Education Inquiry

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Educational and socio-cultural experiences of

immigrant students in South African schools

Saloshna Vandeyar

To cite this article: Saloshna Vandeyar (2010) Educational and socio-cultural experiences of
immigrant students in South African schools, Education Inquiry, 1:4, 347-365, DOI: 10.3402/
edui.v1i4.21950

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.UDE EDU.
E D U C AT I O N I N Q U I R Y. Volume 1, No. 4, December 2010
.QNI INQ.
E D U C AT I O N
INQUIRY
Volume 1, No. 4, December 2010
CONTENT
Editorial
Educational Sciences – National and International Aspects
Jan Nieuwenhuis
Social justice in education revisited
Berit Lundgren & Liz Botha
Reading events from child to student
Eva Leffler, Gudrun Svedberg & Melodi Botha
A global entrepreneurship wind is supporting or obstructing democracy in schools:
A comparative study in the North and the South
Hyacinth Skervin
Cultural Sites of Meaning: Challenges and Pitfalls for Gender-Based Research
Saloshna Vandeyar
Educational and socio-cultural experiences of immigrant students in South African schools
Monika Vinterek
How to live democracy in the classroom
Constanta Olteanu & Lucian Olteanu
To change teaching practice and students’ learning of mathematics
Benjamin Zufiaurre, Lucia Pellejero Goni & Gaby Weiner
Gender equality and education in Spain: ideology and governance
Knut Steinar Engelsen & Kari Smith
Is “Excellent” good enough?

Umeå School of Education

Umeå University
Sweden
E d u c at i o n I nq u i ry Ac k n ow l e d g e m e n t
Education Inquiry is an international on-line, peer-reviewed journal with free access in the field of The Editor and the board wish to gratefully acknowledge all those listed below who have
Educational Sciences and Teacher Education. It publishes original empirical and theoretical studies generously given of their time to referee the paper submitted to Education Inquiry during
from a wide variety of academic disciplines. As the name of the journal suggests, one of its aims is to 2009 and 2010.
challenge established conventions and taken-for-granted perceptions within these fields.
Education Inquiry is looking for lucid and significant contributions to the understanding of contextual, Anders Hanberger, Sweden  Eva Skåréus, Sweden  Ljubica Marjanovič Umek, Slovenia 
social, organizational and individual factors affecting teaching and learning, the links between these Anders Holmgren, Sweden Ference Marton, Sweden  Martin Lawn, Scotland
aspects, the nature and processes of education and training as well as research in and on Teacher
Anders Marner, Sweden   Gaby Weiner, Scotland Mats Danell, Sweden
Education and Teacher Education policy. This includes research ranging from pre-school education to
higher education, and research on formal and informal settings. Education Inquiry welcomes cross- Annette Patterson, Australia Geif Afdal, Norway Mona Holmqvist, Sweden
disciplinary contributions and innovative perspectives. Of particularly interest are studies that take as Barbara Comber, Australia Greta Galloway, South Africa Monika Vinterek, Sweden
their starting point, education practice and subject teaching or didactics. Barbro Grevholm, Norway Gun-Marie Frånberg, Sweden Pakey Chik, Hong Kong
Education Inquiry welcomes research from a variety of methodological and theoretical approaches, Bengt-Erik Andersson, Sweden Helen Nixon, Australia Perrti Kansaanen, Finland
and invites studies that make the nature and use of educational research the subject of inquiry. Com-
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Education Inquiry readers include educators, researchers, teachers and policy makers in various Bert Jonsson, Sweden Irina Isaakyan, Scotland  Robert Hattman, Australia
cultural contexts. Brian Byrne, Australia Jan Bengtsson, Sweden Robert Kroflic, Slovenia
Every issue of Education Inquiry publishes peer-reviewed articles in one, two or three different Brian Hudson, Scotland Jan Mannberg, Sweden Robyn Johansen, Australia
sections. Open section: Articles sent in by authors as part of regular journal submissions and published Carin Jonsson, Sweden Jennifer Greene, USA Ron Mahieu, Sweden
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Education Inquiry is a continuation of the Journal of Research in Teacher Education, which is avail- David Hamilton, Scotland Kirk Sullivan, Sweden Tomas Englund, Sweden
able in printed copies as well as electronic versions and free access at http://www.use.umu.se/forskning/ Elisabet Öhrn, Sweden Lesley, Farrell, Australia Tomas Kroksmark, Sweden
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Eva Silfver, Sweden Liselotte Olsson, Sweden
Editor
Professor Per-Olof Erixon, Umeå University, Sweden
Receiving Editor
Assistant Professor Linda Rönnberg, Umeå University, Sweden
The editorial board
Professor Marie Brennan, School of Education, UniSA, A ­ ustralia
Professor Bernard Cornu, Directeur de la Formation – CNED, Directeur de CNED-EIFAD, France
Professor David Hamilton, Umeå University, Sweden
Professor Brian Hudson, University of Dundee, UK
Professor Gloria Ladson-Billings, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA
Professor Martin Lawn, University of Edinburgh, UK
Assistant Professor Eva Lindgren, Umeå University, Sweden
Assistant Professor Linda Rönnberg, Umeå University, Sweden
Professor Kirk Sullivan, Umeå University, Sweden
Professor Gaby Weiner, University of Edinburgh, UK
Professor Pavel Zgaga, University of Ljubliana, S
­ lovenia
Language Editor
Murray Bales, Ljubljana, Slovenia
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Send Manuscripts to: EducationInquiry.Editor@adm.umu.se
©2010 The Authors. ISSN online 2000-4508
Education Inquiry EDU.
Vol. 1, No. 4, December 2010, pp.347–365 INQ.

