ESCABUSA, CARLOS JOHN F.

BSE – 1FIL

MAKE A 3 PAGE CRITICAL ESSAY OF THE FOLLOWING:

EXCERPT FROM APOLINARIO MABINI’S THE PHILIPPINE REVOLUTION

CHAPTER 9 AND 10 (MEMOIRS)

Having written these memoirs only to seek in the past the most useful lessons for the
present and the future, I have tried to be impartial. I have also tried to render judgement on
events and not on particular individuals, but in adjudging the revolution, I could do no less than
pass judgment on the man who did not recoil from crime in order to embody the revolution in
himself from beginning to end. I am sure that I have chronicled events as I saw them happen or
heard about them, and that I have passed judgment. on them as dispassionately as possible, but,
If I have been mistaken or unjust by involuntary omission or because of wrong information, I am
ready to correct my mistakes or make such amends as may be proper. If in the course of my
narrative I have often made reference to myself, it has not been from a desire to single myself out
to other’s this advantage but only indicate my personal participation in the great drama of the
revolution, sometimes as a mere spectator, at other times as a member of the cast, and thus to
provide a gauge for the trustworthiness of my account. I do not see anything wrong in examining
our past in order to draw up balance-sheet of our failure, mistakes and weaknesses; whoever
voluntarily confesses his sins shows at least a praiseworthy and honorable purpose of
amendment and correction. The evil would lie in concealing them, and in their discovery and
exposure by a stranger, not to put us right but to sully our name. their concealment, moreover,
would encourage evil does, while their exposure teaches us useful lessons. I should have liked to
make this essay something of an exemplary history of the Philippines, displaying side by side the
vices and the virtues of each individual, and the disadvantages and advantages of each
institution, in the conviction that in this world the most perfect being has his imperfections, and
the most imperfect his perfection. But such a task is beyond my abilities. Also, the collection of
the material necessary for this kind of work requires a long period of laborious study and
research for which I lack the time. I am content, therefore, within the measure of my ability and
means, to prepare the way for others better qualified.

Going back to Mr. Aguinaldo, I hope and pray that my observations, made without
rancor and only in the performance of a painful duty, will not increase the bitterness in his heart
but will rather awaken in him an ardent desire to make up for his past and recapture the general
esteem with noteworthy acts of unselfishness and abnegation. When was already a prisoner in
Manila, in the bands or the American authorities, I hinted to Mr. Aguinaldo, writing in El
Coercion to correct an item in the Manila Times, that his only salvation was a glorious death on
the battlefield? Shortly afterward, in another article published in La Fraternized, I prepared this
hint more explicitly and clearly, comparing him with Mr. Kruger, I knew that these articles
would not please the American authorities, but I was convinced that, with Aguinaldo meeting
death in a supreme effort to defend our national freedom, such a heroic act would restore his
reputation and at the same time honor the Filipinos. However, my suggestions were not
followed. I have no complaint because, event if Mr. Aguinaldo had proposed to act in accordance
with them, I understand that it is not always possible to do what one wants. Moreover, it might
be that his crimes were so grave that Providence would not judge him worthy of immortality, or
that it would be for his own good to hear the judgment of public opinion so that repentance might
touch the sensitive fibers of his heart. The frustrated Andres Bonifacio was wont to say when be
been still alive that we should fear no one except History, and indeed history is implacable in
doing justice, and its judgment is terrible against the offender.

Be that as it may, Mr. Aguinaldo should not despair. As I have just indicated, he can
still make up for his past and recapture the general esteem with worthy deeds. He is still young
and has shown a natural sagacity in making the most of the circumstances for his own ends,
questionable as they were because he lacked the culture and virtue demanded by his office. Mr.
Aguinaldo believed that one can serve his country with honor and glory only from high office,
and this is an error which is very dangerous to the common welfare; it is the principle cause of
the civil wars which impoverish and exhaust many states and contributed greatly to the failure of
the Revolution. Only he is truly a patriot who, whatever his post, high or low, tries to do the
greatest possible good to his countrymen. A little good done in a humble position is a little to
honor and glory, while it is a sign of negligence or incompetence when done in high office. True
honor can be discerned in the simple manifestations of an upright and honest soul, not in brilliant
pomp and ornament which scarcely serve to mask the deformities of the body. True honor is
attained by teaching our minds to recognize truth, and training our heart to love it. The
recognition of truth shall lead us to the recognition of our duties and justice, and performing our
duties and doing justice we shall be respected and honored, whatever our station in life. Let us
never forget we are in the first rung of our national life, and that we are called upon to rise, and
can go upward only on the ladder of virtue and heroism. Above all let us not forget that, if we do
not grow, we shall have died without having been great, unable to reach maturity, which is
proper of a degenerate race.

