a Viasna volunteer) since October 2020 ;
- in Turkey: Hasan Ceylan (chairperson of the Bitlis branch of the İHD) has been arbitrarily detained since
March 2017, and Nazmi Gür (former Secretary General of İHD) is arbitrarily detained since October 2020 ;
- in Bahrain: Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja (the former President of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights (BHRC) and
Founding Director of the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR)) has been arbitrarily detained since June 2016;
- in the United Arab Emirates: Ahmed Mansoor (GCHR Advisory Board member) has been arbitrarily
detained since March 2017;
- in India: Khurram Parvez (coordinator of the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) and the
Jammu and Kashmir Civil Society Coalition (JKCCS), and president of the Asian Federation Against Enforced
Disappearances (AFAD)) has been arbitrarily detained since November 2021;
- in Russia: Yuri Dmitriev (historian and representative of International Memorial in Karelia, in the north of the
country) has been arbitrarily detained since June 2018, while International Memorial and the Human Rights
Centre "Memorial" were dissolved in December 2021 on the basis of the "foreign agents" law;
- in Algeria: Hassan Bouras (former member of the the Algerian League for the Defence of Human Rights
(LADDH) Steering Committee), Djamel Bekhtaoui and Hamid Goura (two members of the LADDH) are
respectively currently detained since September, October and December 2021 for their involvement in the
Hirak protests ;
- in Iran: Narges Mohammadi (Spokesperson of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre (DHRC)), has been
arbitrarily detained since November 2021 when she received an additional eight-year prison sentence after
being released in October 2020 ; and human rights lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh has been arbitrarily detained
since June 2018. She was sentenced to a total of 38 years and six months in prison and 148 lashes in two
cases and will have to serve at least 17 years in prison.
Therefore, the 41st FIDH Congress calls on the competent authorities to :
- Guarantee the protection and the physical and psychological integrity of all human rights defenders, in
particular those most vulnerable to attacks ;
- Immediately and unconditionally release all human rights defenders arbitrarily detained, including
representatives of FIDH members or partners ;
- Combat impunity for crimes and other violations against human rights defenders, and promptly,
thoroughly, impartially and transparently investigate all allegations of attacks against human rights
defenders;
- Ensure that, until charges are dropped, all judicial proceedings are conducted with full respect for the right
to a fair trial under international law;
- Publicly and unequivocally recognise the legitimate, positive and necessary role played by human
rights defenders in society, including their right to participate in decisions that affect them (infrastructure,
mega-projects, trade agreements, etc.), and refrain from any action aimed at stigmatising, delegitimising or
otherwise discrediting human rights defenders;
- Withdraw or amend all laws restricting and criminalising the defence of human rights; and
- Comply in all circumstances with the provisions of the United Nations (UN) Declaration on Human Rights
Defenders, adopted on December 9, 1998 by the UN General Assembly.
Resolution on the fight against impunity for serious human rights violations
Proposed by :
Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM, Syria), OPEN ASIA / Armanshahr (Afghanistan),
Viasna (Belarus), Asociacion Pro Derechos Humanos (Aprodeh, Peru), Centro de Derechos y Desarollo
(CEDAL, Peru), Comision Nacional de los Derechos Humanos (CNDH, Dominican Republic), Comision
Ecumenica de Derechos Humanos (CEDHU, Ecuador), Justiça Global (Brazil), Colectivo de Abogados José
Alvear Restrepo (CAJAR, Colombia), Fundación regional de Asesoria en Derechos Humanos (INREDH –
Ecuador), Réseau National de Défense des droits de l'Homme (RNDDH- Haiti), Comisión Mexicana de
Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos (CMDPDH- México), Centro de Capacitación Social (CCS –
Panamá), Acción Ecológica – Ecuador, Centro Nicaraguense de Derechos Humanos (CENIDH – Nicaragua),
Observatorio Ciudadano – Chile.
Recalling the importance of the fight against impunity for serious human rights violations, including
crimes of international law, and affirming, in the words of the Preamble of the Rome Statute of the
International Criminal Court, that “the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a
whole must not go unpunished”
Reminding States of their obligation to investigate and prosecute perpetrators of serious human rights
violations, and to cooperate with independent international, regional, hybrid and national justice systems
that are documenting, investigating and prosecuting those responsible for those crimes and violations
Reiterating the international and regional recognition, in particular at the Inter-American level, that
States should refrain from amnesties, pardons, statutes of limitation or any other form of exclusion of
responsibility for serious human rights violations, in particular crimes under international law, which
jeopardise victims’ essential rights
Recalling in that vein the importance of the independence of national, regional, hybrid and international
justice mechanisms, and the obligation of States and other external stakeholders not to interfere in
genuine investigations and prosecutions of serious human rights violations
Emphasising the need for effective coordination of accountability efforts and cooperation between all
accountability actors, and the importance of implementing the principle of complementarity to seek
global, effective, and meaningful justice
Recalling the importance of civil society organisations’ work in documenting, reporting, advocating and
litigating in support of victims of serious human rights violations, and the need for accountability
mechanisms to meaningfully engage and cooperate with civil society organisations
Reaffirming the international recognition of victims’ rights to truth, justice and reparation, and the need
for victims to play a central and active role in all accountability mechanisms, for justice to be meaningful
and have the societal impact and deterrent effect it aims to have
Further emphasising the need to adopt a « Do no Harm » approach in all investigative and
prosecutorial work, including by warning from over-documentation and re-traumatisation of victims and
survivors of serious human rights violations
Viewing with appreciation the development of a stronger sensitivity and focus on sexual and gender-
based crimes and violence and the need to bring their perpetrators to account and to address the victims
and survivors’ needs
Noting the renewed priority given to the fight against impunity for serious human rights violations in
public statements and decisions taken by States and international organisations, in the framework of the
extraordinary mobilisation of the international community towards accountability efforts addressing the
crimes committed in Ukraine since the escalation of the conflict and the full-scale invasion by the Russian
Federation late February 2022
Welcoming the increase in opening of investigations by national jurisdictions and war crimes units in
Europe and beyond, implementing extra-territorial jurisdiction, and by the International Criminal Court,
especially concerning crimes committed in Ukraine or related to the armed conflict in Ukraine
Deeply concerned however by the lack of or limited mobilisation of the international community
towards accountability for other serious, on-going long-lasting and often well documented situations, such
as Afghanistan, Belarus, Colombia, Libya, Mexico, Palestine, Syria or Yemen
Denouncing the persistent legislative, political, judicial and operational obstacles to genuinely
investigate and prosecute perpetrators of serious human rights violations, whatever the rank, in many
national contexts
Concerned by the effect of the perceived selectivity and application of double standards by States and
intergovernmental organisations on the credibility and legitimacy of the accountability mechanisms that
are seized or put in place to fight against impunity for serious human rights violations
Denouncing the attempt by States to earmark their financial support to independent international justice
mechanisms like the International Criminal Court for a specific situation, as it risks perceptions of
politicisation and selectivity in the court’s work, which could undermine its legitimacy
Commending the political and financial commitment by States and intergovernmental organisations to
support investigations and prosecutions for serious human rights violations
Underlining that the recent additional support, financial and in the form of staff secondment, to the
International Criminal Court, reflects an acknowledgement that the Court does not have the resources
necessary to fulfil its mandate
FIDH, meeting on the occasion of its 41st Congress, marking its 100 th year anniversary in
Paris, France :
Calls upon States and national justice mechanisms

 to adopt necessary laws or reform existing legislations in order to enable the initiation of
adequate investigations and prosecution for all serious human rights violations, including by
ratifying or implementing the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court
 to genuinely investigate and prosecute perpetrators of serious human rights violations, whatever
the rank, and to avoid adopting any legislation that would undermine accountability efforts, such
as blanket amnesties, or to extradite offenders to another national or international court with
jurisdiction over the offences in question should the state be unable to investigate and prosecute
offenders
 to create or reinforce existing specialised units in charge of investigating and prosecuting serious
human rights violations (‘war crimes units’), and enhance capacities of existing domestic judicial
institutions with jurisdiction over such crimes and violations
 to encourage UN Security Council referrals to the ICC regarding situations where crimes under the
ICC jurisdiction have been committed on the territory of or involving non-States Parties to the
Rome Statute, provided that the UN Security Council commits to take timely follow-up action to
ensure proper support for the effective investigation of the situations it has referred
 to ensure adequate training of all actors involved in accountability efforts, including on engaging
with victims, survivors and affected communities respecting the « Do no Harm » approach, on
sexual and gender-based crimes and violence and crimes against children
 to strengthen cooperation among States in the fight against impunity for serious human rights
violations
 to provide greater and non-earmarked financial and political support to the International Criminal
Court and other accountability mechanisms so they can impartially and meaningfully carry out
their work
 to ensure the central and active role of victims and survivors of serious human rights violations in
all accountability mechanisms from the earlier stages, and guarantee their safe participation
 to refrain from actions, statements and decisions that nourish the perception of double standards
and selectivity when it comes to the fight against impunity for serious human rights violations
Calls upon the international community

