Cinamon 2016

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JIJER-1051; No. of Pages 12
International Journal of Educational Research xxx (2015) xxx–xxx
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
International Journal of Educational Research

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijedures
The conception of work and higher education among Israeli

Arab women
Rachel Gali Cinamon a,*, [10_TD$IF]Halah Habayib b,c, Margalit Ziv c
a
Department of School Counseling and Special[1_TD$IF] Education, Tel Aviv University, Israel
b
Al-Qasemi, Academic College of Education, Tel Aviv University[13_TD$IF], Israel
c
Al[17_TD$IF]-Qasemi, [18_TD$IF]Academic College[19_TD$IF] of Education, [20_TD$IF]Israel
A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T
Article history: The current study focuses on the conception of work and higher education among ten
Received 27 January 2015 Israeli Arab women, enrolled in an undergraduate program of early childhood education.
Accepted 10 April 2015 This qualitative study aims to explore the gap between women’s career development in
Available online xxx
under-investigated cultures and career development assumptions traditionally reported
in the literature. We explored the contextual aspects within Arab society that shape
Keywords:
women’s career development, as well as their own candid conceptions of their
Higher education
development. The content analysis of the interviews revealed various aspects of a long
Women’s career development
Future perception and arduous journey to the desired goal of becoming an educated working mother. Six
domains were identified: studies, interpersonal relations, conflicts and difficulties,
resources, decision-making processes, and future perceptions. Implications for practice
and further research are discussed.
ß 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
In recent years, many countries have made significant progress toward gender equality in education (see for example,
OECD, 2013). Unfortunately, gender equality in the labor market is much less advanced. Women continue to earn less than
men, are less likely to hold managerial positions, and are more likely to end their lives in poverty (Abele & Spurk, 2011; see,
OECD, 2012). These discrepancies in the evolution of equality are especially glaring among minorities (Leslie & Water, 1999).
In Israel, for example, there has been a huge leap forward in the level of education attained by Israeli Arab women, but their
rate of participation in the labor market is still relatively low compared to that of Israeli Arab males and Israeli Jewish females
and males (Arar & Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2011; Cinamon, 2009).
Narrowing the gender gap is an important factor, from moral as well as from economic and health perspectives. Investing
in women’s human capital is one of the keys to economic growth and social cohesion (Schultz, 2002). Gender equality is also
a key driver for the degree of self-reported well-being and happiness throughout the world, and it is a well-known fact that
life satisfaction is enhanced over time as gender equality increases (Veenhoven, 2011, 2012). Therefore, it is essential to
understand the factors that are related to women’s career development.
* Corresponding author. Tel.: +972 3 6408472; fax: +972 3 6406294.