I shall not end this remark to my countrymen without putting on record the boundless
disgust I felt whenever I heard of the rape of Filipinas by Filipino’s soldiers. I admit these were
isolated cases, very difficult to prevent in times of general disorder and the uncontrolled outbreak
of passions, but I am sure that the first instances would not have been repeated if the
commanders concerned had punished such outrages energetically and without hesitation. How
shall we get foreigners to respect our women when we ourselves set the example of offending
them? Can we Filipino men expect to be respected when our women are not? In the chivalrous
traditions of ancient times the principal virtue of the knight without fear and without reproach
was respect for womanhood because the custom of protecting the honor and life of the weak and
defenseless surely showed greatness of soul and nobility of heart it should be realized that this
virtue was merely necessary in the legendary age of romance but one of the great imperative in
the life of people since, if women find simple respect and consideration within her customary
ambit, she quickly acquires that since of dignity which protects her from many frailties, a dignity
which, passed to her sons, instills in them courage and fortitude for great enterprises and heroic
deeds.

Lastly, I hope that this succinct narrative will give clearer and more correct
appreciation of the political needs of the Filipinos and fitness for democratic government. The
Spaniard as well as the Americans have looked upon the Filipinos as half- savages unfit for such
a government because they have always confused lack of experience with personal aptitude. One
who is unfit for civilized life does not want it because he does not need it, and for this reason the
Rigorous and A eta and other really half- savage tribes in the archipelago are happier living in
the mountains and forest than in the towns. The Spanish Government claimed that political
aspirations were to be found only in the hearts of a few educated Filipinos but not among the
masses of the country, yet the latter, unable to prove the Government wrong otherwise because
they were forbidden to petition, rose in rebellion led by Andres Bonifacio and Emilio Aguinaldo,
both men of little learning. The United States Government shares the same belief, and I hope that
this essay, by showing it the past, will help to lead it out of error and prevent the horrors of new
revolution.

Of the reforms previously sought from the Spanish Government, the United States
Congress has to this date granted only that referring to certain individual rights, whose exercise
is still restricted by the authority of the Insular Government, a government which continues to be
absolute in so far as the members of the executive branch also make the laws and appoint at their
discretion the member of the judiciary. Moreover, the irritating inequality in pay among those
who hold the same positions is more general, an inequality which in Spaniard times existed only
in the armed forces, and which makes impossible an identity of interests among Americans and
of the reforms previously sought from the Spanish Government, the United States Congress has
to this date granted only that referring to certain individual rights, whose exercise is still
restricted by the authority of the Insular Government, a government which continues to be
absolute insofar as the members of the executive branch also make the laws and appoints at their
discretion the members of the judiciary. Moreover, the irritating inequality in pay among those
who hold the same position is more general, an inequality which in Spanish times existed only in
the armed forces, and which makes impossible an identity of interests among Americans and
Filipinos. The constabulary, for its parts is following in the footsteps of its hated counterpart
under the former regime. Before my deportation to Guam, when Governor Taft was still only
Chairman of the Philippine Commission, I solicited an interview to ask him the extent and limits
of the sovereignty which the United States sought to impose on the Philippines.
ESCABUSA, CARLOS JOHN F. BSE – 1 FIL

EXCERPT FROM EMILIO AGUINALDO’S MGA GUNITA NG HIMAGSIKAN

(MEMOIRS)

Emilio fame Aguinaldo Sr. was born on March 22, 1869, in Kuwait, Cavity. He was the seventh
among the eight Children of Carlos Jamie Aguinaldo and Trinidad Fumy - Aguinaldo. Emilio
Aguinaldo was one of the Filipino Revolutionary during the Spanish Colonization. He joined the
Katipunan movement in 1894 and became the President of the organization because of his better
military success. Aguinaldo was recognized as the first and the youngest president of the
republic of the Philippines (1899-1901) and the first president of constitutional republic in Asia.

The first volume of the memoirs was produced by Aguinaldo himself between the year 1928 and
1946. The memoirs include account from Aguinaldo’s birth and early years until the signing of
the Bias-Na-Ba to Treaty in 1897. In his preface, Aguinaldo says the memoirs were based on
diary he kept, documents he preserved, and family lore gathered from his elders. It was at the end
of 1963 that, after much deliberation, he decided to publish his memoirs. Second volume was
presumed that it was also drafted by Aguinaldo, which could have covered the resumption of the
Philippines Revolution Against Spain and Philippine-American War.

