KASHMIRI NATIONALISTS AND THEIR VISION (1931-1947)

Author(s): Muhammad Yusuf Ganai

Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 2003, Vol. 64 (2003), pp. 1003-1014
Published by: Indian History Congress

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44145528

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 KASHMIRI NATIONALISTS AND THEIR
VISION (1931-1947)
Muhammad Yusuf Ganai

The State of Jammu and Kashmir, had been handed over to M

Gulab Singh by the British in 1846 by the Treaty of Amritsar
of 75 lakh of nanakhshi .l It remained backward because of the
absence of British influence. Surrounded by a chain of mountains
geography of Kashmir also stood as a stumbling block. This is why
the Kashmiri nationalism assumed its organized form as late as 1932
with the foundation of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim
Conference. In 1885 the British Government of India had established
a full-fledged Residency in Kashmir. It was because of the efforts of
the British Residency that the Valley began to come under the impact
of Western ideas.

The first ever labour rising of its kind in Kashmir was organized
by the Shawlbafs )shawl-weavers) in 1865 in the city of Srinagar.
The motive force behind this rising was the exorbitant taxation policy
of the State that had resulted into extreme poverty of the shawl-
weavers.2

It was in summer 1924 that the artisans of Silk Factory of Srinagar

had revolted against the highhandedness and persecution of their
corrupt officials. Besides, they had demanded an increase in their
extremely low wages.3
13lh July, 1931, was a landmark day in the annals of political
awakening of Kashmir. An outsider namely Abdul Qadir had
demonstrated his solidarity with Kashmiris and had delivered a
forceful speech against the rulers of the time in a historic mass meeting
at Khanqah-i Mullah in the evening of June 21, 1931. He was arrested
next day and was to be tried at Central Jail, Srinagar, on July 13,
1931. Before the trial started masses gathered around the Central
Jail and tried to force their entry inside. The Magistrate on sport
ordered firing which caused the death of 21 persons. The incident
brought the Kashmir issue in limelight and helped towards the formal
inauguration of Kashmir Freedom Struggle.4
In the 1920s signs of political action emerged. As group of
memorandum to Indian Viceroy Lord Reading in 1924 pleading for
the redressai of their grievances.5 The Anjaman-I-Nusrat-ul-Islam, a
socio-religious reform movement organized under the leadership of
Moulvi Gh. Rasool Shah, submitted memorandums to Maharaja

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1 004 IHC: Proceedings , 64th Session , 2003

asking for an amelioration in the condition of Kashmiri Muslims.

The 1930s witnessed the return of young Kashmiri Muslims who
had attended Indian universities and witnessed the tempestuous waves
of the Khilafat and the Non-Cooperation movement. They sought to
liberate their own motherland, which was also under another form
of tyrannical rule.6 There was no freedom of press and platform in
the State as late as 1933. To deliberate upon the prevailing conditions
they established a Reading Room at Feteh Kadal, Srinagar. This
culminated in the rise of Reading Room Party that played a significant
role political awakening.7
The immendiate spur was the Central Jail event of Juy 13, 1931,
in which about 21 Kashmiris laid down their lives. It was followed
by the appointment of a Commission under B.J. Glancy.8 The
Commission was a political milestone. It testified to the plight of
Kashmiri Muslims and made various recommendations. This led to
the formation of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference in
October 1932, which was converted into the National Conference
in 1939.

Character of the Struggle: The name fMuslim Conference' could

create the impression that it was somewhat communal organisation.
But, in its practical functioning it was a progressive organisation
aimed at the welfare of the masses.9 It focussed on the under
representation of the Muslims in the State services but this was not
a communal demand despite being in the majority Muslims had been
blacklisted and their share in State services in the 1930's was not
more than 15%. 10 If the Conference was secular why was it named
Hindu elites were well placed under the Dogra Raj would not join
any organisaiton that would challenge the system.
Whenever the Muslim Conference demanded the welfare of
working classes and downtrodden sections of the society, it did not
refer to any particular community. The nature its demands had a
class rather than communal character.11 This trait led to the conversion
of the Muslim Conference into the National Conference in June 1939.