 to continue to prioritise the fight against impunity for serious human rights violations, as
contributing to peace, security and the prevention of such violations
 to consider the legitimate mobilisation for the situation in Ukraine as a baseline reaction to all
situations where serious human rights violations are committed
 to ensure effective coordination of accountability efforts, strong cooperation between
accountability mechanisms and actors and the implementation of the principles of
complementarity
 to contribute financially to the general budget of the ICC and national justice programmes,
including reparations programme
Calls upon independent accountability mechanisms, including the International Criminal Court
 to continue to work independently from any external pressure and to conduct timely
investigations in all situations that may fall under their jurisdiction
 to ensure the meaningful participation of victims, as active right-holders in the proceedings, and
in particular seek the adequate means to ensure the effective implementation of victims’ rights to
information, participation, legal representation, protection and reparation
 to meaningfully and regularly engage with civil society organisations working to document, report,
advocate and litigate in support of victims and survivors of serious human rights violations
 to commit to undertake meaningful outreach to victims and affected communities and ensure the
best possible level of transparency in their activities and decision making
 to coordinate with other independent national, regional, hybrid and international accountability
mechanisms, as much as possible
Resolution on serious and systematic human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran
Proposed by :
the League for the Defence of Human Rights in Iran (LDDHI)
Considering the drastically deteriorating situation of human rights in Iran as documented in

