HISTORY OF SANGAM TAMILS – A STUDY

Thesis Submitted to Madurai Kamaraj University

for the award of the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY

By

S. ARUNADEVI, M.A., M.Phil.,

Lecturer in History,

Government Arts College for Women

Pudukkottai.

Under the Supervision of

Dr. S. MURUGAVEL, M.A., (His, Pol.Sci., Tamil) M.Ed., M.Phil., D.G.T. Ph.D.,

Associate Professor,

Post Graduate Department of History,

Government Arts College, Melur,
Madurai – 625 106.
GOVERNMENT ARTS COLLEGE

MELUR – 625 106.

DECEMBER 2012
 CONTENTS

CHAPTER Page No.

Preface I

Abbreviation II

Map III

Introduction 1

I The Age of the Sangam 9

II The Pattern of Political Structure 36

III Administrative System 57

IV Kings and chieftains 78

V Social Life 130

VI The Role of Education 154

VII Religious Life and Festivals 171

VIII Trade and Commerce 249

Conclusion 266

Bibliography I-VII
of families constituted the different striates of the Tamil society. Hence House hold life
of the Tamil People played a vital role in the development of Tamil Culture. The
Supreme philosophy of life as conceived by the Tamils clearly expressed in one the
verses of Purananuru the ancient Tamil classics. Every country is my country. Every
man is my Kins man.

CHAPTER - I

THE AGE OF THE SANGAM

The determination of the age of the Sangam had created a chronological

Conundrum. Diverse are the views expressed by Scholars. There are atleast three
schools of thought. One depending the traditions of the commentator of Iraiyanar
Kalaviyal, takes the age of the Sangam, much an anterior date across archaeological
ages to the surprise of archaeologists and dismay of historians. The second school
guided by the nineteenth century racial and linguistic theories saw in the origin of Tamil
script, literature, conventions and institutions a Sanskritic influence, inspiration for even
parenthood and brought down the age of Sangam to eighth to tenth centuries after
Christ. The third school attempts an objective approach to settle the problem and
various authors of this school fix a period from fifth century B. C. to fifth Century A.D., or
various stages with in this time span of one thousand years.

Among the third school, there are atleast three divisions, one for a thousand
years life span from fifth century B.C. to fifth century A. D., the second for about five
hundred years from second century B. C. to third century A.D., or with a little more at
the upper or lower limit and the third for about three centuries after Christ, some
including others excluding the first century after Christ. Of all the schools of thought,
the third branch of the third school had gained the acceptance of scholars at national
and international levels. They believe that it has relevancy to the cultural sequence and
enough interval for the cultural emergence and linguistic formation in between the
archaeological cultures and the classical age. According to the judgements delivered by
the archaeologists, the megalitheans, the Tamil speaking ancestors of the authors of the
Sangam civilization, entered Tamil Country via north-west from Iran or Eastern
Mediterranean2 with the intrusive element iron, the stimuli for cultural transfusion at
about third century B.C, according to their original judgment. But, now after further
enlightment taken the date back and placed it to cover a period from 10th century B.C
to 5th Century B.C.3

In their view, the three centuries before Christ while civilization was flourishing in
other parts of India, China, Egypt and Rome, the Tamils were in the formative period of
their culture and were partially relinquishing their tribalism. 4 The famous epigraphist
Dani's "observation5 that writing trickled down the barbarous caves of south, is one
example of the general line of thinking at wider levels.

This kind of thinking demonstrates how, an imperfect work of archaeology in

conjunction with imperfect understanding of the literary heritages of India can
jeopardize the correct understanding of the cultural heritage of the ancient Societies of
India. To make matters worse, depending on a fifteenth century A.D. classification of
the early literary products as eight collection, ten songs and eighteen didactics by
Mailainather and without a perfect stratification as done by Maxmuller to Vedic

2
Mortimer Wheeler E., Early Indian and Pakistan, London,1959, p.163, Christoph von Furer
Haimendorf."When, how and from where did the Dravidians come to India?" Indo Asian Culture, ii, No. 3
Delhi, January 1954, pp. 238-247; same author ''New aspects of Dravidian Problem", Tamil Culture, No. 2
1953 pp. 127-135; Nayar T. B., "The Problem of Dravidian Origins" (Madras, 1877; P.12; Nilakanda Sastri K.A.,
History of South India and Cultural contacts-Aryan and Dravidians, oxford 1955, p.3
3
Nagasamy R., Imachinnangal, Archaeological Hand Book Madras, 1968 pp. 108-111.
4
Suvira Jaiswal, "studies in the social structure of the early Tamils Indian Society-Historical probings", p.145;
Narayanan Manyar M.G.S., "Problem in Sangam literature", journal of Indian History Vol. LIII part 2,
1975), p. 243, N. Subramaniam, Sangam Polity, P.U.P. London 1980, p. 63.
5
Veluppillai A., for quoted Dani in Epigraphical evidences for Tamil Studies, I.I.T. Studies, Madras, 1980,
p.14.
literature and using the heaped up literature of the early period, speculative
judgements, on the age of the Sangam, have been passed, each challenging the rest and
none capable of giving a perfect and permanent solution to fix the age of the Sangam.
On account of this failure, a correct understanding of the cultural heritage of the Tamils
of the pre-Christian era has been kept in darkness and literary heritage of the ancient
Tamils exposed to debate placing Tolkappiyam posterior to the anthologies in the early
Pallava period.6 Hence a reassessment and rediscovery of the age of the Sangam is an
imperative necessity.

The first reference to the story of the Sangam and its approximate period of
existence appeared in the commentary to Iraiyanar Akapporul.7 According to the
commentator there existed three Sangams in the successive Pandiya capitals for a total
period of 9990 years. As this vast period invades even the lithic ages by millenniums,
archaeologists and historians raised their brows, and the story has been dismissed as a
figment of imagination. K.N.Sivarajapillai considered it as a product of the "fabulising
imagination of a later scholar" and a "daring literary forgery" Yet according to Dr. K.K.
Pillai8 the tradition is persistant9 and the entire story cannot be a fiction, though fact
and fiction are mixed up; tradition arise out of some base behind Velvikkudi grant an
archaeological source supply a hint; Pliny10 and Mahabharatha11 supply evidence for the
shifting of the capital of Pandyas; and therefore the story cannot be totally dismissed as
a fiction. The total number of 449 poets attributed to the third Sangam in the

6
Basham A.L., The Wonder That Was India, London, 1954, p.462; Hart G.L., "Ancient Tamil Literature; Its
scholarly past and future" in essays, on South India, (ed) Burton Stein, Vykas, 1975 p.41,
Chatterji S.K., "Old Tamil, Ancient Tamil and Premitive Dravidian" in Tamil Calcutta, 1956, p.13, K.N.
Sivarajapillai, The Chronology of the early Tamils Madras, 1932, p.44, Vaiyapuripillai S, "History of the Tamil
Language and Literature, T. C. Vol. III, 1954, p. 242.
7
Iraiyanar Akapporul, Saiva Siddantha Kazhakam (Pub), Madras, 1969, p.242.
8
op.cit., p.19.
9
Pillay K.K., "Historical Ideas in Early Tamil Literature", T.C., Vol. 6, 1967 p. 114.
10
Velvikudi grant, Parv, IX. 36.
11
Warmington, Commerce Between Roman Empire and India, Cambridge 1928, P. 167.
commentary is nearer according to the compulation of the Samajam edition and the
Hand book to Second International Conference of Tamil Studies. At least two out of the
many books referred to by the early Commentaors have been recovered from oblivion
recently. Some of the names mentioned in the Kalaviyal commentary have appeared in
inscriptions. Hence in the absence of marine archaeology, it is too early to dismiss the
commentators version of the story of the Sangam into as fictitious or literary forgery.

Traditional School

The votaries of the first school (traditionalist) treat the Akapporul Commentary in
toto as a historical document. Thudisaikkilar Chidambaranar distributed the entire
period of 9990 years adding one hundred years more at different stages from fifteen
millennium B.C. to first millennium A.D. Weaving the literary traditions across the warp
i.e. astronomy and Geology, he placed the first Sangam between 14004 B.C. and 9564
B.C. with Southern Madurai as its seat, the Second Sangam between 6805 B.C. and 3105
B.C. with Kapadapuram as its seat and the third between 1715 B.C. and 235 A.D. With
Madurai as its seat.12

He also believes the existence of four prior academic ages before 14004 B.C.
Devaneya Pavanar takes a different course and approximates the first Sangam between
10.000 B.C. and 5500 B.C. second between 4000 B.C. and 1500 B.C. and the third
between fifth century B.C. to fourth century A.D. No evidence is given. V.K.
Suriyanarayna Sastri distributes the entire 9990 years in continuity terminating at
100A.D. Inclusive of the Epics he added 500 years more at the lower end. 13 P.T. Srinivasa
Aiyangar too treats legend as history.14

12
Cherar Varalaru Saiva Siddantha Kazhakam (Pub); Tamil Sangankalin Varalaru, Madras Reprint, 1967, pp.52-62,
70-89, 100.
13
Raghava Iyengar R. Tamilvaralaru, Madras, 1952, pp.245-249.
14
Srinivasa Iyengar P.T. History of the Tamils, Madras, 1929, pp.111-113.
 Justice Damodharan Pillai, the learned editor of Tolkappiyam, Virasoliyam,
Kalithogai and other works considers a period from 10150 B.C. to 150 B.C. as the
academic period of the Tamils. The scholars of the traditionalist school failed to cull out
historical elements from the legends and failed to establish the age of the Sangam with
Corroborative evidences.

The Second School

The second school takes a different approach and goes to the opposite extreme.
The chief voteries of this school are Robert Caldwell, L.D. Swamikkannupillai and N.P.
Chakravarthi. Robert Caldwell, who completed his monumental work on Dravidian
Philology in 1856 was carried away by the linguistic and racial theories of the German
philologists of the 19th century. Banking faith on the supremacy of Sanskrit and thinking
the language of the south as mere dialects of Sanskrit, joined hands with Burnell he
placed the earliest literary period of Tamils at 9th and 10th centuries 15 A.D., on
palaeographical grounds.16 The learned Bishop was not only misled but in turn also
misguided the English writers on Tamil literature like Dr. Grierson, Dr. Rost and Frazer
by his writings.

They in turn propagated Caldwell's erroneous theories in the western world.

Caldwell's theories faced the pungent criticism of Prof. Sundaram Pillai through his
work, "Some Milestones in the History of Tamil Literature". L.D. Swamikkannu Pillai,
based on the astronomical data found in Nedunelvadai17 Kudalur Kilar's puram18 and
Silappadikaram19 placed the age of the Sangam at 8th century A.D., thinking that the

15
Ibid., pp. 232-236.
16
Robert Caldwell, A Comparative Grammar of Dravidian and South Indian Family of Languages, (Madras
1961, pp. xi, 67.
17
Nedunalvadai, Lines, 160-162.
18
Puram, 229.
19
Kadukankathai, 1-3, and Katturai, 133-137.
knowledge of zodiac came to south, very late, as Sanskrit literature had not referred to
zodiac and the planetory horoscopes till third century A.D.20

It is the general belief and faith that the Sanskrit authors of astronomical
treatises depended their knowledge of zodiac and the seven day week on the Greeks.
But Rev. Ebeneser Burgess who translated the Surya Siddhanta, negatived their opinion
on Greek source. According to him the greatest contribution to astronomy was made by
the Babylonians and not the Greeks. The Indians developed their rasi astronomy in their
own way according to Mahamahopadhyaya P.V. Kane. In the period of assimilation of
native thought, the Sanskrit astronomers had consulted the Nadis (Nadinool). The Nadis
were store houses of knowledge on celestial bodies.21 Indologists had neglected the
Dravidian tradition and in the Dravidian names for sun, moon and planets there is
nothing Sanskritic in them. The stray references to astronomical elements made in the
early Tamil literature22 has to be taken as the remnants of knowledge on astronomy
preserved in Nadis, now lost to posterity. The early Tamil musicology too is linked to
well developed astronomy.23

L.D. Swamikkannu Pillai based his calculations on wrong premise. From the
Silambu data, V.R.R. Dikshithar had read the period to be belonging to second century
A.D. It has relevance to Gajabahu Senguttuvan Synchronism.

Dr. N.P. Chakravarthi, former Director General of Archaeology, in the light of his
knowledge on the writing pattern of early cave inscriptions of Tamil country, rules out
the existence of any classical period for Tamil language before sixth century A.D.24 The
caves were intended for Jain or Buddhist mendicants. The incomplete sentences of

20
Swamikkannu Pillai L.D., The Indian Exphemeris, Vol.I, Part i, p.496.
21
Badrinarayanan, “Illustrated Weekly of India” Sep. 7-13, 1980, p.19.
22
Puram 2, 229; Nedunelvadai; 160-162 Silambu, Kadukankathai 1-3, Katturai 133-37 etc.
23
Koothanool, Panchamarapu and Silambu Arakerrukathai.
24
Presidential Address, Indian History Congress, Ahmedabad, 1954.
donative nature were incised by commoners unlike the text of the medieval inscriptions
which were composed by poets.
N.P. Chakravarthi was unfortunately not aware that from sixth century A.D.
commenced the Pallava age in political history and Devaram age in literary history.

Three Branches of the Third School

The third school which has more subscribers is objective in their approach. M.
Srinivasa Iyengar finds the Akapporul story a trife. He assigned a period of one thousand
years from 500 B.C. to 500 A.D. for the period of Academies. He allowed a marginal
period beyond the upper limit ie. 500 B.C. for the literary composition preceding the
academic period.25 V. R. R. Dikshithar assigned one thousand years from 500 B. C. to
500 A.D. for the Sangam Age.26 By calculating the astronomical data found in the
Silumbu, he advanced the period by six centuries than the findings of L.D. Swamikkannu
pillai.

25
Srinivasa Iyengar M., Tamil Studies, Madras, 1914, pp 212-213.
26
Ramachandra Dikshitar V.R., Studies in the Tamil Literature and History, Madras, 1936.
 He regarded South as a separate unit by itself from geological and historical times
and Dravidian languages especially Tamil had developed independent of Sanskrit. K.G.
Sesha Iyer27 and K.R. Srinivasa Iyengar taking the line of V.R.R. Dikshithar assigned the
same date, 500 B.C. to 500 A.D. as the extreme limits.

Dr. K.K. Pillay, giving partial assent to the Akapporul tradition believes in the
existence of three Sangams, but rejected the high antiquity. Banking upon the Gajabahu
Senguttuvan Synchronism and the Indo Roman Sources 28 accepted the probability of
the existence of third Sangam between first and third centuries B.C.29 Taking it as the
basic substratum of the Chronology of the early Tamils, reckoned backwards, placed the
Second Sangam at first and second centuries B.C and the first Sangam at the third and
fourth centuries B.C. In his opinion Tolkappiyam belonged to a period not earlier than
second century B.C.30 The two earlier Epics are kept outside the corpus of Sangam
literature and assigned 4th and 5th centuries A.D. to them.31 Fr. Xavier, S.
Thaninayagam placed the anthologies and the Epics between 200 B.C. and 300 A.D.32

Dr. N. Subramanian who did intensive work on Sangam Polity, Culture and
Civilization noticed a cultural continuity in Tamil Nadu from the period of the
foundation of the Mauryan Empire. He held "that the entire body of eight anthologies
(Ettuttogai). the Ten Idylls (Pattuppattu) and the 18 minor works (Padinenkilkanakku)
and the two epics (Silappadikaram and Manimekalai) belong to the Pre-Pallavan
period,33 that is to the few centuries immediately preceding and following the Christian

27
Sehsha Iyer K.G., Cera Kings of the Sangam Period, Madras, 1970, pp. 97-122.
28
Pillay K.K., Op.cit., p. 114.
29
Ibid, p. 106.
30
Pillay K.K., Social History of the Tamils, Madras, 1980, pp. 93-100.
31
Pillay K.K., T.C. Op.cit., p.118.
32
“Subramanian N., Educators of Tamil Society”, T.C. 1956, p.105.
33
The Sangam Polity, Op.cit., pp. 25, 32.
era. Tolkappiyam belongs to an age slightly earlier”34. But the learned scholar has
differed in his own conclusions on the age of the Sangam.

34
Ibid., p. 25.
In the same work "Sangam Polity", at one stage he regarded the early centuries of the
Christian era as the age of the Sangam.35

Finally, he held that the entire mass of the Sangam literature covers a period of
three or four generations or about two hundred years before fourth century A.D. 36 Dr.
N. Subramanian who noticed a cultural continuity in the Tamil Country from the period
of the foundation of the Mauryan empire37 in the fourth century B.C. and who located
the age of the anthologies, didactics and epics centuries before and after Christ was
misled and disillusioned with the erroneous equation of Velkelu Kuttuvan of
Pathittuppattu and Cheran Senguttuvan of Silappadikaram and confined the age of the
entire mass of the Sangam literature to three or four generations.

While the strange notions of Caldwell and Burnell were reigning the intellectual
world and the Sangam studies were at its initial stages, materials at hand were scanty,
Kanakasabhai made his attempt to throw light on the Augustan age of the Tamils,
through a series of papers from 1895, later published under the caption "Tamils
Eighteen Hundred years Ago”. He was the first to bring the Gajabahu, Senguttuvan,
Satakarni Synchronism as the foundation for fixing the age of the Sangam. He fixed the
age of Gajabahu of Ceylon between 113 A.D. and 125 A.D. and placed the age of the
Sangam at the early centuries of the Christian era.38 He did not direct his investigation
to the period before fifty A.D. His views on the Sangam age was taken as authoritative
by eminent historians like V.A. Smith, L.D. Barnett and R.C. Majumdar. His calculations
of the age of the Sangam is guiding the scholars ever since, though his work is
incomplete and is suffering from a serious flaw in equating Velkelu Kuttuvan, the hero
of the fifth decade of Pathittuppattu with Senguttuvan of Silappadikaram. The mistake

35
op. cit., p.27.
36
Ibid. p. 28.
37
op. cit, p. 25.
38
Kanakasabbai Pillai V., Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, Madras, 1904, p. 8.
was originally committed by the compiler or later scribe and over sighted by all
including Kanakasabhai.

R.Raghava Iyangar, placing Elalan's period between 205 and 16l B.C. and
Gajabahu I of Ceylon between 111 A.D and 133 A.D and linking both assigned 350 years
as the age of the third Sangam.39 According to Dr. T.P. Meenakshi Sundram the
"Earliest literature available is attributed to the third academy or Sangam, probably
beginning before the Christian era and continuing; upto the end of the third century
A.D."40 He placed Tolkappiyam at the earlier part of the first millennium B.C.41

K. N. Sivaraja Pillai who attempted to "settle the vexed question of Tamil

chronology", which he claimed to have absolutely fixed42 was methodical in approach,
attempted stratification of the literature keeping in view the supremacy of Sanskrit,
brought Ainkurunuru, Kalittokai and Paripadal as the works of lower strata,43 of
Sangam literature placed the epics at sixth century A.D., and kept the didactics in
between the anthologies and the epics. He placed Tolkappiyam three centuries after
purananuru. But he had not worked out the chronological order of the poets and their
songs who were widely separated in time and space. However, he succeeded in locating
the existence of two Karikalas. He kept the Chola44 line of Kings belonging to ten
generations as the central core of his working chronology, dismissed the Gajabahu
Senguttuvan Synchronism as a fragile element to count upon, created a new
Synchronism with Ptolemy, Aye Andiron and Pasumpon Pandiyan. Keeping Karikala, the
Second at the intermediary stage following an ascending and decending process, fixed

39
Raghava Iyengar R., Op.cit., P. 41.
40
Menakshi Sundarm.T.P., Tamil, A Birds Eye View, Madurai, 1976, p. 3.
41
Puranalingam Pillai M.S., History of Tamil Literature Hyderabad, 1965, p. 11.
42
Sivaraja Pillai K.N., Chronology of Ancient Tamils, Madras, 1932, p.161.
43
Ibid., 41, 44.
44
Op.cit., p. 170
50 B.C. as the date of commencement of the rule of the Chola line of first generation
and 200 A.D. as the end of the rule of the Chola line of the 10th generation. This period
of 250 years he held to be the age of Sangam. His equation of the period of Aye Andiran
with that of Pasumpon Pandian has no historical, literary or even evidence from
tradition. As and when the author of this chronology accepted that his equation of
Pasumpon Pandiyan with Aye Andiran is arbitrary45 the chronology, claimed to have
been proved beyond doubt and soaring so high, lost its fell to the ground and broken to
dust.

Approach of the linguists

After K.N. Sivarajapillai, S. Vaiyapuripillai had made a systematic study on a

general stratification of the Sangam works to fix the age of the Sangam. His approach
was methodical. But he had drawn some premises keeping in view, the writings of the
early cave inscriptions of Tamil Nadu, astronomical elements found in Nedunelvadai
Sanskrit etymology, religious and social ideals-found in the early Tamil works which
according to latest analysis are questionable. He drew the following premises before
fixing the date of the Sangam. The Dravidian dynasties known to Megasthenese and
Katyayana in the 4th Century B.C had high antiquity. Their successors in the second
century B.C adopted Brahmi script for purposes of writing. 46 There was no written
literature for Tamil before 3rd century B.C. and it took shape only after its oral
existence. The written language was in its formative stage during the first and second
centuries B.C

Therefore he concluded that no poet of the Sangam age was earlier than second
century A.D.47 and that the early Sangam literature flourished from second century A.D.

45
S. Vaiyapuripillai S., Tamil Sudarmanikal, Madras, 1949, p. 332.
46
Ibid, p. 341.
47
Op.cit., p. 357.
to third century A.D. That was the genuine Sangam period according to him. He placed
Nedunalvadai of Nakkirar at third century A.D. He excluded Paripadal and Kali of the
Eight Anthologies, Thirumurugattuppadai of Pattuppattu, 18 didactics, the two early
epics and Tolkappiam at 600 A.D. Taking note of the etymological variations,
differences in poetics between Tolkappiyam and the Anthologies, the learned scholar
held that Tolkappiyam succeeds the anthologies with a time distance of three
centuries.48 He placed Tolkappiyam at the. 5th century A.D. For giving a posterior
dating to Tolkappiyam, he brought the age of Kautilya to 3rd century A.D.49 The Etymo-
logical dictionary of Dravidian Languages by the Professors of Sanskrit, Burrow and
Emeneau, Literary History of Sanskrit by Burrow 50, G.L. Hart's recent researches51. S.K.
Chatterji's Studies in the fare race movements and cultural evolution in early India 52
supplies sufficient materials to remove the hallucination of the protalgooists of Sanskrit
about the massive impact of Sanskrit and Vedic thought over the early Tamil literature.
Hence Vaiyapuripillai's pet conclusions have, now, no peg to hang. Yet scholars at
national, and international levels who depend Kanakasabhai's dating for the age of the
Sangam, are guided by S. Vaiyapuripillai's theories relating to the corpus of the Sangam
literature.

M. Raghava Iyengar limits the entire corpus of the Sangam literature to the life
span of Cheran-Senguttuvan and fixes the age of the Sangam at 5th century A.D.53 By
the General flaw of mixing Velkelukuttuvan and Cheran Senguttuvan54, the learned

48
Ibid., p. 51.
49
Burrow T., The Sanskrit Language, “Loan Words in Sanskrit”, Collected Papers, Annamalainagar, 1968, pp. 284,
285.
50
“Related Cultural and Literary, Elements in Acient Tamil and Indo Aryan’ Ph.D. Dissertation, Harward
University, 1969
51
Majumdar R.(ed), Race Movement and Prehistoric Culture, in vedic Age Bombay, 1965, pp. 162 – 618.
52
Cheran Senguttuvan (Tamil) Valluvar Pannai (Pub), 5th ed, Madras, 1964, p. 197.
53
Raghava Iyangar, Ibid, p. 9
54
Nilakanda Sastri K.A., The Colas, Madras, 1975, p.3.
author had mixed up the relatives' of the two great heroes and found a wider span of
time to accommodate the entire corpus of Sangam literature to a single generation.
K.A.N. Sastri who assigned the early centuries of the Christian era 55 as the period of
compositions of the early litetature, excluding the Epics, had limited the age of the
Sangam to five or six generation covering a period of 150 years from 100 A.D, on the
strength of Gajabahu Senguttuvan Synchronism, keeping the reigning period of
Gajabahu between 173 A.D.56 Falling in line with S. Vaiyapuripillai he excluded
Paripadal, Kalittogai (of Eight Anthologies) and Thirumurugarruppadai (of Ten Idylls)
from the corpus of Sangam literature.57 Recently, an American scholar from the
University of Wisconsin after a comparative study of the ancient Tamil and Sanskrit
literatures, placed the six of the Eight Anthologies (excluding Paripadal and Kalittogai) at
the second and third centuries A.D., Kalittogai, Paripadal and Pattuppattu were placed
at a period a little later and Tolkappiyam at fifth century A.D.58 Though his
work is original in approach and treatment, he is unable to relieve himself completely
from the impact of the line of thinking of Prof, S.Vaiyapuripillai.

