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Tajfel 1959
Tajfel 1959
The main concern of the study of social perception is with the ways in which people
perceive, judge, and interpret the social objects and events which together amount to
what is called their ‘social environment’. There is also, however, a great number of
investigations in this field which could be grouped together as being concerned with the
effects of social environment on the perception, judgement, and interpretation of the
physical environment. Anthropologists have often been concerned with differences
between cultures in the nature and amount of sensory information required t o infer the
existence of a physical phenomenon; for example, see Hallowell’s (1951) account, in
which the belief in the physical presence of a supernatural being is based predominantly
on the interpretation of a sequence of auditory cues. Similarly, visual symbols used for
purposes of representation or communication from the artist to his public have varied
considerably from one historical period to another; for example, see Wittkower (1955).
It is very possible that the psychological explanation of these differences (which could
by no means be self-sufficient)is to be sought in the fact that social consensus provides an
important and repeatedly validated part of the information which an individual receives
about his environment. There is quite a gap between these phenomena, which involve
some of the most basic aspects of a culture, and the modest perceptual departures from
the objectively measurable physical properties of stimuli which psychologists have been
investigating in their laboratories. However, some similarities can also be found.
These laboratory studies sought to determine the effects of social standards, pressures,
and valuations on the perception or judgement of some selected physical properties of the
environment. Many of them were concerned with shifts in the perception or judgement
of, for example, size, weight, or colour, which followed in their direction the pull exercised
by the various social factors. Verbal labels have been shown to exercise an influence of
that nature: Baker & Mackintosh (1955) recently reported that labelling of meaningless
shapes of identical shade with names of colours influenced the way in which the colour
of these shapes was perceived at a later stage when they were presented again without the
verbal labels. Linguistic labels have been shown to be effective in a variety of other
* Based on papers read at the Annual Conference of the British Psychological Society in St Andrews, March
1957, and at. the XVth International Congress of Psychology in Brussels, August 1957.
H. TAJFEL 17
situations. Their ‘social’ aspect is not in the fact that they represent something which is
different in principle from many other cases where past experience intervenes in the
judgement, perception, reproduction, or interpretation of the physical environment.
It is rather in the fact that in these instances past experience is crystallized in, and trans-
mitted through, the social medium of language.
Similar shifts have been observed in the investigations concerned with the effects of
group standards on judgements of magnitudes of stimuli. Tresselt (1948) found dis-
crepancies between groups of weight-lifters and watch-makers in the initial judgements of
heaviness of a series of weights. Here again, as Tresselt points out, there is nothing
specifically ‘social’ in the processes responsible for the shifts, apart from the fact that
the differences in the past experience of the contrasted groups of subjects were determined
by membership of different professional groups. In the same way, a statement that a
car is ‘big’ or ‘small’ may have very different meanings, according to the side of the
Atlantic on which it is made. Assessment (which can be quantified) of the nature of the
past experience with the stimuli provides a basis from which these shifts in judgements
can be predicted, independently of whether this experience has been gained in a social
context.
The same is true of shifts in judgements of magnitude induced by group pressures
which are active a t the time when the judgements are made. Experiments by Asoh (1951)
and by Bovard (1951) can serve as examples here. Judgements of physical magnitudes
made by members of groups have been shown, in these experiments, to shift, sometimes
quite drastically, in the direction of the group consensus. As in the previous examples,
these phenomena can be referred for explanation to considerations of a general nature
about the learning and motivational processes active in the situation. Thus, group con-
sensus is generally effective in inducing shifts because it is one of the sources, consistently
reliable in normal circumstances, of information about the environment. The effectiveness
of the pressures may vary from individual to individual, as in Asch’s (1951) experiments,
or from group to group, as in the results reported by Bovard (1951). These individual
and group differences reflect differences in the degree of conformity which may depend in
turn on the nature and extent of the emotional involvement of the individual with the
group of which he is a member. It is quite possible these experiments represent a modest
and very simpliiied version of the processes involved in the cultural and historical
differences mentioned earlier.
All these examples of the influences exercised by the social environment on the judge-
ment and perception of the physical environment share two characteristics :independently
of their social character, they can be discussed in terms of general judgemental or per-
ceptual processes; and they can all be conceived as ‘unidirectional’ shifts in judgement
or perception. As was pointed out earlier, the direction of the discrepancies between the
physical and the perceived or judged properties of the stimuli is determined in all these
cases by the direction in which the socially derived standards, pressures, or labels work.
There exists, however, another group of findings in which the shifts induced by factors of a
social nature cannot be called ‘unidirectional’ in the same sense, and have not as yet
been satisfactorily explained in a way which relates them to a wider theoretical background.