Emilio Aguinaldo from joining the Katipunan, up to the Filipino-American War broke out.
August 1896 when Aguinaldo went to Cavity El Vies. He told them that his plan to invade the
Spaniards failed, and it was his first time to formulate strategies. He told his Conceals G.
Candide Tria Girona and Santiago Dan of what happened. Furthermore, he told them about the
declaration of war and both said that they need to fight. Aguinaldo refused and to steal the
Guardia Civil gun quietly. Aguinaldo and the Conceals had the chance to steal the tree Guardia
civil guns. However, despite the fact that Aguinaldo didn’t want to use violence and just want to
surrender their guns and communicate forces, one of the guards initiated to fight. Cordillera
ended up stabbing one of the Guardia civil. September first, Aguinaldo had a meeting with G.
Jose Tangle who is the Head of the Barangay Pillar and Captain Municipal of Imus at the
convent in Cavity El Vies. Tangle asked for help in attacking the Spaniards at Imus which
Aguinaldo immediately agreed and gathered his troops. They held a parade to increase their
numbers which ranges to two thousand men. The friars found shelter inside the convent while in
the tower of the convent was the Guardia civil. This scenario stirred up Aguinaldo to establish
military strategies in order for them to win. Aguinaldo assigned himself, general.
ESCABUSA, CARLOS JOHN F. BSE-1FIL

TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE

KINGDOM OF SPAIN (TREATY OF PARIS)

The Treaty of Paris is signed, effectively ending the Spanish-American War and establishing the
United States' first overseas empire. The Spanish-American War arose from a rebellion against
Spanish rule in Cuba in 1895. Spain's repressive measures to suppress the guerrilla war, such as
herding Cuba's rural population into disease-ridden garrison towns, were graphically depicted in
American newspapers, inflaming public opinion. Because of the violence in Havana in January
1898, US authorities dispatched the battleship USS Maine to the city's port to protect American
citizens. A massive explosion of unknown origin sank the Maine in Havana harbor on February
15, killing 260 of the 400 American crewmembers aboard.

An official United States Without much evidence, the Naval Court of Inquiry ruled in March that
the ship was blown up by a mine, but it did not directly blame Spain. However, a majority of
Congress and the American public were convinced that Spain was to blame and demanded a
declaration of war. In April, the United States Congress prepared for war by passing joint
congressional resolutions demanding the withdrawal of the Spanish from Cuba and authorizing
President William McKinley to use force. On April 23, President McKinley requested 125,000
volunteers to fight Spain. The following day, Spain declared war on the United States.

On April 25, the United States declared war. On May 1, the United States In the first battle of the
Spanish-American War, the Asiatic Squadron led by Commodore George Dewey destroyed the
Spanish Pacific fleet at Manila Bay. Dewey's decisive victory paved the way for the United
States to occupy Manila in August and eventually transfer control of the Philippines from
Spanish to American hands.
On the other side of the world, in May, a Spanish fleet arrived in Cuba's Santiago harbor after
sailing across the Atlantic from Spain. Soon after, a superior US naval force arrived and block es
Army landed in Cuba with the intention of marching to Santiago and launching ed the harbor
entrance. In June, the United States The Fifth Corps of the United Stat a coordinated land and sea
assault on the Spanish stronghold. The Theodore Roosevelt-led "Rough Riders," a collection of
western cowboys and eastern blue bloods officially known as the First U.S. Voluntary Cavalry,
were among the United States' ground troops. The Americans won the Battle of San Juan Hill on
July 1, and the next day began a siege of Santiago.

The Spanish fleet was destroyed off the coast of Santiago by American warships led by Admiral
William Sampson on July 3, and the Spanish surrendered the city–and thus Cuba–to the
Americans on July 17. In Puerto Rico, Spanish forces also surrendered in the face of superior US
forces, and an armistice was signed on August 12 between Spain and the US, bringing the brief
and one-sided conflict to an end. The Treaty of Paris ended the Spanish-American War on
December 10, 1898. As the United States took over much of Spain's overseas holdings, the once-
proud Spanish empire was effectively dissolved. The United States gained control of Puerto Rico
and Guam, the Philippines were purchased for $20 million, and Cuba became a U.S.
protectorate. Philippine insurgents who had fought against Spanish rule during the war turned
their guns on the new occupiers, and the United States lost ten times as many troops suppressing
the Philippines as it did defeat Spain.