Educational and socio-cultural

experiences of immigrant students
in South African schools
Saloshna Vandeyar*

Abstract
The advent of democracy and the easing of both legal and unauthorised entry to South Africa have
made the country a new destination for Black asylum-seekers, long-distance traders, entrepre-
neurs, students and professionals. As this population continues to grow, its children have begun to
experience South African schools in an array of uniquely challenging ways. In addition to opening
their doors to all South African children irrespective of race, colour or creed, most public schools
in South Africa have also opened their doors to a number of Black immigrant children. There is,
however, very little research on the socio-cultural experiences of Black immigrant students within
the dominant institutional cultures of schools. Accordingly, this study asks what are the educational
and socio-cultural experiences of Black immigrant students in South African schools? To what extent
has the ethos of these schools been transformed towards integration in the truest sense and how do
Black immigrant students perceive this in practice? Utilising the theoretical framework of Critical
Race Theory this research study attempts to understand the unique educational and socio-cultural
experiences of Black immigrant youth in South African schools.
Keywords: Immigrant students, educational experiences, socio-cultural experiences, Critical
Race theory, Sense of belonging, Identity formation, Makwerekwere

Introduction
The demise of formal apartheid has created new and as yet only partially understood
opportunities for migration in South Africa. One of the most notable post-apartheid
shifts is the sheer volume and diversity of human traffic now crossing South Africa’s
borders. South Africa is increasingly host to a truly pan-African and global constituency
of legal and undocumented migrants. Legal migration from other Southern African
Development Community (SADC) countries, for example, has increased almost ten-
fold since 1990 to over four million visitors per year. South Africa’s (re)insertion into
the global economy has brought new streams of legal and undocumented migrants
from outside the SADC region and new ethnic constellations within it. The easing of
legal and unauthorised entry to South Africa has made the country a new destination
for black asylum-seekers, long-distance traders, entrepreneurs, students and pro-
fessionals (Bouillon 1998; Saasa 1996; Rogerson 1997a; Perbedy and Crush 1998b;

* Department of Humanities Education, Faculty of Education, University of Pretoria, South Africa

E-mail: Saloshna.Vandeyar@up.ac.za
©Authors. ISSN 2000-4508, pp.347–365

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Saloshna Vandeyar

Ramphele 1999; Klotz, 2000). As this population continues to grow, its children have
begun to experience South African schools in an array of uniquely challenging ways.
Since the advent of democracy in South Africa, in addition to opening their doors
to all South African children irrespective of race, colour or creed, most public schools
have also opened their doors to a number of immigrant children. However, there is
very little research on the socio-cultural experiences of immigrant students within
the dominant institutional cultures of schools. Accordingly, this study asks what are
the educational and socio-cultural experiences of immigrant students within the
South African schooling context? To what extent has the ethos of these schools been
transformed towards integration in the truest sense and how do immigrant students
perceive this in practice?
The argument is presented as follows: I begin by sketching the background context
of the study. This is followed by a review of the literature in the field and a discussion
of the theoretical groundings of the study. The research design that outlines the meta-
theoretical and methodological stance of this research study is then presented. This
is followed by a presentation of emergent themes from the data captured. I conclude
with an analysis and discussion of findings and examine ways in which the South
African schooling context has chosen to respond to Black immigrant students.

Background Context
Studies so far conducted in the field of diversity have mainly focused on the black
and white dynamics of South African students. There is very little, if any, research
on the experiences of Black immigrant students in South African schools. Through
both formal and informal relationships, schools represent powerful interpretations
of what it means to be “South African”, “Mozambican” or “Zimbabwean”, that is of
belonging and non-belonging. This research study sets out to explore the educational
and socio-cultural experiences of Black immigrant students in South African schools.
The context of this study was limited to the Gauteng province of South Africa.
The central cities of Gauteng have some of the largest numbers of Black immigrants,
who are diverse not only in terms of their national origin, but by their ethnic affilia-
tion, cultural tradition and generational status. The majority of Black immigrants in
the Gauteng province of South Africa come from Mozambique, Lesotho, Zimbabwe,
Democratic Republic of Congo, Swaziland, Botswana, Angola and Malawi, although
substantial numbers of immigrants also come from Zambia, Pakistan, Nigeria,
Namibia, India, Kenya, Somalia, Uganda, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Tanzania
and Mauritius (Gauteng Department of Education, Ten Day Statistics – 2007). As
the number of Black immigrants continues to rise in South Africa, it is important to
recognise the impact of their presence in South African schools, especially the spe-
cific, unique needs of students who come from these populations. Consequently, it
is becoming increasingly important to shift our focus to how Black immigrant youth
fare once they are in South African schools.