annual reports of the UN Secretary General, the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran, the UN
General Assembly’s annual resolutions; and joint FIDH-LDDHI reports and statements;
Considering that :
 Death penalty is frequently and extensively used; Iran is consistently the second biggest
executioner in the world and the biggest executioner of children in the world. It is believed to have
the highest rate of per capita executions; death sentence is provided for over 20 categories of
“offences”, including sex, consumption of alcohol, vague political and religious “offences” mostly for
political prisoners and other dissenters;
o At least 251 (2019), 246 (2020), 314 (2021), and over 300 were executed in the first
seven months of 2022;
o Minors executed: at least 6 in 2019, 3 in 2020, and 3 in 2021.
 Sentences amounting to torture and inhumane punishment such as amputation, gouging of the
eyes, virginity tests, and flogging are issued and carried out.
 Due process is systematically disregarded and denied: political defendants, are arrested without
arrest warrant, are held for long periods in solitary confinement and denied access to family and
lawyer and subjected to extremely unfair trials, where confessions extracted under torture are
admitted as evidence and occasionally televised before trial;
o the UN WGAD has declared several people in Iran as being arbitrarily detained;
o the UN WGEID has reported hundreds of enforced disappearances.
o Human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, WRDs, trade unionists, environmental activists,
student activists, writers, minority rights defenders and dissidents frequently face vague security-
related charges and are sentenced to long-term prison terms; thousands of people are estimated to
be in prison for purely political reasons; human rights lawyers are arbitrarily detained.
o Imprisoned HRDs, to name a few, include lawyers Nasrin Sotoudeh, arbitrarily detained
since June 2018, sentenced to a total of 38.5 years in jail; Mohammad Najafi (14 years);
Amir-Salar Davoodi (30 years); and activist Narges Mohammadi, detained since
November 2021, has been sentenced to a total of 10 years and 8 months.
 Many prisoners are denied much needed medical care; Bektash Abtin, a member of the Iranian
Writers Association, died in Evin prison in January 2022 due to lack of medical attention; over the
years, scores of prisoners have lost their lives in prisons under dubious conditions;
 Freedoms of expression, assembly, association, conscience and conviction are practically non-
existent: newspapers, peaceful assemblies, literary gatherings, music concerts, books and films are
frequently banned; Civil society organisations, e.g. the ‘Journalists Association’ and ‘Iranian Writers
Association’ are unable to operate freely; several writers are serving long-term prison sentences; two
2009 presidential candidates, placed under house arrest in February 2011, are still facing extensive
restrictions;
o In July 2022, two award-winning filmmakers were arrested and sent to Evin prison: Jafar
Panahi and Mohammad Rassulof;
o Independent labour unions are not recognised in law and unionists are frequently arrested
and sentenced to long-term prison sentences; several unionists are currently serving
prison sentences, e.g. Mohammad Habibi, and several others were arbitrarily detained
in May and June 2022, and are likely to be sentenced to imprisonment, including Reza
Shahabi and Hassan Saeedi, Rassoul Bodaghi, and Valeh Zamani;
o Dissenting political parties are prevented from operating;
opeacefully operating groups, including FIDH’s member organisations, are banned from
working and monitoring the situation of human rights in their own country.
 Women’s rights are regularly violated:
o basic laws are extremely discriminatory against women; age of criminal responsibility for
women is 9 lunar years; women are banned from watching men's sport events; security
forces use excessive force and imprisonment to force a strict dress code on women;
hundreds of women are arrested for taking part in protests against compulsory hijab in
public and some are sentenced to heavy prison terms.
 Thousands of victims of grave human rights violations have been denied justice for more
than four decades:
o Families and relatives of political prisoners executed in 1980s and protestors killed since
2009 election have faced persecution and harassment for demanding accountability
and/or information about their loved ones;
o the authorities have consistently refused to officially acknowledge the grave violations
committed and have granted impunity to perpetrators of those crimes. Ebrahim Ra’eesi, a
member of the “Death Commission” responsible for summary re-trials and execution of
thousands of political prisoners in 1988, became president in June 2021.
 Ethnic communities and religious minorities have been consistently repressed and persecuted:
o Ethnic Arab, Azeri, Kurdish, Baloch and other communities have been deprived of the right
to exercise their culture, right to education and publish books and newspapers in their
own languages; they have faced extensive political and economic discrimination and
repression. Arab, Kurdish and Baloch communities have been victims of disproportionately
higher number of executions;
o the constitutionally recognised religious minorities, i.e. Sunni Muslims, dissenting Shiites
dervishes, Christians, and Jews have suffered from political and cultural repression. Scores
of their followers have been persecuted including at the judicial level, detained and
sentenced to harsh prison sentences for their beliefs;
o followers of the persecuted non-recognised Baha’i faith face particular discrimination,
including arbitrary arrests, closure of their businesses, raids on their homes, confiscation
of property, desecration of their cemeteries, refusal to permit burial of their dead, and a
ban on accessing higher education.
 Elections are open only to hand-picked candidates under highly discriminatory legislation:
o Only seven male candidates were allowed to contest the 2021 presidential election and
585 candidates, including all 40 women candidates, were disqualified;
o 16,145 candidates registered in the 2020 general election, but 6,800 were disqualified,
including most of the pro-system reformist candidates.
The 41st FIDH Congress :
 Expresses its strong support for all Iranian human rights defenders, other rights activists,
prisoners of conscience and victims of human rights violations;
 Lauds the Swedish judiciary’s action in prosecuting and sentencing to life imprisonment
Hamid Nouri, an Iranian assistant prosecutor involved in the 1988 massacres of political
prisoners, in an unprecedent judicial process in 2021-2022;
 Urges the United Nations, the European Union and national governments to:
 help victims of grave human rights violations seeking justice by facilitating prosecution
and punishment of actors involved in gross violations of human rights, who travel to their
territories, and sanctioning others who remain in Iran;
 require their companies to comply with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and
Human Rights (UNGPs) and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises in all deals
and contracts with the Iranian parties.
 Call on the Iranian government to:
o Immediately stop executing children and public executions, imposing the death penalty
for political charges, and to establish a moratorium on death penalty with a view to
abolish it; and to cooperate with UN special procedures;
o guarantee equality for women in law and in practice;
o guarantee freedom of expression, thought, assembly and association, conscience and
conviction, and minority rights;
o guarantee fair and free elections;
o guarantee due process for all defendants and access to proper medical care for prisoners;
o release all prisoners of conscience without exception immediately and unconditionally;
o provide information to families of victims of grave human rights violations about their lost
loved ones, and make accountable perpetrators of all heinous violations of human rights;
o ratify and implement the major human rights treaties, which it has not done yet;
o to comply with all its obligations and economic, social, cultural, civil and political rights
enshrined in human rights treaties to which Iran is a party.
Resolution on Israel’s Apartheid Regime against the Palestinian People
Proposed by :
Al-Haq (Palestine)
FIDH is deeply concerned by the escalating human rights situation against the Palestinian people, as
evidenced by the rising unnecessary and disproportionate use of force, the ongoing forced displacement
and property appropriation policies and activities on both sides of the Green Line, and mass suppression
of opposition;
Considering Israel’s human rights violations and crimes against the Palestinian people, are rooted in a
settler-colonial regime and an institutionalised regime of systematic domination and oppression over the
Palestinian people, amounting to the crime of apartheid;
Noting that apartheid is defined and prohibited as a crime against humanity in the 1973 International
Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid and the 1998 Rome Statute, to
include inhuman acts committed for the purpose of establishing and maintaining racial domination and
oppression by one racial group over any other racial group;
Noting that Israel’s apartheid regime against the Palestinian people, is evidenced by:
1. Discriminatory laws, policies, and practices since 1948, particularly in the domains of land and
nationality, which clearly segregate the Palestinian people and Jewish Israelis, in order to ensure the
continuation of displacement, dispossession and Jewish Israeli domination;
2. Strategic fragmentation over the Palestinian people, including Palestinian citizens of Israel, Palestinians
in the occupied Palestinian territory, and Palestinian refugees and exiles abroad. Through the denial of the
Palestinian refugees their right to return, the restrictions on freedom of movement and residence, the
blockade of the Gaza Strip, the annexation of Jerusalem, Israel ensures that fragmented Palestinians are
unable to meet, group, live together, and exercise their inalienable collective right to self-determination;
3. Institutionalised efforts to silence Palestinians’ opposition through excessive use of force, arbitrary
detention, torture and other ill-treatment, collective punishment, as well as smear and delegitimization
campaigns against groups and human rights defenders;
Stressing the mounting recognition of Israel’s apartheid by UN member States, parliaments, UN treaty
bodies, UN human rights experts, and Palestinian, international and Israeli human rights organisations;
Acknowledging that recognition of Israel’s apartheid is the beginning of the long road towards the
realisation of the right to self-determination of the Palestinian people;
Stressing that the crime against humanity of apartheid give rise to obligations erga omnes on third States
not to recognise the illegal situation, not to render any aid or assistance in maintaining the apartheid
regime, and to cooperate to bring to an end the illegal situation;
Noting with grave concern the failure by third States to recognise the situation in Palestine as apartheid
and take the necessary action to bring to an end Israel’s violations of peremptory norms of international
law, has enabled Israel to maintain its apartheid regime;
1. Call on third States to recognise that Israel’s discriminatory laws, policies, and practices have
established, and continue to maintain, an apartheid regime over the Palestinian people, and to take
positive and effective steps to end Israel’s illegal occupation and apartheid regime, including through the
imposition of sanctions and countermeasures, ending military-security trade and cooperation with Israel,
and adopting legislation to prohibit trade with illegal Israeli settlements.
2. Call on third States to provide the utmost political, institutional and material support to enable the
esteemed UN Commission of Inquiry established in May 2021 to continue with its mandate unhindered;
3. Call the UN to reconstitute of the UN Special Committee against Apartheid and the UN Centre against
Apartheid;
4. Call on Israel to repeal all legislation and end all policies and practices that directly or indirectly affect
the enjoyment of human rights through racialized distinctions;
5. Call upon the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to take concrete steps to accomplish the
investigation into the Situation in Palestine.
41st Congress of the FIDH / 41st FIDH Congress / 41st Congress of the FIDH – 2022 – Paris
Resolution on the democratic and human rights crisis in Nicaragua
Proposed by:
Nicaraguan Human Rights Centre (CENIDH) – Nicaragua, Centre for Legal Action in Human Rights
(CALDH)- Guatemala, Mexican Commission for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights -
CMDPDH- Mexico, Idheas Strategic Human Rights Litigation - Mexico, National Human Rights
Commission of the Dominican Republic, (CNDH-RD), Human Rights Association (APRODEH) – Peru,
Human Rights Commission of El Salvador (CDHES), Ecumenical Human Rights Commission (CEDHU)-
Ecuador, Rights and Development Centre (CEDAL)-Perú, Réseau National de Défense des droits de
l'Homme -RNDDH- Haiti, ), José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers’ Collective (CAJAR)- Colombia, Latin American
Institute for an Alternative Society and Law (ILSA)-Colombia, Permanent Committee for the Defence of
Human Rights (CPDH)- Colombia, Goal Justice, Brazil, Movimento Nacional de Direitos Humanos
(MNDH)-Brazil, Centre for Research and Promotion of Human Rights (CIPRODEH)- Honduras, Regional
Human Rights Advisory Foundation - INREDH – Ecuador, Legal and Social Studies Centre (CELS) –
Argentina, Legal Action Committee (CAJ) - Argentina.
The FIDH 41st Congress considers that:
Since April 2018, Nicaragua has been subject to a serious political, social and human rights crisis that
has resulted in at least 355 murders, more than 2,000 wounded, more than 1,614 people detained
and more than 110,000 people exiled, and also the persistent breach of public liberties and the
establishment of a state of terror characterised by the excessive use of the police and para-police
forces.
The space for independent civil society in the country is disappearing. As of 18 July 2022, the regime
had closed more than 1,000 non-profit organisations in Nicaragua, most of them in 2022, using,
among other ungrounded reasons, spurious laws such as the Law of Regulation of Foreign Agents
passed in 2020. The objective of these cancellations is to eliminate any possible social and political
vision that differs from that established by the regime. This systematic harassment, characteristic of a
totalitarian State, does not only concern political organisations or those for the defence of human
rights but also religious, artistic, journalistic, educational, scientific, environmental and social
organisations that are also victims of this persecution.
The worsening of the Nicaraguan institutional framework increased with the de facto continuation in
power of the Regime of Daniel Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo after the electoral farce of
November 2021. Proof of this are, on the one hand, the co-option of the National Assembly -which,
under the pro-government majority-, passes laws that go against the Constitution and international
human rights treaties and, on the other hand, the exploitation of the judiciary which leaves
unpunished serious crimes against human rights that have been committed. This, at the same time,
detains, convicts and breaches all the guarantees of the due process absolutely denying access to
justice for political prisoners.
The Commission and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the Organisation of American States,
the Human Rights Council and Mechanisms of the United Nations and the European Union have
condemned the serious human rights violations in the country and have unanimously called for the
establishment of democracy, the release of political prisoners and accountability for the crimes
committed in the context of the repression.
The FIDH and its member organisation in Nicaragua, the CENIDH, whose members work from within
the country, have monitored, documented and accompanied victims of the repression since 2018. To
date, they have documented and analysed 113 of the murders, and they concluded that they were
extrajudicial executions that constitute crimes against humanity. They have also analysed and
denounced the repressive regulatory framework that has been created, showing that these are rules
contrary to international human rights law. And they actively participated in the motion for the
creation of the Group of Experts on Human Rights in relation to Nicaragua in April 2022 by the United
Nations Human Rights Council, for the investigation of and accountability for the serious crimes and
breaches of human rights that have occurred since 2018.
Accordingly, the 41st Congress of the FIDH:
- Condemns the dictatorial regime of Daniel Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo imposed in Nicaragua,
the violation of the Rule of Law and of the human rights of the Nicaraguan population, and their
impunity.
- Requires the regime to release immediately the 184 political prisoners in Nicaragua, and also to
cease immediately the persecution of independent civil society and of the human rights bodies and
41st Congress of the FIDH / 41st FIDH Congress / 41st Congress of the FIDH – 2022 – Paris
defenders and to return legal standing and property to the more than 1,000 non-governmental
organisations that have been made illegal and whose property has been taken.
- Demands that State and international human rights bodies and the international community
maintain and accelerate the pressure on the regime in Nicaragua and take the measures needed to
stop the serious and persistent breaches of human rights, and to prosecute and punish those
responsible for these violations, and also to continue to support independent civil society within and
outside the country.
Resolution on the Human Rights situation in Syria
Proposed by :
Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM)
Considering that the situation of Human Rights in Syria is dire since the beginning of the people’s
peaceful protests in March 2011, and that the oppression of the Syrian authorities to these protests had
led to an ongoing open armed conflict, and that the Human Rights situation had only worsened since
then.
Considering all the international resolutions adopted by the UN different bodies on Syria and its Human
Rights dire situation, as well as the international reports documenting the widespread systematic Human
Rights violations perpetrated by all armed parties, and mainly by the Syrian authorities.
Considering the level of regional and international involvement, by states and non-state actors,
including countries that occupy certain territories, and non-state actors de facto controlling certain areas
within the Syrian geography, and the complications such occupations cause to the possibilities of future
peace in Syria.
Recognizing the very negative impact of the involvement of non-state actors, such as internationally
classified terrorist groups and organizations, as well as mercenaries, on the human rights situation in
Syria.
Taking note of international efforts, led by the UN mediation to reach a peaceful settlement in Syria, that
should lead into political transition in Syria into a non-sectarian transitional governing body, that should
lead the transition towards a new democratic pluralistic political system, with full respect to Human Rights
and international law.
Demanding that the Syrian authorities meet their responsibility to protect the Syrian population and to
respect, protect and fulfill the human rights of all persons within its jurisdiction, Condemns, with the
strongest possible terms, all violations and abuses of international human rights law, and all violations of
international humanitarian law committed by all parties active on the Syrian territories, including the
continued systematic, widespread and gross violations and abuses of human rights and all violations of
international humanitarian law by the Syrian regime and its affiliated State and non-State actors,
including foreign terrorist fighters and those foreign organizations fighting on behalf of the Syrian
authorities;
1. Demands that the Syrian authorities and their allies facilitate, and all other parties in control of
parts of the Syrian territories, to immediately stop hindering, the full, timely, immediate and safe
humanitarian access of the United Nations and other humanitarian actors to all areas, and that they
ensure that the delivery of unrestricted humanitarian aid reaches all those in need, for as long as it is
needed, including in hard-to-reach areas;
2. Expresses deep concern at the number of civilians, including women and girls, as well as
children, deliberately targeted by all military parties, mainly by the Syrian regime armed personal, forces,
affiliated militias and mercenaries, in addition to the use of indiscriminate weapons, and cluster
ammunition which are prohibited by international law;
3. Expresses deep concern at the number of civilians, including women and girls, as well as
children, killed or maimed by landmines, explosive remnants of war and improvised explosive devices
used by all parties to the conflict;
4. Condemns with the strongest possible terms the continuous and systematic perpetration of
mass executions and torture of prisoners, and at the number of deaths among individuals detained in
prisons and detention centers controlled by the Syrian authorities security apparatus, including in Syrian
Military Intelligence facilities and military hospitals, which was evidenced by the issuing of thousands of
death notifications, and demands them to provide families with the remains of their relatives whose fate
has been disclosed, including those who have been summarily executed, and to take all appropriate
measures immediately to protect the lives and rights of all persons currently detained or unaccounted for,
and to clarify the fate of those who remain missing or are still in custody;
5. Recognizes the permanent damage that torture and ill-treatment, including sexual abuse and
violence, causes to its victims and their families, and condemns the denial of medical services in all
prisons and detention facilities; and calls for immediate cessation for such atrocities, and to start a
process for reparation and compensation for the victims and/or their families.
6. Strongly condemns the use of sexual violence, torture and ill-treatment, particularly in
detention facilities run by the Syrian authorities, including those depicted in the evidence presented by
“Caesar” in January 2014, and recalls that such violations and abuses may constitute crimes against
humanity;
7. Strongly condemns the continued widespread practices of enforced disappearance and