While the Spanish-American War was brief and relatively inexpensive in terms of dollars and
lives, the Treaty of Paris had long-term consequences for both Spain and the United States.
While the treaty's terms initially harmed Spain, it eventually benefited from being forced to
abandon its imperialistic aspirations in favor of focusing on its many long-ignored internal needs.
Indeed, the war resulted in a modern Spanish renaissance in both material and social interests.
Over the next two decades, Spain's post-war period saw rapid advances in agriculture, industry,
and transportation.

"Spain felt then that the era of overseas adventures had passed, and that from now on her future
was at home," wrote Spanish historian Salvador de Maradiaga in his 1958 book Spain: A
Modern History. Her gaze, which had wandered to the ends of the world for centuries, had
finally returned to her own home estate."
Whether on purpose or not, the United States emerged from the Paris peace talks as the world's
newest superpower, with strategic territorial possessions spanning from the Caribbean to the
Pacific. Economically, the United States reaped the benefits of new trade markets in the Pacific,
Caribbean, and Far East. The McKinley administration used the terms of the Treaty of Paris to
partially justify annexing the then-independent Hawaiian Islands in 1893.
ESCABUSA, CARLOS JOHN F. BSE-1FIL

EXCERPT FROM ALFRED MCCOY AND ALEJANDRO ROCE’S POLITICAL

CARICATURES OF THE AMERICAN ERA

Alfred William McCoy, an American professor of history and award-winning writer, dedicated
his professional career to the study of Southeast Asian history, particularly that of the
Philippines, as well as US foreign policy. One of his dissertations focused on the factional
conflict in the Iloilo colonial economy from 1937 to 1955. His interest in Filipino history enabled
him to master the Hiligaynon dialect and comprehend the political situation in the country as a
whole, not just in Iloilo.

Philippine Cartoons is a collection of 377 editorial cartoons and caricatures depicting the
condition in the Philippines during the American occupation. Each caricature, which ranged in
date from 1900 to 1941, captured national emotions toward the arrival of the Americans as well
as changing customs and times. Some of the cartoons depicted the plight of Filipino farmers at
the hands of American renters who claimed ownership of the laborers' fields and levied
oppressive levies. The cartoons also depicted uneven incomes despite having the same sort of
labor, highlighting racial discrimination in terms of work conditions, wages, job possibilities, and
career positions. Aside from that, the caricatures depicted Americans as oppressing and
enslaving people by taking over the insular civil service and forcing Filipinos to do the majority
of the work for their own benefit, paying off authorities for their personal security, and
demanding the highest respect from Filipinos. From them, the Philippines' political systems were
revealed to be increasingly dominated by corruption. Furthermore, they exemplified American
imperialism as the principal cause of the conflict in Mindanao between Muslim and Christian
Filipinos, as well as other feuds among Filipinos who should have been fighting together to
reclaim their independence from the Americans. McCoy was able to create a detailed
background for each caricature in order to inform readers about the tumultuous period in which
the Filipinos have lived.

Alfred McCoy was able to publish Philippine Cartoons as a secondary source of varied political
caricatures made during the period with the support of Alfredo Races, who designed the book
and wrote an essay on Philippine graphic satire during the American era. These cartoons help to
clarify historical facts and open people's eyes to the realities of life under American occupation.
The book represented anti-American emotions in addition to condemnation of the ruling class,
providing us with a peek into Philippine society in the past, allowing us to visualize historical
politics and appreciate representations of Filipino viewpoints at the time. Political cartoons like
this would later become important in conveying the country's current status, just as they had
previously.

Studying American caricatures made me realize how important it is to talk about political and
social topics in order to comprehend the country's status. It also pushed me to comprehend other
people's perspectives and beliefs, which may differ from mine, in order to foster a peaceful
dialogue that may contribute to the growth of social ties and the improvement of the country.
ESCABUSA, CARLOS JOHN F. BSE-1FIL

EXCERPT FROM FILIPINO GRIEVANCES AGAINST GOVERNOR WOOD BY

THE COMMISSION ON INDEPENDENCE

Filipinos have wanted independence since the arrival of the Americans in 1898. Because refusing
them would jeopardize their efforts to calm them, American colonial officials did not say no.
Instead, they promoted Filipino politicians to high-ranking government positions in the hopes
that they would forget about their aspirations for independence. The appointment of Francis
Burton Harrison as governor general and the ratification of the Jones Law in 1916 alter the
Philippines' political landscape. Jones Law stated unequivocally that once the Filipinos had
created a stable government, the American government would grant them independence. The
written guarantee was already a huge success for Quezon and other officials 2. They were even
more overjoyed when, in 1915, the Retirement Act was established, which provided an attractive
financial package to Americans who voluntarily resigned their employment in the Philippines.
This prepared the path for the bureaucracy to become Filipin zed.