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 Educational and socio-cultural experiences of immigrant
students in South African schools

Very little is known about the day-to-day experiences of Black immigrant students in
South African schools because these children are often grouped with African children
on the basis of “race” and the data compiled are rarely disaggregated on the basis of any
other social identity dimension. This homogeneous categorisation of Blacks ignores
the important national, ethnic, linguistic, cultural, political and even racial differences
that exist within the population. In particular, homogenous descriptions ignore the
fact that, for many Black immigrant youth, racial and ethnic identities are fluid and
complex and thus many do not strictly identify with the rigid and dichotomous Black/
White constructs upon which racial and ethnic identities are based in South Africa.
In addition, by presenting members of the African diaspora as a monolithic group
we tend to neglect the increasing racial and intra-racial strife that affects individual
development and academic achievement, as well as the school climate (Jackson &
Cochran, 2003; Traore & Lukens, 2006).

Literature review
In presenting this literature review, cognisance has to be taken of the following fac-
tor that relates to literature in this field in the South African context: “The global
age of migration” has, by virtue of the sequestering effect of apartheid come late to
South Africa (Castles and Miller 1993; Cohen 1995, Sassen 1999). The conceptual and
analytical debates that have swirled around the issue of migration and globalisation
elsewhere have largely bypassed South Africa. Consequently, literature on (Black)
immigrant students is very limited and studies focusing on the socio-cultural expe-
riences of immigrant students in South African schools are even more scant. Much
of the literature in the field of immigrant studies is based on issues of housing, land,
labour and the recent xenophobic attacks (Reitzes, 1994; Grobler et al., 2006). Very
few studies have been conducted on immigrant students in South Africa. These stud-
ies, however, have focused on new African migration to the Durban region (Maharaj
& Moodley 2000) and interrogating inclusionary and exclusionary practices among
learners of war and flight (Sookrajh et al. 2005). This literature review will thus be
embedded largely within the international context.
A review of the voluminous literature reveals that educational and socio-cultural
experiences encompass issues such as schooling experiences [academic and social
experiences within and outside the classroom], language use, acculturation and
identity formation (Chow, 2006; Grobler et al., 2006). Much of the literature con-
curs that immigrant students experience adjustment adaptation problems when
they enrol at schools in the host society (Traoré, 2004; Goyol, 2006; Ighodaro
1997). The transition of immigrant students into the host country is influenced by a
number of factors such as discrimination, harassment, attrition, isolation, language
barriers, social standing, cultural changes, social change, teaching styles, school
environment, academic standing, sense of belongingness, and identity (Qin et al.,
2008; Kunz, 2000).

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Saloshna Vandeyar

Strong work ethics, academic excellence and academic commitment often predispose
immigrant students to prejudice from indigenous students (Qin et al., 2008) which,
in turn, influences social relations between immigrant and host students. Bullying
and harassment from the hegemonic cultural group at the host school concerning
issues centred on territorial spaces have also been a cause for concern. Gibson and
Carrasco (2009: 254) argue that:

although official school discourses appear to embrace cultural and linguistic diversity, foreign-
born and native-born children of immigrants often end up feeling silenced and alienated.

A significant factor is language that has served as a gatekeeper for acceptance in the
host society. It also serves the purpose of forming the foundation for interaction and
acculturation among immigrants and indigenous students in the host society (Yeh et
al., 2008). Osborn and Osborn (2005: 4) argue that:

language is a basic human right and the opportunity to learn from other ‘cultures’ is funda-
mental to an education in a democratic society.

When immigrants are deprived and destitute of the basic tenets of language in a com-
munity, there is possibility of exclusion. In the host society, the issue of language is
not always comprehensible by minority groups because “language is not just a cultural
issue but a political one” (Wang & Phillion 2007:95); in essence, the inability of mi-
nority groups to communicate well in mainstream culture may lead to their exclusion
at school and in the host society (Sayed et al., 2002, 2003; Osborn & Osborn, 2005).
Even where literacy levels are good, and years of schooling are commensurate with
chronological age, many immigrant and refugee students find the “mainstream cur-
riculum and its language demands very difficult” (Brown et al. 2006: 150).
The languages spoken by students, which are eventually spoken at school, are re-
sources because didactic cultures are based on the previous understanding and training
learners have had over the years in their home language (Nieto, 2002). Nieto (2002: 83)
argues that “educators by and large accept as one of their primary responsibilities the
language assimilation of their students” because, without proper language proficiency
in academic matters, academic achievement becomes far-fetched (Chow, 2000, 2001;
Rumberger & Larson, 1998; Goddard & Foster, 2002). Chow (2006: 2) argues that:

proficiency in English is a major consideration in the necessity, rapidity, and ease with which
immigrants adapt to a milieu dominated by English. It is required for communication and
for the acquisition of information about the new society”.