arbitrary detention, notably widespread in areas where the Syrian authorities have retaken control, and
stresses the importance of the establishment of an International Independent Mechanism to identify the
fate and whereabouts of the victims of enforced disappearance;
8. Demands the immediate release of all persons arbitrarily detained, including women, children,
older persons, persons with disabilities, human rights defenders, humanitarian aid providers, medical
personnel, the wounded and sick, and journalists, and notes the importance of ensuring justice for those
arbitrarily detained;
9. Calls upon the permanent members of the UN Security council to refrain from using the veto to
prevent accountability to perpetrators of gross human rights violations, such as the situation in Syria,
where violations amount to crimes against humanity, and to do all that is needed to refer the situation in
Syria to the International Criminal Court.
10. Calls upon stakeholders involved in the Syrian peace process, including the UN, to ensure the
existence of National Transitional Justice mechanism, that fulfills all international requirements and
standards of such processes, in any future possible peace deal in Syria.
11. Calls upon parties involved in the Syrian peace process, to genuinely ensure the participation of
women, in all its levels of representation, aspects, activities and outcomes.
12. Calls upon countries supporting essential accountability efforts through its national Universal
Jurisdiction, and extra territorial one, to continue and enhance its efforts in investigating all alleged
violations and abuses of international human rights law since March 2011 in the Syria, and to work
collectively to establish the facts and circumstances and to support efforts to ensure that all perpetrators
of abuses and violations, including those who may be responsible for crimes against humanity, are
identified and held accountable.
Resolution on the human rights situation in Vietnam 2022
Proposed by :
the Comité Vietnam pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme (VCHR)
FIDH and its leagues gathered for its 41st Congress in Paris, France,
- Considering that during the past three years at least 95 activists, dissidents and human rights
defenders, including 17 women, have been arrested and 113, including 17 women, have been sentenced
to up to 15 years in prison,
- Considering that Vietnam is maintaining and adopting laws and regulations that are incompatible with
its obligations under the International Human Rights Charter (including the Articles of the Criminal Code
on attacks on ‘national security’, the law on the press, the law on beliefs and religion, the law on
cybersecurity and provisions to counter supposed fake news on social media networks) and justifies its
violent acts and human rights violations by claiming ‘they comply with the law’,
- Noting that the law to which the Vietnamese authorities continue to refer remains an extremely broad
concept that may include straightforward decisions or resolutions of the Communist Party of Vietnam
(CPV) in power, and that the laws themselves are so vague and imprecise that they can encompass all
forms of behaviour ranging from the most reprehensible to the most legitimate,
- Considering that the Vietnamese regulatory regime limits the space in which both Vietnamese and
international NGOs can operate freely in Vietnam by imposing registration and financing conditions and
seeks to restrict and control the role of civil society, notably in the field of human rights and the
environment,
- Alarmed by the recent arbitrary arrests and sentencing of the environmental defenders Mai Phan L ợi,
Bạch Hùng Dương, Đặng Đình Bách and Nguỵ Thi Khanh to between 2 and 5 years in prison on the pretext
of tax evasion, when they had simply criticised the government’s pro-coal energy policy,
- Considering that reform underway of Decree 72/2013/ND-CP on the use and management of the
Internet is designed to further attack internet-based freedom of expression and press freedom, notably
placing an obligation on operators to remove all ‘illegal content’ within 24 hours,
- Considering that the number of executions in Vietnam is the highest in Southeast Asia and that it
continues to rise, doubling within a decade, that Vietnam is positioning itself among those countries with
the highest rate of convictions and executions in the world, that detention centres for those facing the
death penalty are overcrowded and that the wait on death row remains ‘extremely long’ even by the
Vietnamese authorities’ own admission, and that death penalties are handed down by courts in which the
right to a defence is not guaranteed,
- Considering that a number of crimes liable to capital punishment are political crimes defined in vague
and arbitrary terms which can encompass the legitimate and peaceful exercising of fundamental
freedoms, such as set out in Article 109 of the Criminal Code which criminalises the mere intention to
criticise the government,
- Considering the risk of inhumane treatment during executions conducted by lethal injection using
unspecified products, given that Vietnam had to introduce a decree requiring an execution to be
suspended if the person convicted had not died after 30 minutes and the administering of three lethal
doses,
Condemn the systematic repression of any dissenting voice or differing point of view and of the whole of
Vietnamese civil society in general, which includes an almost endless succession of harassment and
arbitrary arrests of human rights defenders, bloggers, journalists and other activists, who are sometimes
handed extremely harsh sentences (such as 15 years in prison for the dissident Ph ạm Chí D ũng), the
brutal dispersal of demonstrations, Internet censorship, etc.,
Express particular concern at the conviction of environmental activists for ‘tax evasion’, which is
clearly a pretext, and point out that their activities constitute the exercising of the legitimate right to
participate in public life and serve the public interest,
Condemn the use by the Vietnamese authorities of what they claim is the law to justify their actions,
which flout the most fundamental rights, and to legitimise arbitrary practices to the detriment of
Vietnamese citizens and civil society,
Require in this respect that Vietnamese laws and regulations immediately be made to comply with
Vietnam’s international human rights obligations and invite the Vietnamese authorities to work in good
faith with the UN and the international community to this end; the bill to curb freedoms by amending
Decree 72 on the use of the Internet must be abandoned forthwith,
Condemn the unacceptable and dangerous restrictions imposed on both local and international NGOs in
Vietnam, particularly relating to their financing and freedom of action,
Demand a moratorium on the death penalty with a view to abolishing it, reducing the number of crimes,
particularly political crimes, liable to incur capital punishment, and, in a desire for transparency, the
publication of all relevant information concerning the death penalty in Vietnam (statistics on the numbers
condemned to death, executions and those held on death row, the products used in lethal injections, etc.),
Demand that the European Union, which has links with Vietnam through the 2020 Free Trade Agreement
(EVFTA), use all means at its disposal to press Vietnam to respect its undertakings on fair trade and
development, particularly in the field of workers’ rights and the environment.
URGENT RESOLUTIONS
Title Submitted by
IHD - Turkey
Armanshahr/Open Asia - Afghanistan
Association tunisienne des femmes démocrates
(ATFD) - Tunisia
Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los
Derechos Humanos - CMDPDH- Mexico
Movimento Nacional de Direitos Humanos (MNDH) -
Brazil
Draft resolution on the fight against anti- Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo (CAJAR)
rights and anti-gender movements - Colombia
Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos (APRODEH) -
Peru
Justiça Global - Brazil
Liga Mexicana por la Defensa de los Derechos
Humanos (LIMEDDH) - Mexico
Comisión de Derechos Humanos de El Salvador
(CDHES) – El Salvador
Observatorio Ciudadano - Chile
FIDH calls for a peaceful settlement of armed Civil Society Institute, Armenia
conflicts in Eastern Europe and Central Asia Bir Duino - Kyrgyzstan
Urgent resolution on the situation and recent İnsan Haklari Derneği / Human Rights Association
developments in Turkey (IHD) - Turkey
Observatorio Ciudadano; CAJAR ; Justicia Global ;