E-mail address: cinamon@tauex.tau.ac.il (R.G. Cinamon).
URL: http://www.education.tau.ac.il/profile/cinamon
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijer.2015.04.004
0883-0355/ß 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Please cite this article in press as: R.G. Cinamon, et al., The conception of work and higher education among Israeli Arab
women, International Journal of Educational Research (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijer.2015.04.004
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2 R.G. Cinamon et al. / International Journal of Educational Research xxx (2015) xxx–xxx
1.1. Women’s career development
An understanding of the career development of women and minorities should incorporate the multiple influences that
shape their values, experiences, aspirations, and needs. In addition to family and cultural pressure regarding women’s
education and work, other factors, such as availability of education and work opportunities, and civil rights legislation should
be considered. These manifold influences shape their choices and behaviors. Therefore, the attempt to understand women’s
career development should incorporate a wider perspective, combining environmental, contextual, and personal factors.
One of the accepted and common theoretical frameworks that affect many of the studies on career development of
women and minorities, and which relates to multiple influences, is that of the social cognitive career theory (SCCT, Lent,
Brown, & Hackett, 1994, 2000). This theory extended both Bandura’s (1986) social cognitive theory and Hackett and Betz’s
(1981) career self-efficacy theory, leading to the development of a theory that hypothesized the influence of individual and
contextual factors upon the socio-cognitive mechanisms of self-efficacy (the individual’s perception of his or her own
confidence to perform within a given academic and/or work domain); the outcomes of expectations and goals and their
effects upon academic and work interests, actions, and performance. The theory maintains that academic and career goals
are also affected by contextual factors such as social and material values, support and barriers, as well as by the individual’s
interpretation of these contextual factors.
Gender and ethnic differences in self-efficacy beliefs have been documented in many SCCT studies. In general, women and
minorities tend to have lower self-efficacy than men when making career-related decisions (e.g., Blustein, 1989; Taylor &
Betz, 1983). Furthermore, under-represented minority women are likely to face more educational and career-related
barriers than men and white women as a result of low perceived abilities to cope with these barriers (Luzzo & McWhirter,
2001). Women have cited the lack of role models or poor career guidance as being key factors in their altering their career
goals more frequently than do men (Watt, 2005).
The work-family interface is a major aspect in women’s career development and can explain part of their inferior position
in the world of work (Betz, 2005; Cinamon, 2009; O’Brien, Friedman, Tipton, & Linn, 2000). Many studies have stressed the
importance ascribed by women to their family roles (e.g., Cinamon & Rich, 2002), and to the centrality of their maternal role
in their future orientation (Seginer, 2009) and career plans (Cinamon & Close, 2011). Family responsibilities continue to be
placed mainly on women, even when earning more than their spouses (Lachance-Grzela & Bouchard, 2010), and when one of
the children in the family has special needs, it is usually the mother who must leave her job and invest all her time and effort
to care for the child’s needs (Alyagon & Cinamon, 2008; Scott, 2010). This interface between work and family is especially
important and complex for women from collectivistic and traditional cultures that emphasize women’s responsibility to
satisfy family-anchored roles (Cinamon, 2009).
Most of the studies employing the SCCT framework have investigated the concept of self-efficacy as a way to explain
academic and career choices. The personal and subjective meanings of education and work for women, especially minority
women, are much less frequently investigated. Although SCCT emphasizes the importance of subjective perceptions of
contextual factors in seeking to understand the individual’s career development, relatively less focus has been placed upon
these aspects. Understanding subjective perceptions of contextual factors is congruent with Savickas’ (2005) career-
construction theory that highlights personal life narratives when attempting to understand people’s career choices and
behaviors. Therefore, it is crucial to explore women’s perceptions and their authentic perspectives regarding their work and
learning choices and behaviors when endeavoring to understand their career development. This claim is especially important
regarding women from minority groups that do not necessarily subscribe the basic assumptions of many of the career
development theories (e.g., free choice, access to opportunity and options) that were established primarily for the Western
white male (Blustein, 2006). These women are on the vanguard of social change and, as such, their experiences are an
important element in understanding the course of this movement. The current study tries to narrow this gap and focuses upon
the meaning of study and work among a unique and relatively under-investigated group––that of Israeli Arab women. More
specifically, this study focuses on Israeli Arab women enrolled in an undergraduate program for early childhood education.
1.2. Israeli Arab women
Arabs in Israel comprise a minority population, consisting of 20.7% of the general population (Central Bureau of Statistics,
2008). The majority of Arab society (83%) is Moslem and 39% live in Arab villages or cities in Israel’s northern region. They
have an independent educational system, and Arabic is their official language (Golan-Agnon, 2006). This sector of the Israeli
population is usually less educated than the Jewish population (median years of study of 12 versus 12.9) and earns only 61%
of the average salary of Jewish employees (Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, 2008). As with U.S. minorities, Israeli Arabs
have higher rates of unemployment lower attendance in institutions of higher education (a Jewish majority comprises 88% of
Israeli university students) and lower academic achievements in high school when compared to the Jewish majority (Israeli
Central Bureau of Statistics, 2008).
The Arab culture is considered traditional, homogenous, patriarchal-hierarchical and collective-oriented (Barakat, 1985;
Hassan, 1999). The Arab collectivistic culture is associated with an emphasis on interdependence, family security, social
hierarchy, and a low level of competition. The Arab society’s collectivism focuses mostly upon ethnic-religious elements