All other jobs were open to Filipinos, with the exception of the governor general, vice governor,
Secretary of Public Instruction, and a few other sensitive positions. Local politicians were given
cabinet seats, while top-tier Filipino lawyers were nominated to the Supreme Court as judges. In
addition, Filipino governors and mayors were assigned to 45 provinces and over 800
municipalities. The Jones Act also established a bicameral congress, giving provincial
lawmakers a voice in policymaking. The Senate was led by Quezon, and the Speaker of the
House was Sergio Osmania. Filipinos wanted to prove to Americans that they are now capable
and equipped to manage their own affairs while holding crucial positions in the government.
They hoped that in the future years, American officials would be satisfied that Filipinos have met
the Jones Law's prerequisites and, as a result, should be granted independence.

The Democrats' loss in the presidential election of 1920 had a catastrophic impact on the
Filipinos' desire for independence. President Warren Harding dispatched Leonard Wood and
William Cameron Forbes to the Philippines a few months after taking office to see if the
Filipinos had met the Jones law's requirements. The group visited 48 provinces and 449
municipalities as part of their inquiry. They submitted a report that was not favorable to Filipino
lawmakers' cause. During the Harrison administration, it exposed the widespread corruption and
patronage system in government-owned and controlled businesses. It singled out unusual
transactions in public lands administration and banking malpractices that led to the Philippine
National Bank's bankruptcy (P.N.B.). The study outraged Quezon and other Nationalist Party
members since it implied that Filipino leaders were corrupt and incompetent, and hence did not
deserve independence yet.

Furthermore, the first two decades of American rule are covered in many of today's historical
works on the subject. The Philippine-American War, McKinley's compassionate assimilation
policy, the political, economic, and social developments of the Taft era, and the progressive
integration of Filipino politicians into the colonial bureaucracy during Harrison's reign were
among their favorite topics. Many of them were written by Filipino students or by American
historians. Filipino historians have recently expressed a desire to break away from American-
centric historiography and reconstruct Philippine history from a Filipino perspective. They paid
little attention to colonial officials' ideas and programs, instead focusing on Filipino leaders'
reactions and accomplishments. This trend attracted Filipino historians' interest in examining the
contributions of Manuel Quezon, Sergio Osmania, Jose P. Laurel, Manuel Rojas, and other key
figures in the independence struggle.

Throughout the American period, the battle for independence has been a consistent and unifying
political subject for Filipinos. Filipinos demanded it from the Americans through various tactics
and strategies from the moment Aguinaldo declared it in 1898 until the enactment of the Tidings-
McDuffie Act in 1934. Early attempts to win it through violent methods failed because they were
unable to defeat the Americans' superior military force. During the middle of the American
period, younger Filipino politicians used the American political system as a platform to fight for
independence. They got themselves elected to public office and used their positions to push for
independence. This technique was favored by Americans since it is non-violent and easy to
control.
The preceding paper demonstrates that by the 1920s, Filipinos had gained the confidence to
discuss on an equal footing with top-ranking American colonial officials such as Governor
Wood. Quezon and his allies did not hesitate to air their grievances against him, despite his
military background and authoritarian tendencies. The document's complaints clearly show that
the anti-Wood campaign was sparked by the latter's decision to limit the autonomy of the
Philippine legislature and increase the governor-interference general's in some functions that had
already been delegated to Filipino officials during the Harrison era. Many Filipinos were angry
when they suddenly lost power and jurisdiction over their country. Certain government functions
that for several years were already part of their regular function. They also felt offended when
Wood appointed Americans to occupy key positions in the government even if Filipinos of
proven capacity were available. For them, the re-Americanization of the bureaucracy would
make them irrelevant and it would surely delay the giving of independence. These developments
forced Filipinos to set aside their personal and political interests and formed a united stand
against the Wood administration. 

He documents presented above is also relevant in the study of Philippine history

because
it exposes the other side of the Harrison administration. Much of what people know about this
era centered on the Femininization of the bureaucracy and the gradual ascension of local
politicians
to key positions in the government. When Wood came in, he exposed the negative effects of
Harrison’s failure to put up safety measures that will prevent newly appointed and elected
Filipinos from using their position to enrich themselves at the expense of the government and
other people. He did not hesitate to veto the poorly crafted legislative outputs of both houses
of congress and he also publicized the true financial state of the Philippine National Bank and
other government owned and controlled corporation.
The abovementioned paper is also important in the study of Philippine history since it shows the
opposite side of the Harrison administration. When Wood came in, he exposed the negative
effects of Harrison's failure to put in place safety measures to prevent newly appointed and
elected Filipinos from enriching themselves at the expense of the government and other people.
He did not hesitate to veto poorly prepared legislation outputs from both houses of congress, and
he also made public the true financial situation of the Philippine National Bank and other
government-owned and controlled entities.