Resolution on the impact of fake news on
MNDH ; APRODEH ; CIPRODEH ; CDHES ;
democratic processes in Latin America
CEDHU ; Acción Ecologica
Draft resolution on military transitions in

Organisation Guinéenne des Droits de l’Homme
Africa
Draft resolution on the fight against anti-rights and anti-gender movements
Proposed by:
IHD - Turkey
Armanshahr/Open Asia - Afghanistan
Association tunisienne des femmes démocrates (ATFD) - Tunisia
Comisión Mexicana de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos - CMDPDH- Mexico
Movimento Nacional de Direitos Humanos (MNDH) - Brazil
Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo (CAJAR) - Colombia
Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos (APRODEH) - Peru
Justiça Global - Brazil
Liga Mexicana por la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos (LIMEDDH) - Mexico
Comisión de Derechos Humanos de El Salvador (CDHES) – El Salvador
Observatorio Ciudadano - Chile
Considering that so-called ‘anti-rights and anti-gender’ movements, which comprise individuals and
institutions affiliated withreligious fundamentalisms, nationalisms or ultra-nationalisms, white supremacy,
ultra-conservatism and other oppressive ideologies and movements 1, are striving to undermine the
universality of human rights by attacking women’s rights and the rights of LGBTQI+ people;
Considering that the power of these movements is growing, supported by conservative states which would
like to increase their influence. That their operations are increasingly well coordinated and resourced and
threaten human rights as well as the structures, institutions and organisations of civil society and of those
working to defend human rights;
Considering that by overturning case law on 24 June 2022 and removing the federal guarantee protecting
the right to abortion since 1973 in the form of the Roe v. Wade ruling, the United States Supreme Court went
against the progressive drive to recognise women’s sexual and reproductive rights, thereby calling into
question the constitutional right to abortion and marking an unprecedented retrograde step for women’s right
to dispose of their own bodies, which risks having repercussions in other countries around the world. That
within a few hours, some US states such as Alabama and Missouri had imposed an outright ban on abortion,
even in cases of incest or rape or of a threat to the life of the pregnant woman. And that over the past
three months, other US states have quickly introduced significant restrictions, such as Ohio where abortion
is no longer permitted beyond six weeks ;
Considering that, globally, access to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) by women and girls,
adolescents and marginalised populations is under threat, and their access to information, comprehensive
sex education and other services is restricted. That the international instruments protecting women’s rights,
foremost amongst these the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against
women and domestic violence (the Istanbul Convention), are under attack from states that view them as
promoting ‘gender ideology’. That draft bills aimed at increasingly criminalising same-gender relationships on
the pretext of fighting a ‘western agenda’ and defending traditional values are becoming more common ;
Paying tribute to human rights organisations and collectives, including feminist organisations and those
promoting LGBTQI+ rights, which are successfully withstanding these challenges and, in many cases, are
securing victories;
Considering that FIDH, being an international organisation with local roots and a century’s experience of
fighting for the universality of human rights, drawing on its human rights expertise, international and regional
mechanisms for promoting and defending human rights and its experience acquired in documenting human
rights violations, has a mission to fight for human rights to be respected at a time when they are threatened
by these movements;
Thus, FIDH
• Reiterates that the fight to repel these attacks on the universality of human rights and particularly
women’s rights will be a determining factor in the actions taken in the future by the International Federation
for Human Rights and its member organisations.
1 See N. Shameem, Rights at Risk: Observatory on the Universality of Rights Trends Report 2017, AWID, 2017 and N.
Shameem et al., Nos droits en danger – Il est temps d’agir : Rapports sur les tendances 2021 by the Observatory on the
Universality of Rights, AWID, 2021.
• Reaffirms the importance of civil society in all countries working together to share experiences and
common strategies designed to respond to these highly organised and well financed international networks.
• Urges multinationals and states not to fund these anti-rights and anti-gender movements.
• Invites states to strengthen the mechanisms of international cooperation and mutual aid and advice in
the transnational fight against the entryism of these movements.
• Calls on donors to support the essential work carried out by civil society in favour of the rights for all in
the face of these unprecedented threats.
TBC
FIDH calls for a peaceful settlement of armed conflicts in Eastern Europe and Central Asia
Proposed by:
Civil Society Institute, Armenia
Bir Duino - Kyrgyzstan
The past months has seen the escalation of at least three international armed conflicts:
between Russia and Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The
proliferation of international armed conflicts in Eastern Europe and Central Asia threatens
international peace, security and sustainable development throughout the world.
On the night of 13 September 2022, in a sharp escalation of hostilities, Azerbaijan attacked