(Oyserman, 1993). The male’s primary role in this society is that of breadwinner, while the women’s role is to care of her
family (as spouse, mother, and daughter). Collectivism underscores the roles of its members in maintaining social norms and
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performing social duties as defined by the in-group (cf., Oyserman, 1993), which, in the case of Arab Moslems, comprises the
elders of the clan and the family patriarchs. Arab Moslem society defines women as being dependent, as belonging to men, as
nurturers and caretakers of both their husbands and children, and as the standard-bearers of their family’s honor (Kim,
Atkinson, & Umemoto, 2001). The women carry the heaviest burden when it comes to domestic duties and they have less
access to resources than do the men. This holds true even in dual-career Moslem families where both members of the couple
are educated and working (Kulik & Rayyan, 2003). Such cultural codes tend to censure women’s aspirations regarding
individual and career development in general (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2007).
While Arab women in Israel have increased their rate of enrollment in higher education and participation in the workforce,
there still exists a disparity between Israeli Arab and Jewish women (Arar & Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2011). Israeli Arab women
achieve an average of 11.3 years of schooling compared to 14.1 years among Jewish women. Twenty five percent (25.1%) of
Arab women work (compared to 72.4% of Jewish women), while 43.9% of these work only part-time (compared to 32.4% among
employed Jewish women). Forty two percent (42.8%) of Arab working women are employed in education, with the disparity in
salary levels between them and Jewish women in education being 30% (Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, 2010).
These statistics can be explained by the government’s low investment in creating employment opportunities or resources in
Arab villages and towns, by discrimination against Arab women and men in the Jewish-Israeli labor market, and by the Arab
women’s struggle to break away from village circles in order to devote themselves to education or work, a struggle that stems
from traditional norms as well as from financial difficulties (Adi-Raccah & Ayalon, 2002; Arar & Mustafa, 2011; Khattab &
Ibrahim, 2006). The current status of Israeli Arab women, a cultural and political minority in a culture in transition who find
themselves doubly discriminated against (as Arabs and as women), emphasizes the importance of exploring the process of their
learning and their work development. In order to understand the career development of Israeli Arab women, one should
consider at least two contextual levels: 1. the control and hegemony enforced by the majority Jewish society; 2. the patriarchal
model in Arab society, whereby Arab men hold authority over Arab women in the extended and nuclear family. Several studies
have focused upon the first contextual level and have described the obstacles faced by Israeli Arabs when they seek higher
education in institutions that serve both Jewish and Arab applicants. These studies emphasize the cultural biases of the
psychometric entrance examinations, which are seen to favor Jewish candidates (Abu-Saad, 2005; Arar & Haj-Yehia, 2010;
Gamliel & Cahan, 2004); the need to cope with two unfamiliar languages, Hebrew and English (Al-Haj, 2003; Erdreich, Lerner, &
Rapoport, 2005); and cultural differences, which are especially challenging for Arab women (Arar & Haj-Yehia, 2010). These
obstacles are some of the reasons that many Israeli Arab young people apply to foreign Arab universities (Arar, 2011). The
second contextual level, concerning the Arab culture and values, has yet to be extensively studied. Therefore, our understanding
of contextual and cultural variables and processes shaping the career development of Israeli Arab women is limited.
A unique context to learn about the career development of Israeli Arab women is the Arab colleges in Israel. There are
three Arab colleges of education in Israel that teach in Arabic and serve only Israeli Arab students: the Academic Arab College
of Education certified by the Israel Council for Higher Education in 1995; the Sakhnin College of Education certified in 2005;
and the Al-Qasemi Academic College of Education certified by the Israeli Council for Higher Education in 2003 (see http://
che.org.il/en/). Israeli Arab students studying in these institutions are not exposed to the impediments mentioned above and
can offer us an opportunity to learn and understand the authentic meaning of Arab women students learning and working in
relation to their own culture and to the Arab sector in Israel.
The current study focuses upon Israeli Arab female students who study early childhood education in an Arab academic
college located in an Arab town in the central-northern region of Israel. This college was founded as an institute of sharia
(religious law) and Islamic studies, and developed into a nationally recognized academic institution. The college has seven
departments and 1600 students (all are Israeli Arabs). Most of the teachers are Israeli Arabs as well, and the main language of
study is Arabic. The questions of the current study are: what is the personal conception of higher education among women
who study in an academic Arab college of education? What is their personal conception of work? And how do they perceive
contextual and social factors in relation to their academic experience?
2. [37_TD$IF]Method
2.1. Participants
The participants in this study were ten Israeli-Arab women, Muslims, between the ages of 21–30. Six of the women are
married and two of them have children between the ages of 3 and 7. Four of the women are single. All of the women are
religiously observant and follow the Islamic rules and traditions. All of the participants study Early Education in the Islamic
Education College in Israel. The College is located in the center of a small Arab town in Israel’s central-northern region. All of
the participants were born in this town and have lived there their entire life. All of the women are the first generation in their
respective families to attain higher education. They were born and raised in large traditional Israeli-Arab families.
2.2. Measures
2.2.1. Interview
An in-depth, semi-structured interview was developed for the current study, based upon available literature, the goals of
the study, and a pilot interview. The interview protocol was comprised of four main questions: 1. Tell me about yourself.
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2. Why did you opt to study Early Education? 3. What does it mean for you to study this discipline? 4. How do you perceive
your life over the next five years?
2.2.2. Demographic questionnaire