The theories on the age of the Sangam assessed so far suffer from one or the
other of the following serious misconceptions or errors.

Evaluation of the Three Schools of Thought

1. The indifference shown to the political situation in the Tamil Country during
the second, third and fourth centuries had compelled many scholars to transplant the
age of the Sangam over the Kalabhra and early Pallava age in the history of Tamil Nadu.
Even the lower Strata of Anthologies present a political situation of a different and

55
Balasubramanian S., History of South India, Madras, 1973 p. 187
56
Sastri K.A.N., (ed) A Comprehensive History of India, Vol. 2; Bombay, 1957, p. 503.
57
Hart G.L., “Ancient Tamil Literature; Its Scholary Past and Future” in Essays on South India, (ed) Burton Strein
Vykas, 1975, p. 41.
58
Journal of Madras University. Vol. LI, No. 1 Jan, 1979, off print, p. 25.
ancient type. During the last phase of the Sangam age, the princes were masters of the
fertile valleys with their main and subordinate capitals along the commercial routes.
Their capitals were commercial cities unlike the temples cities of the later ages. The
activities of Yavana merchants were more at the coastal as well as the capital
cities of the Tamil monarchs during this period. The Roman coins of Tiberius (14 A.D,
to 37 A.D.) Caligula (37-41 A.D.), Claudius (A.D. 41 to54 A.D.) Nero (A.D. 54-68),
Vespasian (A.D. 69-79), with a little break, Titus to Hadrian (79-138 A.D.) with the final
breakage from133, A.D. found in the then Tamil Nadu substantiate it. According to the
political situation figure in the early epics, Ilanthirayan, Cheraladan and
Ariyappadaikadantha Neduncheliyan, Senkuttuvan were kept at close proximity. At the
closing period of the Sangam age and at its periphery according to the political picture
presented in Manimekalai, Pukar continued to be the Chola capital with
Nedumudikkilli as the ruler. His brother Ilam Killi was at Kanchi. Thondaiman
Ilanthirayan also figure at Kanchi. Seliyan, the Pandya ruler was at Madurai with his
subordinate capital Korkai. The importance of Vanchi, the Chera capital continued
without break.

It is widely accepted that the Kalabhra interlude commenced in the third century
A.D Arunachalam in his paper on the Kalabhras59 held that, Kalabhra rule started in the
Pandinadu from 250 A.D. It shows that they had occupied the northern parts of the
Tamil Country still earlier. The nature of the Kalabhra rule is hinted in Velvikkudi grant.
From the third century A.D., Kanchi in Tondainadu, Kaverippattinam in Cholanadu,
Madurai in Pandinadu, all in the fertile river valleys were in the occupation of invading
tribes from the North. Their language was not Tamil. They used a corrupted form of Pali
with Sanskrit admixture for purposes of administration 60 and as the language of religion.

59
Tamil Valarchi Kazhagam (Pub), Ten Pandya Copper Plates, Velvikkudi Grant. AM 139 Madras, 1967, pp.11-40
60
Xavier Thaninayagam, ‘Earliest Jain and Buddhist Teachings in Tamil Country’, T.C, Madras, 1959, Vol. III
No.4, pp 337 – 342.
Their religion was neither Vedic nor local form of Hinduism, known during the age of
Sangam or Pallava period. Buddhist scholars of Theravada Buddhism dominated Kanchi
in the third century A.D. Dinnaga who lived in the 3rd and 4th centuries was a
Mahayanist Yogacarica teacher.61 The role of Dharmapala, Bodhi dhamma and
Buddhadatta are well known. These had totally erased the panegyric and
anthropacentric age of the anthologies and set at motion a predominantly philosophical
and didactic age, characteristic feature reflected in the post Sangam works. 62 The Social
curtain which presented the picture of war, heroism and love diminished, giving place
to the one presenting the picture of mediating mendicants and arguing philosophers at
Pattimandapas.

61
Ibid, T.C. 1956, p.107.
62
Sircar D.C., The Successors of Satavahanas, pp. 164 -166
 Again on the political scene at Kanchi, the rule of Simhava raman around 300
A.D.63 or 325 A.D.64 is established on the analysis of the early Prakrit charters of the
Paliavas.65 Around 350 A.D. one Vishugopa met the Gupta forces at Kanchi according to
Allahabad Pillar Inscription.66 The British museum plates of queen Charu Devi, Vijaya
Skanda Varman, Buddha-varman and Buddhayankura were ruling from Kanchi in the
fourth century A.D. Not a single atom of reference to the above can be noticed
anywhere in the collections, Songs or in the epics. The second serious misconception,
that had vitiated the correct understanding of the cultural attainments of the early
Tamils, is the incomplete nature of the investigation of the megalithic monuments and
the Nilgiris and Adichanalloor bronzes and their dating. The megalithic sites
experimented so far is very meagre. But the judgements awarded on them has universal
application with far reaching implications. They declared that the iron using intruders
with Tamil speaking tongue entered Tamil Country at about 300 B.C. 67 This thought
process in conjection with the notions on the origins of orthography had created a
disjunction in the cultural evolution which otherwise had a cultural continuity and
stability of population.

The archaeologists fail to keep their eyes on the overall picture. In their
preoccupation with the trees they lost sight of the woods. Now after compulsive
evidences the process of predating the megalithic culture is at work 68. The
archaeologists have oversighted the conservative nature of the Dravidian culture, the
fact of overlap between the Neolithic cum Chalcolithic cultures and Megalithic culture;
63
Heras H., Studies in Pallava History, Madras, 1933, pp. 9 - 22
64
Epicgraphia, Indica XXI, pp. 87 - 90
65
Corpus Inscriptionamum Indicanum, Vol. VII. p. 6. Subramanian N., History of TamilNadu, Madurai,
1976, p. 115.
66
Mortimer Wheeler, op. cit. p.163
67
Clarence Maloney, “Archaeology in South India Accomplishments and Prospect” in Essay on South
India, (ed) Burton Stein, p. 9; R. Nagasamy, Ibid, pp. 108 - 111
68
Shunmugam, Kodumudi, S., “Palaeography” Heritage of the Tamils: Language and Grammar, Madras, 1980, pp.
8 – 9.
the appearance of greyware as well as copper age elements in TamilNadu sites.
Archaeological anthropology showing the uniformity in the physical types of builders of
Neolithic and Megalithic cultures speak for the stability of population. The theory of the
introduction of Tamil by an iron using intruding population had already been ruled
out.69 These factors in conjection with the basis substratum of linguistic and religious
elements in Vedic literature compel us to inform that the performance of archaeology is
incomplete, and the conclusions reached at an incomplete stage of investigation are
misleading.

3. The Third serious defect that vitiated the correct understanding of the literary
history of Tamil is the misinterpretations of the scripts found in the early cave
inscriptions of Tamil Nadu. The epigraphists held that the Tamil language had no scripts
till third century B.C. and therefore there was no possibility of developed literature
before Christ. The earliest inscriptions, found in the Pandya Country Arickamedu
fragment inscriptions,70 and the inscriptions found in other parts of the Tamil Country
are in Tamil language according to Krishna Sastry and A.V. Subramania Iyer. Iravatham
Mahadevan who attempted a second reading of the Arikkamedu Inscriptions reasserted
the language to be Tamil71. Though the language is Tamil due to the 19th Century
linguistic theories and the Semblance of the scripts to Asokan Brahmi, the epigraphists
believed that the scripts, reached TamilNadu, in the 3rd century B.C, with the arrival of
Asoka's misssionaries. The epigraphists over sighted two important factors before
arriving at their hasty conclusions.

(i) They have over sighted Graffiti handled by ordinary men in every day life
relating to Asokan, Pre Asokan and post Asokan times. Their premise that the first
written documents are in stone alone is erroneous. The use of palm leaf and evolu-
69
Proceedings and Transactions of Third All India Oriental Conference, Madras, 1924, pp. 275 – 300.
70
Tamilica (1973), Vol. II, Part 3, pp. 60 – 64.
71
A. Velupillai, op. cit. p. 10.
tionary process are ignored. Both Sangam literary compositions and early grammatical
works should have been written in manuscripts earlier than the inscriptions in
question72 (ii) The epigraphists again oversight the marked differences in the scripts
employed in the Southern inscriptions. They have ignored the frequency of 1.l,r and n
.(o> s> w> d) and the absence of the hard consonants in the inscriptions south of
Bhattiprolu.73

These differences establish that the southern scripts are different from Asokan
Brahmi and bore the name Damili while the northern ones are called Bombi according
to the Jain Suttas.74 When Bombi by displacement of vowel became Brahmi75 during the
period of Lalithavisthara, the Buddhist work, the Southern scripts bore the name
Dravida lipi.

The Korkai excavations conducted by the State Department of Archaeology

brought to light,76 scripts dating 9th to 8th centuries B.C. similar to those found on rock
and pottery mixed up with the characters resembling Indus scripts. It reinforces the
evolutionary theory of B.B. Lai.77 The discovery of similar characters in the Island of Sri
Lanka78 of Pre-Asokan and Asokan times in conjection with Chalcolithic crossings in
TamilNadu suggests the extension of Harappan culture at a wider area. The discovery of
a bilingual metal soal at Sri Lanka bearing Tamil scripts and pictograms believed that
conclusions of the Brahmi origin of Damili Scripts. The differences of southern and

72
Mahalingam T.V., South Indian Palaeography, Madras, 1980, p. 138.
73
Samavayanga Sutta and Pannavansutta, Quoted, Ibid. p. 110.
74
ghk;gp> g;h; mk;gp; g;h; Mk;gp = g;uhk;gp (g-k) = g;uhk;kp.
75
Shunmugam, Kodumudi, op. cit., pp. 455 - 465
76
“From the Megalithic to the Harappan; Tracing Back the Graffiti on Pottery”, A16, 1960, pp. 1.24
77
Kanagarthnam, D.J. Tamil and cultural pluralism in Ancient Sri Lanka, (Pilimtalawe, 1978) p. 26; Karunaratna,
‘Palaeographics Development of the Brahmi script of Ceylon’ First International Conference Seminar of Tamil
Studies, Kaula Lumpur, 1966; J.T. Xavier, The Land of Letters Trincomalee, 1977, pp. 155 - 174
78
Mahendale M.A., “Language and Literature” in the age of Imperial Unity,(ed) Majumdar R.C., Bombay, 1968, p.
268, 282.
northern varities of scripts amidst semblances suggest the common origin of Damili, the
script of the south and Brahmi, the Script of the North.

4. The fourth factor which misled the scholars is the illusions on the massive
impact of Vedic thought and Sanskrit etymology in Sangam literature.

The literary history of Sanskrit before the age of the Gupta's is interpreted with
a tinge of vagueness. The linguistic theory of Monier Williams has not been re-
interpreted even after the epoch making discovery of 1922 in Indian History. Panini
wrote a grammar for Bhasha i.e. the spoken language. When compared to the
Prathisakiyas it is artificial in character. At the time of the Brahmanas, before Panini,
there were three major spoken language groups, Udicha (N.W.) Madhyadesiya (C.I.)
and Prachya (E.I.)79.

In the fifth century B. C. Buddha preached in the languages of the masses which
was later known by the common term Prakrit. The Jain and Buddhist works show the
existence of Ardha Magadhi, Magadhi, Suraseni and Maharastri. The Buddhist
cannonical language, Pali was originally a dialect of Avanti.80 It was under these
linguistic background Aswagosha, the contemporary of Kanishka, wrote his famous
dramatic works. In the works of Asvagosha and Bhasa unpaniniya forms are found, 81
though Patanjali, believed to the contemporary of Pushyamitrasunga, reinforced
Paniniyam with his elucidation and supplementaries. Gunadhya's Brihatkatha was
written in the Paisacha language and Hala's edited work, Gata Sapta Sati, a collection of
the lyric poems of numerous poets including poetesses was a product of Maharastriyan
Prakrit. Kautilya's Arthasastra, the antiquity of which is doubted as it's date is
ambiguous is a work on state craft. As such there-was no secular literature for Sanskrit

79
Ibid, p. 283.
80
Ibid, p. 279.
81
T.C. 1955, Vol. 4, p. 294.
before Kalidasa.82 Secular literature in Sanskrit began with Kalidasa.83 Deva-Naga-Ari
also appeared in inscriptions only during the Gupta period. These facts have been
oversighted by the literary historians of Tamil while interpreting Vadacol, northern
word and Vadamoli, northern language occuring in Tamil literature and grammar.

Ancient Tamil and Maharastrian literature were closely related in metrical

system, techniques of rhyme, suggestion themes and conventions84 as the early
Dravidian was a single speech around 1500 B.C. 85 Kalidasa who synthesised the
elements of two great traditions, Dravidian and Aryan, heavily depended Maharastriyan
Prakrit literature86 of which Hala's edited work Gatkasaptasati was a part and made
greatest contribution to classical Sanskrit. Some of the themes found in early Tamil
literature are found in Sanskiit epics-Mahabharatha and Ramayana. These themes along
with other Dravidian elements entered North Indian literature from the original Deccan
culture87 according to G. L. Han. It should also be remembered that the full
development of the Puranas, the Smriti literature and the final touches of Epics had
taken place only during the Gupta Age according to G.V. Devastali.88

A close study of the Vedic literature would suggest that the Hindu religious
name like Siva, Parvati, Vishnu, Lakshmi, Kanna (Kanha of Prakrit; Balarama, Skanda
etc. have a Non-Vedic origin and later entry into Vedic and later Vedic literature. 89 The
Agamic stream now found in Hindu religion of the historic period90 and social practices

82
Devastali G.V., “Literature Sanskrit”, in the Classical Age (ed) R.C. Majumdar Bombay, 1970, p. 302
83
Hart G.L., op. cit., p. 45.
84
Chatteriji S.K., Dravidian origins and the west Calcutta, 1970, p. 148.
85
Hart G.L., op.cit., p. 45.
86
Ibid, p. 45.
87
Op. cit., p. 291.
88
Chellam V.T., A New light on the Early History of TamilNadu, Tiruchi, 1981, pp. 45- 54.
89
Chatterji S.K., “Race Movements, etc. Calcutta, 1956, p. 162 - 268
90
Hart G.L., op. cit, p. 44 Austerity and Tonsure of Widows entered for the first time in Sanskrit literature in
Skandapurana in early medieval times; Puram 248 – 251; 280.
like ritual purity had later entry in upper Indian literature.91 An analysis of the so called
Sanskrit loan words in Tamil in the light of the work done by Sanskrit Professors of the
West like Burrow, Emeneau, and Sir Ralph Turner would suggest that the borrowings
were more from the opposite source than Prof.S. Vaiyapuripillai and other scholars
conceived of. The Tamil literary historians failed to assess Prakrit literature distinguish
the Prakrit words and the later evolution of Sanskrit secular literature.

"The Sangam poems are in Akaval metre, the first in the long course of
development of Tamil metrical system. It is indigneous and has no parallel in
Sanskrit..."92 in the opinion of S. Vaiyapuripillai. Early Tamil literature shows originality
and was complete in itself as a means of cultural expression.93 Before Sanskrit
expansion became wider and deeper through official documents) diplomacy and
general communication from the 4th century A.D. Tamil literature was already fully
developed and was ready to meet and survive the later massive invasion of Sanskrit."94

Historians and literary historians have failed to locate the exact period of
commencement of Vedic settlements in the south. The Vedic colonisation was active
during the second century B.C. i.e., the Sunga-Kanva age in upper India95. In all
probability it commenced during the closing period of third century B.C, when the
Imperial Mauryan state control lost its grip. The early Brahmin settlements of South in
the Second century B.C. according to recent researches,96 came along the west coast
carrying the Parasurama legend. In the coromandel plain Rajasuyam Vetta Perunarkilli

91
Vaiyapuripillai S., op. cit. p. 357.
92
Chellam V.T., op. cit., p. 287.
93
Ibid, p. 298.
94
Subramanian N., op. cit., p. 28
95
Kesavan Veluthat, Brahman Settlements in Kerala, Calicut, 1978, pp. 12 – 14, Cellur “Early Aryan
Settlement” Journal of Kerala Studies, March 1957; Vol. II. p. II; Chellam V.T., op. cit., p. 57
Panikar K.M., History of Kerala, Annamalainagar 1959, p. 2 Akam. 216, 220, 290.
96
Subramanian N., op. cit., p. 28.
is known to have inaugurated Vedic sacrifices. According to the present study, he
belonged to the second century A.D. A close study of the evolution of Agamic and
Nigamic elements of Hindu culture will reveal that the Vedic influence on early Tamil
literature was at its initial stages.

The last and the serious error which jeopordised the correct calculation of the
age of the Sangam is the erroneous equation of Velkelu Kuttuvan, the hero of fifth
decade of the Pathittuppattu with Senguttuvan of Silappadikaram.

The name Senguttuvan no where appears in the text of the Eight Anthologies or
Ten Idylls songs. Paranar in the 5th decade of Pathittuppattu and Puram 369 names
Velkelukuttuvan and not Senguttuvan. Velkelukuttuvan was the contemporary of
Paranar, and Manakkilli the Chola prince whereas Senguttuvan was the contemporary
of Gajabahu, Satakarni and poet Sathanar the author of Manimegalai. There is
difference in the parentage as well and therefore both were widely separated in time.
The equation of Velkelu Kuttuvan with Senguttuvan and his induction in the Gajabahu
Senguttuvan Synchronism had helped to jumble two personalities into one and bring to
a single platform many personages who were separated in space and time. Dr. N.
Subramanian who failed to locate this mistake finds his own justification 97 by inventing
a time lag in the absence of North Indian exploits in the songs of Paranar. Another
factor which misled literary historians is the error in the identity between Karikal
Valavan, the hero of Porunarattuppadai and Thirumavalavan, the hero
of Pattinappalai. Karikalvalavan (Karikala I) was the contemporary,
of Paranar, Kudakko Neduncheraladan. Kalathalayar, Vennikkuyathiyar,
Mudathamakkanniyar and a junior contemporary of Mamulanar. He belonged to the
third century B. C. He came to the throne while he was very young by the right of direct

97
Porunararruppadai, 132.
inheritance.98 Thirumavalavan (Karikala II) was the contemporary of Kadiyalur
Uruthirankannanar, Thamppal Kannanar, Kovur Kilar, Konattu Erichaloor Madalan
Kumaranar, Kuttuvankothai, Kurappalli Tunjiya Killivalavan and his brother Nalankilli.
He came to the throne by accident of fortune.99 Tirayar or Tondaiyar occupation of
Kanchi became prominent during his time.100 He belonged to the first century A.D.

The identity error in the Gajabahu Senguttuvan Synchronism which otherwise is a

valid ground to fix the lower limit of the age of the Sangam had thrown overboard the
possible political frame work. The possibility of fixing the chronology of the Sangam age
through cross references was thrown out of gear and all those who attempted
calculation on the basis of this sheet anchor were misled, confused and landed at a
wrong stage.

The greatest handicap for fixing the chronology of the Sangam works is its lack of
stratification of the songs of individual poets in the chronological order. The present
grouping as of collections, 10 songs and 18 didactics, now available was made in the
15th century by Mailainathar. The attempts of classification made by K. N. Sivaraja Pillai
and S. Vaiyapuri Pillai are of general nature. The first serious attempt towards
stratification in recent times is attempted by P.K. Velayudham of Tiruchi. He succeeded
in bringing the poets of the anthologies in a chronological order by dividing the period
from Mauryan ascendency to 125 A.D. into six units keeping famous poets who enjoyed
longevity in pairs as milestones in the chronological chart. The period of Mamulanar and
Paranar tops the chart.101 His work too is incomplete. The next effort of note in this
direction has been made by S. Retnasamy of Annamalai University. He brought together

98
Pattinappalai, 227.
99
Perumpanarruppadai, 454.
100
Vel Attavanai, Attached to College Magazine, Melur, 1974, pp. 56 – 68.
101
Retnasamy S. A Short History of the Ancient Tamils and their Literature, Annamalainagar, 1979.
pp. 78 – 92.
the cluster of poets clinging to the individual princes and chieftains. 102 The works of
these two scholars help to pegmark the scheme of stratification of the Sangam works.

Fresh Attempt

Eliminating the identity error in the Gajabahu Senguttuvan Synchronism one can
ascend along a chronological chart through cross references to poets and princes. But
the steps for ascendancy are not in continuity. On the other hand in Pathittuppattu we
come across a working chronological scheme as provided by the author of the
colaphone. The Mauryan problem in Sangam literature provides the signal and the key
for the time landing. Linking both, a working chronology is possible. The Nandas,
Mauryas and Padaliputra have reference at least in six songs.103 Four
poets,Mamoolanar, Paramkottanar, Athirayanar and Mocikiranar made direct
unequivocal references. S. Vaiyapuripillai,104 Kanakasabhai,105
K. N. Siva-raja Pillai and others106 and in a recent paper D. Sadasivam of Madras
University doubted the comtemporanity of Mamoolanar to Mauryan intervention in
South Indian politics due to the ring fence chronology created by
V. Kanakasabhai without eliminating the identity error in Velkelu Kuttuvan of
Pathittupattu and Karikalan, hero of Porunarattuppadai.

M.G.S. Narayanan of Calicut University in his book Re-interpretations of South

Indian History107 broke the ring fence created by Kanakasabhai and Sivaraja Pillai, and
asserted that "there is no valid reason to compel us to imagine that Mamoolanar was
not a contemporary or near contemporary of the Nandas and Mauryas who are known
102
Akam, 251, 265, 281, 69 Puram 175 and Kurunthokai 75.
103
Ilakkiyadeepam, Pari Nilayam Madras pp. 131 to 144.
104
op. cit., p. 198.
105
op. cit., p. 48.
106
“Historical Gleanings from Sangam Poet Mamoolanar” T.K. Venkataraman’s Birth Day
Commemoration Volume, pp. 229 – 225.
107
Mauryan Problem in Sangam Works, Journal of Indian History (Aug. 1975), Vol. LIII
part II. pp. 243 - 254
from archaeological evidence to have made their presence felt in places like Maski and
Siddbapore in Mysore.108 The Jambai Inscription discovered in Tamil Nadu, recently by
the State Department of Archaeology brings Athiyaman Neduman Anji, the hero of
Avvaiyar to the close proximity to Rock Edict No. II of Asoka. It further reinforces the
Theory of Mauryan intervention and the calculation of the age of Sangam with the aid
of Mauryan problem in Sangam Literature.

The North South contact in Mauryan times is further substantiated by the

presence of punch marked silver coins at Erode, Pollachi, Kallidaikkurichi and other
places in large quantities.109 The nature of Akam poems mentioning Nandas and
Mauryas are contemporary with the poet in the estimation of Dr. H. S. David. 110 The
songs of Mamoolanar contain reference to specific events personalities and regions.
They demonstrate the poets intimate knowledge of political situations in India. The
context in which Mamoolanar Paramkottanar and Atirayanar make the references to
Mauryan invasion is an authentic evidence that

108
Clarence Meloney, op. cit., p. 17
109
“The Earliest Tamil Poems Extant” T.C. 1955, Vol. 4, p. 93
110
Akam, 65, 233
the incidence was in the green memory of their readers. Mamoolanar's phrase Velpor
Nandar has also political significance.

The question now posed is about the period of Mauryan intervention in Tamil
Politics. Applying time factor theory V.A. Smith ruled out ChandraGupta. Asoka's
conquests confined to Kalinga only, though he enjoyed the possession of territory
bordering Tamilagam. Historians left the choice to Bindusara and Saranath added fuel
with the story of the destruction of 16 States. Asoka's peaceful possession of Deccan
was a symptom of habitual obedience of a long standing. Chandragupta Maurya's
selection of Sravana Belgola for a religious life after retirement along with Bhadrabahu
suggest an earlier Mauryan expansion under the first conquering prince and Bindusara's
action might have been against the disobedient princes. Hence the Mauryan
consolidation of the south as seen from the Sangam sources had taken place during the
period of the first conquering prince ChandraGupta Maurya.

Mamoolanars references like Velpor Nandar and Vampa Moriyar, suggest that
the poet was a contemporary to Nanda-Mauryan transition. He was also the junior
contemporary of Udiyan Cheral111 by indirect evidence the hero of the first decade of
Pathittuppattu. Treating Udiyan Cheral as the contemporary of Nanda-Maurya
transition and allowing a remaining period of fifteen years. Since 321 B.C, Udiyan
Cheral's, rule is taken up to 306 B.C. The chronological scheme provided by the compiler
of Pathittuppattu is followed with marginal adjustments and we reckon the
approximate chronology of the Chera Princes as follows:

1. Udiyan Cheral, 15 Years from 321 B.C. to 306 B.C., Hero of

I decade.

2. Nedum Cheraladan, 15 Years from 306 to 291 B.C., Hero of II decade.

111
Puram, 183.
3. Palyanai Selkelu Kuttuvan, 15 Years from 291 to 276 B.C., Hero of III decade.
 4. Kalangai Kanni Narmudi Cheral, 15 Years from 276 to 261
B.C, Hero of IV decade.