The main assumption discussed in the paper referred to above (Tajfel, 1957) was that
in a series of stimuli ‘where value changes concurrently with the dimension subjected to
investigation, the differences between the stimuli of the series will be perceived as larger
than the objectively equivalent differencesbetween the stimuli of a neutral series, where
no such association exists between value and magnitude’ (p. 193). One of the supporting
arguments for this assumption was found in the existing evidence that, in a series of
quantitative judgements pertaining t o a series of stimuli, judgements of any one individual
stimulus are affected by all other stimuli of the series. The initially rather vague concept
of the frame of reference has recently acquired a precise meaning in the field of judgement.
We are now able to predict how the response scale will shift as a function of changes in
the range and frequency of presentation of the various stimuli of the series, of their
magnitudes, of the segment of the series at which anchoring is introduced, and of the
H. TAJFEL 19
extent to which the stimuli may or may not be perceived as belonging to the series which
is being judged. Judgements of size obtained in the experiments on over-estimation, in
which the subjects had to deal continuously with series of stimuli, cannot be understood
through an exclusive consideration of the relationship between a response and an in-
dividual stimulus to which it relates. They must be seen in the light of the background
relationships between the stimulus being judged and all other stimuli of the series to
which it belongs.
There is a good deal of evidence.(summarized in Tajfel, 1957) to support the view that
this serial nature of the situation in the over-estimation experiments, coupled with the
intervention of the variable of value, resulted in the accentuation of perceived differences
between the stimuli. This accentuation is best understood as an improvement in the
acuity of discrimination between the stimuli of the series. The fact that what is here called
an improvement in discrimination resulted also in a discrepancy between the actual and
the perceived magnitudes of the stimuli (i.e. over-estimation) need not be considered as
a contradiction in terms. The term ‘discrimination’, as applied to judgements of series
of stimuli, is not free of ambiguities. There are a t least four different criteria for assuming
that an improvement in discrimination has taken place: increased number of recognizable
steps in the series; decrease in the variability of judgements pertaining to the individual
stimuli; closer correspondence of judgements with the physical values ; and increased
perceived distance, as measured by the distances between the mean assignments of values
to the stimuli, between the elements of the series. This last criterion is not necessarily
the worst. As Stevens (1957) writes, the ‘ . . .philosophy of indirect measurement asserts
that all we can know about magnitude is what confusion tells us. Variability becomes
the measure of things, and the mean is meaningless’ (p. 154). But the mean can be
meaningful in two ways a t least: it may tell us how close is the correspondence between
the quantitative judgement and the actual magnitude of the stimulus; and it may also
tell us what happens to the perceived, as compared with the actual, relationships between
the elements of a series. An improvement in discrimination may consist simultaneously
in a closer correspondence between the actual and perceived values of the stimuli, and
in increased distances between the values assigned to the neighbouring stimuli; but it
may also be conceived in terms of increased distances between these values, leading to
a departure from the correspondence with the actual values, and reflecting the fact that
the stimuli of the series are perceived as more different from each other than they really
are.
This is what seems to happen, under conditions of judgement outlined above, in series
which display concomitant changes in the value of the stimuli to the subject, and in the
physical magnitudes of the stimuli (see Tajfel, 1957, for an argument attempting to
account for this phenomenon). Series of coins, which have somehow taken an undue
prominence in all this field of research, provide one example. Another instance may be
found, as mentioned earlier, in the perception by prejudiced individuals of some physical
features of objects of their prejudice. Here again, the intraserial relationships, in other
words the perceived or judged differences between the elements of a series, come to the
fore.
The experiment by Secord et al. (1956) can serve as a starting-point for further dis-
cussion. They reported that a group of prejudiced subjects accentuated the differences in
skin colour (and in some other physical features) between negroes and whites more than
2-2
20 Quantitative judgement in social perception
a group of non-prejudiced subjects. The situation can be described in the followingmanner:
the physical characteristic, the skin colour, is a dimension which varies continuously from
light to dark. On this continuous variation a classification is superimposed: the distinction
between whites and negroes. Skin colour is one of the determinants of this classification;
in other words, there is a fairly consistent relationship between the discontinuous classi-
fication and the continuous physical dimension. So far, the situation is identical for the
prejudiced and the non-prejudiced subjects. The difference between the two groups of
subjects can be d e h e d only in terms of the emotional, or if one prefers the term, value
relevance of the classification to the subjects. It can be said that the negroes and whites
are more different from each other for the prejudiced than for the non-prejudiced in-
dividuals. The continuous dimension of skin colour is broken by the discontinuous
classscation which, in the case of prejudiced subjects, is more sharply accentuated. As
in the case of studies on coins, the object of judgement is perceived for what it is, in this
instance negro or white, before judgements of skin colour are made. Prediction can be
made to the effect that judgements on any dimensions which are in some way relevant
to a value classification by providing cues t o it (and thus acquire value in themselves)
will show a shift in opposite directions for stimuli falling into the distinct classes. The
situation is not, in principle, different from that encountered in a series of coins. Instead
of dealing with individual stimuli which differ concurrently in a physical attribute and
in the attribute of value, we have here groups of stimuli which differ in precisely the same
manner.