According to Wood, was caused by an illegal deposit transfer from New York to Manila,
incompetent management, and dishonest and reckless loan extension to well-connected Filipino
businesses. Filipinos appear to despise Wood not because he was pro-American, but because he
enacted legislation that stopped wasteful politicians from making lavish budgetary decisions. It
also implies that while they advocated for Philippine independence, not all critics of Wood's
government were honest and had good intentions. Some were simply using deception to divert
attention away from their corrupt acts among the Filipinos.
ESCABUSA, CARLOS JOHN F. BSE-1FIL

PRESIDENT CORAZON AQUINO’S SPEECH BEFORE THE U.S. CONGRESS

OF 1986

Maria Corazon "Cory" Cojuangco Aquino gave a speech to the joint session of the United States
Congress in Washington, DC, on September 18, 1986, almost seven months after becoming the
eleventh President of the Philippine Republic. Cory was the widow of late Benigno "Ninoy"
Aquino, Jr., the Philippines' youngest Governor and member of the Philippine Senate at the time.
Cory carried his legacy and battled against the brutality endured by Filipinos and their
homelessness in their own nation after his death was brought about by his opposition to the
political ideas of then dictator President Ferdinand E. Marcos. Encouraged by the revolution, he
decided to run for President in order to fight Marcos and continue to advocate for his ideals and
convictions.

Cory spoke to the US Congress on her loss of a beloved spouse and a good parent to her family.
She gave a brief account of how Marcos suspended the Philippine Constitution and shut down
Congress, leading to Ninoy's exile and death, stressing the military's and dictator's ruthlessness.
She went on to describe how she was given the duty of freeing the Filipinos and fighting for
democracy. She spoke about her own experience with the Commission on Elections' corruption
and complimented the people's togetherness and bravery in the face of injustice. She outlined
some of her goals as the country's incoming President, including repealing and rewriting the
Philippine Constitution, as well as launching reintegration programs to help the country's various
communities heal. She also acknowledged the Marcos regime's 26 billion-dollar debt, negotiated
a plan to pay it off over time on behalf of the previous administration, and appealed to the
international community for more help. As she neared the end of her speech, she acknowledged
and thanked the American people for their contributions to the Filipino people's fight for
democracy.

Cory Aquino's speech, which he delivered with the help of Teodoro Lopez Locsin, Jr., is a main
narrative of the Philippines' Martial Law era. Cory spoke for all those who were victims of the
Marcos regime in her historical disquisition, telling how her husband's death launched the first
People Power Revolution, with Filipinos demanding democracy and freedom from the country's
tyrants. The text describes the Philippines' social and political situation at the time, as well as the
country's first peaceful revolution. As the Filipino people gather for the cause of freedom, it
carries the anguish of the people who waged the struggle against the horrors of oppression. Such
sorrow became force, leading to the nation's greatest victory: the abolition of a tyrannical
administration, paving the way for true liberty, the advancement of human rights, and the
safeguarding of Filipino welfare. Cory became a metaphor for democracy, empowering a
politically marginalized population.

The fact that the Filipinos valued democracy and freedom over their socioeconomic status
excites me tremendously. The people had strong ideals and beliefs that oppressors would not be
allowed to exploit their rights and privileges as citizens. The power of a nonviolent
demonstration is both energizing and motivational, inspiring me to protect and value the
democracy I currently enjoy.
ESCABUSA, CARLOS JOHN F. BSE-1FIL

THE SITE OF THE FIRST MASS IN THE PHILIPPINES

The first Holy Mass is commonly associated with the arrival of Christianity to Philippine coasts.
However, for decades, countless Filipinos, including top professionals in education, history,
religion, politics, and other fields, have debated the exact location of the 'First Mass' on Easter
Sunday, with both Butuan City and Limasawa claiming to be the site of this important religious
ceremony.

Countless people seek the historic truth about the birth of Christianity in the Philippines based on
honesty, independence, critical truth, and truth was only found where the quest led. And,
according to the National Historical Institute, the country's first Christian Mass was held on
March 31, 1521, on the island of Limasawa, south of Leyte, rather than at Butuan City (NHI).