Issues pertaining to language are very sensitive to the acculturation process and the
“belongingness” of immigrants at school (Wang & Phillion, 2007; Soto, 1997). Tay-
lor and Doherty (2005) argue that immigrants who are new to their host country,
especially those who cannot interact with dominant students because of a language

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 Educational and socio-cultural experiences of immigrant
students in South African schools

barrier, are also prone to experiencing difficulties in participating in sporting and

recreational activities. When Black immigrant students enter schools they are not
seen as any different to Black African students, but are heard differently because of
their accent. Their accent may be viewed as a major identifier that separates them
from the black Africans who are native (Aikhionbare, 2007; Fischer, 2004).
Another point of consideration when evaluating immigrant students’ academic
performance borders on the congruence existing between the teaching styles used
by their teachers back home and in their host society. It has been found that the use
of good teaching skills and a good rapport between the teacher and students enabled
immigrant students who were English language learners to have a vivid understand-
ing and keen interest in learning at school (Salinas et al. 2008).
The degree of belonging to the school centres on how and who immigrants associ-
ate and identify with in a bid to shape their identities, which represents the road to
acculturating to their new environment. Dika and Singh (2002) imply that, in order to
gain an understanding of the schooling experience of immigrant students, pertinent
issues like their level of affiliation, commitment and identity should be considered. A
common occurrence among immigrants is the persistent feeling of not being sustained,
a feeling of not being important, and caginess (Gibson, Gándara, & Koyama, 2004;
Noguera & Wing, 2006). When immigrants identify with the school environment
they are able to “quickly discover that schooling is essential to success” in their host
country so as to be able to ascend the steps of social class mobility (Delgado-Gaitan
1994: 137). Acculturation is one of the dimensions that can be used to determine the
extent of belonging among immigrant groups of children to their mainstream culture
(Berry, 1995; LaFromboise et al., 1993; Yeh & Inose, 2003; Yeh, 2003; Mouw & Xie,
1999). Acculturation denotes the way people bargain in the midst of cultural diversi-
ties with the assumption that there are hierarchies in terms of the affiliation to one or
more cultures than others. This is usually recognised when such individuals describe
their identities to show their degree of affiliation to cultural preferences (Berry, 1995;
LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). The process of acculturation borders on
knowing and taking on the way of life and customs of the “adopted society”.
Identity formation is linked to the acculturation of immigrants to their host so-
ciety. In the formation of identity, hybrids emerge depending on the experiences of
immigrants in their host society (Vandeyar, 2008; Asanova, 2005). It has also been
demonstrated that identity formation depends on the degree of affiliation of im-
migrants to home cultures and the transnational space enterprise existing between
the two cultures. Two pertinent concepts in the formation of identity are that of the
“social mirror” and “psychosocial passing” (Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001).
Winicott (1971) suggests that a child’s sense of self is profoundly shaped by the re-
flections mirrored back to him by significant others. “Psychosocial passing” refers to
people who seek to render invisible the visible differences between themselves and a
desired or chosen reference group.

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Saloshna Vandeyar

The abovementioned factors of schooling experiences, language use, acculturation

sense of belongingness and identity formation directly influence the educational and
socio-cultural experiences of immigrant students and serve to either affirm or negate
the very essence of their beings.

Theoretical moorings
Critical Race Theory (CRT) provides a theoretical framework through which individu-
ally and institutionally motivated racist acts can be highlighted, critiqued and corrected
(Tate, 1993; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Crenshaw et al. (1995); Lynn, 1999; Tyson,
2003). It distinguishes between individual racism and institutional racism. CRT is
an important construct for understanding Black immigrants who have made South
Africa their home. It sheds light on the fact that Black immigrants are racialised as
Black in South Africa, despite their varied self-identification on the basis of nation-
ality, ethnicity, language and other cultural signifiers and are, therefore, subjected
to the same racial prejudices and discrimination as their native Black counterparts.
The concern of critical race theory is to re-narrativise the globalisation story in a way
that places historically marginalised parts of the world at the centre rather than the
periphery of the education and globalisation debate and, thus, ultimately, to bring
about social change (Amnesty International, 2000).
Scholars across disciplines have identified several dominant and unifying themes
that describe the basic tenets of CRT (Velez, et.al, 2008; Yasso, 2006; Tyson, 2003;
Lynn, 1999; Crenshaw et al. 1995; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Delgado & Stefancic,
1993; Tate, 1993).
First, race is a social construct, not a biological phenomenon. It is not rooted in
biology or genetics but is instead a product of social contexts and social organisations.
The construct of races involves categories that society creates, revises and retires as
needed. Second, racism is endemic to life and should not be regarded as an aberration.
Socially constructed racial categorisations are a fundamental organising principle
of society. Individual, cultural and institutional expressions of racism reflect the
racial stratification that is part of the fabric of society. Race and racism is part of the
dominant cultural ideology that manifests in multiple contexts and are central and
defining factors to consider in understanding individual and group experience. Third,
racism benefits those who are privileged and serves the interests of the powerful to
maintain the status quo with respect to racial stratification. Fourth, CRT represents a
challenge to the dominant social ideology of colour-blindness and meritocracy. Race
neutrality and the myth of equal opportunity ignore the reality of the deeply embed-
ded racial stratification in society and the impact it has on the quality of life. Fifth,
racial identity and racial identification are influenced by the racial stratification that
permeates society. The perceived salience of race, the significance of racial and ethnic
group membership to the self-concept, the degree to which racial and ethnic heritage
and practices are embraced or rejected, and the affiliations and identifications that are