The demands of the Kashmiri leadership resembled those of the

early leaders of Indian Freedom Movement and their methods were
similar to those of Moderate leadership. The Kashmiri leadership
wanted the establishment of a responsible form of Government and
did not demand the deposition of the Maharaja. In 1932 of Chaudhary
Ghulam Abbas Khan, a veteran leader stated:12

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 Modem India 1005

I also want to make we have no gr

Maharaja Bahadur. Instead, we are f
Our demands can never be called anti-Government. In every
civilized country the King always provides some rights to his
subjects at his sweet will and the subjects often demand for more
rights. But in spite of that their subjects are treated loyal and there
is not doubt about their loyalty. The real faithfulness is that the
ruler of the time should be acquainted with the aspirations and
wishes of his subjects.
However though the demands were phrased in moderate terms
Chaudhury Abbas Khan also invoked images of martyrdom for the
cause of the Kashmiri nation:13

The way crops need sunlight to ripen for harvesting and the
gardens need water for maintaining their greenery, likewise to keep
a nation alive, the blood of martyrs is pre-requisite. The
movements nourished on the blood of martyrs are bound to
succeed. Thus, the sacrifices offered by the martyrs of Kashmir
for us are nothing short of a miracle of Christ. And their sacred
blood lends us succour to lead us to our goal.
From the very beginning the Kashmir movement adopted a pro-poor
and pro-people programme. It fervently called upon labourers,
artisans and craftsmen to join. Its socialistic orientation was
strengthened by the support of Indian socialists and communists.
The Naya Kashmir manifesto, which the National Conference issued
in 1944, was drafted in consultation with prominent socialists like
Kanwar Muhammad Ashraf and B.L. Bedi.14 It is an unprecedented
document in the history of the freedom struggle in the Princely States.
It was termed the political Bible of Kashmiri Nationalists.
Some bitterness did arise between the Kashmir Muslims and the
Hindus of the Valley during the early 1930s but, it was rooted in
class struggle rather than religious antagonism. The landed
aristocracy as well as the officialdom was overwhelmingly dominated
by the Pandits, who barely constituted 6% of the total population.15
The Nationalists fought hard to inculcate secular values and opposed
the growth of communalism. Hindu Muslim Sikh Itihad became the
popular slogna of the Kashmir movement.16
The harshest implications of the 1846 treaty of Amritsar were
borne he confiscated the age-old proprietary rights of the peasantry
by declaring all the land as State property. 17 This was done to
maximise revenue collection. Both the State and the privileged
landholders made the life of the peasantry unbearable. 18 The Kashmiri
peasantry had to periodically migrate to the Indian plains in search
of a livelihood, even though many perished crossing over in

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1006 IHC: Proceedings, 64th Session , 2003

snowstorms.19

For paying land revenue for marriages and ceremonies, the

peasants borrowed at high interest rates from Waddars and Sahukars.
This allowed money-lenders to purchase farm produce at rates lower
than those fixed by the State.20
Kashmiri Nationalists demanded that the system of money
lending be regulated to prevent Waddars and Sahukars from
changing arbitrary rates of interest.21 Later the manifesto of Naya
Kashmir promised abolition of Sahukari debts.22 The leadership
demanded the reduction of land revenue, restoration of the
proprietary rights of the peasantry and stressed the need to bring
modern technology and training to the peasantry. Peasants grievances
were an important theme of the deliberations of the Muslim
Conference and later the National Conference. īt was owing to the
efforts of the Muslim Conference that proprietary rights in khalsa
(land directly held by the State) lands were conferred upon the
peasantry.23 The Naya Kashmir Manifesto , promised the total
abolition of landlordism in the State. It also envisaged the
establishment of Agricultural Council for Agricultural Planning and
to bring about self-sufficient of food in the State. The following
measures were proposed:24
(1) Establishment of an organization to facilitate agricultural planning.
(2) Provision of hybrid seeds for peasantry. (3) Establishment of drug
research laboratories, and growth of herbs in them. (4) Improvement
of available cultivable land by supplying fertilizers. (5) Development
of agricultural research. (6) Improvement of cattle breeding. (7)
Improvement of fruit industry and canning and supply of insecticides
and pesticides. (8) Encouraging of bee-keeping industry. (9)
Development of silk industry. (11) Development of fisheries. (12)
Provision of timber to the peasantry and improvement of grazing lands.