5. Kadal Pirakku Ottiya Kuttuvan, 30 Years from 261 to 231 B.C, Hero of V
decade.

6. Adukotpattu Cheraladan, 38 Years from 231 to 93 B.C., Hero of VI decade.

7. Mantaram Cheral Irumporai, Contemporary of Vadama Vannakkan

Perunchathanar Antuvan Cheral, and other unnamed, 72 Years from 194 to
120 B.C. Intervening.

8. Selvakkadunko VaIiyadan, 25 Years from 120 to 95 B.C., Hero of VII Decade.

9. Perum Cheral Irumporai, 17 Years from 95 to 78 B.C., Hero of VII Decade.

10. Ham Cheral Irumporai, l6 Years from 78 to 62 B.C., Hero of IX Decade.

11. Yanaikatchei Mantaram Cheral, 37 Years from 62 to 25 B.C., Hero of IX

Decade, Contemporary of Koodaloorkkilar.

The period of collection and edition of Ainkurunuru and Patirrupattu

Kuttuvankothai ,Kokkotai Marpan, Kanaikkai Irumporai and other unnamed kings are
placed from 25 B.C. to 75 A.D., and Cheraladan from 75 A.D. to HO A.D.

The lower limit of the Sangam age we fix with the aid of Gajabahu Senguttuvan
Synchronism. Senguttuvan, the son of Cheraladan and the hero of Silappadikaram was
occupying the Chera throne during the second century A.D. according to Gajabahu
Senguttuvan Synchronism. Though famous, as per the versons of Silappadikaram none
of the poets of the anthologies and sung about him. Further Silappadikaram represent a
philosphical age which is different from the naturalistic anthropocentric age of the
Sangam bards. These factors establish that the age of the Sangam was already over
during his time. Ariyappadaikadantha Nedunchezhyan was the contemporary of
Cheraladan. Ariyappadai-kadaniha Nedunchezhyan's song finds a place in Puranam112.
Hence we take these two monarchs among the last representatives of the Sangam age.
Since Cheraladans rule is placed from 85 A.D. to 110 A.D. to the beginning of the second
century A.D. is taken to mark the end of the age of the Sangam.

The upper age limit of the age of Sangam has to be settled. The import of the
song of Mamoolanar, referring Velpor Nandar place the song of Mamoolanar to fourth
century B.C. The style and metrical perfection of the anthologies suggest an evolution
over a long period.113 Some of the verbal constructions of the poem in Puram114 like
Valangundu Pookundu became obsolate during latter times. Hence the period of
composition of the earlier songs found in the anthologies have to be taken at least a
century before Mamoolanar and hence we fix fifth century B.C. as the upper age limit of
the anthologies, though some of the songs of the anthologies belong to an earlier
period.

The problem of the age of the Sangam is not over as Tolkappiyam stands
detached from the anthologies. Basing Kalaviyal commentary
K. Vellaivarananar115 placed it as 5320 B.C. Though he justifies such an early dating, he
has not established his date with enough proof. Tamil literary historians and critics like
K.N. Sivaraja Piliai and S.Vaiyapuri Pillai and almost all scholars at National and
International levels116 awarded 5th century A.D. dating to Tolkappiyam allowing a poste-
rior interval of Three Centuries in between the period of composition of the anthologies
and Tolkappiyam on account of the lapses in verbal usage and poetics in the
anthologies. S. Vaiyapuri piliai, also banked his faith on the impact of Sanskrit grammari-

112
S. Vaiyapuripillai, T.C. op. cit., p. 242
113
Puram 440, 399, 398, 396, 395, 393, 391, 390, 387, 384, 338, etc
114
Tolkappiyam, (Annmalainagar, 1978) p. 126.
115
Chatterji S.K., op. cit. p. 13., A.L. Basham op. cit p. 462, G.L. Hart op. cit (Essays) p. 41; K.N. Sivaraja
pillai; op. cit. p. 44; S. Vaiyapuripillai, Tamil Sudar manikal, (Madras 1949), p.p. 42 - 54
116
Vaiyapuripillai S., Op.cit., p. 54.
ans, Bharatha and Manu-for dating Tolkappiyam at fifth century A.D.117 His views have
been accepted by Catholic reverance by most of the scholars at National and
International levels without going into the root of his arguments.

1. Tolkappiyam was intended for a secular literature and at the time of panini
and pathanjali there was no secular literature in Sanskit language.

2. Tolkappiyam like parthisakiyas is natural and simple in its treatment unlike

Panini.

These factors will show that Tolkappiyam had an independent start and is
independent of Panini or Pathanjali.

3. Tolkappiyam's Meipattiyal represent natural expressions which has

representation in literature in love themes, the pleasures, joys, pangs and
sorrow of the characters.

The names of musical instruments used in Koothanool a very ancient work, bear tamil
roots in them,118 whereas Bharatha's musical instruments. Kuranja, Muraja, Kulal etc.
show Dravidian origin according to Sambamoorthy. 119

4. In the ancient Tamil Music, there was more application of astronomy120

Tolkappiyam's octave is having twelve divisions where as Bharatha's has
twenty four. Panchamarapu in Sutra 16 relates the various types of voice to
the twelve Rasies.

These factors in conjunction with Bharatha's Confession in his Natyasastra121

about his inspiration from southern varieties explain the existence of Dravidian varieties

117
Ibid, p. 42 – 44.
118
Koothanool, Sutra, 146, (124) South India Music, p. 146.
119
Panchamarap, Sutras 14, 15, 16.
120
Natya Sastra, Chap. 4. Sloka, 31.
121
Akaro, Vyrai, Jananam.
of music before Bharatha and Tolkappiyar's dependence on Bharatha is therefore
nullified.

5. The menstral purity clause of Manu is a common sense question for all
Societies and Manu's inspiration on Tolkappiyam is only an assumption of S.
Vaiyapuripillai. The Vedic and Sanskritic influence in Tolkappiyam is the
innovation of later commentators and speculation of S. Vaiyapuripillai as
they had taken the face value of many of the clauses of Tolkappiyam in
the light of the Socio-religious background of their times.

The lapses in poetics of Tolkappiyam during the time of anthologies with special
reference to Paripadal, the disuse of the terms like Mijiru and change in the
connotations of terms like seval moothu, Kadam during the age of anthologies place
Tolkappiyam anterior to the anthologies and not posterior as believed by some scholars.
In view of the accepted interval of three centuries in between the period of composition
of Tolkappiyam and the anthologies and the proximity of Tolkappiyam to Praihisakyas
we assign Tolkappiyam a date, not later than seventh century B. C.

Tolkappiyam represents a different age in the history of Tamil literature. Some of

the literary works of this age exist in name and in fragments as quoted by later
commentators. The recently recovered book Koothanool, in view of its varbal cons-
truction and specific listing of the important works referred to by later commentators
as works of the age of Tolkappiyam, in sutra two, is regarded as the other
representative of the age of Tolkappiyam. The lower limit of the age of Tolkappiyam we
fix as 504 B. C. the date of dislocation of landmass by natural havoc, referred to in the
Ceylonese chronicles. The date of the upper age limit of the age of Tolkappiyam is
inconclusive at present in view of the initial stage of marine archaeology in TamilNadu.

In the light of the arguments given so far, we conclude that the three academic
periods mentioned in the commentary to Iraiyanar Kalaviyal is a figurative
representation of the three stages in the literary history of Tamil language. As in the
case of other ancient languages, the history of the first stage is lingering in darkness,
the second stage in which Tolkappiyam was produced, not later than 7th century B.C.,
terminated at 504 B. C. and the age of anthologies spavined from fifth century B.C. to
second century A.D, though some of the songs in the collections belong to an anterior
age.

CHAPTER - II

THE PATTERN OF POLITICAL STRUCTURE

Patterns of Government are the result of human endeavour. An organised

Government is one of the essential attributes of a civilized community. Governmental
structures arise bearing on the environment in which they germinate and grow. That
accounts for the prevalence of a wide variety of political structures. The growth is
conditioned by factors like social structure, economic aspirations, personality formation,
political behaviour and the like. The attributes of the various forms of polity was a
central concern of political theory from the Greeks to the present day studies of Non-
western Governments and political processes engage the attention of scholars. The
impulse towards sampling more completely the Universe of man's experience with
Politics has led to the study of the political systems of the past, based on available
historical studies or on original historical research.

This is one such modest attempt to analyse the process of political development
during the Sangam Age, perhaps the earliest known experiment of the Tamils. The focus
of the study is on performance, interaction and behaviour. Such a study enables us to
locate the dynamic forces that helped the formation of the polity wherever they exist
the Social class culture, economic and social change, in political elites or in environment.
It does not mean disregard of formal institutions, but rather a concern with them in so
far as they reflect or influence political action.
 Historical experience of early times of political systems as well as the
environmental changes to which they are exposed affect their propensities for change
and set limits on which they can change. In Tamilakam of the Sangam age, political func-
tions were handled intermittently and diffusely by social structures such as kinship or
status groups. The pattern of development is associated with capability and response to
various environmental pressures and internal aspirations. The pattern tends to be an
Omni functional social system. There art; no clear boundaries between the economic,
the political and the religious systems of action. Changes in the division of labour and ID
orientation appropriate for these different forms of social action are intermittent. The
boundaries between them are not drawn with any clarity, nor is there any clear
awareness among the people of the shift from one form of action to the other.

Political Pattern

Tamil polity was made of dominant crowned monarchs and subordinate

chieftains. The dominance and subordination were of varying duration and magnitude.
The subordination of the chieftains mainly consisted in the smalluess of the territory
they ruled over and the consequent inferiority in their military and economic resources.
This subordination was the result of historical tradition, was tacit and granted when
necessary and withheld when possible, so that attempts by Chieftains to free them-
selves from monarchical suzerainty and counter attempts by kings to enforce their
hegemony over the recalcitrant chief were a continuous political process marked by
large-scale as well as petty warfare. This condition is faithfully reflected in the literature
as well as epigraphy of the Tamil country.

The Kings Muventhar

Of the Muventhar (Three Crowned Monarchs) who ruled over Tamilakam, the
Cholas, excelled because of their control over the fully irrigated fertile Kaveri basin and
delta (Marutham). The Pandyas ruled over the predominantly pastoral (Mullai) and the
littoral tracts (Neithal) and the Cheras over the hilly country in the west (Kurinchi). The
extent of the territory over which each of the three Crowned Kings held sway was never
constant. With every change that political affairs took, their fortunes too changed.
Though antiquity for these monarchs is claimed from the dawn of time, Monarchy
seems to be the result of a long process of evolution.122 In the Institution of Monarchy,
we discover that the system had acquired uniformity and certain amount of unwritten
sanctity.

The Chieftains

The Classics describe the Crowned monarchs as Venthar, Mudiyudaiya-

Venthar, Muracn-mulanku tanai Muventar.123 The expression Venthar and Velir is
repeatedly used in the Classics.124 The commentators believe that “Murasu and (Mudi”
Drum and Crown) are the conventional royal paraphernalia and affirm that the
Chieftains did not possess them.125 The Classics make explicit references to the
Chieftains not along with the Muventhar, but apart from them. In all other respects, the
Chieftains have been more or less autocratic, who led the army on occasion of war
and ruled the land during peace. Some of them were equal in prowers.

122
A contrary view was expressed by the author of the Tinnevelly Gazelteer (Pate) who quotes an
old legend. A similar view was expressed by Dr. Caldwell in his History of Tinnevelly about the
origins of the Chola, Pandya and Chera monarchs. According to these traditions, there had been
originally but one monarch ruling over the entire Tamil Nadu from a place on the eastern coast of
the Tinneveliy District and that he divided his land among his three sons-Chola, Chera and Pandya.
Caldwell placed his theory on a story in Tamraparani Mahathmya, a Sanskrit work of uncertain date
but certainly not earlier than the 17th Century A. D. It is very likely that the author of the
Manatmya had taken his clue from the Uttarakanda of the Ramayana where it is stated that a
Nairritya (South western regional ruler) chief by name Sukesa had divided his territories into three
over each of which he appointed one of his three sons Malyavan, Sumali and Mali.
123
Purananuru : 35 (3-4)
124
Pathittuppattu 10 (30-31) ; 49 (7-8);75 (94-95;; 88 (13-14) Ventarum Velirum.
125
Tolkappiyam : Poruladikaran 626, 638.
 The political structure was not permanent in character but transitory in nature
proved by the subsequent history of Tamilagam. This marks, but a stage in political
development. In the early centuries of the Christian era, Tamilagam consisted of a
number of autonomous kinship or lineage units. There were many tribes and leaders of
those tribes held sway over demarcated territories of their own. 126 The tribe itself had
no explicit political organisation or structure. 127 But each one of the component lineage
segments was a self governing unit. When conflicts arise between the different
segments, some informal political arrangement became possible.

This segmentary lineage arrangement or set up was more complex than merely
patriarchal in form. The local units tended have the same powers as the paramount
chief. Some of the Chieftains claimed equality of status with the Muventar. Mainly, it
was possible for the Chieftains either because of their prowess or matrimonial alliances.
The nature of the bondage between the chieftains and the Muventhar though not
explicitly categorised in the literary sources, the chieftains of the Sangam epoch can be
grouped for historical purposes under three heads; the Independent?, the M nor, and
the Refractory. The first were masters of politically demarcated areas over which they
exercised sovereign sway. The second, though possessing definite areas of their own
were often subordinates, if not always, paying tribute to one or other of Muventhar or
to a major independent chief. The third were those commanders of armed retinues,
who having no definite ancestral areas of their own often shifted their allegiance
from one to the other of the above said Kings or Chiefs either or wage or other
sentimental considerations.

The first category can again be classified into Velir and Non-Velir, the former
having mutual mental relationship with the Muventhar; giving and taking brides
126
Tirayans of Kanchi, Malayamans of Koval, Atikamans of Takaditr, Marans of Mokur, Ayes of Nancil
and the rest.
127
There had been a number of corporate tribes such as Kununbar, Otiyar, Vedar, Intlar, Eyinar and others.
More dominating are the Kosar, Konkar etc. Purananuru 97, 298. Patiinappalar I, 231.
mutually and the latter possessing perhaps the right of giving only but not of taking
brides. This apparently small distinction had yet deeper social and political impact
especially on the laws (conventional) of succession and participation in religious rituals.
While it was permitted for a high placed man to take a bride from a group placed
lower in status than his, the off-spring of this union would belong to the Family
(Kudi) of the bride only. But the marriage of a high-placed brides with a male
belonging to a lower station than hers would fail to receive social sanction.
Therefore, when 'Mutual Give and Take of brides' took place between a King and
Velir, absolute equality of status was implied, There was the theoretical possibility of a
section of Velir succeeding some day or other to the throne of the King.128 If on the
other hand there was no chance for a Chieftain to become a bridegroom of a monarch's
house, the status inferiority was patent. Among the chieftains themselves this
distinction struck roots as any violation of it might involve a loss of status in the royal
courts. These persisting and aristocratic and lineage elites formed an important
structural component of the Sangam polity. They tended to resist centralisation,
regulation and extraction. These characteristics point out the fact of the nascent
political process of the prospect of a bureaucratic empire. With efflux of time, along
with structural and cultural changes there was an increase in the extractive, regulative
and symbolic capabilities of the political systems of the post Kadunkon period. The
establishment of Kingdoms suggest that they developed out of situations in which a
particular lineage group established control over other clans or out of situations in
which a wandering militarily powerful band conquered less powerful groups and
subjected them to control as long as it was possible. We do not hear of such elite during
the Pallava or the First Pandya period. This indicates that the period from the sixth to
the ninth century witnessed a centuralisation of monarchical power and the reduction
128
Tolkappiyam-Akattinai (30) - Nacchinarkkiniyar Commentary, p. 97. The expression Makat-Kodal
literally means ‘marrying the daughter’ Uruvappahrer Ilamcet chennai married the daughter of Alundur Vel. His
son Karikal Peruvalattan married the daughter of Nankur Vel. His daughter Conai (Manakkilli) is the mother of
Senhuttuvan Chera.
of the traditional chieftains to the position of royal officers. In the later half of the ninth
and early half of the tenth centuries, we hear of a few important feudatories like the
Banas the Sambavarayas, the Muttaraiyar and number of other chieftains. Their rise
must be attributed to the weakness of the centre and laxity at the periphery of the
Kingdoms encouraging rebellion and eventually independence. The difference between
the Sangam and post Sangarn times is that, in the earlier period the Chieftains were
traditionally organised political factor with recognised rights and duties and not a
product of monarchical weakness. In later times, the chieftains started as royal officers
or governors of provinces, who exploiting the weakness of the centre grew at its cost.

Political Ideals

The original Tamilian concept of Kingship seems to have been but an expanded
form of independent chieftaincy, tribal in character. The comparative isolation and
freedom from foreign interference were the major causes of this political complacency
which did not at all dream of any sort of world rulership. It was perhaps the Ramayana
that first generated the very idea of a possible over lord (Indra or Ravaneswara) who
could become the Rajadhiraja or Maventhar (Great King) of the whole of Bharatha-
varsha whose motive for conquest was not the exploitation of the neighbour's resources
but to get the verbal honour of being called Maventhar. This related ambition led to
early Tamilian Kings under taking Yattiras of conquest even up to the Himalayas. This
idea of conquest influenced even the smallest of chieftains. That was also one of the
major causes of many internal wars. In this resepect, the political set up of the early
Tamils may be described as traditional (primitive) exposed to environmental
challenges. This not-only affected their propensities for change but also set limits on
the ways in which they can change.

The interaction of one Political ideal with another in its environment normally
results in the development of a specialized bureaucracy and a professional army. In the
case of the Tamil Sangam polity, we find neither. In Tamilagam, the rulers responded to
climates initiated within their own societies. The Tamilian warmly advocated rnanial
glory. He stands up for a fight to a finish. The number of people employed in military
services was small, compared to those of later times. Their equipment and training were
not of a specialised character.129 Perhaps well-built men mostly of the hilly and desert
regions were enrolled in the army. The Sangam Classics mention that the Malavar,
Mallar, and Maravar formed the martial classes recruited for service.130 There were also
others employed for discharging lighter responsibilities connected with war. The lyavar
served as drum-beaters.131 Reference is also found to the Vayavar who sometimes
served as drum-bearers, but others as soldiers of battle.

Some of the chieftaincies were filled by the Commander of the royal armies.
Titles like Enati prove this fact132 The Kings created new type of chiefs and bestowed on
them a part of their fresh conquests for occasional military services. The Chieftains were
loyal and rendered military service. In lieu of a regular salary, they held estates and
became petty rulers under their sovereigns Kudavar, Kuttuvar, Atiyar, Vtiyar, Malayar,
Puliyar, Villor, Kuravar, Malavar and Konkar seem to have been in affiliation with the
Cheras- Others like Parathavar, Kosar and the like were in affiliation with Cholas and
Pandyas. But these affiliations do not appear to have been constant, the tribal chiefs
changing sides whenever it suited their purposes Recruitment from a particular tribe or
ethnic group is illustrative of particularistic criteria of recruitment. Selection from royal
and aristocratic chieftaincies illustrates recruitment by ascription or status. The
historical sociology of recruitment gives a fascinating example of the rulers having

129
Mention is made of the four-fold army chariots and cavalry were weak and the elephants had only very
limited role. The infantry was the main stay of the army.
130
Atikaiman Neduman and, one of the last seven philanthropists Kadaiyelu Vallals was a chief of the
Malavar. (Maliar) Patimippanu : 43 : 25 (Maravar) Narrinai : 18 ; 5-6
131
Pathittuppaltu : 17 : 7 Nattrinai: 113 ; 10-1
132
Choliya Enathi Thirukkuttuvan : Puram 394
sought to select staff upon whom they could rely. These military officials were required
to hold loyalty to their ruler above loyalty to their family, clan, or status groups.
Such a recruitment brough into, political roles, people with different propensities,
interestest values and attitudes. It had a positive impact on the performance of the
Sangam monarchs whose claim to glory lasted only for a short period and they had to
change whenever the political Kaleidoscope received a tilt.

The King

The kings of the land were largely a group of war-like rugged romantic tribal
chieftains who held sway over terrains running from the hills to the sea and patronised
learned men who sang ballads and panegyrics about them. The Arasar was at the top
of the ladder of social hierarchy. Several foctors contributed to the pre-eminent
position. 1) Venerablem men blessed the King in stereotyped benedictions such as
“may you be blessed with as many years of royal life as the grains of sand on the
shores of the sea”133 Sometimes professional flatterers and courtiers praised the
ruler. This tradition known as Mudal Vaiyi was concerned With describing the ancestry
of the King.134 2) Powers in war, immutable justice, protection of the poor, liberality and
piety were all spoken of as a leader's attributes. His foremost duty was the protection
of his followers and herein lay the clue for the solidarity of the monarchical institution
during the period of transition. 3) A basic assumption that strengthened monarchy
was the equation of kings with Gods, especially Vishnu.135 This situation is designated
Pooval Nilai in Tamil literary convention. Not only was the King invested with divinity,

133
Purananuru : 343, 9, 43, 55, 361, 371, 198

134
The Benedictions were replicas of the older Vedic slogans of the Taittareya Aranyaka ;
“Swasti-prajabhyah paripalayamam Nayena Margena Mahim Mahisah ; Go Brahmaneybhyah
subaraastu Nityam. Loka-samasta sukine bhavantu” (Let there be Universal peace ; Let the
Brahmins and cows prosper - Let all live happily for ever)
135
Purananuru : 8, 56, 59, 374.
but his status and power depended on an implied contract between the people and
the Gods. The Muventar particularly claimed descent from one or the other of the
famous Solar or Lunar dynasties immortalised in the Epics and the Puranas. There
are litarary traditions of some scion or there of the above 'dynasties marrying princess'
of Tamilagam. Even a divine King was not infallible 4) The kings wore garlands (both
totemic and military) while at court and in the field of battle. They wore anklets
which signified valour. They sat on thrones which represented royal dignity.136 5) The
royal umbrella represented the King's sovereignty. If the army lost it in the field of
battle, it was its greatest humiliation. The whisk too was a necessary paraphernalia in
the royal court. We learn how the Chera inscribed their bow-emblem on the Himalayas.
The tiger emblem of the Cholas is likewise referred 10137 6). Though not analogous to
those of their counterparts in the North, who were Kshathriyas (Dvijas) they did perform
sacrifices like Rajasuya. These sacrifices were symbolic of the prowess of the performer
and performed to confer more fame and prosperity.

Powers and Duties

The King as well as the Chieftain had no clearly defined limits to his power of
Government. Kingship was not an office nor a magistracy with a certain sphere of duty
and limit of action. It was rather a social position with various grades depending on
varying wealth and expecting rather than demanding reverence, obedience and tribute
from all men of lower station. The Muventhar combined in themselves not only the
practices, beliefs, and other social forces of the ancient Tamils, but also the new ones of
the North Indian monarchs. It is true that a few internal conservative elements resisted
such eclectic tendencies. But by and large the unobjectionable and finer aspects
136
Purananuru : 6, 17, 367, 50, 31.

137
Ibid .- 33, 39, 59, 174. These are all a direct reflection of the indigenous and tribal features. The Ar or
Atti flower pertained to the Cholas and their tiger emblem is most probably traceable to the wild feline
species that would have infested the swampy marshes of the major and southern parts of Kaveri-delta in pre-
Christian centuries.
penetrated the political stratum. A fusion resulted though this fusion was restricted to
the urbanised, intellectual and sophisticated in the society.

The royal duties' and patterns of life though not historically recorded could be
called from incidental statements in the poems. There was the political concept that the
"King was the pilot of the ship of the state."138 The piloting was a hazardous and often
thankless job. The perpetual concern about the welfare of the subjects which the King
showed was 'Nattam' This was different from Sulchi (Araicci) that is diplomacy. 'Royal
Justice' was another important concept in Nat tarn since the opposite of it (injustice;
was tyranny).

An analysis of the office of the King shows that it was rather a social position. It
was a hallowed institution. The Venthar signified more than a hereditary chieftain and
his power at home rested simply on sacred sentiments. That there was minimal role
differentiation is amply proved by the duties discharged by the King. The leader came
to occupy the highest place (authority) and his followers faithfully supported him. The
founding myths characteristic of the leader in segmentary systems suggest that they
developed out of necessity when a particular lineage group tried to establish control
over other clans in the same area or a wandering, militarily powerful band conquered
less powerful groups.139

The social position of the King is brought out by the implied contract between the
people and the Gods. Two factors were emphasized as essential, one was

138
Purananuru : 2, 13, 22, 35, 70, 71, 75, 157, 185 .

139
Vide Supra Poovai Nitai and Kudal Vaiyai. Stanzas 201 and 202 of Purananuru are addressed
by the poet Kapilar to the Chieftain Irunkovel. The Chieftains' ancestors were the rulers of well-
fortified Tuvarai for forty nine generations. He was known by the t i t l e Pulikadiinal. In poem
202, the poet curses the chieftain for declining to marry his wards and vows that he would settle
them in Evvi's ancient family of Velir.
 Punishment (Danda in Sanskrit) and the other Duty (Dharma). The unrighteous
could never prosper. Thus in the sphere of pure politics, Monarchy supplied war -
leadership and social captaincy. Cultural secularisation was implicit in social captaincy.
Social Captaincy certainly called for a direct relationship between the ruler and the
ruled. The King had to consider the entire Kingdom as one large family and share
intimately and personally all their joys and sorrows and be ever a source or inspiration
to them. If matters of difference and discord arose, the necessity for unity and amity
was emphasized in order to establish concord. Thus welded, the people shared the
national joys and sorrows, looked upon all men as equal and lived a cohesive, and
mutually responsive life.