Armenian positions along the border. According to the Civil Society Institute (CSI), FIDH’s member or-
ganisation in Armenia, the artillery strikes targeted both military and civilian infrastructure, including
borderline settlements of Armenian towns of Vardenis, Goris, Sotq and Jermuk. The respective govern-
ments reported at least 300 combined deaths. This latest instance of armed violence between Armenia
and Azerbaijan is the most intense since the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war. Following the six weeks of
international armed conflict that erupted at the end of September 2020, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Rus -
sia signed a cease-fire agreement. For decades, armed conflict has flared and waned between the two
countries over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region.
On 14-18 September 2022, the latest flare-up of violence along the Tajikistan-Kyrgyzstan bor-
der caused over 100 deaths and injuries to hundreds more civilians on both sides. According to FIDH’s
member organizations in Kyrgyzstan, the shelling caused extensive destruction of civilian infrastruc -
ture along the Kyrgyz-Tajik border in the Batken district - 613 houses of Kyrgyz citizens were destroyed
in locations up to 80 kilometers apart, prompting the displacement of about 150 thousand Kyrgyz civil-
ians. Our Tajik Member organization reports the destruction of close to 300 objects of civilian infra-
structure, including schools and hospitals. This latest outbreak of armed violence has its roots in unre-
solved issues of delimitation and demarcation of state borders, with tensions emerging over access to
water and lands. The previous escalation of the armed conflict took place from 28 April to May 1, 2021,
leading to 52 deaths, over 300 others injured, mass displacement, and destruction of civilians’ homes.
Earlier on 24 February 2022, Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, announced the beginning of a “special
military operation” in Ukraine, kicking off an armed attack on major Ukrainian cities, including the capi-
tal Kyiv, Kharkiv, Odessa, Mariupol, and Kramatorsk. This unjustified and unprovoked aggression
marked an escalation of the war between Russia and Ukraine that began in 2014 with the annexation
of Crimea and Russia’s military involvement in the Donbas region. This new phase of the conflict has
now been ongoing for eight months and has claimed deaths of tens of thousands of people and forced
millions from their homes.
FIDH is alarmed by growing evidence of flagrant disregard for international humanitarian law (IHL) and
international human rights law (IHRL) by the parties to the conflicts, above all direct attacks against
civilians, indiscriminate attacks with explosive weapons with wide area effects, attacks on civilian in-
frastructure, ill-treatment and killing of prisoners of war and others. Parties to armed conflicts must at
all times distinguish between civilians and civilian objects on the one hand, and combatants and mili-
tary objectives on the other, and only target the latter. Being complementary to IHL, IHRL continues to
apply during times of armed conflict. Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Ukraine
are States Parties to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and must therefore protect
populations under their effective control from the effects of armed conflict.
The strengthening over the past decades of national and cultural identities in many states of the for -
mer Soviet Union that have gained their independence, coupled with the unresolved border issues that
emerged following the collapse of the USSR, as well as Russia’s irredentism, have led to growing ten-
sions in the region. Growing problems in Central Asian states’ border regions with Afghanistan could
also become sources of major conflicts in the Central Asian region. The war in Ukraine and the armed
conflicts in the Caucasus Central Asia regions have the potential to engulf other countries, causing
more death, injury and destruction, massive population shifts and renewed food and energy crises. Re -
gional security and prosperity will depend on the parties' ability to resolve these tensions and open
armed conflicts by peaceful means.
Our organisations urge all parties to the armed conflicts to:
 refrain from the threat or use of force and engage in diplomatic efforts to resolve disputes by
peaceful means;
 respect international humanitarian law and international human rights law;
 provide the necessary humanitarian assistance to the victims and their families, including all
those who were displaced from their homes because of significant threats to their lives and
health, with special attention to women, children, and other vulnerable groups;
 conduct thorough and genuine investigations that will identify perpetrators of serious human
rights violations, including war crimes and other international crimes;
 ensure appropriate reparations are granted to victims of international crimes and violations of
international humanitarian law;
 Ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court for those states that have not yet
done so, namely Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia and Azerbaijan;
 cooperate with international organisations providing humanitarian assistance, including by fa-
cilitating their access to victims and ensure they are not targeted; cooperate with regional and
international accountability mechanisms.
FIDH and its member organisations further call on the international community to:
 support diplomatic engagement in the region between all parties to the above conflicts to re -
store regional peace and security;
 provide humanitarian assistance to local populations at risk, in order to prevent further civilian
casualties;
 launch the OSCE Moscow Mechanism, and/or another international mechanism under the aus -
pices of the OSCE or the United Nations to investigate possible violations of IHL and human
rights law committed during these conflicts;
 call on Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia and Azerbaijan to ratify the Rome Statute of the Interna -
tional Criminal Court; and
 develop and strengthen platforms for regional dialogue under the aegis of the OSCE and the
UN, incorporating recommendations of the UNSC resolution 1325 "Peace. Women and Secu-
rity", in order to provide a viable and human rights based cooperative framework to counteract
the CSTO Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.
Urgent resolution on the situation

and recent developments in Turkey
İnsan Haklari Derneği / Human Rights Association (IHD) - Turkey