For the feudally inclined Kashmir state it was the Department of

revenue which took priority.25 The implementation of land reforms
became the priority of the National Conference leadership after it
came to power in 1947. 26 It could fulfill its promise to abolish
landlordism fully as the orchard and maufi lands were exempted
from land reforms. Even so, the extent of land reform in Kashmir
was remarkable in the history of the subcontinent.
The Nationalists wanted the Maharaja to introduce a school
curriculum which would focus on the geography and economy of
the State. They wanted to introduce agricultural schools and colleges
in the State on the pattern of Punjab. The Punjab school of
administration with its focus on agricultural prosperity was often

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 Modem India 1007

invoked as the ideal.

The leadership also critiqued the Kashmir State's pattern of

military spending. Out of an annual revenue of Rs. 2, 47,00, 000 the
State spent half a crore on the army. Yet most of the communities of
the State were debarred from military service. The leadership also
critiqued the lavish expenditure on the royal household and high
salaries for the Prime Minister and other top-ranking officials. The
leadership argued that given this way of handling revenues it would
be impossible solve the unemployment problem.27
Nor did the rulers not take measure to develop of the world
famous Kashmiri arts and crafts. Instead, artisans were subjected to
exorbitant taxation.

The plight of Kashmiri artisans and the dilapidated condition of

Kashmiri arts and crafts became one of the major issues debated by
the Kashmiri nationalists. Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz, an outstanding
nationalist criticizing the apathy of the Government towards the
Shawl industry argued:28
"The Government of Kashmir tells us that the Franco-German
War of 1870 gave a fatal blow to the shawl trade in the West from
which it could not revive. But this is no defence when we know
that such blows had been dealt upon the industry prior to 1870. If
the market in the West was lost temporarily a Government could
create new market elsewhere. But this could be achieved only if
the Government were sympathetic and wide a awake."
The Industries Department was criticized for doing guide and help
the local artisans. The nationalists urged Kashmiri artisans not to
give up their professions and assured them that they would take every
possible step to give widespread publicity to Kashmiri arts.29
The leadership pointed out that Kashmir was blessed with
fabulous natural resources but the Government was not doing
anything to exploit them. Government should seek the expertise of
mining companies to generate employment and add to revenues help
the unemployed presidential address delivered to the Fourth Annual
Session of the Muslim Conference referred to this issue:30
Jammu and Kashmir is the richest State in minerals. There are
various petrol reserves, copper deposits and coal mines which
are unexploited. If the Government is not in a position to exploit
them it is better to give them on contract to some rich companies
on reasonable terms. The income from this sector will prove
helpful to the State in framing its budget and will also ensure the
socio-economic welfare of the masses. Besides, it will help in
solving the crucial problem of unemployment of the labourers
who go out of the State in search of livelihood.

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1008 IHC: Proceedings , 64th Session, 2003

The economic depression of 1929 and the importation of machine-

made goods had adversely affected handicrafts and thrown a large
number of artisans out of employment. The nationalists demanded
that Government open model factories to train the local artisans in
European technology so they could compete with machine-made
goods. To protect the local arts from extinction they demanded
financial assistance for artisans and a reduction in custom duties.
They expressed the general resentment over the concessions that
the State provided to outsider Karkhanadars (industrialists) who
were destroying Kashmiri arts. There was an urgent need to start a
campaign for popularizing Kashmiri crafts in Indian and foreign
mundies (markets) for which a semi-government Industrial Board
should be instituted.31

The nationalists believed in raising the standard of living by

industrial production, but they did not want man to be the slave of
machine. According to Naya Kashmir manifesto, a machine would
be a friend of man if was owned by the State, and used for the benefit
of all its citizens. The manifesto envisaged the nationalization of all
existing industries and establishment of new ones in the public sector.
It required the State to ensure:32
Abolition of industrial monopoly. (2) All big and basic industries
to be owned by the State. (3) Confiscation of all individual
monopoly, whether formal or informal, by the State. (4) All
industries related to forests to be owned by the State. (5)
Encouragement of investment in small scale industries within the
framework of the State Industrial Planning and under the State
Industrial Council.