NHI's several trials and findings show that Antonio Pigafetta's story "First Voyage Around the
World" is the most credible and reputable source for the Philippines' Christian beginnings. This
account was written by a key eyewitness to the event and depicts the political, economic,
commercial, and religious situations of the country. It includes descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history, and records of the catholic missions. It offers two key reasons that
explain why the Philippines' first mass was held at Limasawa rather than Butuan.

The first point is Pigafetta's trip and map of "Mazzaua Island," the site of the first mass.
Limasawa is an island off the coast of Leyte, and Butuan is a city in the Caraga Region. Butuan
is a river village near the Agusan River delta, which is not mentioned in the witness's story.
Mazaua is located nine and two-thirds latitude from the Arctic pole and one hundred- and sixty-
two-degrees longitude from the demarcation line. The island's description matches that of
Limasawa, an island off the southern coast of Leyte with coordinates of nine degrees and 54
degrees. The lack of mention of the river that runs through Mazahua Island, as well as
topographical evidence indicating the first mass took place in Limasawa.

The second argument is that when Magellan visited the island, he was accompanied by two great
kings, the King of Mazaua and the King of Butuan. It is known that the latter is a visitor from
Mazaua, and that his territory is on Butuan, a distinct island. As a result, Mazaua cannot be
classified as Butuan.

Triana, the island town's principal barangay, is another piece of evidence that Limasawa Island
was the true site of the Easter Sunday Mass. It's in the Limasawa municipality. Magellan himself
gave the barrio its name. Magellan married Beatriz Barbosa in the major church of Triana, a
suburb of Seville, Spain.

"Butuan or Limasawa?" he asks in an article. Father Miguel Bernard, S.J.'s article "The Site of
the First Mass in the Philippines: A Reexamination of the Evidence" was published in the
Philippines. authored. Fr. Miguel was a professor and researcher from Saint Xavier University in
Cagayan de Oro, Mindanao, who traveled to Mazaua, Butuan City, and Limasawa, Southern
Leyte to examine the Mass that took place during Magellan's mission. He did studies in Spain
and other locations associated with Magellan's Mass. He located Mazaua in the southern tip of
Leyte on the Pigafetta map during his studies. This corresponds to Limasawa, not Butuan,
according to contemporary maps. As a result, he concluded that Magellan and his companions
landed at Limasawa and celebrated Mass there.

Francisco Albo joined the Magellan voyage as a pilot in Magellan's flagship, according to the
evidence in Albo's log-book. He was one of the eighteen survivors that returned after
circumnavigating the globe with Sebastian Elcano. While they were cruising southward in the
Atlantic along the coast of South America, off Brazil, Albo began keeping his own diary—just a
log-book. His account of their arrival in Philippine territorial seas. Events described in his
journal corresponded to Pigafetta's manuscripts, although names of places differed, such as Albo,
an island known as "Yunagan" in Pigafetta's account and known as "Samal" or Samar in his
account.
Albo refers to an island where they anchored and resupplied water as "Gada," but Pigafetta refers
to it as "Acquada." Both relate to the island of Homonhon, off the coast of Guiaun Point in
Eastern Samar, where they resupplied water and received food from the locals. Finally, although
it is not clearly stated in Albo's Logbook that Magellan and his crew stayed in Masaua for a week
and on Easter Sunday when the First Mass was celebrated, it was termed "Seilani" in Albo's
Logbook and "Ceylon" in Pigafetta's Account.

Finally, on June 19, 1960, Republic Act No. 2733, sometimes known as the Limasawa Law, was
passed without the permission of the Executive. The spot in Magallanes, Limasawa Island in the
Province of Leyte, where the first Mass in the Philippines was held, was also named a national
shrine to commemorate the birth of Christianity in the Philippines by the legislative act.
Similarly, Limasawa Island is said to be the pilgrimage site of the first Catholic mass in Asia,
which was celebrated by Father Pedro de Valderrama under Ferdinand Magellan's ship on Easter
Sunday, March 31, 1521.
ESCABUSA, CARLOS JOHN F. BSE-1FIL

THE CAVITE MUTINY AND THE REBELLION CASE AGAINST COMBURZA

The events of the past are gradually being forgotten in the light of the new generation. The fact
that today's people's attention and main emphasis are concentrated on the present issues they are
facing, dismissing the idea of being grateful and involving themselves with the occasions
celebrated inside their country, is a very terrible truth. History and the past are important. Will
you continue express your love and support for your country despite the money and freedom you
have today? To what extent are you willing to give up your possessions in order to safeguard and
serve your country?