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 Educational and socio-cultural experiences of immigrant
students in South African schools

made within and outside of one’s own racial and ethnic group are all influenced by the
dominant cultural narrative of superiority. Sixth, assimilation and racial integration
are not always in the best interests of the subordinated group. Seven, CRT considers
the significance of within-group heterogeneity and the existence of simultaneous,
multiple and intersecting identities. This is often referred to as anti-essentialism or
inter-sectionality. All people have overlapping identities and multiple lenses through
which the world is experienced. CRT challenges the idea that any person has a uni-
dimensional identity within a single category (e.g., race or ethnicity) or that racial
groups are monolithic entities. Eight, CRT argues for the centrality, legitimacy and
appropriateness of the lived experience of racial or ethnic minorities in any analysis
of racial stratification. CRT has advocated for marginalised people to tell their often
unheard and unacknowledged stories and for these perspectives to be applied to the
existing dominant narratives that influence the law. Ninth, CRT insists on a contex-
tual analysis by placing race and racism in a cultural and historical context, as well
as a contemporary socio-political context. And, tenth, the ultimate goals of CRT are
to inform social justice efforts and the elimination of racial oppression.

Research strategy
The study was qualitative in nature and used the social constructivist approach.
Social constructivism is based on social construction, i.e., it is a knowledge product
that emerges from social activity (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). The social constructivist
approach characterises knowledge as sets of beliefs or mental models people use to
interpret actions and events in the world (Jackson & Klobas, 2008). In other words,
social constructivists are concerned with the ways in which people construct knowledge
(Williamson, 2006). In social constructivism, it is the individual who imposes meaning
on the world rather than the meaning being imposed on the individual (Karagiorgi
& Symeou, 2005). The inquirer often makes knowledge claims based primarily on
constructivist perspectives, that is multiple meanings of individual experiences, mean-
ings socially and historically constructed with an intent to develop a theory or pattern
(Creswell; 2003). The methodology involves narrative inquiry (Clandinin and Connelly
2000) and case studies to explore the educational and socio-cultural experiences of
immigrant students within the schooling context of South Africa. Three secondary
schools located in the Gauteng province of South Africa provide the research sites
for this study; a former white Model C school, a former Indian school and an inner
city school with a majority of Black African learners. The selection of students was
based on racial background. Attempts were also made to choose a balanced sample
of male and female students.
The data gathering techniques used in this study included a mix of semi-structured
interviews, observation and field notes. Semi-structured interviews were conducted
with a purposive sample of Black immigrant students to determine their educational
socio-cultural experiences and were used to provide an opportunity for these students

353
Saloshna Vandeyar

to share and reflect upon their experiences as well as to bring new meanings of change
and growth in their lives. Approximately 15 Black immigrant students (Lesotho, Kenya,
Nigeria, Malawi, Congo, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka) from
grades 8 to10 were selected at each school. The selection of immigrant students de-
pended on the mixture found at each of the identified schools. The researcher strived to
obtain a representative sample at each school. This was achieved by choosing research
sites that were rich in terms of the enrolment of a variety of Black immigrant students.
An attempt was be made to include both Anglophone and Francophone immigrant
students in this study. In total, 45 students were interviewed. These interviews were
conducted in 2008 over a period of six months. The questions comprised five to six
broad categories and were open-ended. The duration of interviews ranged between
90 and 120 minutes. All interviews were recorded and transcribed. Semi-structured
interviews were conducted with the Principal, the School Management Team, the
School Governing Body, selected teachers of these grades (8 -10) and parents of im-
migrant children at each of the three research sites.
Observations were conducted to coincide with the interview period. A team of
three researchers observed the identified 15 immigrant students from grades 8-10
over a period of six weeks at each school with a focus on their experiences of school
life and how it plays out on the classroom floor and school grounds. Observations
of classroom practice, activities and associations during the break sessions, as-
semblies and other activities of the school including after-school activities were
captured. Observations were captured through video and field notes. However, it
must be noted that there are advantages and limitations of observations at a small
number of schools. The advantages of such a technique is that it provides a lens
into the “lived experiences” of classroom life over a period of time that allows for
an in-depth study and creates the opportunity for patterns (if any) to emerge. The
limitation is that the small number of school observations could be seen as instruc-
tive and illustrative, and not as representative of all schools.
In order to acquire a better feel of the schooling and learning environment, vari-
ous field notes were written based on informal observations of these schools (ethos,
culture and practices of the school). Informal conversations were conducted with
some teachers. Attention was also given to the physical appearance of the school,
which included observations of artefacts such as paintings, décor, photographs,
portraits and school magazines to provide a sense of the institutional culture of
the school. Do immigrant students feel a sense of belonging and being at home at
the school?
The data were analysed utilising qualitative content analysis (Mayring, 2000; San-
delowski, 2000). Codes were generated from the data and continuously modified by
the researcher’s treatment of the data “to accommodate new data and new insights
about those data” (Sandelowski, 2000, p. 338). This was a reflexive and an interactive
process that yielded extensive codes and themes. The extensive codes were further