Social Welfare Programme

Foreigners used to refer to Kashmiris as zulumparasat ,33 used to
oppression. The Kashmiri nationalists left no stone unturned to instill
the spirit of atmashakti self reliance.
The leaders often reminded the Government about the
backwardness of the State in modern education. They drew
comparisons between the state of education substantiated their
argument by making a comparative analysis between the education
in Jammu and Kashmir with that of British India especially with
neighbouring province of Punjab. Complaining of the attitude of
the State Government Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas delared:34
In the field of education our State is most backward in the whole
of India and those who merely read and write are just four percent

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 Modem India 1009

of the total population. In spite of

the Government spends a little am
to Punjab. It spends only five per cent whereas the Punjab
Government spends fourteen percent of its total revenues on
education.

The leadership had strong reservations on official curriculum and

demanded changes which would reflect the distinct environment and
needs of Jammu and Kashmir.35 In order to infuse life into the
economy, the leaders wanted the Government to encourage technical
education. In his presidential address to the Fifth Annual Session of
the Muslim Conference, Shaikh Muhammad Abdullah demanded:36
Dissemination of education in the State deserves more attention.
The present economic condition of the State demands that
technical education facilities in agriculture and handicrafts should
be provided to men as well as women. The purpose of education
should not be confined to producing educated unemployed youth
and clerks alone.

The Naya Kashmir manifesto proposed to establish a National

Educational Council to prepare schemes for the development of
education:37

Establishment of a National University, (2) Organising of

research, (3) Provision for technical education, (4) Establishment of
a Statistical Institute, (5) Establishment of Industrial Institutes, (6)
Establishment of a State Institute to provide knowledge about
culture* language and history to the people of the State, (7)
Establishment of one College in each district, (8) Establishment of
nursery, primary, secondary, high and higher secondary schools, (9)
Mother tongue to be the medium of education in all schools, (10)
Establishment of a network of libraries, (11) Propagation of basic
education, and (12) Provision of facilities to women for all kinds of
education.

Recurrent famines and epidemics usually caused by mass

malnutrition were a commonplace phenomenon in Kashmir.38 In
British India the Government took some measures to improve public
health. The rulers of Kashmir remained apathetic towards providing
basic medical facilities to the people and also adopted a hostile
attitude to the British medical missionaries.39 Their budgetary
allocation for health remained very meagre. The Nationalists drew
the attention of Government to health issues "memorandums and
resolutions passed during the session of the Muslim Conference and
the National Conference. The presidential address of the Fifth
Annual Session of the Muslim Conference stated:40

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1010 I HC: Proceedings , 64th Session , 2003

It is the duty of the State to take care of the health needs of its
subjects. But in this regard the Government does not fulfill its
duties. There is a need to construct hospital buildings and equip
them with medical facilities. But the state spends so
parsimoniously on medicines that each individual of the State can
get even less than three paise out of the annual budget allocated
for the purchase of medicines. The deplorable condition of
hospitals can be gauged by the fact that even the main hospital of
the State Sadar Hospital, Srinagar is situated in a dingy building.
There is extreme scarcity of space and hundreds of patients are
unattended for want of space. Thus, it is easy to guess the
deplorable condition of the hospitals of the far off towns and there
exists no medicine. The maximum localities are even deprived of
hospital facilities. The poor peasants die for want of medicine
worth five paise. It is necessary that a portion of Government
treasury, which is filled by the masses with the seat of their brow,
should be spent on their health and they must be saved from
untimely deaths.41

Naya Kashmir manifesto stated that of the fundamental duties of

the State was to took after the health of all its citizens. It
recommended the establishment of a National Health Council on
the following guidelines:42
Every 1500 citizens should have one doctor, (2) Every village
should have one doctor and one first aid centre, (3) Every district
is to have one indoor patient hospital, under the supervision of
provincial hospitals, (4) Doctors, Hakims, nurses, compounders,
medical assistants and related personnel would be trained in the
State Medical College, (5) Eradication of diseases, (6) Educating
people about matters connected with hygiene and sanitation, (7)
Maternity aid for women, (8) Look after the health of children,
(9) Medical research on modern scientific lines, (10) Encouraging
Unani and Ayurvedic system of medicine, (11) Promotion of sports
and physical culture, (12) Training of women for medical
professions, (13) Ambulances for people living in far flung areas,
and (14) Village and city sanitation.
The Nationalists believed there could not be reformed generations
without reformed women. The Naya Kashmir manifesto included a
charter for women which guaranteed the following rights to them:43
Right to vote and contest elections, (2) Right to be consulted on
all legislation with regard to women, (3) Right to employment,
(4) Establishment of a department to look into their grievances,
(5) Right to equal pay for equal work along with men, (6) Right
to lighter work during maternity, (7) Right to perform the duties
of the motherhood, (8) Maternity aid and care, (9) Hospitalization
during confinement, and (10) Abolition of immoral traffic etc.