The capacity of the King to mobilize and extract resources and to regulate
behaviour, though substantially higher than that of the tribal system, was not high as
that of the large scale empires. One of the reasons for this was the absence of an
established military system and organised bureaucracy. The ability of the King to
enforce his demands was relatively limited. This was at least in part due to the mixture
of household and bureaucratic forms of organisation. It was also attributable to the fact
that this was a pre-literate society, which meant that effective records could not be
kept. The absence of a money economy made it difficult to accumulate resources.140
Much of the tax revenue was in the form of agricultural produce which had to be
distributed and consumed quickly.

The commoners were the beneficiaries of what may be called 'con-material

distribution. Among the psychological distributions were the show of pomp, rite,

140
Some indigenous coins seen to have been used. Akananuru 363 : 8; Kuruntokai 67 : 4).
Some Kasus have also been unearthed with words “Tinnan Yetiran Sendan A But definite data
regarding their denomination and exchange value are not known. Barter appears to have been in
vogue. Reference to the use of coins as media of exchange are very few. Unminted solid gold was
gifted to poets, Brahmins and Panar.
 symbolism and ceremony. The custom of celebrating the birthday of the leader may be
cited as an instance. Madurai Kanchi speaks of the jubilant manner in which the people
celebrated Mannan's birthday.141 These festivals finked the whole society together and
established its relation to its sacred and laudable origins. The symbolic capacity seems
to have been quite substantial. The population on the whole was loyal and submissive.
There was the effort to make the king appear to be a man of extra - ordinary power and
sacred virtue. Royal ceremonies performed at the palace since dawn to night were
calculated to enhance his personality. The possession of the drum (Murasu) is of great
significance in this respect-A striking feature about them is their extravagance,
liberalicy, extended not only to poets and bards but also simple creatures like peacock
and botanical creeper. Such acts of generosity should normally make the patron the
laughing stock. The Sangam poets praise these men and christen the act as Kodai
madam (mistranslated as Foolish Largesee).

Probable Origin of the Institution

The Tamil expression Ko is used to refer to kings in general. Kon was a variant of
Ko. It meant leader or King. P. T. Sriaivasa Iyengar makes the suggestion that the word
Kon is derived from Kol or rod, the badge of the herdsman and that the royal sceptre
was the later development of the herds' man's rod which became the symbol of
authority.142 This is indeed a shrewd guess but lacks the vigour of historical reasoning.
The Sangam Classics picture for us. in outline at least, the features of the kingship of a
new born state.

It is probable that an institution which existed long before the rise of the
Muventhar should have been accepted as an heirloom by the earliest statesmen. That
141
Madurai Kanchi : 618-619. The Classics describe the festivals like Pongal (Narrinai 22), Villavan Vitavu
(Kalittokai 27 : 24), Indra vila (Aiukurunuru 62 : 1), festivals connected with inflow of fresh water and rise of
floods (Paripadal 6: 11-15), Ullivilavu (Akananuru 368:l6-18)Panguni Vilavu(Akananuru 137; 139) Puntodai Vila
Akananuru 187; 5-10) Kodiyar Vilavu (Akananuru 352 : 4-6)
142
Srinivasa Iyengar P.T., Op.cit., p.16.
monarchy of the time was the result of evolution can best be studied by comparing
three different forms of it, which roughly represent three successive stages in its
history. This is discernible in the Sangam poems. It is not a mysterious transference
process, but the result of social economic development.

The Sangam era witnessed the transition from tribal to village economy with a
parallel development of society, likewise. The process of evolution has kept pace with
the changing patterns of economic and social behaviour from tribal to a higher level of
society. Evidences reflect a set of attitudes which categorically define the problems, as
problems which human beings can solve which no longer be left to fate. Thus process of
economic and social change affected directly several components of political
structure.

The Purananuru and Pathittupattu give us the idea of a society tending towards
the development of organised administration under a form of Government called Ventu.
But it is to be admitted that there is not much evidence of the life of the fully formed
State during the second stage namely Chieftaincy.143 The factor that strikes us most is
that there are Kings of ail degrees ranging from Senguttuvan credited with a North-
Indian expedition to a peace-loving Pari.

Probably here we get a warning against the mistake of supposing that there is
anything of the nature of an established and irrecoverable system of Government to be
discovered in the Sangam Classics.

143
Kuppuswami T.V., Sangam Chieftains and Their Times (Ph. D. Thesis Unpublished) Kerala
University, Trivandrum, 1977.
 Asoka144, the Mauryan King refers to the Muventhar as independent States
beyond the southern frontier. Before him, Kautilya145 spoke of Pandya Kavataka and
the lucrative trade between the North and Southern States.

Evidently, the Tamilian States must have started functioning certainly before the
Mauryan Revolution.146 In all probability the Tamil States could have been in existence a
few centuries before the Revolution. The formation of Chieftaincies should have
preceded at least by a couple of centuries- It is also reasonable to suppose that the
Tamil States would have become important enough to earn Asoka's mention only
after a long period of probation and infancy. After a few centuries of much unsettled
condition, they could have stabilized themselves. The feudatories must have enjoyed
great popularity during the interval only to be finally overpowered by the Muventhar.
Strikingly enough, this is also the period when the tribal states and Republics of North
India crystallised into the well-marked Kingdoms in the Indus Valley and the Gangetic
Valley.

The Tamil autocracies described in the Anthologies must have certainly been
preceded by another type of political organisation which could have been Republican in
character. The territorial expansion of the peaceful agricultural communities seem to
have placed themselves under leaders of military powers. They later on must have
turned autocratic, pure and simple and robbed the communities of their original rights
and powers. Praying upon these pioneer leaders the chieftaincies must have come into
existence. They incourse of time must have been appropriated by the Muventar, and
partly incorporated in the political structure.

Political Elites
144
Asoka 273-232 B. C.
145
Also known as Chanakya and Vishnugupta, author of Arthasastra,, Minister of Chandragupta, Kavataka was
a kind of pearl available in the Pandyan Country.
146
The initial date of Chandra Gupta's reign is uncertain. The Cambridge Indian History dates it to 321 B. C
and the end of the reign as 297 B.C.
 'Royal Justice', an important implied Tamilian concept of Nattam was referred to
earlier as the opposite of it was tyranny. A pre-requisite to the discharge of this sacred
duty is Law-making. There is no mention of the processs of Law-making anywhere. It
was only customary law that was administered. Custom must have got modified in the
normal course without any direct process of legislation. Law-making or rule-making was
not viewed as a legitimate function of the political system. It tended to be a derivative
of the rule-application and rule-adjudication functions. Through the application of
custom to specific cases, general rules emerged and were slowly elaborated and
changed as the Kingdom encountered and coped with novel problems.

Certain classes of people enjoyed the freedom to admonish the King in respect of
what they should do under given circumstances. This privilege was utilised to the fullest
extent and seems to have been given and exercised by learned brahmins, poets of a
higher order and officials of certain cadre and some of the elders of the land-generally
those who constituted the 'Elite' of the land. Wise men in the royal court (Santror)
missed no opportunity to impress on the King his duties.

The poets and panegyrics had extra-ordinary influence over their patrons. They
were held in high esteem by the rulers who priced their enlogistic verses "above
everything else. The bards held positions of high trust and often instrumental in
warding off unnecessary blood-shed.147 Many succeeded in putting an end to
impending conflicts.148 Some poets stimulated the military ardour of their patrons and
thereby stimulated hostilities.149 Another bard prays for the long life not only of his
patron but also his adversaries in fight because the latter are like!y to give his patron
Lord, ample scope for the exhibition of his military skill.150 The poetess Avvaiyar was

147
Purananuru : 45
148
Ibid ; 90.
149
Ibid ; 172.
150
Ibid ; 95.
such a devoted friend of the Chieftain Atikaman Neduman Anji and stood by him that he
sent her once on an ambassadorial duty to Tondaiman of Kanchi. A war was imminent
between the two. Avvai went to Kanchi and by her tact succeeded in averting the
war.151 An interesting instance is provided by an “episode that could be pieced
together from scattered verses in the Purananuru.152 It recounts how a Civil War
between an aged king and his two sons who hungered for his empty chair was averted
and how thereafter the King abdicated and decided to end his life by fasting Some
of his faithful nobles and poets joined the King in this act of self-immolation. This
episode raises interesting questions both as regards as date as its value as a document
throwing light on the influence that the poet had on the Kingdom.

When Vaiyavikkoperumpehan, the Chieftain of Podni, abandoned his virtuous

wife on account of his infatuation for a dancing girl leading poets like Kapilar and
Paranar boldly interceded with the Chieftain and succeeded in winning him over to the
righteous path.153 When the Muventhar of Tamilagam mounted a joint assault on
Parambu, the principality of the Chieftain Pari, Kapilar, the court poet stayed within the
Parambu and relieved the acute food shortage within the fort by sending out trained
parrots to fetch food grains from the standing crops in distant fields. After the fall of
Pari, he took charge of his daughters.154

The children of Malaiyaman, Tirumiutikkari were captured by

KulamurraUutunjiya Killivalavan and they were about to be thrown to the elephants to

151
Ibid ; 95.
152
Ibid ; 67, 191, 212 to 223 Kopperum Cholan and Pisir andaiyar. The poet died along with the King, by
fasting.
153
Ibid; pp.143, 147.
154
Op. cit : 105, 113, 120, 158, 176, 200 – 202, 236, 337
be trampled upon. But Kovurkilar the poet interceded on behalf of the children and
saved them.155

The status of the elite has to be evaluated from two points of view-ritual status
and actual status in terms of economic power. The poets and military commanders were
recipients of royal gifts which increased their economic status. That the King was at
liberty to give away the revenues, is clear from the gifts of Imayavaramban and Narmuti
to their respective poets.156 Perhaps the lands given to Kapilar and Kaimanar were royal
domains The beginning of the big land-Lord(Janmi) might be traced, to the Cheraman's
rewards to the poets, and the settlement of the Brahmins by Atukotpattu and
Seivakatunko. The Elite Sanror should have gradually become powerful economically.
They were recognised for their knowledge of the letters and the rewards were on merit.

The four Vedic branches of Brahmanical religion were already having a place in
Tamil society. The Brahmins performed Vedic fire sacrifices. But the influence of the
Brahmins was limited only to the upper strata of society. By and large, the Velan Ananku
and primitive rituals were popular with the masses. Hence the ritual status of the
Brahmins or indigenous priests was not enough to elevate him to the status of an Elite.
At any rate, the officiating Brahmin at royal sacrifices did not command the status of the
North Indian priest. Hence, ritual status in early Tamilagam was not a passport to the
honour of an Elite to command reverence from the King.

155
Sirupanattuppadai; 110 – 111; 95 Nattrinai : 320 Ahananuru : 35, 209
156
Pathittuppattu : 13, 24 – 27, 41, 43, 58, 62, 69, 75, 77, 90.
 Such information that the Classics provide gives us an idea of the influence that
the Elite had over the ruler. The response of the Political Elites to particular situations
was unpredictable. Some kind of responses led to accommodation of new demands,
while other responses lead to disaster. Secure of confidence and royal support, some
unscrupulous bards played one party against the other. Sometimes the demands
become so intense that no response could result in peaceful accommodation. In the
transitional, early Tamilian society, the Elite served as an agency to create and structure
new norms of behaviour. The Elite played a considerable part in the rule-application
and rule adjudication functions.

Political Divisions

Tamilagam was divided into Nadus like Chola Nadu. Chera Nadu. Pandya Nadu,
Tondai Nadu, Kongu Nadu and the like, Kurram as a territorial division was a group of
villages (Ur) Muttur Kurram, Milalai-Kurram are some of the divisions mentioned in the
Purananuru.157 It is difficult to say if Koitani158 (Goshtam,) was after all a corruption of
the Kurram (Kottam = Kodu +am) meaning a 'protected place or assembly hall
comparable to a Mantram or Sittur Mantram with a protective fence or wall added.

Evidences of villagers looking after local affairs are available in the Classics. For
transacting public business, they met in Potu-yil (literally, common place). Wandering
bards and poets on their mission to meet Kings and Chieftains while passing through
villages rested in these public places. There was a sort of policing of these villages and
the watch and ward went round the place during nights with lamp in hand. 159 It is also
claimed that a poem in Akananuru (poem 77)refers pointedly to the Kudavolai system.

157
Purananuru : 24
158
Ibid : 209, 245 (Kottambalattu – Tunjiya Makkotai)
159
Ibid : 77
 From what has been described so far based on available literary evidences at our
command, the absence of a well settled administrative machinery (Bureaucracy) is
patent 'Bureaucrati-zation' is the very essence of political progress.160 “Bureaucracy”
refers to the elaborate organisation through which rule-makers or rulers seek to
implement their decisions. In Tamil polity of the Sangam-age, there is no such mention
in the Classics of an elaborate organisation. Evidently the King or Chieftain must have
relied upon prestige, persuasion, or material inducement as a way of his orders carried
out or his requests fulfilled.

The life of the people is essentially rural and wealth is reckoned by flocks and
herds and we find few traces of the public interest and concentrated population that
characterise a modern state. Perhaps we may provisionally conclude that the State
appears ripe indeed for formation but not yet really formed. All the materials are there,
but the building as yet is not complete. If this is granted, the Classics picture for us in
outline at least the features of the Kingship of a new-born State. The demand for
political action has been limited. Mostly, war leadership required political action, but
the causes for war was neither economic nor religious touching the general interests of
the populace, but the causes were personal. The conflicts are sometimes petty and
insignificant, but they loom larged in the eyes of the public when the parties involved in
them are men of rank or distinction. Thus when we speak of war, we are reminded not
of petty sciffles but some military action of greater import and with more serious
consequences.

Craving for power and desire for expansion seem to have motivated war in
some instances.161 The most important cause perhaps is the love for fame. The

160
The decisive reason for the advance of bureaucratic organisation has always been purely its technical superiority
over any other form of organisation. The fully developed bureaucratic mechanism compares with other
organizations. Exactly as does the machine with the non-mechanical mode of production. Max Weber : From
Max Weber Essays in Sciology. ed. Hans H. Gerth and C wright Mills (New York OVE, 1958) P. 214
161
Purananuru ; 8, 76, 31; Kalittokai : 68.
disparaging talk indulged in by the adversary is also a cause for war 162 The Kings
promptly crushed disobedience and defiance of every kind. Refusal to give girls in
marriage on the demand of Kings and Chiefs was yet another cause of war.163
Sometimes, the jealousy born of the greatness or fame of an adversary, was also an
inducement to wage war. The three Kings of Tamilagarn mounted a joint offence
against the Chieftain, Pari merely because the latter acquired great renown as a
benign ruler and munificent giver. Religious and commercial rivalries are almost
absent as far as the evidences from the Classics are concerned.

Demands for political action (Interest Articulation) depended on personal

motives. Sometimes the Elite tickled the vanity of the ruler and stimulated such
demands. Traditional patterns of behaviour social, economic, religious, familial and
political were still in vague. Hence the demand for political action from the populace
was very littie. The flow of demands into the political system was not handled by
specialised agencies but by poets and others (Elite), family and lineage heads. To a
sympathetic student of Sangam Literature it would be clear that the ethical, moral and
spiritual virtues that were formulated by the exemplars (Elite) were not theoretical, but
indeed were an inevitable code of social behaviour for people. The virtues and gracious
qualities that were inculcated by the Elite into royalty and laity alike were the real sheet
anchor on which the stamina of the society and its genius for a perpetual regeneration
of these values were based.

The picture that we are able to get of the political set up of the Sangam age
presents the following characteristics. The State appears ripe for formation but not yet
really formed. The political scene consists of dominant crowned monarchs as well as
Chieftains. The Chieftains were a traditionally organised political factor and not a

162
Purananuru ; 72, 78, 200.
163
Example of Pari, the daughters of whom provoked war.
product of monarchical weakness. The structure was exposed to environmental
challenges. There is neither a specialised bureaucracy nor a specialised army. It reflects
the multifunctional characteristic of Kingships and Chieftainships of primitive and
traditional societies. Ascription of particular statuses and diffuse and particularistic
relationships are noticeable. The Political Elites played a considerable part in influencing
the leader. Demand for political action arose out of personal considerations or on the
persuasion of the Elite and seldom generated from the masses. The system was
authoritarian and paternalistic and specialised political input structures were
conspicuously limited or absent. The extractive capability took the form of service and
tribute. Law-making being absent. Law had to be discovered and administered. The
enforcement of 'Law discovered' was mostly by the attendants of the King and not by a
specialised officialdom. The adjudication and rule application was done by the King
guided by the Elite, with all these limitations when compared to chronologically later
systems the extractive, regulative, distributive, symbolic and responsive capabilities
were considerable. In addition to the produce of his own royal estates, the King received
a portion of the harvest and of livestock, gifts from subordinates, war-booty taxes on
Caravans and foreign traders, labour levies on his population for the maintenance and
repair of royal estates and palaces. The distributive capability was in part tied up with
the extractive capability and symbolic-capability. The commoners were the beneficiaries
of non-material distribution. In general, the system tended to make the King appear to
be a man of extra-ordinary power and sacred virtue. The population was on the whole
loyal and submissive.

In Sangam Polity, the 'Chieftainces' are specialised components of a larger and

relatively integrated whole but come very close to being independent political
arrangements. Feudal systems (though at a higher level of differentiation and seculari-
zation) tend to be loosely related aggregations of relatively independent patrimonial
systems. The term 'Feudalism' has been used with a wide variety of meanings. 164 The
typical historical origins of feudal systems help us explain their characteristics.165 Since
they occur at the margin of disintegrating civilizations, the forms of Government lend to
be more advanced than those of primitive and tribal systems. The component units of
these systems tend to be patrimonial in character; each vassal tends to be the lord over
his lands and peasants. If feudal systems are to be understood as arising out of
previously existing centralized bureaucratic empires, the Sangam political .structure is
not certainly Feudalistic.

During the Sangam age in Tamil history, we find a transition of the tribal society
into a higher form of stable political organisation. It is certainly not the revival of a
society whose polity has gone into extreme disintegration. In the case of Feudalism the
disintegrating polity had always been a great empire. The nuclear part of the Sangam
society gains its political vigour without resort to feudal methods. Feudalism is a
phenomenon of the margin of a civilised society fallen into decline. But in the case of
the Sangam polity, the entire society is ripe for the formation of the State in which the
leaders status, power and influence have become more or less well-defined and
crystallised.

Max Weber, the German sociologist distinguishes three main types of traditional
authority namely patriarchal, patrimonial and Feudal.166 A patriarchal system of
authority is one in which membership is based on Kinship and in which authority is
exercised by the eldest male. It is characterized by the complete absence of
administrative staff. A patrimonial system is one in which there is an administrative
staff, specialized roles and offices of one kind or another which are directly controlled
by the ruler. Feudalism is defined by Weber as a system of relations of purely personal
164
Max Weber: Theory of Social and Economic Organisation (New York; 1947) pp 373 ff
165
Rushton Coulborn; (ed) Feudalism in History Princeton, 1970, pp.304 365.
166
Webet, op. cit; pp.341 ff.
loyalty between a lord and his vassals. Both lord and vassals are patrimonial rulers; they
are loosely articulated one with the other by bonds of mutual obligation. In Weber's
threefold classification of traditional authority, the significant dimensions of variation
are structural differentiation and autonomy of parts.

From the information in the Sangara works, as said before, three stages are
discernible in the evolution of Monarchy, namely Tribal leadership, Chieftaincy and
nascent monarchy (Arasit) represented by the office of the Muventar. Sangam polity
cannot be described as fendalistic. It embeds some characteristics of a patriarchal and
patrimonial systems. From the detailed analysis of a polity, it is evident that it
resembled a segmentary lineage system more complex than merely patriarchal or
patrimonial. It approximates a pyramidal arrangment, fluid in nature primarily because
it was 'transitional and secondarily because it changed too frequently with every tilt of
the kaleidoscope effected by never-ending internecine wars. One can not jump to the
conclusion that nothing was definitive nor concrete.
The political jolts and frequent overturns did not break the chain of development of the
tribal leader evolving into a social captain exhibiting feautures of a monarchical system.
The office of the King was the product of internal demands social and economic of a
society getting itself transformed into higher strata of political structures, incorporating
in the growth process traditional pattern and the environmental challenges. To this
extent, it was native to the soil, nurtured by the culture of the Tamilian society of that
early epoch. It can best be described as an Omni functional Social System.

CHAPTER - III

ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM

Introduction

By the term ‘Ancient Tamils’ it is meant in this study, the Tamils about whom the
earlist extant Tamil literary works portray. It is possible to glean out of the ancient Tamil
literary sources like the Sangam Classics, the Epics of Silappadikaram and Manimegalai,
and the Tirukkural, that the ancient Tamils had well organised system of administrative
institutions.

The source material for the present study is collected from the Ettuttogai and
Pattuppattu, Tirukkural and the Epics, Silappadikaram and Manimegalai. The
reconstructed picture of the administrative system on the basis of the materials
available in those works, is a rosy one, even at the dawn of the history of the country. As
much, it may not be out of place to discuss the evolution of the administrative
mechanism prior to the analysis of the nature and significance of the administrative
system of the ancient Tamils.167

167
Kalittokai; 103: 19; Puram 208; 5; 138 : 6; 48:5; 42:18 etc.
Evolution of the Administrative System

The form of Government of the ancient Tamils, as gleaned out of literature is

monarchy. So it is essential to investigate the origin and evolution of the institution of
monarchy on the basis of the available data. Concrete data to probe the origin and
evolution are not available, and as such the conclusions can only be a 'near-accurate'
hypothesis. But however, it must be borne in mind that the sophisticated system of
monarchy as it existed in ancient Tamilakam of the Classics would not have come into
existence all of a sudden. It could have only evolved out of some primitive forms of
authority, and an attempt is made in this paper to probe into those early forms from
which the sophisticated monarchical form of adminstration of the ancient Tamils
attained perfection during' the Sangam Age.

In the Sangam Classics and other literary masterpieces, there are certain words
and expressions; and references to certain institutions, on the basis of which we
have to reconstruct the past. The epithets for the King (mannan) are 'Ko, Kavalan, irai>
iraivan, and Porunan. Of these words, Ko means a chief like that of poninan which too
means the same. Kovalan means one who is guarding or protecting. The words irai and
iraivan have two meanings, God and King. These words are meaningful and help us to
interpret the probable basis for the evolution of the administrative institution of
monarchy.

During the period, prior to the one described by the Sangam works, the Tamils
might have settled in groups, in places they chose for their settlements. At that stage,
they might not have come out of the tribal characteristics. Each settled groups had their
own strong men who were kos or chiefs, whose main responsibility might have been
providing protection to the people who trusted and chose them as their leaders.
Therefore, such people were considered as the Kavalars or protectors. In course of time,
such leaders who won the confidence of the people were considered as equivalent to
Gods; and hence the appellations irai and iraivan. Another factor that help us to
assume the above stage in the evolution of monarchy is the word used to mention the
home of the Kings and Gods. The commonly mentioned word is koyil168 Even today the
word is used to refer to the palace of the members of the erst-while royal families in
Kerala is Kovilakam.

One of the important stages in the declaration of war is mentioned as

Karantai169. This practice of lifting the cattle-wealth of the group against whom war
is to be declared, clearly indicates the character of the Chief or King whose
predecessor at the earlier period was the head of group with
cattle-wealth. Again, Kol is one of the symbols of Kingship.170 The stick that was in the
custody of the chief of the shepherds might have evolved into the rod of the King when
monarchy became the established institution. If the King uses his powers justly, the
sceptre or rod becomes Chenkol and if otherwise, Kodumkol171 Similar to the sceptre,
another symbol of royalty mentioned is the White Umbrella.172 This Umbrella might
have probably been considered as the symbol of the protecting character of the chief
when the community might probably become a settled one, wedded to agriculture.