Nationalism refers to the elements that make up a country's identity. According to the dictionary,
nationalism is the identification with one's own country and support for its interests, particularly
to the exclusion or damage of other countries' interests. The flag of a country is one of the most
common symbols used to represent it. It is used to identify and distinguish one country from
others. However, what is true nationalism, and how can an individual demonstrate his patriotism
for his country? It is evident that today's generation is uninterested in learning about and
studying the culture of our country, the Philippines. Today's developments and newest inventions
have piqued their enthusiasm to just vibe using the internet and well-known gadgets. As a result
of this occurrence, culture and norms are disregarded. The reality that most children of this
generation choose to learn about the cultures of other countries rather than exploring and
learning about their own country's beliefs and customs. You are not compelled to follow those
rules as a Filipino, but you will be greatly valued by your country if you do. You can achieve
nationalism towards your country by simple actions. As a Filipino citizen, you should stop what
you're doing and salute the Philippine flag anytime you hear the national anthem. Furthermore,
by doing your share as a citizen, you can allow yourself to express patriotism to your country.
Participate in all of the country's celebrations and exercises, including the occasions, exercising
your right to vote, respecting our flag, and caring for our country and its environment. Being a
child or a student is no excuse for not displaying your patriotism and nationalism; you can
proudly declare yourself a true Filipino through tiny gestures and light activities. Keep in mind
that your country and ancestors are important to you.

Certain events occurred over a century ago, beginning in 1872, that opened the road for the
Philippines to obtain the independence that we now enjoy. From 1571 to 1898, Spain ruled the
Philippines. Two incidents occurred before the Spaniards left the Philippines, which ignited the
flame of Filipino nationalism. The Cavite Mutiny and the execution of the GOMBURZA are
tragic yet glorious events from 1872, as they shaped Filipino nationality. The Filipinos yearned
for revolution due to the Spaniards' unjust and discriminatory rule. 200 men from the Cavite
arsenal formed a reform against the Spaniards, full of optimism and desire to fight for the
country. Unfortunately, the assistance they anticipated falls short. The rebellion was quickly put
down, and the Spanish authorities used the episode to accuse three Filipino priests, Mariano
Gómez, José Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora, known as the GOMBURZA. The Spaniards want this
tragedy to serve as a warning to the Filipinos.

The story was told from two perspectives: the Spaniards' and the Filipinos'. In any case, both
stories collide when a revolution occurs on January 20, 1872. The rebels mistaken pyrotechnics
from a feast for a warning of an impending invasion, sparking a revolt. The reformation was led
by laborers and men from the Cavite arsenal, but they were defeated due to a lack of numbers.
As a result, Spaniards seized the opportunity to have the three priest martyrs who were battling
for the church's and country's freedom executed. In comparison to the Filipino perspective, the
Spanish historian's narration is less thorough and biased. The reasons and causes for the
Filipinos' desire for revolution, as well as the consequences of the episode, are not discussed.
Both accounts agree that the mutiny was sparked by the governor's unjust decision to abolish tax
and forced labor privileges. Filipinos were also deprived of their right to attend education and
their ability to intervene in government decisions. The Spaniards had also taken control of those
who would rule the church. Every Filipino's smoldering flame has erupted into a blaze, which is
why their revolutionary goal has become a reality. According to the Filipino scholar who penned
the Filipino account of the tragic occurrence in Cavite, GOMBURZA was executed, and the
mutiny's convicted educated men were sentenced to life in jail.

These events may be seen as part of history by today's generation, but they have no idea that they
are more than that. Filipino nationalism will not awaken unless these incidents occur. 1898 is a
momentous year for all of us, but bear in mind that we have something to celebrate on June 12th
every year because of what the Filipinos of Cavite did a long time ago when they set out to start
a revolution. Being involved in political concerns is not a bad thing, especially if your motives
are good. Not all citizens of a country who desire revolution are rebels or anti-government. For
the interest of the country and its people, revolution entails change, improvement, and
betterment. When discussing revolution, the word "revolt" can be associated in some way. These
two terms, on the other hand, can be linked or unlinked. Revolt has a bad connotation. In the
Philippines, some rebels have formed a group to try to usurp the government's power and rule the
country. The unification of the majority of the country's population in their desire for a better life
leads to revolution. The distinction between the two is clear: one seeks oppressive authority,
while the other seeks to eliminate it.

It was a bittersweet trip for our forefathers to present us with the options we have today. The
amount of brave people who died fighting for our independence and liberties is something that
every citizen of this country should remember. Despite the country's struggles, the endgame has
been placed in the hands of every Filipino. It's simple to say you were born in the Philippines,
but embracing your identity as a true Filipino is one of the most important qualities to possess as
a citizen of this country. We must enjoy things without fear in our hearts, as we appreciate the
privilege.