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 Modem India 1011

The manifesto of Naya Kashmir

a composite culture in the State
Cultural and Social Council with t
Establishment of a radio station
Film Industry, (3) Institution o
Opening of recreation club, (5) P
monuments, and (6) Establishme
art and culture.

Concern for Civil Liberties

The achievement and safeguarding of civil liberties formed an integr

feature of the struggle of the Nationalists. It was as a result of thei
efforts that freedom of press and platform was granted in Kashmir.4
Whenever the Government suspended civil liberties they launched
vigorous campaigns for their restoration. It was because of thi
unshakable commitment that the safeguarding of civil liberties foun
ap important place in the manifesto of Naya Kashmir 46

Struggle for Swaraj

The Nationalists demanded responsible form of legislature in th
State. On the recommendations of Glancy Commission, the
Government had established a Legislative Assembly in 1934.
However out of 75 members 42 were to be nominated and the right
to vote was very limited. The leadership that declared that the
legislative. Assembly was nothing but a mock show. Similarly the
Government established municipal committees and the district boards
but here again the majority of the members were nominated.
The Nationalists fought for the establishment of a representative
Government in the State on the basis of elections based on universal
adult franchise. On May 6, 1936, a Responsible Government Day
was celebrated. Resolutions condemning the State Assembly as an
inadquate and unrepresentative body were passed.47 On this issue it
is worth quoting Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah:48
We should be given autonomy in managing the affairs of our own
homeland and there should not be any external interference. In
other words, it is a demand for responsible Government and this
is the goal of our movement for which we have sacrificed our
lives.

The Naya Kashmir manifesto proposed the establishment of a

National Assembly with jurisdiction over the following:49

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1012 I HC: Proceedings , 64th Session , 2003

Representation of the State in exterior relations, conclusion and

ratification of treaties with other states, (2) Approval of alterations
of the boundaries of the State, (3) Organisation of the Defence of
the State and the direction of its armed forces, (4) Foreign trade
upon the basis of State monopoly, (5) Protection of the State security,
(6) Establishment of the National Economic Plan of the State, (7)
Approval of the State budget, (8) Administration of transport and
means of communication, (9) Regulation of currency and the
direction of the monetary credit system, (10) Organisation of State
insurance, (11) Contracting and granting loans, (12) Establishment
of the fundamental principles for the use of land as well as the
exploitation of deposits, forests and waters, and (13) Establishment
of the fundamental principles in the field of education and protection
of public life etc.
Though the Kashmiri nationalism was a born:child in the
Subcontinent, it attained maturity immediately after its birth. This
was because it emerged at a conjuncture in which the Indian
nationalist movement had also developed some radical strands under
the impact of Bolshevik revolution of 1917. In fact in some respects
Kashmiri nationalists took the lead over Indian socialists. The Naya
Kashmir manifesto of National Conference declared the abolition
of landlordism only in 1944 whereas the Congress Working
Committee adopted a similar resolution in 1945.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1 . For details about the Treaty see Pannikar, K.M. Gulab Singh - 1792-1858 -
of Kashmir, p.112.
2. For details about the revolt see Nab Shah, Wajeez-ul-Tawarikh , p.201 ; Sahibzad
Shah, Tarikh-i Kashmir , p.98.
3. JKA, A.R. of 1981 (Samvat), p.9.
4. For details see Bazaz, Pream Nath, The History of Struggle for Freedom in K
p. 154.
5. Memorandum submitted by the prominent Kashmiri Muslims to Indian Viceroy Lord
Reading on his visit to Kashmir in 1 924.
6. Bazaz, Pream Nath, The History of Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir , p. 147.
7. Abdullah, SM.Atash-i Chinar, pp.48-49.
8. Ibid., p. 165.
9. Tasir, A.R. Tehrik-i Hurriyat-i Kashmir , Vol.II, pp. 17-1 8.
10. Ganai, Mohammad Yousuf, Kashmir's Struggle for Independence , pp.24-26.
11. Ibid., pp. 124* 125.
1 2. Presidential Address delivered by S.M. Abdullah to the First Annual Session of Muslim
Conference on October 17, 1932 vide Dostaw aizat, p.222.