The sovereign authority of the monarchy is mentioned in Sangam classics as

tayam.173 The meaning of this term lay am illustrates the close relationship between the
chief and his people in the initial stages of the evolution of the institution, monarchy. 174
Another practice that existed among, the ancient Kings was the performance of a

168
Puram: 46:10; 241;3 etc.
169
Akam: 159:5-8 & Tolkappiyam, Porul : Sutram 61.
170
Patirruppattu : 89 : 9.
171
Puram : 230 : 4 ; Kalittokai : 8; 2.
172
Patirruppattu: 17;13.
173
Puram: 99: 7 & its commenatry.
174
Tayattar and tayati, indicating close and blood relations originated from this word.
ceremony in the battle field after a successful war, known as kalavelvi.175 The ceremony
as found in the references illustrates the cruel nature of its performance, in which the
parts of human body are mentioned to have been used for the preparation of the ritual
rice for the celebrations. This has induced scholars like A. L. Basham to infer whether
the Tamils were cannibals, once.176

In the light of the above discussions, it is possible to posit a hypothesis that 'the
institution of monarchy in ancient Tamilagam evolved even during the primitive stage in
the culture of the Tamils, when they were depending on the cattle-wealth, prior to the
stage of the rise of the rice culture, that might probably the second stage in the
development of their culture. ' ft might be during the second stage that the Ko or the
Chief with the stick or kol to maintain the cattle-wealth of the community settled down.
This stage is symbolised by the umbrella which the chief had to protect himself from the
heat and rain. Umbrella, the venkotta kudai is also mentioned as a symbol of
monarchy.

175
Pathittuppattu Colophon : IV : II
176
Basham, A.L. The Wonder That Was India, p. 62
 From the foregoing discussions, another factor that emerges is the development,
of the institution of the divine right that the monarch was supposed to possess. This
institution, popularly described as the Devaraja Cult might have originated among
the Tamils during this epoch. This institution was the corner-stone of the administrative
system in the South-eastern countries. Even now this institution prevails in the
administrative institutions in Thailand. This institution might probably have been
originated in ancient Tamilakam. Such a conclusion is possible, for the King and the God
are mentioned as Iraivan and their abode as ‘koyil’ in Tamil.

Therefore, the evolution of monarchy among the Tamils might have taken place
in two stages. In the first stage, when they were in the nomadic stage depending on
their cattle-wealth, they had their own chiefs represented by the stick which in the chief
possessed. During the second stage, the agricultural stage, the chief might have
assumed the role of the protector of the community, symbolised by the umbrella, that
he possessed. Thus, the stick and the umbrella, the kol and kudai the symbolic
representation of sovereignty, the irai help us to determine the origin and evolution of
the institution of monarchy in ancient Tamilakam.

The above discussions on the institution of monarchy and its probable origin and
evolution are sufficient to establish the validity of the hypothesis posited in this study.
Therefore, it is not wrong to suppose that the institution of monarchy and its other
attributes like the divine right attached to it had their origin in the culture of the Tamils,
even when they were still in their primitive stage of their culture.

Types of Administrative Institutions

Monarchy was the institution of administrative mechanism among the ancient

Tamils. Even in the case of monarchy, there are two types, as can be reconstructed from
the literary works. Among the rulers of ancient Tamilagam, only three are mentioned as
'crowned heads, while others were lesser dignitaries. The Chera, Chola and Pandya Kings
are mentioned as the crowned heads of
Tamilagam, other rulers like the Ay, Antiran, Athikaman Nedumananci, Pehan, Ori
and others are mentioned as chieftains, either independent or vassal rulers.

Besides the two types that are of a general nature, technically also, a typology is
possible. While the administrations represented by the above categories of rulers
pertain only to the central administration. The problem of the local administration
needs an analytical study. Thus, a typology is possible on the basis of the nature of the
administrative institutions at the centre and the peripheries.

Thus, the administrative system of the Tamils during the Sangam epoch can be
typed as the central administration and local administration; and also as the
government by the crowned Kings and Chieftains, referred to as Kurunila Mannar.

Central Government

The central government during the Sangam age was monarchical in form,
whether it is of the form of crowned kingdom or that of a vassal state. The ancient
conception of monarchy was that it resembled the Universe, for it was believed
that just as the Universe is composed of five elements, the monarch was expected
to have five qualities like patience, diplomacy, steadfastness in defence, decisiveness
in battle and sympathetic and helpful temperament'. 177 The ruler was always
expected to follow virtuous and righteous principles of polity, because the life of his
subjects would be awful, if he happened to be unrighteous in his attitude towards
administration.178 But such instances were rare, because the poets and other wise
men always used to involve themselves in the administration by tendering advice to
the ruler to be righteous.179 Succession to the throne must be through proper and

177
Puram : 2 : 6-8.
178
Pathittu : 85; 9 – 10 & Kalittogai : 5 : 12
179
Puram : 5 : 5-6. In these lines the poets advise the King to have good friends and should head to their
advice. Maduraikkanchi 525 – 526 & Kallittogai : 27 : 7 - 8
virtuous means and one's right to be the head of the state was hereditary. 180 Most
probably, the principle of primogeniture might have been followed in the matter of
succession to the throne, though explicit references do not find a place in the literary
works. The ancient Tamil society and vis-a-vis the royal family did follow the principle of
patrilineal succession. In the case of the Chera kingdom, a few futile attempts have been
made by certain scholars to establish that the pattern of succession was matrilineal. 181
But there are concrete evidences to show that in the Chera country also, the pattern of
succsssion was patrilineal.182

Personal Life and Privileges of the Kings

The King was absolute and enjoyed a number of privileges. He was the custodian
of peace and possessed private properties in. addition to his position as the feudal lord
of the entire landed territories. He lived in fortified palace. The fort was surrounded by a
deep moat containing crocodiles and a protective forest beyond the moat.183 He was the
patron of poets, musicians and dancers. In this capacity he enjoyed music and dance.
Personally a few monarchs seemed to be licentious, while others lived a strenuous life.
It seems monogamy and polygamy were the patterns of family life of the Kings 184

Principles of Public Administration

The King was the head of the state and wielded enormous powers in the fields of
legislation, execution and judiciary, The sceptre and the royal seal were symbolic of the

180
Pathittu : 74 : 17 – 21 & Puram : 99 : 7 - 8
181
S. Somasundara Bharati has tried to establish in the thesis that matrilineal pattern of succession existed in
Chera country in his Cherar Taya Murai.
182
M. Raghavaiyangar’s Cheran Senguttuvan and the present author’s Culture of the Ancient Cheras
for a detailed discussion on the subject.
183
Pathittu : 53 : 7 – 9.
184
Pathittu : 21 : 37; 38 : 10; 42 : 7; 57 : 10 – 13 & Puram 127 : 5.
supreme authority of the monarch in these fields.185 The monarch was strict in following
the principle of righteousness in administering the State. The concept of righteousness
is embodied in the concept aram stressed to be the basic tenet of administration by the
poets in the Sangam verses.186 The most important duties of the King are the protection
to be accorded to the cattle grazing the pastures travellers passing through the arid
tracts, harvested paddy lying in the ground after being thrashed; and defence of the
country, its people and wealth from the attack of the enemies.187

In the task of administering the state, the monarch used to get the support of the
advisers, like the ministers, wise-men and poets.188 In certain cases, a wise and able
minister in a State enjoyed more respect than the royal chaplain.189 Besides, there
occurred popular discussions in the royal courts among learned and wise men.190 From
this reference about the popular discussions in the royal court, it is possible to infer that
such discussions might have been organised by the Kings themselves with a view to
know the prevailing public opinion and to formulate righteous principles for governing
the country. There seemed to have a few Kings who were wise enough to advise even
the learned ascetic.191

In addition to the duties mentioned above, the monarch was responsible for the
defence of the country; In discharging this duty, the King was expected to organise
certain diplomatic measures. In the conduct of foreign policy, the king made use of the
services of the diplomats. The King used to send embassies to other countries; and even
poets seemed to have served as ambassadors as can be learnt from the part played by

185
Pathittu : 80 : 9; & Puram : 99 : 7.
186
Puram : 62 : 7; 134 : 2
187
Kalittogai : 8 : 1 - 2
188
Pathittu : 70 : 17; 72 : 5 ; 74 : 24
189
Pathittu : Colophon : IX : 11 - 12
190
Maduraikkanchi : 525 - 526
191
Pathittu : 74 : 26 - 28
the poetess Avvaiyar, as the representative of her patron, Atiyaman Nedu-mananci to
the court of Tondairnan.192 Apart from the functions discharged by ambassadors, the
Sangam monarchs made use of the services of spies. Men of ability and knowledge were
employed by the Kings to do espionage work; and such men used to discharge their
duties silently and secretly.193

From the foregoing points, it can be deduced that the ancient monarchy, though
absolute was not at all an autocracy The Kings were benevolent personalities who were
paternal despots doing benevolent measures and welfare activities to provide amenities
to their subjects.

Revenue Administration

No state can function without adequate financial resources. Tamilagam of the

Sangam age, by all accounts seemed to have been in an advanced stage of economic
prospects and freedom. Though there are a few stray references to the conditions of
poor poets, generally speaking, the economic situation in the country was one of
economic prosperity. In such a State, it is no wonder to find the Government running
smoothly. Whether the ancient Tamils were aware of providing a budget for running the
administration or not, the details that can be gathered from the verses illustrate that
the King, as the head of government enjoyed the confidence of the people who
contributed towards the acquisition of public revenue to be spent on welfare activities
and the defence of the country.

One of the chief sources of revenue of the King was the share of the
produce from land. In this respect, it should be remembered that the State's share in
the produce from land is not explicity stated in any of the Sangam verses. There is
only a single reference in Purananuru about the share of the King from the produce of

192
The Colophon of Puram : 95
193
Akam : 315 : 15.
the land. The term mentioned is patuvatu untu and it was interpreted by
commentator that the term mentions the share of the King as one sixth of the
produce.194 Probably, the conclusion of the commentator can be accepted, for
in later epochs in the history of Tamilagam, whenever the share of the government
from land is mentioned, it was pointed out as one sixth of the produce from land,
either in kind or cash. This practice of a later period might have probably induced
the commentator to say that the term patuvatuuntu indicated the one sixth of the
produce from land.195 Besides land tax, the ancient Kings had under their control, a
number of forest territories and the income from such forests belonged to the
monarch.196 Products from the royal forests, mountains, arable lands and the ocean
also formed the wealth of the monarch.197

Trade and commerce formed another important source of public revenue.

References about the ports, harbours and the warehouses that existed in such places
are abundant, and therefore it can be inferred that a flourishing internal and
international trade existed in Tamilagam during the Sangam period. Customs duties
were collected at the harbours, probably in return for the amenities provided to the
merchants at the ports.198 In the sphere of internal commercial pursuits also, tax was
collected in return for the protection provided to the caravan of merchants who moved
through the highways and arid tracts, by posting sentinels at strategic points in the
highways.199

194
Puram : 17 : 6 & Its Commentary
195
Inscriptions of the Later Pandyas and Later Cholas
196
Pathittu : 73 : 12 – 13 & Its Commentary
197
Puram : 343 : 7 – 9; Pathittu : 87 : 2 & Nattinai 391 : 7 & Their Commentaries
198
Pattinappalai : 135 - 136
199
Perumpanattuppadai : 66 - 68
 Besides, the State got revenue from two other 'important sources one in the
form of booty from war, and the other by the confiscation of the properties belonging
to persons who died without proper heirs to succeed them.200 There are a number of
references in the Sangam verses depicting the sad state of affairs that would befall a
fallen hero in a battle. The country of the vanquished ruler, in most of the cases was
plundered by the victorious army, in addition to the large amount of booty of war that
would be collected from the defeated King 201 Therefore, it may not be incorrect to
conclude that the Sangam age depicts an epoch of transition from a tribal set up.

From the above references, it can be concluded that the public revenue of the
ancient states in Tamilakam, though mentioned as the wealth of the king, was in
essence the revenue of the State, for it was spent on improving the living conditions of
the people. Our analysis of the revenue administration will not be complete without
noting the items on which the revenue collected was spent. Though the ancient Kings of
Tamilakam were not in the habit of providing yearly budgets to administer their
kingdoms, it can be stressed that they had understood the principles underlying the
preparation of a wise budget. If the yardstick of measuring the ability of a state is on the
basis of the standard of life of the people and the general economic prosperity of the
State, then it can be well said that the ancient monarchs of Tamilagam and their
ministers were expert innovators in the art of financial administration. They seemed to
have been guided by the principle of providing a welfare system of administration to
their respective States.
The revenue raised by them through different measure was spent on welfare activities.

Public revenue was spent wisely to provide a clean administration and protection
to the subjects. It is mentioned that nobody harmed any of his fellow men and coveted

200
Puram : 367 : 2- 3
201
Pathittu : 80 : 12 – 13; 21 : 17 – 19 & Puram : 17 : 6 & 8
the possessions of the other.202 If such a situation should prevail, then definitely the
State should provide protection and equal opportunities to all the citizens. Another
reference mentions that the people would assemble to construct bun to check the
floods in rivers, as soon as drums were beaten to inform that the river was flooded.203
This reference indicates the civic consciousness of the people and the spirit of co-
operation that prevailed among the people. Indirectly it shows the role of the
administration in instilling such a spirit among the people. The State considered it as its
onerous duty to foster economic prosperity by encouraging development programmes
for the prosperity of its subjects.204 Other welfare schemes included the protection and
patronage accorded to agriculture and fishing. The State undertook measures to
construct dams, culverts and sluices to provide irrigation facilities to foster
agriculture.205 The artists connected with the fine arts of music and dance enjoyed the
liberal patronage of the Kings. The wandering ministrels and poets were liberally
provided with presents and gifts of gold, silver and in certain cases with lands. 206 It
has to be inferred from the nature of the Sangam works that the people were educated
and cultured. Education and the spread of culture among the people were in the hands
of the wandering minstrels and the poets. By the practice of giving liberal grants and
presents to the poets and wandering minstrels, the Kings performed their obligation of
providing education and advanced cultural standards to the people.

From the above discussion on the sources of public revenue and the wise
spending of the same, it can be concluded that the revenue administration that existed
in ancient Tamilagam of the Sangam age was definitely a balanced one. But at the same

202
Patirru : 22 : 7 – 8.
203
Ibid : 22 : 28.
204
Op. Cit., : 32 : 7 & 31 : 13 – 14.
205
Pathittu : 279 ; Akam ; 208; Puram : 375 : 6; Pathittu: 13 ; 22 – 24; 48 : 4 & Their Commentaries
206
Puram 171 : 8 – 11; Pathittu : 48 :1 ; 67 : 3- 4 ; 22 64 : 8 – 10 & Nattri 185 : 3 – 4.
time, it should not be forgotten that tribal instincts like the conduct of plundering and
destroying the country of the vanquished at the end of the war too prevailed.

Police and Judicial Administration

The nature and significance of the system of police administration was one of
providing protection to the people in every walk of life. A well-knitted system of posting
sentinels to protect the people through-out the country was planned and executed.207
Sentinels were posted to guard the forts and particular vulnerable points and such
sentinels patrolled the areas allotted to them throughout the night.208 Sentinels were
usually stalwarts and had the ability to catch the robbers who could flee like the wind. 209
Without a wink of sleep or fear, the sentinels posted to the duty of watch and ward
during the night were provided with lamps, ladders and bells to spy out and catch the
criminals from their hiding places.210 The accounts available in the literary works of
the Sangam age depict a clean picture about the network of police personnel who
discharged their duties with diligence. They seemed to have worked without fear and
even without a wink of sleep.

No law book of the Sangam period has been preserved. Except Tirukkural the law
book of the Tamils containing the moral code and a sophisticated legal system that can
be operated at all times, no other law book that can be claimed as an ancient one is
available. Even in the case of Tirukkural, scholars do not agree on the exact date to
which it belongs. Most of the scholars consider it as a post-Sangam work. But there is no
harm in considering it as one that is embodying the principles of the legal and moral
code that was in vogue during the Sangam period. The cardinal principle of law in that
divine work is righteousness or aram. Persons who administered justice during the
207
Pathittu 81 : 9 - 11
208
Pathittu : 16 : 1 – 2; 28 ; 4 – 5 & 81 : 9 - 11
209
Maduraikkanci : 636 – 639 ; Puram : 37 : 9
210
Puram : 37 : 9; Nattri : 132 : 8 – 9 ; Perumpanarruppadai : 66 – 68 & 76
Sangam period were governed by the principles of equity embodied in the word, aram.
It seems that the King himself personally administered justice in most of the cases
righteously without fear or favour and without delay. 211 His sceptre was symbolic of his
impartial judicial administration and was expected to keep the rod of justice straight by
punishing the wrong doers.212

Apart from personally administering justice, the Kings used to appoint men
learned in law and equity to administer justice. A Pandya King mentions that he should
be put into the boiling water for having appointed an unscrupulous person as judge in
his court of justice.213 From this statement of the King, it is possible to infer that the
Kings used to appoint judges, who were men of virtues. It was expected that men who
administered justice to be simple and virtuous in their dealings; and they should
pronounce judgements impartially, like a balance.214 The judges were expected to be
capable of freeing the minds of the disputed parties from fear and feelings of despair.215

For the administration of justice, there seemed to have existed separate

institutions at the central and local levels. The daily assembly, called the Nalavai of
the King might be the institution in which the King heard the complaints of the dis-
puted parties and disposed off the cases.216 The people had the practice of presenting
their disputes in person before the assembly of the King for redressal of their
grievances.217 It can therefore be inferred that the custom of presenting cases on
definite charges to the courts was in vogue during the Sangam period. Moreover, it
seemed to be a practice in the ancient courts of justice, for disputants themselves

211
Puram : 230 : 1 – 4 ; 99 ; 7 & Pathittu 89 : 9.
212
Ibid.
213
Puram, 71 : 7 - 9
214
Puram, 35 : 14 - 16
215
Madurai, 489 - 492
216
Pathittu, 38 : 9 & Its Commentary
217
Puram : 71 : 7 – 9 & 35 : 14 – 16 & Commentaries
arguing their cases, and therefore the question of deputing counsels to argue the cases
might not have existed. Such an inference is possible from the conversation between a
lover and the friend of his lady love, who desired that the lovers should not meet
often. The reply of the lover was that if he took the case to the court of justice and
argued that his lady love was evading him, then she could not defend herself. 218

The courts of justice during the Sangam period inflicted punishments varying
from imprisonment to inflicting capital punishments. It can be inferred from the
imprisonment of a Chera King by a Pandyan monarch that imprisonments as a measure
of inflicting punishment was usually resorted to by the administrators of justice during
the period under discussion.219

Harsh and cruel punishments were also inflicted by the judges, even in certain
trivial matters. In one instance, the eyes of an individual was put out simply because his
herd of cattle grazed in the field belonging to another individual 220 In another case,
Nannan, a chieftain inflicted capital punishment on a girl who ate the mango fruit from
the 'guardian tree' of the chieftain unknowingly, even after the parents of the girl were
prepared to offer him an image of the girl in gold as compensation for the mistake of
the girl.221 These instances show that the administration of justice during the Sangam
age might have been crude and illogical at least in certain cases. But at the same time,
there are references indicating that culprits were punished only after checking and
verifying the charges leveled against them, and after analysing them in the light of
precedents.222 Therefore, it can be concluded that the nature of judicial administration
was of a mixed character, a combination of harshness and humanism.

218
Kuruntogai : 276 : 5 - 6
219
Op.cit; 45.
220
Akam : 246 : 4 – 5 & Its Commentary
221
Kurun : 292 : 1 – 5.
222
Puram : 29 ; 9 – 10.
Military Administration and Operations

The monarchs of the Sangam period possessed both a standing army and a militia
that was mobilised at the time of wars. The permanent standing army was a four-fold
one comprising of the infantry, cavalry, elephant corps and chariots. 223 In addition, they
might have possessed the militia of brave men with scars of victorious wars, and they
assembled- on hearing battle cries, to march directly to the battle-field.224 The army was
organised with different regiments. Each one had a specific duty to perform and was
composed of different categories of people. But the soldiers who composed the army
were brave, heroic and cosmopolitan; and all of them acquired good training in the art
of war tactics.225

One of the regiments, the vanguard was in charge of construction of roads in the
highways and arid tracts so that the other regiments could move without any
difficulty.226 lyavar was the regiment in the army which beat the drums and played the
musical instruments and the other one blew the bugles.227 The soldiers of the ancient
Tamil army were from the social divisions like Mallar, Malavar, Maravar, and the men
from Konku and Bull lands.228

We have already noticed that mobilisation of army was a method adopted to

pool the military resources, when a war broke out. There seemed to have existed the
practice of sending one person from each house to defend the country during times of
war.229 In one reference, a heroic woman sent her only son to the war front when she

223
Puram : 63 : 1 – 4 & Pathittu : 52 : 2.
224
Pathittu : 40 : 3 – 4.
225
Pathittu : 12 : 1; 15: 20 – 21; 26 : 14 ; 38; 10 & Akam : 212 : 14 – 15 etc; & Puram 169 : 1- 4.
226
Pathittu : 19 : 1 – 2.
227
Pathittu : 19 ; 7 - 8
228
Op.cit. 59.
229
Puram : 279 : 3- 7 & 10 – 11.
heard the battle cry, as her father and husband were killed in the battles previously. 230
Therefore, it can be concluded that the practice of mobilising soldiers during times of
war did exist. On hearing battle cries trained men used to assemble for marching
towards the battle field and the other steps like encamping them and providing
necessary amenities to such persons followed. These soldiers were stationed in camps,
situated In fertile lands or near the forts of the enemies and logs of wood were used 10
be burnt to provide warmth in such camps.231 The soldiers in the camps were provided
with musical performances and dunce recitals, so that the soldiers felt relieved of
isolation and monatotiy. 232 In the camps proper attention was given to nurse the
wounded soldiers, even during the night, with the help of lamps.233 The King used to
inspect such camps personally to relieve the soldiers from their agony and despair and
it was the custom to consol the wounded soldiers personally by the monarch.234

The weapons of war during the Sangam period, were bow and arrow, swords.
lances, shields and armours.235 Most of the soldiers were well versed in the use of
these weapons, and therefore it can be inferred that military training centres might
have existed and imparted training in the use of the different kinds of the weapons of
war.236 As a protective measure, the soldiers used shield and armour. The Tamil
words used to denote the shield in the Sangam verses are tol and palakai.237 Meymarai
is the word used for armour.238 Therefore, it can be inferred that the shields might
have been made of wood and eather or in any one of the materials, while the armour
230
Ibid.
231
Pathittu 4 : 5 – 6 & 82 : 9.
232
Pathittu : 61 : 15 – 17.
233
Akam : 111 : 13 – 14.
234
Mullaippattu : 25 – 28 & Puram : 289 ; 8 – 9 & Its Commentary
235
Pathittu : 45 : 1 – 3; 45: 21 ; 50 : 9 ; 21 : 24; 19 : 4; 72 : 2 etc & Their commentaries
236
Op. cit; References 68 & 69.
237
Puram ; 63 ; 6 & 282 : 10 – 11.
238
Puram ; 21 : 24.
might have been used by all the soldiers as a protective measure to cover their
bodies. It seems that the different categories of soldiers were adept in the use of the
different kinds of weapons of war cited above. The sword was invariably used by
the front rankers in the battle front and the chieftains who led the campaigns.239 The
soldiers who were engaged in smashing the enemy forts used the lance or spear and
ladders to climb the forts.240 Moreover, in naval warfare, the lance seemed to be a
prominent weapon241

The soldiers used to get proper training in the use of ornaments; they equipped
themselves by attaining skill in the shooting of arrows and throwing of lances by using
targets like the morinka tree stalks or holed targets prepared for the purpose. 242 The
soldiers used to adorn themselves with proper uniforms and a few ornaments to
differentiate them from others. 243 The uniform used by the ancient soldiers might
be tight fitting one, for we learn from a verse that the Pandiyas used to employ for-
eigners in their army and they are mentioned to have used a tight-fitting dress called
meyppai.244 Therefore, it can be inferred that other monarchs like the Cheras and Cholas
too might have employed such foreign soldiers and in their rank and file also such
uniforms might have been used.

The soldiers might have been paid handsomely by the ancient Kings. In return
for the services rendered by the soldiers, the monarchs granted them lands for their
maintenance.245 In addition-to such gifts, the soldiers got a share of the spoils of war,
as can be learnt from the reference to the effect that the soldiers also bestowed on

239
Patirru ; 55 : 20 & Akam : 143 : 12.
240
Pathittu : 84 : 16 & Puram : 343 : 14 & Their Commentaries
241
Pathittu : 46 : 11; 88 : 5; 90 : 20
242
Puram : 169 : 9 – 11 & 4 : 5- 6
243
Pathittu : 34 : 2 & 90 : 27
244
Mullai : 60.
245
Puram : 312 : 4; 287 : 10; 229 : 5.
the bards, the spoils of war.246 During peace time, the soldiers might have engaged
themselves in some kings of anti-social activities like plundering the traveller through
the arid tracts and forests, and even k i l l i n g them as times.247 To substantiate this
hypothesis, it is found in literature that the soldiers would set fire to the country of the
vanquished ruler, loot and devastate the paddy fields belonging to them, as a mark of
their victory.248 Therefore, it can be substantiated that the soldiers with the class
appellations, Mallar, Maravar and Malavar might have engaged themselves in
plundering as a means of livelihood, when they were out of their occupation (in the
army during times of peace. So it is not an overwhelming conception to consider these
persons who engaged themselves in atrocities during war might have engaged in such
activities during times of peace by plundering the wayward travellers who went
through the arid tracts.