To gain preliminary understanding of the participants’ family background and past experience, at the end of the interview
the participants were asked, orally, regarding various demographic characteristics, with the interviewer entering the
responses on the questionnaire. The demographic questions related to the participant’s age, place of birth, education level,
education history, work status, family status, and information regarding the participant’s family: the number of brothers/
sisters, the parents’ place of birth, the parents’ education and occupations, and work and education details within the
extended family.
2.2.3. Research team

The use of a team is common in qualitative research in the field of career development (e.g., Cinamon & Hasson, 2009;
Gomez, Fassinger, Prosser, Cooke, & Luna, 2001). The three-member team (which included the interviewer) consisted of the
authors of the current manuscript. All members of the research team are married women working in the field of counseling
and they have professional experience in research and in teaching. The first author is a Jewish researcher in the field of career
development. The second author, who also served as the interviewer, is a Muslim woman who teaches in an Arab college in
Israel and she is also studying for her Ph.D. in the field of women’s career development. The third author is a Jewish
researcher who teaches in an Islamic college. We anticipated that the heterogenic combination of religious backgrounds and
work experience of the research team would enhance the reliability of the data analysis (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
2.3. Procedure
2.3.1. Sample selection

The participants were recruited on the basis of recommendations by their teachers, who felt that they would be able to
talk about themselves and describe their experiences, and on the basis of recommendations by the initial interviewees
(snowball sample). Letters were sent to these students describing the study’s goals and procedures, requesting their
voluntary participation. Anonymity was assured. They would be able to stop the interview at any time and had the right to
refuse to answer specific questions if they did not wish to do so. Six participants were recommended by the teachers, and the
other four participants were recommended by friends who had already been interviewed.
The interviews lasted between 90 and 120 minutes and took place in a quiet room at the College. The interviews were
conducted in Arabic, taped and transcribed, and then translated into Hebrew.
2.3.2. Data analysis

The interviews were analyzed according to an adaptation of the CQR method (Hill et al., 2005; Rich & Cinamon, 2007).
Prior to proceeding with the interview analysis, the team members discussed among themselves their own cultural and
personal attitudes and perceptions regarding education and work. The first step of the analysis was the identification of
domains and categories. Domains are general themes that are comprised of several categories (specific issues). All the
members of the team read each transcript independently. Six domains were identified during group discussions. Then, each
of the three team members analyzed all ten transcripts to examine the participants’ statements and categorize each
statement according to its appropriate domain. During team meetings, the three members discussed discrepancies until a
consensus was reached. After reaching a consensus on the domains reflected in each transcript, the team identified the
categories within each domain. They reduced, revised, or discarded categories and subcategories until, using the constant
comparative method (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) and the consensual decision-making process (Hill, Thompson, & Williams,
1997), they formed overlapping categories.
3. Results
The analysis of the interviews revealed different aspects of a long and arduous journey to the desired goal of becoming an
educated working mother. Painful and difficult life events were present in all the interviews and colored the story of each
participant. Some of the events were very dramatic, such as the loss of a father at an early age, or the loss of a baby, and others
spoke about social bullying within the family and about economic difficulties. Their stories pointed to inner tensions and
dilemmas, as well as to inter-personal conflicts resulting from their efforts to study and to become part of the labor market.
All the women demonstrated a remarkable level of motivation to overcome the difficulties and achieve their aspirations, and,
at the same time, to continue to be an integral part of their family and social environment. Six domains were identified
through team discussions: studies, interpersonal relations, conflicts and difficulties, resources, decision-making processes,
and future perceptions. Table 1 presents the domains and the categories within each domain. The findings are presented
separately for each of the six domains and their categories in order to encapsulate the participants’ perceptions. In many
instances, excerpts/citations are provided to evoke the participants’ voices and personal experiences more vividly. Neither
the participants’ actual names r nor any other identifying information is reported here.
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Table 1
Domains and categories.
Categories Domains
a. Higher education as a means to achieve respect 1. Studies