FIDH’s 41st Congress, meeting in Paris, France from 23 to 27 October 2022, wishes to draw attention to a
rapidly deteriorating human rights situation in Turkey, particularly to the challenges faced by
human rights defenders and other civil society actors following a serious democratic backsliding in the
country and an increasingly narrowing civic space and to call on the authorities in Turkey to promptly and
effectively address the concerns raised in this resolution.
Considering that Turkey switched to a presidential system, based on a one-person rule, following the
constitutional referendum held on 16 April 2017 under the State of Emergency (SoE), and that this system
started to be implemented with the 2018 elections;
Given that, under the new system, Turkey has further moved away from the rule of law, including by
pursuing a policy aimed at harassing political opponents and human rights defenders, including by
instrumentalising the Anti-Terror Law (ATL) and criminal legislation to target them, and increasing the
repression against them;
Noting that attacks, including smear campaigns and dissolutions, and human rights violations against
political opponents, human rights defenders and civil society organisations have become systematic and
led to severe limitations to people’s rights to freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly and
association and the right to defend human rights, and to a significant restriction of civic space;
Concerned by the impact that this is having on civil society at large, including the chilling effect that
mainstream political discourse and repressive measures can have on civil society actors;
Condemning the failure by the State to promptly, thoroughly, independently and impartially investigate
allegations of harassment against civil society actors, which in turn contributes to legitimising attacks by
non-State actors and fostering a climate of impunity for perpetrators;
Deploring the fact that Turkey has consistently failed to execute decisions by the European Court of
Human Rights (EctHR), and to comply with the recommendations issued by the Council of Europe’s
Committee of Ministers to release detained human rights defenders, political opponents and other civil
society actors as requested by the Court; considering in particular the decisions adopted by the EctHR in
the Kavala and in the Demirtas (n°2) cases, and the infringement procedure launched by the Committee
of Ministers against Turkey on 20-22 September 2022 for failure to execute the Kavala ruling;
Highlighting that several measures adopted under emergency rule are still in place and/or continue to
display their effects, including those regarding dismissals from public offices, and that the organ set up to
inquire into their legality does not fulfill the independence and impartiality requirements as requested by
the Council of Europe and has failed to provide an effective remedy to those whose rights have been
violated;
Recognising that the right to political participation and representation of opposition politicians,
particularly from the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), has been consistently violated, including by lifting
its members’ parliamentary immunity, removing them from office and attempting to dissolve the party;
Concerned by the decision by the authorities in Turkey to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention and by
data collected by civil society in Turkey showing an increase in violence against women and against
LGBTQI+ people and domestic violence following the withdrawal;
Noting that the peace process aimed at solving ‘the Kurdish issue’ has long been stalling and reiterating
the importance that a new process is launched to solve the issue through democratic and non-violent
means;
the FIDH 41st Congress urges the authorities in Turkey to:
1. Take steps to restore the rule of law in Turkey, including by ceasing to abuse the criminal law
system, particularly the ATL, to target dissent, especially by harassing human rights defenders and politi -
cal opponents and halt any harassment against them. This includes ending all investigations and prosecu -
tions against human rights defenders, including Human Rights Association’s co-chairs Öztürk Türkdoğan
and Eren Keskin, and releasing those who have been detained, including the seven activists arrested in
the Gezi Trial, Progressive Lawyers’ Association (ÇHD) chairperson and lawyer Selçuk Kozağaçlı and other
lawyers who defended the right to a fair trial, to stop the harassment against the media, especially Kur-
dish media and political opponents investigated and prosecuted under the ATL;
2. Ensure respect for the rights to freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly and associ-
ation and the right to defend human rights, including by lifting restrictions to these rights, and guarantee
that human rights defenders and civil society actors can operate in an environment that is conducive to
their exercise. This includes allowing for the Saturday Mothers/People and other family members of those
who disappeared as well as human rights defenders to hold peaceful vigils in İstanbul’s Galatasaray
Square by lifting the ban that has been in place since 28 August 2018. It also includes lifting bans on
watches and protests in support for the right to a fair trial, which is under gross violation in Turkey, and
for the right of victims to seek and obtain justice, especially in the trials concerning Şenyaşar, Çorlu, Umut
Gündüz, Hendek, the 10 October Ankara Train Station Massacre and the 20 July Suruç Massacre trials;
3. Halt attacks against human rights defenders and other civil society actors, including by promptly,
effectively, thoroughly and impartially investigating attacks against both State and non-State actors and
refraining from undermining the work of civil society actors and legitimises attacks against them;
4. Discontinue the dissolution cases brought against NGOs, such as the Tarlabaşı Community Cen-
ter Association, the We Will Stop Femicides Platform Association and DİAYDER and to put an end to the
harassment, including administrative harassment, against them and other civil society organizations;
5. Promptly and fully execute decisions by the EctHR and recommendations by the Council of Eu-
rope Committee of Ministers regarding human rights defenders and political opponents and order their re-
lease. This includes promptly and fully implementing the EctHR decisions in the Kavala and Demirtas
cases, where the Court found that their detentions were politically motivated and violated Articles 10, 5.1,
5.3 in combination with Article 18 ECHR as well as Article 3 of Protocol No 1 for Mr Demirtaş and Articles
5.4 and 5.1.c in combination with Article 18 for Mr Kavala and ordered their release. It also includes exe-
cuting the EctHR decision in Encü and Others v. Turkey regarding HDP MPs whose parliamentary immu-
nity was lifted in order to detain them, and ordering their release;
6. Respect and ensure the right to political representation and participation, including for the 451
politicians who currently face political bans on account of their work; act in compliance with the ECtHR
case-law in the dissolution case brought against HDP, the third largest political party in Turkey; and re-
lease and reinstate Democratic Regions Party (DBP) and HDP co-mayors who were removed from office
and replaced with State trustees under the SoE;
7. Dissolve the Inquiry Commission on the SoE measures, which is set to examine the reinstate-
ment applications submitted by 126,000 public servants who were dismissed from public office under
emergency decrees, as it does not meet the independence and impartiality criteria set by the EctHR and
ensure that the public servants who were unlawfully dismissed be reinstated;
8. Revert the decision regarding Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention, and ensure
that women’s and LGBTQI+ people’s right to be free from violence, including domestic and gender-based
violence, and discrimination is ensured in law and in practice in Turkey;
9. Re-start the peace process to resolve the ‘Kurdish issue’, which dates back to the founding of the
Republic, through democratic and non-violent means, building on similar experiences in other countries
and capitalising on the process launched between 2013 and 2015, with a view to ensuring lasting peace;
10. Comply with the recommendations put forth in the three reports published by İHD and the Obser-
vatory (FIDH/OMCT) in 2020, 2021 and 2022 on civic space in Turkey.
Resolution on the impact of fake news on democratic processes in Latin America
Proposed by:
Observatorio Ciudadano; CAJAR ; Justiça Global ; MNDH ; APRODEH ; CIPRODEH ; CDHES ; CEDHU ;
Acción Ecologica
Concerned by the fact that fake news prevail in the political landscape of Brazil, as they played a
decisive role in the first presidential round of October 2022 and are expected to have a great influence in
the second round as well. For example, during the first round, it became clear that evangelical politicians
and pastors promoted false news on social media, accusing candidate Luiz Inácio Lula of wanting to close
churches and persecute parishioners. These messages about Lula's false intentions mobilized up to 142
million accounts on Twitter.1
Recalling that more than a decade ago, new technologies such as social networks have facilitated access
to information for citizens in electoral processes. Simultaneously, tools like bots, which are automated
social network accounts that are programmed to publish content and send direct messages to users, 2
have been used as a vehicle for disinformation and spread of fake news. According to a study published in
2017 by the University of Southern California and the University of Indiana, between 9% and 15% of
Twitter users are bots and responsible for a third of the dissemination of "low credibility" articles. 3
Emphasizing that these new technologies and information media have been and are being manipulated
by government entities, businesses, public officials and civilians to restrict, distort and accommodate
information according to their interests and spread false news among citizens with the goal of influencing
democratic processes that are decisive for the future of the nations.
Reiterating our concern about the negative impact of fake news in recent democratic processes, such as
in Colombia during the 2018 Congress and Presidency elections, where the Electoral Observation Mission
(EOM) found that the results were altered due to a campaign by users on social networks who claimed
that the voting forms had been modified, which influenced the perception of citizens regarding the
transparency and legitimacy of the electoral process. Likewise, in 2016 during the plebiscite for peace in
Colombia, social networks such as Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp became tools to spread fake news and
disinformation about the points of the Peace Agreement, which led the population to make decisions
based on misrepresented information.4 This year, the referendum to vote for a new Constitution in Chile,
as in Colombia, was also influenced by the spread of biased and, in many cases, fake information in
relation to the contents incorporated in the new Constitution Project, generating only a partial
understanding of said constitutional project of an important part of the citizenship. The levels of
disinformation were so high that the Chilean Electoral Service carried out a campaign to deny the false
information circulating on social networks, produced largely by people and business groups with great
economic, political and intellectual influence in the country 5. Even members of the United States Congress
contacted Meta, Twitter and TikTok calling for urgent action to "combat corrupt disinformation campaigns
that undermine a fair and democratic process." 6 In the United States, the former president Trump himself
continues to spread the fake news that the 2020 presidential election were stolen.
Emphasizing the influence of private companies in the elections, it is verified that in the United Kingdom
during the Brexit votes, the company Cambridge Analytica supported the pro-Brexit campaign 7, and it
also leaked the data of 50 million users on Facebook to find out their voting intentions, which had a
decisive impact on the 2016 United States presidential elections. 8
Denouncing the devastating effect that fake news and misinformation have in the context of
authoritarian regimes, contributing to the stigmatization and criminalization of human rights defenders
and organizations against whom fake news are used. For example, this is the case in Venezuela and
Nicaragua, where governments spread disinformation to degrade the validity of information spread by
independent organizations, promoting their stigmatization and censorship.
1 Open Democracy, Disinformation casts a shadow over Brazil's presidential elections, which are headed for a second
round, 2022
2 Citizens Clean Elections Commission, Avoid disinformation
3 Ibidem.
4 Semana, The five lies of the plebiscite that circulated on Whatsapp, 2016
5 BBC, The brutal misinformation about the proposed new Constitution for Chile, 2022
6 Radio Bio Bio, US Congressmen accuse "campaign of disinformation in social networks by Plebiscite in Chile ”,
2022
7 France 24, Cambridge Analytica would have supported the pro-Brexit campaign, 2018
8 France 24, Mark Zuckerberg takes responsibility for Facebook data leak, 2018
Reiterating the responsibility of governments not to "make, endorse, encourage or disseminate

statements that they know or reasonably should know to be false (misinformation) or that show manifest
disregard for verifiable information (propaganda)". 9
Highlighting that although the human right to disseminate information and express oneself freely "is not
limited to correct statements", it does not justify that governments, public, private or civil officials
disseminate "false statements deliberately or by negligence". 10
Denouncing the governments that manipulate the information, and that thereby fail to comply with their
national and international legal obligations to ensure the dissemination of reliable and trustworthy
information.11
FIDH, meeting in the framework of the 41st Congress in Paris, France:
Calls on States, including their national justice mechanisms to

 Adopt necessary laws, reinforce or reform existing legislation in order to protect the right to
freedom of expression, as well as the right to receive truthful and reliable information.
 Enact and apply laws that protect the personal data of users of social networks and information
platforms, where the data that these companies can collect, store and share is restricted. 12
 Work hand in hand with private companies, the media, journalists and information platforms to
promote rigor in the search and dissemination of reliable and trustworthy information for its
citizens.
 Strengthen and monitor electoral institutions and mechanisms to ensure that there is no
interference in voters' decisions based on fake news or disinformation.
 Promote and support participatory and transparent initiatives that foster a greater understanding
of the impact of disinformation and propaganda on democracy, freedom of expression, journalism
and civic space.13
 Adopt corrective measures when there is evidence of the violation of the right to freedom of
expression or access to truthful and reliable information in order to guarantee the legitimacy of
institutions and strengthen democracy.
Calls on the international community to