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 Modem India 1013

13. Presidential Address delivered by Cha

Session of Muslim Conference on Octobe
14. Presidential Address delivered by S.M.
Muslim Conference on December 17, 19
15. Tasir, A.R. Tehrik-i Hurriyat-i Kashmir
16. Census of India, 193 1 , Part II, p.39.
17. An interview with Late Peer Abdul Ghan
Anantnag, Kashmir, dated, February 1 7, 1 9

1 8. Memorandum submitted by the Muslim

Singh on October 19, 1931.
19. Ibid., pp.5 1-52.
20. Abdullah, S.M. Atash-i Chinar , pp.37-
2 1 . Ganai, Muhammad Yousuf , Kashmir 's
22. Presidential Address delivered by S.M
Muslim Conference on December 17, 193
23. See Naya Kashmir Manifesto vide Tasir
pp.334-339.
24. For details see Ganai, Muhammad Yousuf, Kashmir 's Struggle for Independence , p. 1 46.
25. Naya Kashmir Manifesto vide Tasir, A.R. Tehrikh-i Hurriyat-i Kashmir , Vol.11, pp.344-
345.

26. For details of about the corrupt practices of revenue officials see Walter Lawrence,
The Valley of Kashmir, pp.4 1 2-4 14.

27. Beg, Mirza Muhammad Afzal, Agricultural Reforms in Jammu and Kashmir , pp. 1 2-
13.

28. Presidential Address delivered by S.M. Abdullah to the Sixth Annual Session of Muslim
Conference on March 27, 1938, vide Dastawaizat, pp.468-469.
29 . B azaz, Pream Nath, Inside Kashmir , p.7 8 .
30. Presidential Address delivered by S.M. Abdullah to the Second Annual Session of
Muslim Conference on December 17, 1933 vide Dastawaizat, p.305.
31. Presidential Address delivered by Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas to the Fourth Annual
Session of Muslim Conference on October 27, 1 935 vide Dastawaizat, pp. 389-390.
32. Ibid.

33. Naya Kashmir Manifesto vide Tasir, A.R. Tehrikh-i Hurriyat-i Kashmir, Vol.11, pp.353-
354.

34. Walter Lawrence, The Valley of Kashmir, p.2.

35. Presidential Address delivered by Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas to the Fourth Annual
Session of Muslim Conference on October 27, 1935 vide Dastawaizat, pp.391 -392.
36. Ganai, Muhammad Yousuf, Kashmir 's Struggle for Independence, pp. 1 33- 1 34.
37. Ibid., p. 135.
38. See Naya Kashmir Manifesto vide Tasir, A.R. Tehrikh-i Hurriyat-i Kashmir, pp.366-
367.

39. For details about epidemics are Walter Lawrence, The Valley of Kashmir, pp.2 1 8-2 1 9.
40. Ganai, Muhammad Yousuf, Kashmir 's Struggle for Independence, p. 1 38.

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1014 IHC: Proceedings , 64th Session , 2003

4 1 . Presidential Address delivered by S.M. Abdullah to the Fifth Annual Session of Muslim
Conference on May. 15, 1937 vid cDastawaizat, pp.333-334.
42. See Naya Kashmir Manifesto vide Tasir, A.R. Tehrikh-i Hurriyat-i Kashmir,
Vol.11, pp.363-364.
43. Ibid., pp.373-373.
44. Ibid., p.324.
45. Presidential Address delivered by S.M. Abdullah to the Second Annual Session of
Muslim Conference on December 17, 1933 vide Dastawaizat, pp. 395-396.
46. See Naya Kashmir Manifesto vide Tasir, A.R. Tehrikh-i Hurriyat-i Kashmir , Vol.11,
p.315.
47. Bazaz, Pream Nath, Inside Kashmir , p. 19 1 .
48 . Presidential Address delivered by S .M. Abdullah to the Sixth Annual Session of Muslim
Conference on March 27, vide Dastawaizat, p.447.
49. Naya Kashmir Manifesto vide Tasir, A.R. Tehrikh-i Hurriyat-i Kashmir , Vol.11, p.3 1 8.

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