Wars were undertaken either to expand the territories of their states or to

extract tributes from less powerful princes, by the powerful monarchs.249 In the art of
military operations, the ancient monarchs followed certain systematic principles that
can be understood from Tolkappiyam. It typologises the first step in the
commencement of the war as vetci.250 The first stage in the art of military
operations is the confiscation of the cattle belonging to another State and this
aciinvariably paved the way for a war, probably because it formed an important form of
wealth to the ancient Tamils251 The soldiers would enter the enemy fort in the night
and drive away the cattle, after annihilating sentinels in the fort and the cattle thus

246
Pathittu 39 : 2.
247
Kuruntogai : 283 : 5 – 6 & Ainkurunuru : 317 : 1 - 2
248
Pathittu ; 67 – 6 & Nattri : 346 : 3 – 5 & Their Commentaries
249
Puram : 8 : 2- 3 & 5.
250
Tolkappiyam Purattinaiyiyal, Sutram : 60.
251
Pathittu : 71 : 14 – 15 & 17 - 18
 confiscated would be shared among the victorious men. 252 Those who lost the
cattle would not tolerate the action of their enemies and would mobilise them-
selves to regain their cattle and a fight would ensue and this is typologised in
Tolkappiyam as kamntai.253 Both the King and his soldiers used to make challenging
vows to cut the guardian tree of the enemy and to defeat him in the battle-field;
and such vows were made, even before the preliminary arrangements were made to
enter the war-front.254

The actual war-fare of the ancient Tamils had certain principles, to be

followed strictly. It was considered not at all righteous to fight against a retreating
army; and the advanced army was expected to make the warning let the cows,
priests, women, suffering people and persons without a male child seek proper
protection just before the army marched into the enemy territory to inflict a crushing
attack on him.255 Similarly, it was not proper for a ruler to shut himself within the fort,
when the enemy was at his gates, as can be learnt from the statement of the poet
Kovur Killar that the ruler who refuses to take up the challenge would bring untold
misery upon his people.256 It is possible to learn that the nature of actual fighting was
fierce and ruthless. The lands, forts and lastly the guardian tree of the enemy would be
destroyed during the battle.257 After attaining success in the war, it was usual to plunder
the country of the vanquished. In certain cases, large number of prisoners of war would
be brought to the country of the victor, to be humiliated.258 Even the vanquished ruler

252
Akam : 97 : 4 – 6.
253
Tolkappiyam Purattinaiyiyal Sutram 61 & Akam : 159 : 5 – 8.
254
Pathittu 30 : 30; 40: 3- 4 & Kuruntogai: 73 ; 2- 3.
255
Puram 9 : 1-6 ; 36: 10 – 11 & 13; and the Commentaries.
256
Puram ; 44 : 14 – 16, Its colophon and Commentary.
257
Pathittu : 67 : 6 Nattri: 346 : 3 – 5; Kurun : 73 – 2 – 3 etc
258
Pathittu; 350 : 12 – 13; 56 : 6 – 7 & Narri : 18 ; 2 – 4 & Their Commentaries
might not be spared; and he would be brought as a prisoner of war. 259 The most
devastating act at the end of the war was the conduct of a ritual called Kalavelvi in the
battle-field.260 This ritual, as can be learnt from the verses was symbolic in nature,
during which a sacrificial cooking was done in the battle-field using the parts of the
fallen men as utensils.261 The cruel nature of this ritual, compelled European scholars to
think that the ancient Tamils might have been cannibals.

It is possible to conclude from the foregoing discussion, that the ancient Tamils
were not aware of the art of peaceful coexistence. But the fact was that, there prevailed
peace and prosperity in the country, in spite of the occurrence of incessant wars among
the crowned Kings and chieftains who ruled over the different territories in Tamilagam.
Such a condition became possible because of the existence of a proper and well
equipped administrative machinery coupled with a sound economy providing ample
scope for the citizens to lead a peaceful life.

Therefore, it can be concluded that, wars were frequent and they were
devastating but they were never a hindrance to the peaceful life of the ordinary citizens.

Local Administration

Our discussions in the foregoing pages are centred round the central government
headed by the King and an organised administrative mechanism that functioned under
him. However, a study of the Administrative system of the ancient Tamils will not be
complete without analysing the nature and significance of the local administration that
existed in the villages and towns. In this aspect, it is to be remembered that the Sangam
verses do not help us to probe into the type of administration that existed in towns and
cities due to paucity of evidences. However, it is possible to guess and reconstruct it

259
Puram 17 : 13, 20 – 21 & Its Colophon and Commentary
260
Patirru : colophon IV : 11 & Its Commentary.
261
Ibid.
from the available data regarding the town and city life in Tarailagam of the medieval
times.

The village was the smallest unit of administration during the Sangam period; and
the Village Assembly known as Mantram or potuvil, was the centre of the administrative
machinery in the village.262 The Village Assembly, though served in other capacities
also, played an important part in the administration of the respective village.263 In the
villages, the Assembly was used by the wandering minstrels as their resting place; and it
was also the centre for the conduct of social functions like festivals and socio-political
duties like the administration of justice.264 Thus, it can be seen that village assemblies
had played a vital role in the social and political life of the village.

The word potiyil or potu, like that of mantram meant the common meeting place
in the village, mostly a structure formed around a banyan tree in the centre of the
village, as can be learnt from the Sangam verses. 265 Therefore, we can conclude that the
village assembly during the Sangam period was an 'open-air-parliament' which
discussed and decided the matters of common importance concerning the entire village.
It was in this assembly that the cases pertaining to the people of the village were heard
and decided. The classical example available in the verses to illustrate the judicial
function of the village is the assembly at Kallur.266 The Assembly at Kallur pronounced
the judgement that the youth who cheated the girl, who was his lady love, was to be
bound to a tree and lime water was to be poured over his head, after hearing both the

262
Pathittu : 23 : 5 ; Puram 89 : 7 & Commentaries.
263
Nattri : 346 : 4 – 5 & Puram : 22 : 16 – 17 & 19 ; 65 : 4 – 5; 22 : 14 – 16.
264
Op. cit. Ref. 101 & 102
265
Akam: 167 : 20; 287:5; 307:11; 373:4; 251:8; Kuru: 15:2; Madurai : 161, 206 & Murukattuppadai ; 226. &
Puram 89 : 7.
266
Akam : 256 : 15 – 21.
parties, with the help of the witnesses of both the parties, who were thoroughly
examined.

In the case of towns and cities, similar to the system that was in vogue in villages
might have existed. In medieval times in general and the Chola times in particular, we
come across the prevalence of assemblies in towns and cities known as Nakaram. Those
assemblies were self-governing units of administration in which the trade and artisan
guilds played an important part.267 Still later, during the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries A. D., we come across the existence of a self-governing institution called
Nattukkuttam in Nanjilnadu, in the modern Kanyakumari District.268 These institutions
help us to formulate a hypothesis that such institutions or similar ones that were not
developed like the later ones might have been in existence in the cities and towns of
ancient Tamilagam to look after the local affairs in those towns and cities. Just like the
towns and cities of the Chola period, the Ancient Tamil towns and cities were also
centres of trade and commerce and the domain of artisans. Therefore such a hypothesis
may not be far

267
Kenneth R. Hall’s Trade and Statecraft in the Age of the Cholas.
268
Nattukkuttam, Kerala Society Papers, Vol. XII. by Kavimani Desikavinayakam Pillai.
from reality. Therefore, we can conclude that autonomy was the order of the day
among the ancient Tamils in the administrative set up in villages, towns and cities.

In the foregoing paragraphs, we have discussed the nature of the administrative

system of the ancient Tamils, particularly the Sangam Tamils, as gleaned out from the
Sangam verses. On the basis of the available data, we have reconstructed the evolution
of the institutions of monarchy and the central government presided over by the King.

One of the salient features of the system is the fact that the Sangam period
exhibits the stage of transition from the tribal traditions to that of a sophisticated
model. In certain cases, just like the conduct of kalavelvi in the battlefield and the crude
punishments accorded in the courts of justice whether at the local or central level, we
are in a position to notice the primitive character of the administrative system of the
ancient Tamils.

The details available in the Sangam verses give us the picture of a well advanced
system of socio-political life that existed in ancient Tamilagam. In spite of certain short
comings that have been already cited, it has to be borne in mind that the principles of a
democratic set up were in practice. So the principles of public administration of the
ancient Tamils seem to be a negation of the theory of separation of powers, for the
combination of the three govermental powers in the same hand, viz. the monarch was
never considered tyrannical during the Sangam period as against the view expressed by
the French philosopher, Montesquieu.

CHAPTER - IV

KINGS AND CHIEFTAINS

The ancient Tamilagam was ruled by the three powerful monarchs, called Chera,
Chola and Pandya Kings of the three monarchs, the Cheras were mentioned first. The,
early Chera dynastic history is well documented than those of the Pandyas and the
Cholas. The Ten Idylls and the Eight Anthologies are the main sources for the study of
the Chera Kings. Of the Eight Anthologies, the Pathittuppattu, a collection of ten
decades of verses, composed by different poets, throws much light on Cheras. The first
and tenth decades are not available. From the rest of the eight decades a clear picture
of the achievements of the Cheras can be noticed. At the end of each decade, the name
of the poet, the King on whom the decade was sung and the gift bestowed on the poet
are given. The colophons found at the end of each poem may be contemporaneous or
latter additions. Purananuru, Ahananuru, Kuruntogai, Nattrinai, Ainkurunuru and
Kalittogai also refer to the Cheras. Palai Padiya Katunko, a Chera King himself has sung
thirty five songs in Kalittogai. The work Ainkurunuru contains verses narrating the flora
and fauna of the Chera country.

The Cheras ruled a part of Tamilagam, comprised of Konkunadu, North

Travancore, Cochin and South Malabar. The Cheras ruled the country Vanchi as their
capital. But the site of Vanchi is still a matter of controversy among scholars. Professors
R. Caldwell, R. Raghava Iyangar, V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar,
K. A. N. Sastri and N. Subramaniayan have identified Karur a town lying in between
Tiruchirappalli and Erode. Profs. V. Kanagasabbai, S. Krishnaswamy and others identify
Vanchi with a place in the West Coast in the vicinity of Tiruvanjaikkalam, near
Kodungallure. It may be concluded that the Cheras when became powerful, shifted their
capital from the West Coast to Karur. Musiri and Tondi were the important sea-ports of
the Cheras.
The Chera Kings

Pathittuppattu narrates the history of eight Chera Kings. It has two parts, viz. the
Text and Patikam. The second one is a latter production. On the basis of the text, the
achievements of the Kings may be studied.

Utiyan Cheral

He was the Lord of the south eastern and western coast. He sumptuously fed the
hosts of both the combatants in the Mahabharatha war-the five Pandavas and the
twice-fifty Gauravas. Muranjiyur Mutinakkarayar, Mamulanar, llankiranar Kottampalattu
Tunciya Cheraman and llankovadikal sang in praise of Utiyan Cheral. His expeditions and
extension of the empire may be studied from Agananuru, Natu Kan Akarriya
Vtiyancheral. He received wound on his back in his battle against Karikal Valavan and
died by starvation. Feeding the soldiers in the Mahabharata war by Utiyan Cheral is not
possible. The date of the Mahabharatha war and the date of Utiyancheral may not be
the same.

Imayayaramban Netuncheralatan

His generosity and dexterity are compared to that of one Akkuvan of great
valour, Kama.269 He invaded against Kadambas who lived in an island in the midst of the
Ocean, defeated them and cut their Kadamba trees.270 He cut them for making his
drums.271 The decisive battle is identified when author narrates that the back water ran
red with their blood.272 He took gems from the crown of his seven enemies to make an
ornament for wearing it on his breast.273 He is also praised as a great conqueroer of the

269
Pathittuppattu, (P.P.) 14, 11. 5 -7.
270
Ibid; 20; 11.2-4; 12, 1.3; 11, 11. 12-13. Valambadu Murasin Cheralatan Munnerotti Kadambaruttu.
271
Ibid; 17,1-5.
272
Ibid; 11, 11. 9-10.
273
Ibid; 14, 1.11; Ibid. 16, 1.17.
kings of the lands lying between Himalayas and Cape Comorin.274 He destroyed the
forts of his foes by setting fire to them.275

He had true loyal and modest noble men and took their advice sincerely. 276 He
gave away gifts of elephants, horses and chariots to bards and others.277 He also
endowed many charitable institutions278 and his gifts are not interrupted even by
famine or drought.279 He never hesitated to give gifts to poets even if they were not of
the first order.280 His rule was so benevolent that revenue was always in a constellation
favourable to shower them.281

Imayavaramban carved the bow emblem on the Himalayas. He collected

immense tributes of jewels, precious stones and a golden statue from his enemies and
buried them at Mantha murram under the earth for ever.282 He bound up the hands of
the Yavanas and poured ghee on their heads and took their ornaments and precious
stones.283 He granted to his friends the villages taken from the enemies'. 284 Cheralathan
who fought with Karikal Valavan at Venni was filled with shame for having "been

274
Ibid; 11, 11. 23-25
275
Ibid; 20, 11. 19-20.
276
Ibid; 15, 11. 28-32.
277
Ibid; 20, 11. 15-17.
Pulavar Etta Onku pukal Virale
Viriuloi Mavum, Kalirum Terum
Vayiriyar Kannularkku ombattu visi
278
Ibid. 20, 1. 37.
279
Ibid., 18 11-10-12.
280
Op. cit, 20, 11. 22-23
281
Ibid; 13, 11. 25-26
282
Akam; 127, 11. 3-10.
283
PP. 11. 8-11.
284
Ibid; 1-12.
wounded and committed suicide by Vatakkiruttai. Having heard this a number of
learned men did the same.285

Palyanai Celkelukuttuvan

Imayavaramban was suceeded by his brother Palyanai Celkelukuttuvan. He was

the hero of the III decade of Pathittuppattu. He ruled the country for 25 years. Ceruppu
and Aiyirai were the two hills found in his territory. Perunmalai was also another hill
found within his country from which perennially the fertilising periyaru flowing.286
Adikaman Anji of Takadur and Nannan were defeated by him. He conquered the country
of the Kongars who owned plenty of cows. His country was prosperous without any
mishap,287 Imayavaramban had two sons. One of them is called Kalankaikanni Narmuti
Cheral.

Kalankaikkanni Narmuti Cheral

He was the son of Cheralathan of inexhaustible wealth by Patuman Devit the

daughter of Velavikkoman. He ruled for 25 years. He was the hero of the IV decade of
Pathittuppattu.

He defeated Netumital. He also defeated Nannan who rode a golden

288
garland He vanquished Nannan in the battle of Vakaippenmiurai on the west and
regained his country.289 It is also stated that he cut down the head of Nannan and his
Vakai tree, with golden flowers at Peruvayil. He maintained peace in his country by
destroying the power of Nannan.290

285
Akam 55.
286
PP. 28, 11.9-14.
287
Ibid., 28, 11. 13-14.
Cennipucal Allatu Vemmai Aritu Nin Akam talai Nate.
288
Ibid. 32, 1.10.
289
Akam, 199, 1. 19-23.
290
P.pl. iv, 11.1-12
Katal Pirakkottiya Kuttuvan

As he took delight in Naval expeditions he acquired this name. He was the son of
Neduncheralatan by Manakkilli, daughter of a Chola King. He devasted many countries
between the Himalayas and Cape Comorin.291 He invaded against Mokur, the capital of
Palayanmaran took his drum, cut off his sacred margosa trees and made drums with
them.292 He defeated the allied Kings and chiefs and drove them away. He made the sea
recede by throwing his weapon.293 He conquered Viyalur, the capital of Irunko Venman,
King of a mountainous country where gold mines were worked.294 His expedition against
the nine chiefs of the Chola country was successful. 295 After the death of Nalankilli, the
Chola crown passed to Killivalavan, cousin of Cheran Senguttuvan. But Killi's accession
was not accepted by nine of the other members of the Chola royal family princes. They
also revolted against him. Senkuttuvan came to the rescue of his cousin and defeated
the nine rebel princes at Nerivayil and confirmed the royal throne to Killivalavan. He also
destroyed Kodukur.296

While the King and his company made a short visit to the hills and dales, some of
the tribes appeared and narrated an episode of what they have witnessed. That was
about Kannakisvisit to the Chera country and her death. The queen who accompanied
Senguttuvan observed that the chaste but unfortunate Kannagi was worthy of being
worshipped as a Goddess. While he decided to bring a granite from the Himalayas to
carve out a statue for Kannagi the generals of the army informed the King, that the

Ponnanan Kannip polanter

Nannan, Cultarvi Vakai Katimutal Taltikka
Tammiku maintin Narmuticcheral.
291
Ibid., 43, 11-6-10
292
Ibid., 44, 11.10-15.
293
Ibid., 45, 11. 21-22
294
Silappadikaram, XXVIII, 11. 115 ff.
295
P.P. V, 11.18-29.
296
Ibid., 1. 12.
pilgrims from the Himalayas told him that the Princes of North had sneered at the Tamil
Kings. Hearing this, he defeated the Aryan rulers, Kanaka and Vijaya, cut of their tongue
and brought a stone on their head after immersing it in the water of the Ganges. 297 He
carved out a statue for Kannagi and a great consecration ceremony was conducted for
the installation of the statue. Gajabahu I, King of Ceylon participated in this solemn
function.

Atukotpattu Cheralathan

He is described in the VI Decade. He was the son of Kadunkon Neduncheralatan

by the daughter of Vel Avi Koman. He ruled the country for 38 years. He was fond of
Tunankai dance. His interest over Virali's dance was

297
Ibid., V. 11. 4-8.
disliked by his wife.298 Kakkaippadiniyar says that his real interest and likeness over the
songs of Virali's give room for suspicion.299

Celvakkadunko Valiyatan

He is the hero of the VII Decade of Pathittuppattu. He was the son of Antuvan
Cheral lrumporai by Poraiyan Peruntevi. He ruled for 25 years. He ruled Porai Nadu,
which includes Ponnani, Palaikkatu, Vainatu, Valluvanatu, Kurumbar Natu, Koyikkotu
and Ernatu. He besieged the city belonged to Vanavasi and won victory. He brought a
large amount of booty.300

Peruncheral Irumporai

The VIII Decade of Patirruppattu narrates his achievements. He was the son of
Atan. He defeated Kaluvul, the chief of the shepherds and devastated his capital.301 He
was the Lord of Kol and Airai.302 He destroyed Takadur.303 He performed many
sacrifices, observing all rules strictly. Farmers lived happily in his country. They found
gems after rain when they were engaged in ploughing.304 He was very helpful to
Pulaiyar.305 His army consisted of many elephants which looked like Konkars herds of
cattle.

Peruncheral was renowned for his conquest of Takadur, the capital of Adikaiman
Chieftain. The contemporary of Adikaiman was Elini. The expedition of Takadur is
described in an epic called Takaduryattirai. The whole work is not available. The Epic

298
Ibid., 52, 11 14-24.
299
Ibid., 51.
300
Ibid., 63, 11. 11-12.
301
Ibid., 71, 1. 17.
302
Ibid., 1, 14.
303
Ibid., 78, 1.9.
304
Ibid., 76, 11. 14-15.
305
Ibid., 73, 1.9.
was composed by Arisilkilar, Ponmudiyar and others.
According to K.A.N.Sastri, the Epic was a later composition.

Peruncheral lrumporai subdued a cowherd chieftain called Kaluvul and captured his
fortress. At last, He renounced his worldly life and became an ascetic.

Kutakko Ham Cheral Irumporai

He was the son of Perum Ceral lrumporai. He defeated the Chola and the Pandya
Kings. He also defeated the ruler of Vicci and other chieftains and captured Vicci and its
surroundings. He instituted the worship of Satukka Butam in the city of Vanchi. He was
praised by his court poet perum Kunrurkilar. Other Chera Kings are identified from the
Purananuru, Akananuru, Nattrinai and other Sangam literatures.

Perunkadunko

He was a great poet and ruled the Chera country Vanchi as its capital.

Yanaikkatcey mantaran Cherai lrumporai

He ruled the Chera country with Tondi as his capital. He was defeated and
captured by Neduncezhiyan in the battle of Talaiyanankanam. He was also captured
and imprisoned by him, but Irumporai escaped from the prison to save his country and
to avoid the great deterioration. He was also defeated by Perunarkilli who was
accompanied by Malaiyaman Tirumudikkari. Kudalur Kilar, Poruntil Ilankiranar and
Kurunkoliyur Kilar were sung in praise of Irumporai.

Mariveoko
 He was the contemporary ruler of Ukkirapperuvaluti Pandya and Irasasuyam
Vetta Perunarkilli. Chola Poetess, Avvaiyar praised his friendly nature with two other
rulers. She also said, "If you three continue to rule in a friendly way, you could rule the
world, if you find any drift, everything will be spoiled."
Marutham Padiya Ilankadunko

He has sung a song in which he narrates about the battle of Paruvur. In his poem
Hankatunko mentions that he tasted defeat from the hands of the Chola ruler.306

Kokkotai Marpan

The poems of Poykaiyar throw light on the prosperity of his country. 307 The news
of Paliayan Marpan's (the Chief of the Pandya King) defeat in the hands of Chola ruler
Killi Valavan reached the ears of Kokkotaimarpan and he was much pleased.308

Kanaikkal Irumporai

The life history of Kanaikkal Irumporai is the best example to pose the glory of
the Tamils. Kanaikkal Irumporai defeated Muvan and pulled out his teeth and inserted
them on the gates of the fort at Tondi, his capital. Poykaiyar mentions this in a poem
found in Nattrinai. The battle at Tirupporpurain witnessed the defeat of Kanaikkal
Irumporai in the hands of the Cbola King, Senganan. Irumporai was imprisoned in a
prison at Kutavayirkottam, but he died in the prison while a servant of the prison
delayed to supply water, which he wanted to quench his thirst.

Nomenclature

Imayavaramban Cheralatan

He is called Cheralatan and once Neduncheralatan. He is also called

Imayavaramban Neduncheralatan. Imayavaramban means, one who has Himalayas as
the boundary of his realm. In the third decade of Patirriuppattu he is called Arattiruvil
(of exhaustible wealth) Cheralatan. In IV decade, he is called Kudavarkoman
Neduncheralatan. In the V decade, kutakko Netum Cheralatan.

306
Akam-96
307
Puram-48 and 49.
308
Akam-346.
The poems of Akananuru (55-127, 347 and 396) call him Cheralatan and 62 of puram
refers to him as Kudakko Neduncheralatan.

Palayanai Celkelu Kuttuvan

He is called Kuttuvan twice (pp. 22, 1. 27 ; 23, 1. 10) and Perumpalayanai

Kuttuvan once (29,1.14). He is popularly called Palayanai Celkelu kuttuvan.which refers
to the roaming of herds of elephants country in his like clouds.309

Kalankaykkanni Narmuticcheral

He is called Narmudiccheral and Kalankaykanni Narmudic-cheral

(38, 1. 4). Being crowned in a desert he was crowned with a crown of palmyra fibre
(Nar) and wore a garland of Kalamkay, a wild fruit. He is also called Vanavaramban.310

Katal Pirakkottiya Kuttuvan

He is called Kuttuvan in 5 places in Pathittuppattu. He is also entitled Katal

Pirakkottiya Kuttuvan as he crossed the sea with many ships on many times and got
victory. He is different from Senguttuvan of Silappadikaram.

Atukotpattu Ceralathan

This King was fond of Tunangai dance (pp. VI St. 56 11.7-8) hence his name. The
King traced out the sheep of men who lost them in Dandaka forests and returned them
at Tondi, his capital (pp. VI, 11. 3-4). The author of Patikam interprets Ater in the name
Atukotpattu Cheralatan and sings as Kotpatta Varudaiya (Varutai means sheep). The
meaning is interpretted by some scholars differently. The expression is made as

309
P.P. 39-11.17-18.
Sirmiku muttam Taiyiya
Narmuticceral Ninpor nilal pukanre
310
Ibid., 38, 1. 12.
Vasali il Celval Vanavaramba.
Kotpattavar and Udaiyai, which refers clothes and not sheep according to some
scholars. But it does not refer either clothes or sheep but the text proper often refers to
his fondness of dancing i.e. Adal. The author of the Patikam had added the word
Dandaranyam to warrant his interpretatian and invented a story accordingly. He is
called Adukotpattu Cheralathan (VI, 8, 11) and Vanavaramban (VI, St. 6).