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 Educational and socio-cultural experiences of immigrant
students in South African schools

analysed to identify data related to key concepts in the research question, theoreti-
cal frameworks and literature review (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Multiple readings
of the data were conducted, organising the codes and themes into higher levels of
categories within and across the interviews, observations and other sources of data
(Merriam, 1998).

Findings
The educational and socio-cultural experiences of the immigrant students manifested
themselves in varying ways, namely, social exclusion, academic exclusion, moral
degeneration and conflicting values, continental identity, agency and psychosocial
passing.

Social and Academic Exclusion

The most pertinent challenge for all Black immigrant students was that of language.
Language played a pivotal role in terms of academic and social exclusion both inside
and outside of the classroom. Black Anglophone [African] immigrant students found
that they were discriminated against in terms of a lack of proficiency in indigenous
African languages. Mike, a 14-year-old grade 9 student from Angola began learning
Sepedi as a subject at school so that he could speak to his South African peers at
school. His rationale for learning Sepedi is that:

… sometimes, when you’re communicating, most of them at this school they don’t speak
proper English, so if I get to know their language, it would be easy to communicate.

Black francophone immigrant students were doubly disadvantaged as they entered

the country lacking proficiency in both English and indigenous African languages.
Consequently, many francophone Black immigrant students found a sense of solidar-
ity with immigrant students who could speak French, mainly Democratic Republic
of Congo (DRC) students, and formed social networks as evident from the response
of Jafet, a 16-year-old male from the DRC:

That time I was still speaking French, I felt very much an outsider, but then they got other
newcomers who were not South Africans, who came from the DRC. They’re in my class,
they are my friends.

These students also shared similar learning experiences as the local Black students in
terms of a lack of proficiency in English, which was the medium of instruction at these
schools. However, they were disadvantaged as were the Anglophone students when the
teacher code-switched during teaching in order to ensure that the local Black students
fully understood what was being taught. The majority of Black immigrant students
at one of the research sites was extremely aggrieved and agitated by this practice as
evident from the following response (Packo, a 16-year-old male from Zambia):

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Saloshna Vandeyar

I feel excluded. It forces me to learn Sotho. The South African learners and teachers talk
Sotho most of the time. They like start speaking English and then, they go into Sotho, like
especially if one of the students asks a question, then they reply in Sotho and then the rest
of the lesson continues in Sotho.

Further, code-switching was used by local Black learners during breaks to entrench
social exclusion. Many local Black learners utilised the power of the indigenous lan-
guages to exclude immigrant students from their social networks. During the breaks
one could witness pockets of ethnic groups intensely engaged in casual conversations
through the use of indigenous languages. Jedidah, a 15-year-old male from Zambia
recollects:

They don’t speak English when we in a group. I have to tell them English, English please
and then they get all nasty and say you don’t belong here.

Annuarite, a 16-year-old female from the DRC, decided to empower herself by learn-
ing the local language in an attempt to fit in.

I’m learning Sepedi because I want to know how to speak with other people and sometimes
during break I know some of the South African children are speaking about me, but I don’t
understand, so then I will be able to know what they are saying. I want to be able to flow
with them.

Academic exclusion was experienced in terms of the curriculum content which fo-
cused mainly on South African cultures, and also in terms of group dynamics that at
times played out in the form of extortion. Moosa, a 15-year-old male who hails from
Pakistan, said:

When the learners choose groups, most of the time, I don’t have a group. I have to pay to
be in a group. I don’t speak English good. It’s a language problem, but they see I am not
good [academically], I feel bad. Indians tell me to go back to my country. They don’t like me
because I am from Pakistan. They call me a ‘Paki’. They chase me away all the time. They
say “our government should take you back to Pakistan”. I wish I could go back, I am not
happy here [sobs].

A tributary attached to the issue of language was that of accent. Accent was a clear
indicator of immigrant status and contributed to academic and social exclusion. The
above practices by local Black students and teachers conveyed a strong message to
immigrant students that they were “the Other – makwerekwere” and were unwel-
come at the school.