b. Passion for learning
c. The importance of early education
a. Interpersonal relations within the family 2. Interpersonal relations

b. Non-familial relations
a. The struggle for studies 3. Difficulties and conflicts

b. Difficulties with studies
c. The study-family conflict
d. Women’s criticism
a. Motivation 4. Resources
b. Social support
c. Role models
d. Faith
e. Academic support
a. Low exploratory behavior 5. Decision-making process

b. Compromise
a. Optimism and simplicity 6. Future perceptions

b. Working mothers
c. Collectivistic aspirations
3.1. Domain I: studies
The role of studies and learning is central in the women’s sense of identity and self-perception as well as in their life
routine. All the participants referred to an early dream to study and to acquire higher education. ‘‘Studies’’ personify a dream
that has guided their lives and behavior, a dream for which they have had to struggle and fight, even when their parents
encouraged them to continue their studies, since they had to prove that all other traditional roles and women’s duties would
not be affected by their studies. For these female students, the focus upon studies is pervasive. It appears in their early-
childhood memories, in their current lives, and in their definitions and perceptions of the place of women in Arab society.
This domain is comprised of three categories: (1) Higher education as a means to achieve respect and position in society;
(2) a passion for learning; (3) the importance of early education. Although all participants mentioned the fact that higher
education is not an accepted path for women in Arab society, all described education as a major means of achieving an
honorable position in their society, in addition to being accorded attention and respect. It was clear that for all, since studies
are not considered a natural activity for an Arab woman, they have had to struggle to attain this status, while not abandoning
any of the other traditional family roles for women (e.g., cleaning, cooking) as a result of their studies. They cited an adage
that ‘‘education is the weapon of women.’’ If a woman succeeds in overcoming the traditional proscriptions and difficulties in
her society and acquires an education, then she will be respected and have an honorable place in her family and in her
society. Some of them described the importance of their fathers having achieved success in their studies, and how proud the
fathers were of their success in school when they were young. They also mentioned the importance of studies, whereby their
studies would make it possible for them to work and help their families, and the fact that they would gain independence by
being able to work outside the home. What to study was of less importance.
The second category is a passion for learning. Several students mentioned their passion for learning, their love of reading
and of learning new things. Many of them described early memories of themselves doing homework and reading. All of them
mentioned the serious efforts they invested in their studies, and that despite the efforts and the difficulties, they enjoyed
them.
Hadad is a 23-year-old woman, the youngest child in a family of eight children. She focused upon a description of the
centrality of her studies:
I am predisposed to study and to acquire education. This is top priority for me. This is the place where I very much
stand out compared to others. Studies are my way of proving myself. By studying, I can get a job, and through the job, I
can acquire a position of respect in my society. Studies expose me to the world around me; I am exposed to the world
of academia and this will bring about good changes for me. It will give me independence.
Holla, a 30-year-old married student: Being a minority in Israeli society, education is our weapon, and education is also
one of the major components that determine one’s social position, in addition to being a very important basis for one’s
income. Furthermore, education expands one’s perspective. . .. My mom used to say: ‘‘Your studies and diplomas are
your weapons. First study and only then get married.’’ She was worried about me in the society. She thought that the
diplomas will take care of me. From her point of view, this is the most important thing in life, and today I use the same
words.
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The third category is the importance of the field of early education. Two students mentioned having been interested in
early education since they were young, and the potential benefit of such knowledge to children and to the Arab society. Three
participants who had wanted to study something different before they entered the College, and who were unable to do so
because they did not meet the requirements or because their families had not wanted them to do so, focused upon the fact
that they were happy now and satisfied with the field of early education. They learned to love the discipline and appreciate
the potential benefit of this knowledge for their society.
Muska: As you know, we have very few alternatives available to us. As a married woman, my only option was the
College since it is only a ten-minute walk from home. . ..I checked the options in the College and found that early
education was the most attractive one for me. Furthermore, I have daughters at home and I told myself that I will learn
new techniques to raise and educate a new generation, a better generation, and bring about a change in my
society. . .there are many problems in my society, and if we make changes from an early age, then everything will
change for the better.’’
3.2. Domain II: interpersonal relations
The role of the relational dimension within the process of career development has been documented by several scholars
(e.g., Flum, 2001) and is clearly evident in the women’s interviews. Interpersonal relations are depicted as a crucial
dimension of their studies. They describe interpersonal relations that encourage and support their struggles to study, mainly
within the nuclear family, as well as relations that make it hard for them, thus making studies even more difficult. There is a
distinction between internal family relations (mothers, fathers, sisters, and mothers-in-law) and external relations that were
established during the period of studies in the College (friends and teachers), a distinction that creates two sub-categories.
The first category touches upon interpersonal relations within the family. Relations with mothers (their own mother and
their mother-in-law) are usually perceived as an important resource that includes mainly emotional support and physical
help with the children for those students who are also mothers. A few mothers offered silent, tacit support to their daughter’s
plans for continuing on to higher education, while others were more openly supportive and tried to convince the fathers to
allow them to continue on to higher education. The relations with the males (fathers and husbands) are more complex and
not always supportive. Some students described the efforts they had to invest in order to obtain the approval of the male
members of the family for their studies––always with the promise that none of the other traditional roles and duties would
be neglected and that the honor of the family would not be sullied. The relations with parents, especially with mothers, are
generally perceived as an important source of support in their lives, both emotional and financial. Relations with sisters and
sisters-in-law are usually described as an important source of help.
Hadad: My parents support me all the time and give me all the things I need in order to succeed. They take care of me
and give me all the support in the world. They encourage me all the time and they are also so proud of me, and this
motivates me to continue.
Muska: I have immense family support. My mother-in-law helps me with the children. It is very important, since
people who do not have where to leave the children will never think about continuing their studies. My parents are a
huge support for me. They are relatively young, and education is very important for them. My father’s major concern
was that we would study. He used to say that he wasn’t able to continue to study, and he wants us to do this. He puts all
his hopes in his daughters, that we would have opportunities that he did not have.
The second category is non-familial relations. Friendships with other female students who did not necessarily come from
large families were described as a relatively new and meaningful experience that accompanied higher education studies. For
most of the students who participated in this study, the opportunity to have close relationship with other women and to be
able to share difficulties, hopes, fears, and struggles was important and helped them study. Connections with teachers,
especially teachers who encouraged them, was also mentioned as an important enrichment to their relational experience.
Suzana: My teacher in high school always supported me, academically and socially, and he always used to say: ‘‘Never
abandon your studies!!! Today a woman’s weapon is her studies,’’ and he would keep on saying this all the time. . . I