Selvakkatunko Valiyatan

The title was referred to after his richness. He may be identified with Poy-il (ever
true) Selvakktunko, father of Perunceral Irumporai He is also called Selvakko (VII, 63,
1.16) Selvakkonan (St. 67, 1.23)Valiyatan Ceralatan in Purananuru43

Peruncheral Irumporai

He is the hero of Takadur Yattlrai, where in he is eulogised by Ponmudiyar. He is

called Irumporai by puram 50. He is called Poraiyan and Kotaimarpan
(St. 73, 1,14)

Ilamkadunko, who is related to Perunkadunko was the author of two poems of

Akananuru (96 and 176). He is not only narrating the incidents but also giving a
beautiful historical sources about the battle of Paruvur, a place identified with
Travancore. He refers to the fact of the defeat of Chera and Pandya Kings at hands of a
Chola ruler, whose name is not specifically mentioned.

Ilanko Adikal who renounced his Kingship in favour of his brother Senguttuvan,
was the author of the famous Epic Silappathikaram.

Perunkadunko, who is prefixed Palaipadiya, gives a beautiful description of

deserts. In his poem Puram 282, he refers to a heroic warrior. He says, "Do you know
where now the true knight of noble deeds live? He lives in the mouths of poets whose

43
Ibid., 56, 11 7-8.
Ventu meymaranta Valcci
Vintu uku porkkalattu Atumkove
trained tongues pour forth sweet verses; though his body indeed has been severed from
life". From another poem of the same King it is noticed that the Malava tribes were
condemned (Akam-337) by the King.

Perunkadunko again describes, If a stay in a strange place without you, let me

pass many days without anybody seeking my charity". It is narrated by the King through
the words of the hero in Kuruntogai.44 Another description of the King Nannan of
Konkanan is found from Nattrinai (202) where he compares, Konku flowers to the
festive lamps of Tirukkartikai. He compares the joy of the hero in meeting the heroine to
that of one who meets in flesh and blood his own tutelory deity. Besides these songs, he
had sung Palaikkali in Kalittogai, ten songs in Nattrinai, ten songs in Kuruntogai and
eleven songs in Akananuru.

Mutakkirunta Cheralathan, otherwise called Mutankkitanta Neduncheralathan is

the author of a poem in Akananuru (30) where he speaks the love of the heroine
through her friends. While narrating her love, he gives a beautiful description of the
Neithal people.

Cheraman Nambi Kuttuvan, though is not found anything about him through
historical sources, his interest towards composing songs can be noticed from the
following poems 145, 236 and 345 of Nattrinai; 109 and 243 of Kuruntokai. The hero
promised to come earlier through his letter when the friend of the heroine met the
hero, the separation of love is described in the poem Nattrinai 345.

44
Kurutogai-137
Meliyal Arivail Ninnal Akam pulampa
Nirturantu Ammaikuven Ayin-Eruturantu
Iravalar Varavaikal
Pala Akute - Yancelavurtakave
 Jlamkatunko succeeds Perunkatunka. Two songs of him are found in Akananuru
and two in Nattrinai. Cheraman Makkotai, who is also called Kullambalattu Tunciya
Cheraman Makkotai gives a pathetic and philosophical description of his affection
towards his wife, whose death brings this songs.45

In another poem 168 of Akam, he refers to the spacious kitchen hall of Utiyan
Cherai. Karuvur Cheran Sattan is the author of the poem 268 of Kuruntogai. Cheraman
Ham Kuttuvan is the author of the poem 153 of Akananuru. Cheraman Entai has
composed the poem 22 of Kuruntokai. Cheraman Kanaikkal Irumporai expressed his
feelings in a poem 74 of puram when he was in prison.46

The Chera Kings And The Tamil Poets

The generosity and valour of the Kings are described by the poets in many places.
For instance, when Selvakkatunko Valiyatan asked Kapilar the cause for the smoothness
of latter's hand Kapiiar replied (VII, 14) "Your hands are employed unlike ours, in rough
work such as handling weapons of war, goading the elephants, grasping the bndle
reins,stringing the bow and present ting ornaments to poets, while ours are employed in
the pleasant task of consuming plenty of meat and food given by your grace.

Selvakkadunkon gave to poets out of magnititude of his heart without minding

their unworthiness to receive such gifts. He granted to his poet Kapilar a lakh of Kanam
and all the lands which he could see from the top of the hill, called Nanra. The same hill
may be identified with Nana, otherwise called Bhavani.

Perunceral Irumporai, another Chera King got out of his palace with his wife and
told his poet Aricil-kilar to take every thing inside the palace. He also offered the

45
Puram-245.
46
Puram-74.
crown, with nine lakh Kanam to the poet, but the poet declined the offer and accepted
the ministership.

The poet Mocikiranar unwittingly got upon the sacred cot on which the drum
used to be placed and worshipped when the drum had been removed for the
ceremonial bathing. Without doing any harm to the poet for this sacrilege, the King
fanned him with Camarams till the poet woke up from sleep (VIII, 50)

Narmuticcheral, gave his poet Kappiarrukkappiyanar 40 lakhs of Pon and a

portion of his revenue. Katal Pirakkottiya Kuttuvan endowed the revenue of
Umbarankkatu and is son Kuttuvan Cheras to his poet Paranar.
 Imayavarmban Netumcheralatan assigned 500 villages in Umbarakkadu and a
portion of the revenue from Tennatu (South Travancore) for 38 years Kumattur
Kannanar who song in his praise.

Palyanai Celkelukuttuvan never failed to patronise bards by gifts of ornaments

even in times of drought (pp. St. 23, 11. 3-10).47

It is stated that his palace, kitchens and Yagasalas were ever smoking in the
preparation of food and havis for his guests and Devas (pp .St. 21 pp. 5-14).

The Chera Kings and the Battle Field

The Chera Kings, achievements in the battle field were described earlier. The
Chera rulers themselves marched into the battle field and rode either on the elephant
or on the horseback. The presence of the King or the prince was essential. This kind of
the presence of the king would naturally to encourage the soldiers. While besieging the
forts, the Kings also would stay months together along with the soldiers. The poetess
Avvaiyar has sung a poem48 in which she describes the blood thirsty nature of the Kings
Nedun Cheral Atan and Peru Virar Killi both of them died in the battle field. "The
elephants became disabled as they were pierced by arrows. The splendid chargers are
all killed with their brave riders. The commanders who drow in their chariots were
slaughtered ruthlessly and their faces were covered with their own shields. The
drummers were also killed and their big thundering drums are found on the ground.
Both the contending Kings have fallen on the battle field, their perfumed breasts pierced
by long lances. Alas! What will become of their fertile countries, in the cool rivers of
which peasant girls decked with bracelets made of lily stalks, leap and sport.

Announcement of War

47
Puram 6 – 8.
48
Puram-63.
 Royal sword and umbrella were adorned with garlands of flowers and were
carried on the chief elephant in royal state to a fort outside the town. When
Senguttuvan announced his decision to march against North, he ordered that the royal
sword and Umbrella should be carried north-wards adorned with flowers. The big drums
thundered, the banners fluttered and the five corporations and the eight great
assemblies, the priests and astrologers, the judges and ministers all exclaimed, "Blessed
be the King." The King also used to give a great feast. Senguttuvan feasted the generals
and chiefs of his army before his march.

Before mounting on the elephants back, the King used to go to temple.

Senguttuvan went to the Vishnu temple before he marched to north. Selvakkadunko
Valiyatan was famous for his army. The trained and well disciplined army of him is
described in the 69th verse of Pathittuppattu.

If the king or any soldier received wounding or a slight scratch on his back, they
won't come back to their native place. Cheralatan got wounded on his back and
ashamed of the same, the King died by observing starvation, a religious rite. Karikalan
got victory in the battle field, but a poetess eulogised more the Chera ruler for his heroic
action than the victorious Chola ruler.49

Village Nomenclature

Some references can be cited for how the Chera Kings honoured the poets by
creating villages in their names. Nachellaiyar, a poetess who lived the down part of
Porainadu, had sung a beautiful song which brought a great glory and she was honoured
as Kakkaippadini. From that day onwards, she was called Kakkaipadiniyar Narchellaiyar.
The King in order to honour the poetess changed the name of the village after her

49
Ibid.66.
Nininum Nallan Anre
Purappun Nani vatakkiruntone.
name as Kakkaiyur. The village is found near Palkot.50 Senguttuvan honoured Sattanar
and Ilanko Adikal and created villages after the names Satianur and Ilankovur. This can
be attested from the works of Ptolemy.51

50
Duraiswamy Pillai, Avvai, S., Ceramannar Varalaru, Tuticorin, 1968, p.170.
51
Mac Crindle’s Translation, Ptolemy, p. 54.
King's Court

The King's court was decorated by the high priest, the chief astrologer, the great
ministers of state and the generals and gallant officers of the army. They must be
present before the arrival of the King. He may also be accompanied by his queen. When
the King entered into the court, the learned scholars and others would exclaim, 'Long
live King of Kings'.

Astrology

When the generals of the army informed the King that the Aryan rulers of the
North Sneered at the Tamil Kings, Senguttuvan got angry and alerted his army to march
against Himalayas. But before his march, he consulted the chief astrologer, who was
learned in that science, which treats of the twelve signs of the Zodiac and the position of
the planets and stars and the five parts of Astrology. He rightly observed and told the
King, "Mighty monarch, may victory ever attend thee. This is the auspicious time, if thou
art pleased to start at once in the direction that thou wishest to proceed all thy rival
Kings shall bow at thy sacred feet".52

Kings would also consult the astrologers to know who will succeed him and gave
training for kingship to his son. For instance, an astrologer appeared in the royal court
of Imayavaramban and predicted that Ilanko, the younger brother of Senguttuvan,
would become the ruler of the Chera country. But Ilanko magnanimously renounced his
wordly life in favour of his brother Kuttuvan and disproved the predictions of the
astrologer.

The Chera Kings performed many religious religious sacrifices, Senguttuvan had
belief in the transmigration of souls. When the chief priest advised him to perform a
magnificent sacrifice, called Rajasuya, so that his soul may be blessed in its future births,

52
Kanakasabhai V., Op.cit., p. 95.
the King ordered to perform a Rajasuya on a grand scale and for the consecration of a
temple to Kannaki.

Selvakkadunko performed many Religious sacrifices.

The glory of the Chera Kings are valued not by their expeditions to Himalayas and
their conquests over the Aryans but by their self-respect and generosity. Unable to bear
the disgrace of having received a wound on the back while fighting, one Chera King
determined to put an end to his life by starvation. Another King died in prison ashamed
of the disrespect by shown a servant of the jail who brought water late in a cup to
quench his thirst.

As Kapilar gracefully complimented the King Selvakkadunko Valyatan, the Chera

Kings were terror to their foes; King towards their subjects, liberal-towards the poets,
strict to their ministers and blood thirsty in the battlefield and blood stained through
victory. In short, the Kings were acclaimed superier to the luminary.

The Chola Kings of the Sangam Age Tolkappiyam, the oldest evidence in Tamil,
mentioning the three imperial races of Tamil Nadu from the very beginning as Vanpukal
Muvar Tanpolil Varaippu53 Pontai Vempe Arena Varuum Maperun tanayar54

These Kings are the natives of the land from the time of its inception; became
Kings gradually. The second quotation cited above shows the symbolic garlands of these
races as :

Palmyra flower garland - Cheran

Atti flower garland - Cholan

Margosa flower garland - Pandyan.

Like wise the emblems fo them are as :

53
Tol. Porul. Sey.., 75.
54
Tol. Porul. Puram. 5.
Bow - Cheran.

Tiger (Panthera Pardus) - Cholan.

fish - Pandyan.

The symbol Panthera Pardus is having close relationship with the life of the then
Cholas. It is obvious that the Chola country has no hills and forests, but thick bushes and
waste lands. Such bushes are the natural abodes of this kind of Cheetah called by the
Zoologists as Panthera Pardus, colloquially called as Perunchiruttai, which has the dots
all over its body in small corona forms.55 Panthers are of running long distances to
capture its prey.Perhaps of its running capacity and of valour it may be named as
Patlnarati Venkai (Tiger of Sixteen feet). As an appreciation of its valour and nativity it
might have been taken as an emblem or symbol of the Chola race.

The Chola dynasty hails that the Kings of this dynasty were the descendants of
the sun, i. e., they belong to the solar race. Cholar Kuliyinar Suriya Kitlatiinar56 is the
observation of the Commentator of Yapperunkalam.

The very concept itself shows the antiquity and close relationship of the Cholas
with the nature. Considering this idea Parimelalagar, the commentator of Tirukkural
expresses that the "Cholas are of the ancient race who had their origin at the time of
creation of this world.57

Tolkappiyam depicts the qualities of the Tamil language and the culture of the
Tamils in the form of Cuttirams which appears to have composed 3000 years ago so it is

55
Karanthai Plates. Emblem.
56
Yapparunkal Viruthy P. 229.

57
Thirukkural. pari. 96 : 5.
obvious that the significant features of Tamil language and culture expressed by
Tolkappiyam would have been anterior to Tolkappiyar,

Among the Tamil Kings of those days, Cheras were noted for their valour. There
was a tradition that the territory of the Cheras ranged from the Himalayas to Cape
Comorin.58 Ancient Tamil Kings were highly ambitious. They wanted to extend their
territory up to Himalayas. They expressed this ardent iove by engraving their emblems
like the Bow, Tiger, fish on the Himalayas.

When the Chola country had its boundaries between Venkatam Hills in north,
Vellaru in the south, Kattaikarai of Karuvur in west and the Bay of Bengal in the east
ruled by llamperum Chenni. A newly rising race in Andhra area named Vadukar made
many attacks on the Cholas. To check their attacks on northern frontier llamperum
Chenni fought against Vadukas at a place called Pali and destructed them.59 The words
of Vampa Vadukar reveal this message as an evidence.

Accoring to Purananuru, it is being known that the Cholas had enemity with the
Pandyan and Paratavars in Souths, Cheras in the north west near Karuvur. Since the
Cholas were having enemies all over their frontiers they have to improve their military
strength both in land and sea. The maritime enterprises and the royal navy of Karikalan
are the evidences of the above fact. In addition to this, the Cholas of the Sangam Age
had the cavalry and elephants in considerable number.

The facts which we have noticed earlier will be of immense help to us to trace
the history of the Cholas in the following lines.

58
Puram, 17.

59
Puram, 33, 66, 378, 385
Tentative Classification

According to the evidences relating to the Saugara period, it has been classified
in to three parts.60 They are,

B.C. 4th – 3rd Centuries Earlyier period

B.C. 3rd – 2nd Centuries Middle period

B.C. 2nd – 1st. Centuries Later period

But the Chera aod Chola Kings mentioned in our ancient literature like
'Purananuru', 'Akananuru' and 'Pathittuppattu' were seemed to have lived from 5th
Century B- C. to 2nd Century A. D. The Cholas, who lived within this time scale are
known as the Cholas of the Sangam Age.

60
Tamil Brahmi Inscriptions p. 2.
Surnames of the Cholas

Surnames of the Cholas mentioned in our literature are valuable data for this
study. 'Purananuru' mentions Seventeen Cholas. Among the seventeen, Ten kings were
having the surnames Killi, Three had Chenni, one Valavan and one CoIan. The poets
who composed poems on these Kings point out their greatness, pedigree, territory,
death place and their glorious deeds in a picturesque way.

According to the evidences from the 'Purananuru' and 'Akananuru' the Cholas
who lived in Sangam age can be listed in the following manner; Chempiyan,
Killivalavan, Nalan killi, Cholan, Netunkilli, Ilavantikai Pallitungiya, Nalankilli, Raja suyam
Velta Perunar Killi, Kurappalli tunjiya Killivalavan, Kulamurrattut tunjiya Killivalavan,
Koppenmar killi, Mutittalai koppenmarkilli, Verapalattatakkai Peruvirar killi,
Uruvappalter llancheichenni, Ceruppali erinta Ilanchet Cenni, Ilancet Cenni, Karikal
Peruvalattan, Kurappalli tunjiya Peruntiruma Valavan, Mavalattan the Brother of
Nalankilli, Kopperuncholan, Koccenganan

From a study of the surnames of the Chola Kings, we are inclined to think that
there were three families or lines of the Chola Kings during the Sangam Age. They were
the Chempiyan, Killi and Chenni. They all belong to the Solar race as they have called
themselves. Though the names of the prominent Choias are mentioned in the ancient
Tamil literature Kings like Sibi and Manu were treated as the originators of the Chola
dynasty. The Killis and their descendant Valavans were mentioned mostly as the
successors of Sibi. Likewise Cempiyans and Choias were mentioned as the descendant of
Manu. Chempiyar, the oldest clan of the Chola race, appears to have come into
prominence, gradually the sudden rise than that of the KW. is and Chennis.
 Among the defeated Kings by some Pandyan Celiyao, a Chempiyan King also
mentioned along with Titiyan, Elini and Erumaiyuran.61 There is no available sources to
establish whether the Chempiar were continued their reign as emperors. Killis and
Cennis ruled with the surnames Valavar and Cholar respectively. It is learnt that the
descendants of Valavar and Cholar were constituted only by the matrimonial links with
Chempiyar. Hence, some works of later period occasionally mention Chola Kings of Killi
and Chenni tradition as Chempiar too.62 Uraiyur was the Capital of the Killi's. In the later
period Kaveripoompattinam became the seaport and as well as the second capital of the
Cholas. It can be presumed that when the King was ruling at the capita! Uraiyur, the
successor (like an younger brother or son) would have ruled the second capital such as
Kaveripoompattinam. A detailed study of the Sangam literary works show that the very
surnames themselves express that some of the Kings who ruled Uraiyur, and those who
ruled from Kaveripoompattinam. Though the surnames were serially given with the
Chola names, we have not any clear evidence to prove, that who was the King and who
was the Prince of that time; their relationships and their regnal years.

The Prefixes and Suffixes

The prefixes like Periya and llaya reveal that the Kings with
Peru like Perunarkilli. Penmtiruma Valavan, Peruncholan ruled from Uraiyur,
whereas the Kings with llaya like Itanchet Chenni, Mavalattan ruled from
Kaveripoompattinam. So that, we can assess the role placed by the Killis as the kings,
ruled the country from Uraiyur were mainly dealing with the administration and the
defence of the kingdom, while the Chennis as the Princes, ruling from
Kaveripoompattinam were mainly dealing with the foreign affairs and the foreign trade.
They have also protected the portal towns and in possession of a strong naval force.

61
Akam., 36.
62
Puram, 10.
Thus, the Cholas of the Sangam Age were able to improve the wealth of their territory
by an efficient administration on one hand and by a sound economy on the other. It is
apparent that the Princes of the Chenni family, when they became Kings, have affixed
the surnames like Thiru, Nalam, Ma, etc., as prefixes and suffixes with their names.
There are evidences like Narkilli, Nalamkilli and Ma valattan etc., Though the three
lines of the Cholas were originated from the single race, only two of these families
namely Killi and Cenni used to dominate the political arena of the Sangam Age
Cempiyars, the main axis of the sun race had links with these two groups. Sometimes
they have been ruling powers. Mostly Chempiyars appear to be the feeders or
supporters to the growth of the other two lines. Inscriptions inform us that this
Chempiyars became chieftains in Sangam period and Government officials in Pallava
period.63

The Three Lines

The
following
Suryan
codification
may explain the
Chempiar
three lines of the
Solar race.
Killi Chenni

Compiar

Mavalattan Valavan

63
S.I.I. vol. xviiCholan
– Ins. No. 456

Rajakesari Parakesari
Geneology

Evidences about this origination were explained in the epigraphs and

literatures of the later Cholas. They are Anpil Plates of Parantaka II, Larger Leiden
Plates of Rajaraja I, Thiruvalankadu Plates of Rajendra Chola I, Karanthai Plates of
Rajendra Chola I, Sarala Plates of Vira Rajendra Chola, Kanyakumari Inscription of Vira
Rajendra Chola, Kalingattupparani, Kulottunga Cholan Ula, Vikrama Cholan Ula, Rajaraja
Cholan Ula, etc.

According to the version of Ottakuttan in his 'Ula'sthe following list of the Cholas
of the Sangam Age is given : Thintmal, Brahman, Kasipan, Marici, Suryan, Manu, Mant at
a Musukuntan, Killivalavan, Suraguru, Thungelyil erinta totittot Cempiyan, Samutrajit,
Suratiita Cholan, Sibi, Sivugan (Kaveran, Sitmratan), Karikalan, Koccenkat Cholan

When we compare these Cholas of the Ulas with the Cholas mentioned in
Sangam literature this will appear as a list of legendary rulers. But Karanthai Plates give
a helpful hand to us. According to this Grant, the Geneology of Cholas is given as:64
Sun, Mann, Ichuvaku, Man tat a Musukuntan, Sibi, Cholan, Rajakesari, Parakesari,
Suraguru, Uparisaravasa, Karikalan.

64
Karanthai Plates Euology.
 When we compare the list of Chola Kings mentioned in Vikrama Cholan Ula and
Karanthai Copper Plate grant, we find that the names are in different chronological
order. In the Ulas, Tirumal is mentioned as the originator of the Chola race.
Successively Brahman, Kasipan, Marici are mentioned. Only after this four 'Sun65 is
mentioned. But, some early epigraphs mention Sun' as the originator. This difference in
the Ula of Ottakkuttan exposes, the intruding factors in the geneological table of the
Cholas. But the observation of the epigraph that the Sun as the progenitor of the Chola
family is acceptable by its affinities with the mankind Both in literature and in epigraphs
though Manu, Mantata and Musukuntan are mentioned after 'Sun', Karanthai Plates
denote Ichuvaku as the successor of Sun13 Generally it is said that the Cholas were
following the traditional lanes of Manu which constituted by the emperor Manu himself
for the well being of mankind. Placing Manu after 'Sun' is seemed to be right by this
fact. Thus Sun as appears as the progenitor and Manu as the originator of the Chola
family. Next famous King was Sibi. He was placed in the sixth place by the epigraphs
and fourteenth by the literature like Ula. Though there is difference in the order, the
facts about Sibi are identical. Such difference in the order of placing Sun to Vijayalaya
may be cleared by a close study of the geneological list given by epigraphy and
literature. Following Sibi, a King named Cholan is mentioned. Karanthai Plates narrates
him with new historical flashes as: "Cholan emerged in the Sun race, as a full moon to
the Sea. Only after him the Kings of this race were named as Cholas.''66 From these
lines, we come to know the new historical fact that the very name Cholan was once
proper name of a King and afterwards it has gradually turned into a surname. After
Cholan, his son Rajakesari succeeded. Rajakesari was succeeded by his son Parakesari.
Both of them were famous emperors. The successors of these Kings prefixed with their

65
Karanthai Plates Euology 3.
66
Karanthai Plates Euology 7.
name these Kings' names alternatively. Karanthai Plates explain this fact as: "After
them the names of Rajakesari and Parakesari became the surnames of the successors
alternatively.67 We have evidences for this fact only from the rule of Vijayalaya
onwards. There is hardly any reference to this in the sur names of the Chola Kings of the
Sangam Age. The three Ulas do not mention Cholan, Rajakesari, and Parakesari. But
Kalingathupparani, the main source for these Ulas explains the King named Suratirajan
who established the race name Cholan and the succession of Rajakesari and Parakesari,
and the tradition of having the Tiger as the emblem of this royal dynasty.68

From this information, it is observed that the three lines of the Sun race namely
Chempiatii, Killi and Chenni have become the 'Chola' family after the rule of the
emperor known as Cholan. Among such Kings, Rajakesari and Parakesari would have had
initially the emblem of Tiger, their names afterwards become the surnames of the
alternate Kings. It is not easy to identify this Cholan, Rajakesari and Parakesari with the
data available in the Sangam literatures. Suratittan, the thirteenth member mentioned
in the .Ula is seemed to be identical with the Cholan mentioned by Akananuru.11 The
first King who had the surname Cholan in the Sangam literature is Kopperum Cholan.
The Valavans like KarikarperuValavan., PenmtirumaValavan and Mavalattan are
noteworthy. Karikarperuvalattan mentioned in the sixteenth place of the Ula's list of
Chola Kings and twelfth in the epigraphs. But in Pattinappalai and Porunarattuppadai,
this monarch finds a supreme place.69 Some researchers have opinion that Karikalan
and Thiru-mavalavan are not one and the same person. They were two different
personalities lived in different times say as 1st century B.C. and 2nd Century. A. D.
respectively. Anyhow there are no definite clues, to identify the Karikalan who raised
the embankments of Kaveri with Thirumavalavan, who ruled over Kaverippampattinam.

67
Karanthai Plates Euology 9.

68
Kalinga. Raja. 14.
69
Akam. 60, 93.
It is definite, that Kings like Karikarperuvalattan, Kurappalli tunjiya peruntirumavalavan,
and Mavalattan are the ancestors of Kocchenkat Cholan. In a glance, we can see the
continuation of the Cholas as :

Suryan, Cholan, Chempian, Rajakesari, Killi and Chenni Parakesari, The

Geneology may expose the line of Kings as :

Manu, Cholan, Mantala, Mavalattan, Sibi, Kopperuncholan and so on.