IV. APPLICATION
OF PREDICTIONS TO TEE VARIOUS SERIES
Table 1 contains a list of the various possible series with a brief description of their
characteristics. They can now be considered in more detail.
Table 2
Percentage increase from actual to
perceived differences between stimuli
c
c \
Experiment Stimuli Penny-nickel Nickel-quarter
Bmer&aOodman Coins 86.3 131.0
Disks 36.3 20.7
csrter & Schooler Coins 36.4 63-4
Aluminium dish 226 19.3
Cardboard disks 24.0 12-1
B m e r & Rodrigues Coins (on table) 66.6 83.4
Metal disks 62.7 40.0
Paper disks 60.0 16.9
(f)The p(czv)series
The above implication concerning the cz classification applies also to this series. Some
supporting evidence can be found in experiments on perceptual over-estimation which
yielded negative results. One example is provided by the experiment of Klein, Schlesin-
ger & Meister (1951) in which judgements of size of disks bearing the sign of swastika
were compared with similar judgements of disks bearing ‘neutral’ signs. No over-
estimation of the swastika disks was found, and the authors’ conclusion was that this
went some may towards invalidating other results in this field. On the assumptions outlined
here, the results of this experiment had to be negative. It is difficult to conceive of a
consistent relationship between the size of a swastika and the degree of its emotional
relevance. Therefore, a series of disks of various sizes bearing the emblem is, in the termi-
nology adopted here, a p series and not a pv series in which results similar to those found
in the experiments on coins could be expected. In the experiment by Klein et al. (1951)
the subjects were presented with the swastika and other disks in random order; this
resulted in a combination of two p series which together amount to a p(c,v) series. In this
series, there was no association between size and value, there was a value classification
into emotionally relevant and emotionally neutral stimuli, and the stimuli belonging to
the two classes were, as far as their size was concerned, randomly distributed along the
series.
(9) The (pv) (czv)series
This is a combination of the two preceding series. It is introduced here only for the
sake of completeness, as concrete examples of it are di5cult to find; it could, however,
be produced without much difficulty in the laboratory. Predictions concerning this kind
of series are di5cult to make in the context of the present argument, and possibly of
little interest, as they are neither crucial to the discussion nor readily applicable in ‘real-
life’ situations. Difficulty of prediction is due to the fact that if the value classification does
not bear any relationship to the progression in the physical magnitude, the random
distribution of stimuli with and without the attribute of value along the physical dimen-
sion would necessarily destroy the pv aspect of the series, i.e. the correlation between
value and the physical dimension.
28 Quantitative judgement in social perception
V. ABSTRACT
CONTINUA
It is possible that the schema outlined so far may be applicable not only to the effects of
various kinds of classifications on judgements of physical magnitudes, but also to their
effects on abstract judgements which imply the existence of a continuous attribute.
This kind of judgement can hardly be considered ‘perceptual’; but there are no a priori
grounds to assume that principles which are found helpful in the prediction of judgements
made under certain conditions, and concerned with the physical aspects of stimuli,
should not be capable of application to judgements of abstract attributes made under
similar conditions. Many objects in our environment, especially in the social environment,
are often rated along some quantitative or quantifiable abstract continuum, such as
beauty, pleasantness, intelligence, etc. Such ‘dimensions’ are often, by their very nature,
inherently possessed of, or correlated with, value, and they may be, in this sense, com-
pared to the previously .discussed pv series. On this abstract equivalent of a pv series
discontinuous classifications in terms of other attributes may be superimposed in a
manner similar to those intervening in a pv series. Such classifications may or may not
be of inherent value to the subject. If a series of paintings, half of which are Dutch and
half Italian, are presented for rating in terms of beauty to someone who has no previous
bias in favour of either, the fact that the subject knows which paintings are Dutch and
which Italian should not affect the results. This is a near enough equivalent of the pre-
viously discussed c2 classification, when it is considered that beauty is now the continuum
along which judgement is made, just as the physical dimension was before. If, on the
other hand, the classification in terms of another attribute is itself of value, the judge-
mental results should be similar to those discussed above under the headings of c1 and
clv classifications. I n an experiment on stereotypes, Razran (1950) asked his subjects to
rate photographs of faces in terms of their pleasantness and other similar attributes.
The same photographs were presented later, together with a number of new ones, and
ethnic labels were attached to each one of them. The new judgements, as compared with
H. TAJFEL 29
the original ones, tended to show displacements which might be expected on the basis
of a value classificat.ion originating in prejudice. This is, of course, an example of a
familiar phenomenon which occurs in an infinite variety of social situations. It is intro-
duced here because it relates theoretically to the preceding argument, and because pre-
dictions of effects on the basis of this argument could be made in each case in which the
attribute determining the value classification could be identified.
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