also have three friends in college, friends with whom I’m very connected, especially Nasarin. She helped me a lot and
stood by my side, especially with the problems I had with my fiancé, and she convinced me not to give up my studies.
3.3. Domain III: difficulties and conflicts
The participants emphasized their struggle to study as women in a traditional society. Most of the stories describe
difficult life events and the many conflicts that accompanied their educational journey. Four categories were identified: the
struggle for studies, difficulties with studies, the study-family conflict, and women’s criticism.
Some of the participants had to convince their fathers or spouses to allow them to study, and, in addition, had to prove to
them and the extended family that none of their traditional obligations would suffer as a result of their studies. Since higher
education is not a natural path of development for traditional Arab women, negotiations carried out between them and the
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male members of the family who are traditionally responsible for them (fathers and/or husbands) are part of their journey.
The option to study in an Islamic college that is located in an Arab town, a step that allowed them to continue living in their
homes with the family, was a crucial argument in these negotiations. Furthermore, for those who enjoyed family support to
continue on to higher education, the support concerned only ‘‘feminine’’ occupations, such as teaching. The following
citations describe this theme:
Suzana: The problems started when I saw that he wanted to prevent me from studying. He did not want me to
continue studying. I told him that he had to accept me with the studies and had to support me. He did not accept this
and we separated and canceled the engagement.
Narima: My husband finally agreed to accept the idea of studying after we had the second child. But he changed his
mind and told me not yet, let’s postpone it. I had to agree. I did not want my children to suffer and did not want to cause
problems because of my studies. So I had to wait until my husband would agree.
The second category is difficulties with studies. These difficulties were mentioned by the participants as a major obstacle,
especially with regard to computer skills (preparing presentations, managing Office programs, etc.). Several students
mentioned receiving help from their sisters (usually the younger sister) with these tasks.
The third category is study-family conflict. This category was brought up mainly by the married participants, who
described the pressure of carrying out all their household duties such as cleaning and cooking, and only then being able to
concentrate on their studies. They talked about fatigue, tensions, and time conflicts.
The fourth category is women’s criticism. Criticism received from women in the large families regarding their studies was
an interesting aspect in the interviews. Sentences like: ‘‘When are the studies going to end?’’ and, ‘‘are you leaving the kids
again?’’ make the task of managing family and studies much more difficult.
The following citation illustrates these last two categories:
Muska: ‘‘Although the family usually supports my studies, even my mother-in-law, there are some people that I do not
like to talk about my studies near them. Especially, my sister-in-law. She was an excellent student in high school and I
do not know why they did not let her continue. I feel very stressed talking about studies near her because of the
criticism. . ..the first day in college was so difficult. All the students were very happy to start their studies, but I arrived
with many worries and concerns, like: who is going to pick up my children from the kindergarten? My husband told
me not to forget that the children come first! I try so hard. I wake up very early to clean, cook, and take care of the
children before I go to the college. I invest so much energy so that he will not be angry with me, and I arrive at the
college too weak to study. And then I come back home with my homework from college, and I have my own obligations
at home. . ..’’
Narima: . . .My sister-in-law helps me a lot, and she always looks for ways to help me, but I have problems with my
mother-in-law. She always has doubts regarding the time I finish my studies. She thinks I’m strolling home for
pleasure and that is why I’m late to take my kids from her. . ..
3.4. Domain IV: resources
Along with the stories about difficulties and conflicts, there were many descriptions about resources that were available
to or created by the young women, and methods they conceived that helped them in their struggles. Five categories comprise
this theme: motivation and resolve, social support, role models, religious faith, and academic support. All the participants
expressed deep motivation and resolve to overcome any difficulties. They were very committed to their studies and they saw
no option other than completing them. Social support and close relations with relatives, and friendships with other students,
relations that for some of the women were the first contacts of this kind that they had ever had, serve as important resources.
These kinds of relations provide them with emotional support and encouragement, as well as physical help and guidance in
their studies.
The focus upon female role models, mainly Muslim mothers who teach at the College or have earned Ph.D. degrees, serves
as an important beacon, showing that it is possible to be an educated, married mother and at the same time, an accepted,
integral part of the traditional society.
Faith and prayers serve as another source of inspiration during difficult days. Their stories often contained the term
Inshallah – with the help of God – and it was clear that they trusted God and sought His help. Many of them pray every day
and feel that these prayers have helped them and saved them. Furthermore, the decision to dress in a traditional religious
manner, stressing the fact that one is a religious woman who covers her head, was also mentioned in the interviews as a
source of help and protection from criticism. The following citations illustrate this domain:
Suzana: . . .the teachers in the college affected me and contributed to the development of my personality. I am not
ashamed to mention their names. For example there is one male teacher whose courses and personality were great.
Then, there was also the teacher of the ‘‘e-learning’’ course. I was an A student in his class. He noticed that I
participated actively by sending messages to the forum and that everything had to be perfect for me. He encouraged
me a lot to continue studying and to never give up. I even introduced him to my husband.
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Muska: If I had not been a student in this college, I would not have met these friends. I mean that the beauty in the
College is the fact that it gives you the opportunity to meet friends from different places, and then, your perspective
changes. You become familiar with different people and different customs. We sit and talk, one from the south of Israel
and one from the central region. Even if we live close by, we have different customs. It is interesting to hear what goes
on in their families, with their husbands or fiancés. . ..It’s great. It gives me hope, this sharing and friendship and all this
support. . . the teachers in the College who are also married and have children give us a lot of hope and inspirations.
When we look at them, we are very proud and know it is possible, and Inshallah, we will do it, too.’’
3.5. Domain V: decision-making process
The interviews allowed us to explore the decision-making process regarding the higher education system among
minority women who had very few options from which to choose. The decision is usually a collective rather than an
individual one. The parents/husbands and other members of the extended family are typically involved in this process,
and are usually the ones who have the last word. Any decision that is taken has the potential to affect other women’s
educational development by being considered as a role model, and in turn becomes an option for others to consider.
Two sub-categories comprise this domain: minimal exploratory behaviors and compromise. Exploratory behaviors,
such as learning about self-preferences, values and needs, as well as seeking information about relevant universities
and colleges were barely mentioned. The women focused all their efforts upon convincing their fathers, and then their
fiancés and husbands, to allow them to continue their studies. The question of what to learn, and where are the best
colleges or schools were minor issues and basically irrelevant to the crucial question of whether studies would be
permitted at all. Therefore, typical questions in the career/education decision-making process, such as ‘‘what interests
me, what do I want to learn, and where is the best place for me to study’’ are rare among these students. The range of
available options is very limited, and therefore, they start the decision-making process based upon the possibilities
available to them, with personal dreams and preferences playing a minor role in this process. For example, for some