Moral degeneration and conflicting values

A central thread running through almost all responses of the Black immigrant stu-
dents was that of the moral degeneration of indigenous Black students. Local Black

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students in South African schools

students seemed to lack a sound guiding value system as evident from their immoral
and unethical conduct. Observations, comments and perceptions of these immigrant
students struck the very chords of the moral fibre of South African society and sug-
gested that something is seriously amiss.
Black immigrant students have struggled to come to terms with the conflicting
values, disrespect, ill-discipline, code of conduct and inappropriate dress codes of
indigenous students. They found that the indigenous students indulged in activities
that they could not condone. Further, they claimed that the indigenous students were
culture-deficient; they too readily gave up their cultures to assimilate into Western
culture.
Values that were ingrained in the Black immigrant students in their respective
homes and communities were suddenly being challenged on the classroom floor and
school grounds. Alice, a 14-year-old grade 8 female from Zimbabwe, could not come
to terms with the inappropriate dress code of indigenous students. She argued:

If my clothes or dressing is not appropriate, my parents would tell me that it’s not appropri-
ate. In Zimbabwe your dressing depends on what you’re doing and where you are. Girls don’t
wear tight trousers or clothes that show parts of your body because that’s just disrespectful.
But here some of them because sometimes you look at someone and you’re like this person
isn’t wearing something nice, appropriate for walking around.

Vanessa, 16-year-old francophone female in grade 10 who came from Congo, expressed
her distaste regarding what she terms the “immoral activities” of indigenous students.
She found it inappropriate for young girls to have boyfriends and to indulge in activi-
ties such as drinking, smoking, gambling and drugs.

It seems like there are many things in this country which is normal, but for us it’s abnormal.
There’s this thing of boyfriend… it’s that mentality of saying that as a woman I don’t need
men, I just need to have a child and you know, they’ve got that a lot and for us that is not ac-
ceptable. In our culture, a boyfriend is someone you can have at a certain age and he must be
someone that the relationship can lead to a marriage. The bad side of South African culture
is the dressing, the disrespect, drinking, smoking, drugs and this whole issue of boyfriends.

Mbeng, a 15-year-old grade 8 male from Cameroon, could not come to terms with the
disrespectful behaviour of the indigenous students:

There is more discipline back home [country of origin], it’s more difficult to misbehave. Here
sometimes the learners will talk back to the teacher… eish they don’t respect their teachers.

Brenda, a 16-year-old female in grade 10 from Nigeria, also found disrespect for
teachers an area of concern. She nostalgically recalls that:

The classes are quieter in Zimbabwe. Here most of the children make a noise; they play,
gamble, swear and get into fights all the time. They have no respect for their teachers. They
are ill-mannered and have no discipline at all.

357
Saloshna Vandeyar

Continental identity
The majority of Black immigrant students identified themselves in terms of the conti-
nent of Africa as a means of solidarity with indigenous students. Andrew, a 16-year-old
male in grade 9 from Ghana, was adamant about his “shared identity”:

I do not classify myself as ‘Black’ according to South African racial categories. I am ‘coffee
brown’. I am an African since like them [South Africans] I too am from the continent of
Africa. How can they [South Africans] call me a Makwerekwere?

Agency
Self-empowerment and self-agency was a strong trait amongst almost all the immi-
grant students. This came to the fore in their extremely strong work ethic and levels
of commitment. It would seem that they wanted, against all the odds, to make things
work for themselves in the host country. The work ethic of Black immigrant students
was strongly juxtaposed with a “culture of entitlement” that seem to be inbred in Black
indigenous students, who took a relatively lackadaisical attitude to their studies. This
did not go unnoticed by the Black immigrant students. Their sense of agency thus
played out in two ways, namely a determination to succeed and an inherent drive to
improve the human condition of indigenous Black students. A sense of brotherhood,
of viewing indigenous Black students as their “African” brothers, prevailed. Almost all
Black immigrant students remained unwavering in their value systems and surpris-
ingly through a sense of self-agency and self-determination began to think of ways to
assist in restoring the moral backbone of the host country. Kevin, a 15-year-old male
from Zimbabwe, thought this could be resolved in terms of an attitudinal change:

I can’t say we really different, we look more or less the same except I am slightly darker in
colour then them but where we are different is in the attitude. The only difference is attitude.
I’ll change them. I will want them to understand what education is really about and how to
treat elders. They must really get to understand that.

Athailiah, a 15-year-old female from Mozambique, believed that the answer could lie
in teaching indigenous learners about respect.

The Black people the way they treat people. I don’t think we treat people the same way. I’d
like to teach them about respect and how to treat people well.

Psycho-social passing
The concept of “passing” within the Black community in the Western world tradition-
ally referred to Blacks who pass for white because of their light skin colour. However,
in the South African context this concept refers to Black immigrant students who
“pass” for local Black students because of similar phenotypical racialised features.
Jeet, a 14-year-old male from India, was of the opinion that his phenotypical features
created the perfect disguise for him to blend in with local students:

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 Educational and socio-cultural experiences of immigrant
students in South African schools

I fit in well, like the other South African Indians in this school. I speak English well; I don’t
really have an ‘Indian’ accent so I am like one of them.

Vena, a 14-year-old female from Zimbabwe, aptly used this disguise for her benefit:

Well they didn’t really see me as an immigrant I was just like one of them. So I just let them
go on believing that I am one of them. I don’t let them know that I am really an immigrant.