 Promote discussions at the international level on the need to require technology companies to
develop due diligence protocols in the face of possible human rights violations that their
operations may entail.14
 Create spaces at the international level to discuss the relation between the right to freedom of
expression and access to true and reliable information.
 Promote the creation of control mechanisms on information platforms, which enable
accountability for those who use information networks to promote false information and influence
democratic processes.
 Invest in and promote digital education and literacy programs that allow people to know their
rights and be trained in managing social networks to recognize and identify false information.
9 UN Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Opinion and Expression, OSCE, OAS and ACHPR, Joint Declaration on
Freedom of Expression and Fake News, Disinformation and Propaganda , 2017
10 Ibidem.
11 Ibidem.
12 Amnesty International, Surveillance Giants: The Threat to Human Rights from the Google and Facebook Business
Model, 2019
13 UN Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Opinion and Expression, OSCE, OAS and ACHPR, Joint Declaration on
Freedom of Expression and Fake News, Disinformation and Propaganda , 2017
14 Ibidem.
Draft resolution on military transitions in Africa
Proposed by:
Organisation Guinéenne des Droits de l’Homme
FIDH, at the 41st meeting of its Congress in Paris:
Deeply concerned by the rise in and recurrence of military coups d’état in Africa, where at least five
countries have suffered a military coup since 2021, leading to human rights violations against a backdrop
of security and socio-political crises, while citizens hope for a return to democratic governance.
Also deploring the direct negative consequences for civilians who are being directly victimised as a
result of the widespread human rights violations being committed in these contexts.
Particularly concerned by the fact that, where transitional governments are in place, greater
restrictions have been imposed on democratic space, characterised by repeated violations of the
fundamental rights of freedom of opinion and expression, the right to protest and freedom of the press,
through intimidation, judicial harassment, arbitrary arrest and other forms of threats and pressure
directed at people voicing opinions that are critical of the transitional authorities, notably on social media
networks, since the successive coups d’état in 2020 and 2021 in Mali and Guinea, and by crackdowns on
opposition demonstrations involving a disproportionate use of force by the anti-riot police in Chad.
Concerned by recent developments in Burkina Faso where, in September 2022, soldiers from the
Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration (MPSR) carried out the second coup in nine months,
removing the military junta, suspending the constitution and dissolving the government and the
transitional national legislative assembly.
Noting the decision by the Peace and Security Council of the Africa Union to suspend Mali at its 1001st
meeting held on 1 June 2021 where it considered the situation in Mali in the wake of the second coup
d’état in nine months.
Concerned by the recommendations and resolutions at the beginning of October 2022 of the proceed-
ings of the Inclusive and Sovereign National Dialogue (DNIS) in Chad, extending the transition period by
two years and allowing the transitional president, who has an army background, to stand at the next pres -
idential election, contrary to previous commitments.
Condemning the lack of inclusivity of the DNIS process in Chad, which has been delayed on several
occasions and from which the majority of the opposition and civil society has been excluded.
Concerned by the human rights situation and restrictions on civic space in Guinea, where the military
junta, via the National Committee on Reconciliation and Development (CNRD), in power since 5
September 2021, continues to attack civil liberties, notably by banning all peaceful demonstrations in a
public place and by recently dissolving the citizen-led opposition movement, the National Front for the
Defence of the Constitution (FNDC), as well as judicially harassing activists from this movement and from
the opposition.
Concerned by the restrictions applied to democratic space in Mali and by the delay in setting up the
Malian independent electoral body (AIGE), whose members, particularly those from civil society and
political parties, are being arbitrarily appointed, contrary to the spirit of new, recently adopted electoral
legislation.
Concerned by the military’s ongoing crackdown on rights and limiting of fundamental freedoms in
Sudan since the coup d’état in October 2021 and especially by the excessive use of force employed by
the security services against peaceful protesters, resulting in 117 dead and more than 2,000 injured on
the day of the coup, as well as by army interference in and disruption of the process to adopt legislation
to protect the media by suspending the legislative power and the constitutional court.
Noting the attempted military coup d’état in Guinea-Bissau in February 2022 resulting in 11 deaths,
including of four civilians.
Concerned by the extension until February 2025 of the transitional period in South Sudan by the
Reconstituted Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission responsible for monitoring the 2018 peace
accord and, despite the revitalised peace accord being deployed, by the human rights violations and
abuses caused by violent clashes between soldiers and armed militias, which continue unabated and
which resulted in more than 150 deaths, 37 kidnappings of women and children and 131 cases of sexual
and gender-based violence between April and May 2022.
Reaffirming the importance of transparent and participative societies, an independent civil society
and respect for fundamental rights, notably freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of peaceful
assembly and association, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience and the right to participate in
political life, as stated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Pact on Civil and
Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (African Charter).
Noting the right to life, the right to physical integrity and the right to the liberty and security of the
person as well as freedom of movement, as safeguarded by the International Pact on Civil and Political
Rights and the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights.
Noting the clarifications and strengthening of Articles 10 and 11 of the African Charter provided by the
Guidelines of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR), as well as the United
Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials.
FIDH calls on
The government authorities in the aforementioned countries
 To respect the constitutional rule in place and to commit immediately to a civilian regime.
 To guarantee respect for civil and political rights and fundamental freedoms at all times in order
to have an open and inclusive democratic space.
 To respect international human rights law norms and international standards governing the use
of force by law enforcement agents, particularly the principles of legality, necessity,
proportionality, prudence and responsibility, notably in Chad and Sudan.
 To cease with immediate effect the repression and violation of the human rights of citizens,
human rights defenders, journalists, the media and civil society, with particular reference to Chad
and Sudan where excessive use of force has been applied in the form of physical assaults, attacks
on hospitals and arrests as well as restrictions on freedom of expression and the right to associate
and to protest.
 To open investigations and prosecute the perpetrators of serious violations of human rights,
including those committed in the context of current transitional arrangements, particularly those
committed during the transitional period and since the coup not only in Sudan but also in Chad,
Mali and South Sudan.
 To proceed without delay with the unconditional release of all prisoners of conscience and with
guaranteeing the right to protest which is a peaceful means of expression in a democracy.
The African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) and the international community
 To condemn the recent trend for staging military coups d’état aimed at taking power in Sub-
Saharan Africa and the extended periods of military transition which are the consequence in
Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, Sudan and Chad.
 To call for a definitive return to constitutional governance in the form of a civilian regime in all
states currently subject to a transitional government.
 To ensure respect for civil and political rights and fundamental freedoms in order to have an
open and inclusive democratic space.
 To call for respect for international human rights law norms and international standards
governing the use of force by law enforcement agents, particularly the principles of legality,
necessity, proportionality, prudence and responsibility, notably in Chad and Sudan.
 To call for an immediate end to the repression and violation of the human rights of citizens,
human rights defenders, journalists, the media and civil society, with particular reference to Chad
and Sudan where an excessive use of force has been applied in the form of physical assaults,
attacks on hospitals and arrests as well as restrictions on freedom of expression and the right of
association and demonstration.
 To demand investigations into and prosecution of the perpetrators of serious violations of human
rights, including those committed in the context of the current transitional arrangements in
Sudan, Chad, Mali and South Sudan.
 To call for the immediate release of all prisoners of conscience and to guarantee the right to
demonstrate which is a peaceful means of expression in a democracy.
 To call for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Protocol relating to
democracy and good governance to be strictly applied in order to minimise the risk of coups
d’état in countries where poor governance is often one of the reasons cited.
 To support civil society, citizen movements and peaceful actors of change in their demands for
fundamental freedoms to be respected and democratic institutions reformed.

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41st FIDH Congress – 2022 – Paris / 41ème Congrès de la FIDH – 2022 – Paris / 41° Congreso de la FIDH – 2022 - Paris

EXAMINATION OF THE DRAFT

Resolution on the sale

Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo (CAJAR), Instituto

Nicaraguan Human Rights Centre (CENIDH) – Nicaragua, Centre for Legal

Comité de Acción Jurídica-CAJ (Argentina); Asamblea Permanente de

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The FIDH calls on:

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The 41st FIDH Congress :

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The FIDH 41st Congress considers that:

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Resolution on the Human Rights situation in Syria

7. Strongly condemns the continued widespread practices of enforced disappearance and

Resolution on the human rights situation in Vietnam 2022

Observatorio Ciudadano; CAJAR ; Justicia Global ;

Draft resolution on military transitions in

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Urgent resolution on the situation

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Reiterating the responsibility of governments not to "make, endorse, encourage or disseminate

FIDH, meeting in the framework of the 41st Congress in Paris, France:

Calls on States, including their national justice mechanisms to

Calls on the international community to

Draft resolution on military transitions in Africa

FIDH, at the 41st meeting of its Congress in Paris:

The government authorities in the aforementioned countries

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