students, the option of leaving home and studying in a different city was nonexistent, and, therefore, they could only
study at the local college.
Internal and external constraints affect the set of considerations in the decision-making process. These considerations
and their weight divert from the typical process characteristic of other populations. The considerations that are taken into
account among the participants of the current study are more collectivistic than individualistic. The focus in their decision-
making process is on the wishes and preferences of family members and on the norms and the needs of the Israeli-Arab
society. They ask themselves: how is the family going to accept my decision and what are the benefits of my decision to my
society?
The second category is compromise. Not all the participants selected early education as a first choice. Some of them
wanted to study something different and a sense of compromise in this regard was part of their decision-making process.
This aspect of compromise was always mentioned along with the fact that they accepted the situation and learned to love
what they were studying, especially when it had the potential to contribute to their maternal role and to their society.
Feelings of regrets or disappointment were not mentioned at all.
Narima: . . .first, the decision of where to study affects you. Because I’m a mother, and for other reasons, I decided to
choose the Islamic College near my home. Because of this decision, I had only a few options to choose from: math,
English, special education, early education. I had to choose from these options. I had the option of choosing English but
then I would have had to invest too much to succeed. I felt that early education is close to me, and that it is also an area
in which it will be easy for me to succeed. I have kids of my own and the knowledge I will gain may help me to educate
them, and it will also help my society.
Hadad: . . .At the beginning, I wanted to study biology and deaf studies. I loved it. I applied to the university and I was
accepted. My aunt, who works at the College suggested that I study at the Islamic College and brought me the
applications. At first, I did not want to. In the end, I did not go to the university, since in this college, I was accepted into
a special program for excellent students that offered me advantages in getting a job and free tuition. I agreed to take
this offer only if my family would promise me that I will be able to continue to an advanced degree without any
delay. . .’’
3.6. Domain VI: future perceptions
This domain was derived from responses to the following question: How do you perceive your life for the next five years?
Participants’ future perceptions can be characterized by three elements that comprise the categories of this domain:
optimism and simplicity, working mothers, and collectivistic aspirations. As in other studies on future perceptions of young
people (e.g., Cinamon & Close, 2011; Cinamon & Rich, 2014; Fresko, Most, & Cinamon, 2011), their descriptions about their
future were largely optimistic, focusing upon their wish to be working mothers that have it all: taking care of the children
and the house, working out of the house, and contributing to the family’s financial resources. Few mentioned their wish to
continue studying for an M.A. or a Ph.D.
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Although participation in the labor market is not a common route for Arab women, and although the rate of
unemployment is relatively high in Israel’s Arab population, all of the women anticipated working, having no hesitations or
doubts with regard to possible difficulties with their families or in being part of the labor market. As in other studies that
focus upon at-risk Israeli adolescents (Cinamon & Rich, 2014) and upon religious American young adults (Cinamon & Close,
2011), and contrary to other studies focusing upon mainstream young adults (Cinamon, 2006, 2010; Westring & Ryan, 2011),
they exhibit a lack of awareness of the complexity of blending work and family roles, or of the difficulties and challenges that
exist in the labor market. Future conflicts between roles, such as difficulties in finding and maintaining a job, were not
mentioned at all.
Furthermore, most of the participants talked about their future work as a source of income to help the family’s economic
situation, while aspirations for advancement at work or special interest in a specific job were hardly mentioned. It seemed as
if all their energy was directed toward being allowed to continue studying and to be permitted to work outside the home
after completing their studies. There appeared to be no energy left to contemplate further aspirations.
It is important to note two participants who expressed dreams and a desire concerning their wish and hope to make
changes in their society, to return to the glorious past of Arab culture in science, and the understanding of the crucial role of
education in the process of advancement and change. These women expressed unique leadership motivation and
responsibility, expecting the future to be more rewarding, with a clear vision regarding their society and the role they might
play in achieving this goal. The following citation exemplifies this point:
Muska: . . .I do not want to work only for money. It is much more important for me to know that I succeeded in making
a change among the young generation. I want it very much. I want my society to be like it was in the past, how Islam
was. Good people, people of science. Today we are far behind and it disturbs me. I feel very connected to my society
and very committed to it. I think education is basic and we should start from early education. The investment in early
education will bring the results. We should plant hope and teach them how to succeed. . ..I hope that I and my friends
in the class will bring about this change and bring our society to the point that we can be proud of it.
4. Discussion
The current study describes what it means for Muslim women to study in higher education and some of their personal
academic experiences and work aspirations. These issues are generally missing from contemporary literature dealing with
higher education among Israeli minorities and from the literature on career development. The narrative analysis
concentrates on some unique and specific experiences and factors relevant to the career development of this group of
women, as well as on common and known factors in the existing theoretical models. Furthermore, the results suggest a
unique and less familiar perspective of the barriers and resources of Israeli-Arab women in higher education. These elements
are mainly related to their close social context (family and Arab college), a rarely seen perspective in studies on minorities in
higher education. In this last section of this study, these findings will be discussed in relation to theory and practice.
As reflected in other studies on minorities in higher education (e.g., Al-Haj, 2003; Connor, Tyers, Modood, & Hillage, 2004;[7_TD$IF]
Johnson-Bailey, 2002; Hertz-Lazarowitz & Shapira, 2005), the women in the current study emphasized the potential role of
higher education to accelerate social mobility and to improve their economic status, as well as to provide a key element in
their personal and collective development. Nevertheless, the women of the current study shed light on the specific role of
education in the life of Arab women within their own family and community. They described education as the women’s
weapon that may protect them and afford them an honorable place in their own society.
The findings of the current study support the SCCT model (Lent et al., 1994, 2000) by illustrating the important effect of
contextual factors on the career development of the individual. It was clear from the recounted stories that the new nearby
Islamic College creates a unique opportunity for some of the women by providing them with access to higher education.
Other environmental resources that enable them to pursue and achieve their educational goals are support from family,
friends, and teachers. These findings also support the findings of Duffy and Dik (2009) who also found that family
expectations and needs, life circumstances, spiritual and religious factors, could be considered constraints or motivators for
career development. Theorists, researchers, and counselors are greatly encouraged to appreciate these factors and better
understand their power in the career development process in general and among of minorities in particular.
The narratives support recent theoretical models that highlight the important role culture plays in the individuals’ career
development (e.g., Hartung, Fouad, Leong, & Hardin, 2010). As members of a collectivistic culture, the values of belonging and
commitment to the family and its honor shape their career aspirations and needs. The need to continue to be part of the
family and the culture, to be accepted and recognized, is a basic and primary need according to which any academic or work
option is evaluated. It is inconceivable that any option that does not fulfill that need would be considered. The women who