The attempts of Black immigrant students to hide their immigrant status and to pass
as one of the local students were politically motivated. To “pass” as an indigenous
Black was in their interest, given the current ruling party in South Africa. However,
all immigrant students were quite adamant that they only wanted to “pass” as Black
indigenous students in term of physical appearance and nothing else. They did not
want to be affiliated with indigenous Black students in terms of their code of conduct,
dressing, disrespect and other vices. They saw the host country as a site of contami-
nation and shame.

Discussion and analysis of the findings

South African society has created a new racial category for Black immigrants, namely,
the “Makwerekwere”. The reactions of indigenous students to Black immigrant
students reflect the racial stratification that is part of the fabric of South Africa. In a
CRT analysis, this endorses the tenet that races are categories society creates and that
individual, cultural and institutional expressions of racism are part of the dominant
cultural ideology that manifests in multiple contexts. Current manifestations of racial
stratification occur within a broader historical landscape that has shaped the present
forms and expressions of racism.
In the South African context language has become a powerful tool. In all of the
research sites, English was used as a means of instruction; however, in the one school
that had a majority of Black immigrant students, indigenous students and the teacher
code-switched to an indigenous language [Sepedi]. Thus, Anglophone students were
disadvantaged and Francophone students were doubly disadvantaged. Language
became a tool of exclusion on the classroom floor and the school grounds. Indigenous
Black students as well as Indian students felt a sense of power over Black immigrant
students in terms of language. For the Black indigenous students it was the indigenous
language and for the Indian students it was the English language. Indigenous Black
students demonstrated little incentive to eliminate racism. From a CRT analysis, this
feature is known as “interest convergence” or material determinism (Crenshaw et al.
1995; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Efforts to eliminate racism occur only when the
change will benefit the privileged group in some way. Both Black and Indian students
did not perceive any benefit from the Black immigrant students, but viewed them as
a threat. This tenet encourages an exploration of the role of societal need and power
interests in a way that specific qualities are associated with particular racial groups.

359
Saloshna Vandeyar

Characteristics ascribed to a particular race change depending on the needs and

interests of the majority group. Historically, these have included economic power,
safety from a perceived threat, and a quest for racial or ethnic purity, among others.
The psychosocial passing seemed to favour the traditional paradigm of equal op-
portunity that camouflages the realities of power asymmetry and unearned privilege
afforded to dominant groups. Black immigrant students quickly identified the dynam-
ics of race and differential access to opportunities for advancement that create dis-
parities in life outcomes. Hence, some of them were keen to hide their true identities.
Although racial identity and racial identification are influenced by the racial strati-
fication of South African society, some of the Black immigrant students attempted to
resist the categories that they were “plugged into”. They sought exposure, familiarity
and affirming contexts that provided alternative and empowering meanings associated
with their own racial and ethnic group in an attempt to establish a positive and healthy
racial identification that did not support the perpetuation of the racial stratification
of South African society.
CRT has revealed that individual and institutional racism is deeply embedded and
institutionalised in the education system and is politically, economically and socially
operationalised by broader societal structures.

Conclusion
This research study uncovered both similarities and differences with what was found
in the literature review. The similarities are that immigrant students in the South
African context also have to contend with discrimination and harassment, but this is
largely in terms of intra-black dynamics, while they struggle with issues of language,
curriculum and instructional strategies that do not address their cultural or linguistic
background and they feel a sense of alienation rather than one of belonging. These
findings are in significant contrast with the literature in terms of the aspects of psycho-
social passing, agency, identity and language as a tool of exclusion. Black immigrant
students have different stories to tell regarding the way race affects their life experi-
ences. These stories have not had as significant an influence on policies, practices
and opinions as have the dominant cultural narratives about race. Black immigrant
students have unique perspectives on racial matters and their voices speak of experi-
ences involving marginalisation, devaluation, and stigmatisation. It becomes clear
from these narratives that “South Africanness” is not just a question of citizenship
in official documentation. It is also about contests over the more concrete (and often
mundane) daily requirements of life, and the territoriality and space that accompany
them. It is becoming imperative to not only acknowledge and recognise the hetero-
geneous constitution of black groups in South Africa but to incorporate the linguistic
and cultural capital of these differing groups into the very fabric of schooling so as to
ensure that all students feel a sense of belonging and feeling at home. It is only in this
way that all students can truly become “cosmopolitan citizens” of the world guided

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students in South African schools

by common human values. Research from the CRT framework should contribute to
efforts to facilitate the empowerment of marginalised and disenfranchised groups,
and to inform strategies for eliminating racism and other forms of oppression.

Professor Saloshna Vandeyar is an NRF C-rated scientist and a recent award-winning scholar on
intercultural education from the prestigious international BMW Awards in the category “Theory”.
Her specialist areas encompass Education and Diversity, Teacher Professionalism as well as As-
sessment Practices. She is particularly interested in the implications of teacher and student identi-
ties in constructing classrooms inclusive of racial, linguistic and ethnic identity and in promoting
Intercultural and Peace Education.

361
Saloshna Vandeyar

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