participated in the current study, like other members of more collectivistic social groups, perceived through socio-centric
perspective, which is socially sensitive, more interdependent, pursuing group rather then personal goals (Markus &
Kitayama, 2003; Oyserman & Lee, 2008; Tlaiss & Kauser, 2010).
Furthermore, while most of the theories and practices in the area of career development focus upon individuals, the
current findings suggest that also the family should be the target of research and intervention among women from
collectivistic cultures. The strong relations and mutual dependence existing among the members of an Arab family must be
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an integral part of any attempt to try to understand Arab women’s career development. This recommendation is underscored
by the dual role of the family in Moslem women’s career development: empowering and at the same time inhibiting. The
participants described family members as source of support but also as a source of difficulties and barriers. Similar results are
reported in other studies conducted with women from collectivistic societies (e.g., Shavarini, 2006). These studies found that
Muslim women receive little encouragement from some male family members, resulting in limited spatial mobility and a
dearth of social capital (Roomi & Parrott, 2008). These women need guidance and support in order to manage these
contradicting, complicated messages. Parents, as well, need guidance in order to clarify their attitudes and feelings regarding
their daughters’ higher education. It seems that career educations programs in schools should address these issues.
The career-decision process described by the participants does not fit accepted models that are based upon the existence
of multiple options or on any possibility of exploring and studying these options (e.g., Saka & Gati, 2007). For many of the
participants, the only available option that they could consider was the Islamic College located in their own town, and they
could only study education, since this was the only option permitted by the family or the only department to which they
were accepted. These findings support recent critics in the field with regard to the applicability of existing models to
minorities and low-income groups (e.g., Blustein, 2006), emphasizing the need to develop theoretical models of career
(education and work) decisions that are culturally sensitive.
The narratives illustrate the important role of the work-family interface in the women’s career development. Work-
family and student-family interfaces comprise a single unit for these women. As a result, they consider and evaluate their
interests and commitments to the working role as well as to the role of the student in light of the potential contribution of
these roles to their family responsibilities. These findings support a recent call to incorporate work-family relations in
studies on the career development of young adults (Cinamon, 2010).
Learning experiences in college empower women, and this finding resembles other studies which focus upon Arab
women in higher education (e.g., Arar, 2011) and which emphasize the importance of maintaining and increasing the trend
of the rise in the ratio of women in higher education. One measure that could facilitate this trend would be to establish
additional local colleges within Arab areas. The conclusions of the current study indicate that higher education institutions
that are compatible with the culture and norms of the Arab family can facilitate education for women. On the other hand,
special attention should be given to the fact that studying in an Arab college in the town where one was born and remaining
near the family decreases one’s available academic options. As seen from the participants’ stories, they selected their majors
on the basis of what was being offered by the College. Furthermore, they continued to live close to their families and their
ability to develop independent perspectives and wishes was limited.
Attaining higher education does not necessarily translate into employment among women originating from traditional
gender-role societies. This study’s participants were willing to work, but it is not certain that they will be able to do so due to
local constraints or that they will be able to find a job in their own town. Cultural preferences for traditional gender roles,
especially strong in religious and ethnic communities, restrict women’s employment opportunities by emphasizing the role
played by their familial and community obligations over their economic endeavors (Bartkowski, 2001; Glass & Jacobs, 2005;
Read, 2004; Sherkat, 2000; Omair, 2010). Ghazal and Sharon (2008) demonstrated that Arab Americans support female
education more as an indication of family prestige and social status rather than of economic mobility. Similar results were
found in studies conducted among the Israeli Arab population (Abu-Rabia-Queder and Weiner-Levi, 2008; Arar & Mustafa,
2009). Results of the current study illustrate how higher education, as an academic capital (Bourdieu, 1986), is perceived as a
source of power for the Arab society in Israel and as a source of power for the Arab women within their own society. At the
same time, the women perceived this academic capital as a mean to accelerate and improve their feminine capital (Huppatz,
2009) by enabling them to be a better caregiver.
In light of the current findings, several recommendations can be suggested, with the goal of facilitating and expanding the
participation of Arab women in higher education and in the labor market: 1. The Arab high school system in Israel can take a
central role in encouraging and preparing female students to pursue higher education. School counselors can guide high
school girls and their families through this process. Collaboration with religious leaders can help advance this target.
2. Teachers in Arab colleges and teachers of minority women from traditional cultures are viewed as role models by their
students and need to be aware of their potential influence with all its implications. 3. Creating individual and group
opportunities relating to the students’ experiences during the course of their studies can be an important element in their
career development. College advisors and student counseling services should be sensitive to specific values of traditional
cultures and to the specific challenges that Arab women face. Creating culturally-sensitive services that are congruent with
their values and specific needs would be an important step. 4. The final recommendation refers to the transition from
academia to the world of work. Since participation in labor market is not always an option for many educated Arab women, it
may be helpful to discuss and guide this transition during specific college courses and special services. Cooperating with
family members and community leaders regarding the advantages of women’s participation in the labor market for the
family and for the community could prove very helpful.
This study had some limitations worthy of note as well as suggestions for further research. The qualitative nature of the
study enables one to learn about the experience of Israeli Arab women enrolled in Arab colleges in Israel. This group
represents a specific Arab sector in the Israeli society and the findings should be interpreted within that context. For
example, the dynamics of Arab families are different among those who live in villages reflecting a more traditional society
versus those who live in larger cities where values distinctions from the majority culture are fewer. Further examination of
other minority sectors within the Israeli society and in other countries is needed.
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The interviewer was an Arab woman who teaches in an Arab college. It may be assumed that this fact helped the
participants to share their stories freely in their own language. On the other hand, it can be asserted that this aspect may have
inhibited them from speaking freely, especially in light of the sensitivity required to raise delicate, culturally-laden issues[8_TD$IF].
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JIJER-1051; No. of Pages 12

International Journal of Educational Research xxx (2015) xxx–xxx

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

International Journal of Educational Research

The conception of work and higher education among Israeli

* Corresponding author. Tel.: +972 3 6408472; fax: +972 3 6406294.

1.1. Women’s career development

1.2. Israeli Arab women

2.2.2. Demographic questionnaire

2.2.3. Research team

2.3.1. Sample selection

2.3.2. Data analysis

a. Higher education as a means to achieve respect 1. Studies

a. Interpersonal relations within the family 2. Interpersonal relations

a. The struggle for studies 3. Difﬁculties and conﬂicts

a. Low exploratory behavior 5. Decision-making process

a. Optimism and simplicity 6. Future perceptions

3.1. Domain I: studies

3.2. Domain II: interpersonal relations

3.3. Domain III: difﬁculties and conﬂicts

3.4. Domain IV: resources

3.5. Domain V: decision-making process

3.6. Domain VI: future perceptions

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