When we accept Suryan or Manu as the progenitor of the Cholas royal family,
we may be able to decide that Koscenganan was the last of the Sangam Cholas,
followed by Nalladi. During his period, the Cholas reign would have declined.
Kocchenganan is mentioned in Purananuru, As a donor, he built Seventy two storeyed
temples for Siva. This information is acknowledged by the religious literature like
Devaram Tivyaprabandham70 and Periyapuranam. Akananuru mentions Nalladi as the
suceessor of the Cholas (Cholar Marugan).71

The Capitals of the Cholas

Among the capitals of the Cholas mentioned in the Sangam literature, Uraiyur
appears as the ancient one fortified with strong moats etc. in

70
The Hero of these two works were mentioned as Karikalan. The authors are different.
71
Akam. 356.
Pattinappalai and Silappathikaram, the portal town Kaverippumpattinam has been
glorified72

Meanwhile, Purananuru states that Avur, a town between Uraiyur and

Kaverippumpattinam was also strongly fortified and the treasures of the Cholas were
hidden at Kudavasal, a place very near to Avur.

Capitals

Since Manu is included in the list of the Cholas, as the originator his capital Arur
should also be treated as capital of the Cholas.73 These strong capitals of those Cholas
might have declined and diminished in their importance during the period of the last
Sangam. So it was inevitable to find a new capital with more strength and defensive
environments,during 2nd and 3rd Centuries A. D. Such a new capital was found at a
different landscape. Although the earlier capitals Uraiyur, Kaverippumpattinam and
Arur were having strong fortification, which could not be defeated by the enemies and
they were all situated on the banks of the Kaveri and its branches. Though the Chola
Kings were able to save the capitals from their enemies by their valour, they were
unable to prevent the destruction of these towns from the natural calamities like the
floods of Kaveri. In order to save the capital and prevent the natural calamity, Karikalan,
the great raised the embankments of Kaveri near Uraiyur which had been recorded in
the epigraphs and literature.74 Uraiyur and other towns excluding
Kaverippoompattinam have become prey several times to the fury of the floods of
Kaveri while Kaverippumpattinam, the sea port of the Cholas was destroyed by both
the sea and the river Kaveri.75 So the Chola Kings of those days were in need of a
capital town which would not become an easy prey to the natural calamities and at the
72
Akam - 356
73
Peria Puranam - Nakaraccirappu
74
Kalingathupparani - Rajaparampariyam
75
Mani. Patikam
same time it should have natural fortifications. Besides this they were looking for a
central place in their kingdom. Kocchenkat Cholan who constructed 72 temples of Siva
on the banks of Kaveri might have witnessed the destruction of his own constructions
by the floods. So, he constructed temples on strong raised plinth platforms of stones, so
as to resist the floods.76 But he did not take any preventive steps to safeguard those
towns from the fury of floods. His successor Nalladi with his father's bitter experience,
of the floods of Kaveri found a suitable place for his stronghold as a capital between
Uraiyur and Kaverippoompattinam and in the middle of his country near Thanjavur.
This is a plateau rarely seen in Kaveri delta, which might have satisfied his expectations
for the establishment of a new capital. He has planned well, and constructed the new
capital there, with a strong fort on the hard soil of that place which had no troubles
from Kaveri and its branches and also from the sea. Since the soil was hard enough,
that place was called as Valman" (The hard soil) which in later times has been called as
Vallam. Akananuru mentions this truth as; Nalladi was ruling over Chola country from
Vallam, a well fortified capital town constructed by him. According to the versions of
Akananuru, Vallam Kilavon Nalladi.77 Nalladi would have ruled Chola country consisting
of a small area. His date of ruling may be fixed in the 3rd century, A. D. After him this
capital might have been captured by the invaders like Kalabhras and Mutharaiyas.
Thus, the Chola royal family which traced its origin with the sun, continuosly ruled for
five centuries gloriously up to the days of Nalladi, the successor of Kocchenganan, the
last illustrious ruler of this dynasty. This Nalladi may be the last Chola ruler of the
Sangam Age who can be considered as the progenitor of the Later Chola dynasty of the
Vijayalaya line. Vallam, the capital town of the Cholas founded by Nalladi was in
flourishing condition until the rule of Nayak Kings of Thanjavur, like Vijayaraghava

76
Tiruvai Mozhi – Peria thiru Mozhi
77
Akam. 336, 356.
Nayakkar78 Later on, the fort and the moat might have been destroyed. Now we find
only a few mounds. Yet the remaining portions of the walls of the fort, moat and the
mounds tell us the heroic episodes of the warriors and give some glimpses of the
grandeur of the Chola royal family of the Sangam Age.

The Pandya Kings of the Sangam Age

The Pandyas were the founders of Sangam or Kudal and patronised it from time
immemorial. They were the traditional rulers of Pandyan Kingdom from early times and
ruled upto the 14th century A.D., with all glory and splendour and continued to rule as
subordinates till the 17th century A.D.

Kingdom of the Pandyas

The Pandya Kingdom, watered by the rivers Vaigai and Tamraparanai comprised
the modern Madurai, Ramanathapuram, Tirunelveli and Kanyakumari. The river Vaigai
has been immortalised not only in Puranas but also glorified in Paripadal as Vaigai. The
river Tamraparani, mentioned in Kalidasa's Raghuvamsa, did not find in a place by this
name in the Sangam Literature. It was known as Tan Porunai. As this is fed by both
south western monsoons and the north eastern monsoons, it is in full spate twice a year
and enriches the plains of Tirunelveli.Though there is no definite reference about
Tirunelveli, Korkai at the mouth of the Tamraparan was the capital of Pandyas. After the
destruction of Then Madurai and Kapadapuram, the then Pandyas shifted to the present
Madurai. V. Kanakasabhai is of the opinion that this Madurai is called after the sacred
city of Muttra, on the bank of the Yamuna.79 There are number of hypotheses relating
to the antiquity of the Pandyas.

Legendary Origin of the Chera, Chola and Pandyas

78
Nayak Rulers of Tanjore, p.148.
79
Kanakasabhai, V., Op.cit., P. 12.
 It seems that these three were brothers who at first lived and ruled in common at
Korkai and then they were separated, Pandyan remained at home and Cheras and
Cholas went forth to seek their fortune elswhere.80

Derivation of the term Pandya

R. Caldwell derives Pandya from the Sanskrit Pandu, the name of the father of
five Pandavas of Mahabharata.81 The word Pandya has been derived by some scholars
from Pandiyam (meaning toil, service) and so refers to the Pandyas, the men of action. 82
The Pandyas are also known as Meenavar, Kauvuriyar, Panchavar, Tennan, Celiyan,
Maran, Valuti, etc.83 As the name indicates, Meenavar, originally must have been
indicated as fishermen origin to the Pandyas, which it could easily refer to the Kings with
the fish emblem, even as Villavar indicated a hunter origin to the Cheras 84 Kauravas and
Panchavar were the result of the attempt to connect them with the heroes of
Mahabharata and as a consequence the legend of Arjuna's matrimonial alliance with the
Pandyan family. Tennavan means the southerner and easily refers to the Pandyas, as the
Kunavar refers to the Pandyas, as the Kudavar refers to the Cheras. Celiyan and Valavan
are perhaps derived from the words Celumai and Valamai meaning fertility and
prosperity. Cheliyan is found to be the most common title in the names of the Pandyas
such as Nedunjeliyan. llanjeliyan and Vetriver Cheliyan. Maran was perhaps used as an
equivalent of Tennavan as these two words can refer to the Lord of the southern
direction namely Kala.85

Sources

80
Caldwell, R., A History of Tirunelvelly, Delhi, 1982, p. 12.
81
Ibid.
82
Subramanyan, N., Sangam Polity, Op.cit., P. 38.
83
Silambu xv: 2; Puram 58 ; Silambu. iv : 22.
84
Subramanyan, Op.cit., P. 39.
85
Ibid.
 Coins defenitely attributable to the early Pandyas are very rare. A few gold
specimen to the Pandyan emblem of fish are known. Hence they do not help for the
study-of the Pandyan History.86 Only the Non - Tamil references such as the Bible,
foreign notices, Arthasastra and Asoka’s Rock Edicts throw light on the antiquity of the
Pandyas, besides the references found in Sangam Literature and the Puranas. None of
the legends in the Thiruvilaiyadal Puranams of Perumparrappuliyur Nambi and
Paramjothi Munivarand Halasmahatmya can be taken as proof as they mention the
same name of the King in all the lists, to have founded in Madura.87

The oldest Dravidian word found in any written record in the world, appears to
be the word for peacock in the Hebrew text book of Kings and Chronicles in the list of
the articles of the merchandise from Tarshish and Ophir (Uvari) in Solomon's ships.88

Valmiki Ramayana mentions, that the Pandyan Kingdom was lying on the way to
Srilanka. Mahabharata narrates, that one Vijaya married a princess in Madurai, which
corroborates with the reference in Mahavamsa, that the first ruler of Ceylon, Vijaya had
matrimonial alliance with the Pandyan family in Madurai. Caldwell opines, that
Mahabharata story of Vijayan marrying a Pandyan princess might be a wholly
unwarranted invention of the Tamil translator. Anyhow these two epics prove that the
Tamil Kingdom was in existence when they were written.89 Kautilya in his Arthasastra,
gives the place of honour among the pearls of Tamraparani, Pandyan Kavatakam and
the cotton fabrics of Madurai.

Megasthenes, the Greek Ambassador in the court of Chandra Gupta Maurya (324
- 300 B. C) gives an account of what he saw and heard in this country. His account of the
Pandyan Kingdom is the first authentic source. But scholars do believe that his
86
Sastri, K. A. N., Pandyan Kingdom, Luzac, 1929, p. 9.
87
Ibid., p. 13.
88
Caldwell, R., Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian languages, London, 1913, p. 127.
89
Caldwell, R., A. History of Tinnevelly, Op.cit., p. 13.
statements on the Pandya country are mixture probably of dependable historical truth
and pleasant gossip, though his description of what he saw is credible and seems to be
indubitable, as notices are based on hearsay were naturally conditioned by his
informant's veracity or lack of it.90 He narrates that the Pandyan kingdom was in fact a
Queendom; it was never ruled by males. Herackels91 had a daughter by name
Pandaia who be queathed the southern part of the peninsula from her father and hence
the country came to be called Pandya after her. This is rather contrary to the Indian
tradition of patriarchy. There is hardly any case of women ruling the land of her own
right, in later Tamil country.

90
Subramanyan, N., History of Tamil Nadu, Op.cit. P. 13.
91
Subramanyan opines, that Herackles is the Greek equivalent of Siva, History of Tamil Nadu, p. 44. Caldwell says
that the Krishna myth has fed the story. History of Tirunelvelly, p. 15,
 He adds that there was a practice of citizens paying their tribute to the royal
household in kind and in appointed terms. This is confirmed by a reference in Silambu
to this Cowherdess turn to provide milk products to the royal household. Katyayana
mentions about the Chola and Pandyas in the 4th century B. C.
There are references about the Pandyas in HathiGumppa inscriptions
(3rd century B. C.)92

The most important, earliest and indubitable reference to Cholas, Pandyas, the
Satyaputras and the Kerala Putras as far as Tambraparani (Ceylon), as independant
neighbours beyond the imperial borders, is in the rock edicts of Asoka. Recently, the
existence of. rock cut beds with the Tamil Brahmi inscriptions have been brought to
light,93 which confirm its reception of Buddhism mentioned in Rock Edict XIII and the
Mahavamsa. But they throw light on, that the possession of alphabetical system was
one of the factors in the civilisation of the Pandyan Kingdom in the 3rd and 2nd
centuries B. C, if not earlier.

Moon worship was a persistent faith with the Tamils and as a consequence the
Pandyas too, believed that they were the descendants of the Moon God. Perhaps it was
the earliest belief which suggests the divine origin for the Kings of Tamilakam. So also,
the Cholas believed that they descended from the Sun God, which was perhaps an after
thought to have a competitive title to match the Pandyan lunar race. It is therefore, no
doubt, that these attempts made to explain the ancient titles of these Pandyas prove
the antiquity of the Pandyas.

Sangam

These Pandyas seemed to be great scholars and founded an academy in which

the men of letters, composed verses on various aspects of life of the Tamils. They tried

92
Pillay, K.K. History of Tamil Nadu, Her People and Culture, Madras, 1971, p. 97.
93
Ibid., p. 79.
to wean the wordly ambitions of the Kings and tried to inculcate in them a quench of
thirst for the salvation of the soul A large number of poems composed by the poets of
this academy is collectively known as Sangam literature. The age in which these poets
lived and wrote their literary works is called the Sangam Age. Sangam is a Sanskrit word
which means an association of poets. A Sangarn of poets is therefore, as, association of
poets. There are different views about the historicity of the Tamil Sangam.

There is no term Sangam used in the Sangam literature. The laudatory preface to
the Tolkappiam composed by Permamparanar, a contemporary of Tolkappiyar says that
Tolkappiam was subjected to hostile criticism by Athankottasan, another contemporary
in the avaiyam of Nilantaru Tiruvir Pandiyan. The term used is Avaiyam,94
MaduraiKanchi gives the predecessors of Nedunjeliyan II (Conqueror of
Talaiyanamkanam battle) as Nilandaru Tiruvir-Pandiyan, famous for the institution of
the assembly of good scholars of reputation and Palyakasalai Muthukudumi Peru95

It is brought to light that there was also a Buddhist Sangam.96 Kalittogai gives an
account of great scholars.97 Nedunjeliyan II refers to an association of Scholars for
which Maruthan of Mankudi was the President.98 The term Sangam is applied for the
first time during the 6th century by the Saiva saint Appar.99 Gnanasambandar used the
word Tokai100. Therefore it is clear that there was an academy of wisemen and
according to Akapporul there were three Sangams at Thenmathurai, Kapadapuram and
Madurai respectively.101 The scholars assume, that the Sangams existed from the 4th

94
Tolkappiyam, Pref.
95
Pattupattu, 6:761 – 763.
96
Manimegalai, XXX3; VII; 113 – 114.
97
Kali-68., Kali-35.
98
Puram, 72.
99
Appar Devaram Tirupputtur Tiruttandagam 3.
100
Gnanasambandar Devaram Thiru Alavai Patikam,
101
Akapporul.
century B. C. to 4th century A. D. which can be treated as just a hypothesis.102 Though
there are references about some Pandyas in the Sangam literature, it is very difficult to
trace out their history. Iraiyanar Akappond says that Kaisinavaluti was the founder of
the first Sangam and Kadungon was the last patron of it. It speaks again of Venter Celian
to Mudattirumaran as rulers who patronised the second Sangam from Kapadapuram
and mentions Mudattirumaran to Ukkiraperuvaluti as the Pandyan patrons of the last
Sangam. An effort has been made to throw some light on the Pandyas who had been an
inspiration to the poets of whom the earlist were Vadimbalamba Ninra Pandiyan and
Pandiyan Palyakasalai Muthukudumi Pentvaluthi who existed before the destruction of
Kapadapuram.103

Pandyas of the Second Sangam

The earlist name of Pandya available is Nilantharu thiruvir Pandiyan. He was also
known as Meikeerthi. Nachinarkkiniyar, the commentator of Tolkappiyam says, that
Tolkappiyam was read in the court of Nilantharuthiruvir Pandiyan and ruled for 24000
years which must have been an exaggeration. Perhaps, this King lived for a very long
period as he is called Nediyon.104 He created the river Pakruli before the deluge and
celebrated a festival for the
Sea God.105 His achievements find a place in the Thiruvilaiyadal of Madura106 and also
among the traditional achievments of the Pandyan Kings mentioned in general terms in
the Velvikkudi and Sinnamanur Plates.

102
Subramanyan, N. Sangam Polity, op.cit., p. 10. He concludes that the true Sangam period is from 3 rd century
B.C. to 3rd Century A.D. History of Tamil Nadu. p. 43.
Pillay, K.K. is of opinion that the Sangam existed between 4 th Century B.C. to 3rd Century A.D. History of
Tamil Nadu and Culture. p. 83.
103
Tolkappiya Payira Urai (Nac.) No. 21.
104
Puram : 9 ; Mathurai. 60-61.
105
Ibid.
106
Nambis Thiruvilaiyadal, No. 21.
Palyakasalai Muthukudumi Peruvaluthi

He is a more tangible figure who is praised by three poets, in five short poems.107
He was a patron of poets and benefactor. He had a number of conquests and he
ploughed the conquered territory with white mouthed asses. Known as Muihukudumi
he performed many sacrifices (Yagnas) and he came to be called Palyakasalai
Muthukudumi Peruvaluthi.108

The Sinnamanur Plates contain an indirect reference to him as the performer of

many sacrifices. He was the original donor of Velvikkudi, which was confiscated by the
Kalabhras and later awarded to the original donees by Nedunjadayan Parantaka.109.

Maruthan of Mangudi who glorifies Nedunjeliyan II pays tribute to this King.110

Therefore, the references found in Sangam literature were later on confirmed in the
Inscriptions and Copper Plates too.

As Nettimaiyai blesses him to live for a long period like the sands of river Pakruli
he should have lived before the deluge. He was a devotee of Lord Siva and had great
reverence for the wise and good.

The Pandyas of the Third Sangam

The scholars believe that the Sangam came to an end in the third century A. D.
Iraiyanar Akapporul says that there were Kings altogether and the researchers assume
that each reigned for 40 years approximately.111 The Akapporul gives the names of the
first and last rulers of all the three Sangams.112 The Sangam literature, such as

107
Nettimaiyar, PURAM 9, 12, 15; Nedumpalliyattanar Puram 64; Karikala, Puram 6.
108
Puram 6; 64.
109
Velvikkuid Grants.
110
Mathurai; 759; 761 - 762
111
Pandarathar, T.V.S., Pandyar Varalaru, Madras. 1972, p. 8.
112
Akapporul, pp. 7-8.
Akananuru, Purananuru, Kuruntogai, Paripadal Mathuraikanci, Silappathikaram and
Manimegalai give an account of a few Pandyan Kings, among whom Mudathirumaran
was the earliest.

Mudathirumaran

He was the last of the second Sangam and founder of the third Sangam. After the
deluge and destruction of Kapadapuram, he shifted to Manalur place reportedly
mentioned as the Pandyan capital in Mahabharata) and then to the persent Madurai. 113
Jatavarman Parantaka Pandya's Copper Plates also assume, that he was the founder of
the third Sangam.114 He was a poet and has two sonnets on Palai and Kurinji to his
credit.115 He was called Mudattirumaran as he was lame.

Pandyan Mathivanan

He was also one of the patrons of the Sangam and the author of a dramaturgy
known as Mathivanan Nataka Nul of which only a few Sutras are traceable in the
commentary of Adiyarkkunallar on Silappathikaram.

Porkai Pandyan

The story of this legendary Poikai Pandyan is narrated to Kannaki by

Mathurauathi, the Goddess of Madurai. He cut his own hand to establish justice on
earth and had an artificial golden hand and hence the name. Palamoli also mentions
him.116

Kadalul Mayntha Ham Peruvaluthi

113
Ibid., P. 5.
114
Verses, 45-46.
115
Nattrinai : 105, 228.
116
Silappathikaram, 23, 42 – 53; Palamoli v. 76.
 The epithet Kadalul Maynta suggests that he got drowned in the sea. He was a
poet of eminence and a great warrior. The prefix Ilamperu denotes that he was highly
intelligent and philosophic, while he was very young. His verse in Paripadal advising the
people to worship the deity Tirumal of Tirumalirunjolai on any account and his wish to
live at the foot of the hill, worshipping the lord Tirumal proves that he was a great
devotee of Lord Tirumal like Kulasekaralvar,117 He was good in singing Palai and
Kuriniji.118 His contribution in Puram119 is another proof for his high intellectualism and
philosophical speculations.

Pandyan Arivudai Nambi

He was also a great warrior and philonthropist. As a man of letters, he too had
some poems to his credit in the Sangam literature. He always honoured the scholars
fulfilling their wishes and an instance to quote was, that he was corrected by a poet
Pisir Antaiyar, when he levied heavy taxes and reduced them, in accordance to the
wishes of the poet.120 Perhaps he had no issues for a long lime and when he was
blessed with one, his ecstacy knew no bounds and his expression of joy became a
beautiful poem in which he says, that blessed by their fascinating deeds.121 His another
poem is in the anthology of Akananuru.122

Ollaiyurthantha Bhutha Pandyan

He was a great warrior, an eminent scholar and a patron of poets. He loved his
wife who was a woman of virute so much, that he never wanted to part from her and
had a host of good friends in Mavan of Mayyal, famous Anthuvanchattan, Athan Azisi

117
Paripadal : 15 which was tuned by Maruthuvan Nallaccutanar.
118
Nattrinai ; 55, 56.
119
Puram. : 182.
120
Ibid., 184.
121
Puram : 188.
122
Akam : 28.
and Iyakkan and considered that it was a great blessing to be the ruler of the Pandyan
kingdom, which is clearly shown in his song of oath.123

His beloved queen Perimkoppmdu was also a poetess and her grief at the sudden
demise of her husband found expression in a verse on the occasion of her sali, (self-
immolation). Inspite of the requests of poets like Mathurai Peralavayar, not to immolate
herself,124 she burnt herself proving that they were inseparables.

Nedunjeliyan I

He was the greatest among the Pandyas of the Sangam age. His victory over the
Aryan hordes of the North is indicated by the prefix Ariyappadaikadanta and attested by
the expression, Vadaariyanpadaikadania.125 He was the famous king who ordered the
execution of Kovalan (hero of the epic Silappalikaram) in haste and died on the throne
itself as soon as he realised his folly, when Kannaki, the widow of Kovalan proved, that
the anklet which caused the death of her husband was not the queen's. He was a
distinguished poet who exalts education before all other-things. He says that among the
sons of a mother it is not the eldest who is honoured but the learned whose counsel
even a King will seek.126

Nanmaran

After the death of Nedunjeliyan I, his younger brother the prince Vettriver
Cheliyan, also known as Nanmaran, who was a viceroy at Korkai, immediately rushed to
Madurai and ascended the throne. He restored law and order in the kingdom.127 He

123
Puram : 71
124
Ibid., 246
125
Silambu : 23, 14-18
126
Puram : 183.
127
Silambu : 23, 14-18.
was a contemporary of Cheran Senguttuvan. He died at Chitra Madam (a hall of
portraits,) as the prefix Chitramadathu tunjiya suggests.

Nedunjeliyan II

He was the most illustrious among the rulers of ancient Tamilakam. He ascended
the throne as a youth. Hence his enemies Mantaral Cheral Irumporai and a Chola King128
formed a confederacy with Titiyan of Potikai, Elini ox Athikaman, chief of Takadur,
Erumaiyuran or the ruler of the Buffalo country (Mysore), Irunko Venman and
Poriman129 to crush the power of he Pandyas, waged war against the young Pandyan
ruler The young Nedunjeliyan attackcd them at their rendezvous at Talaiyanankanam
(Talaiyalam Kadu, in Tanjore Dt.) and vanquished the confedarates.130 and came to be
known as Talaiyanankanattu Cheruventra Nedunjeliyan (the victor of Talaiyalankanam
battle). Hence the epoch making victory is found celebrated in the Inscriptions of the
Pandyas of the 10th century A. D.

The young Pandya was not satisfied with this victory perhaps, and led a large
army of the skilled archers and lancers into Milalaikurram, the southern province of the
Chola Kingdom and defeated the ruler Evvi, chief of an ancient clan of the Velirs and
annexed Milalaikurram to his dominion. He also annexed Mutturkunam the eastern
province of the Chera Kingdom.131 The Pandyas conducted an expedition personally to
the Chera territory and the Chera King Cey132 who managed to escape from custody and
was pursued by the Pandyas upto the shores of the western sea and was defeated in a

128
Rajukalidos doubts whetehr this King was Rajasuyam Vetta Perunarkilli. This Rajasuyam Vetta
Perunarkilli was firendly with Velliambalattutunjiya peruvaluthi, successor or Nedunjeliyan II. History
& Culture of the Tamils, 1976, P. 50.
129
Akam : 36; Mathurai : 127 – 130; 55 – 57.
130
Ibid., 162. 20-21
131
Puram : 24
132
Puram : 17
battle near Musiri.133 Alumbilvel, one of the feudatory Chiefs of the Chera King was
dispossessed of his lands .134 Another campaign mentioned, seems to be against a
Kongu chief, Atikan by name in a place somewhere near Uraiyur.135

Nedunjeliyan himself was a poet and when he came to know that the two Kings
and the five chieftains were planning to attack him, he got so wild, which made him
swear an oath of heroism and victory which became an excellent poem of great force
and beauty. This poem shows that he wanted to be glorified by the poets including
Nakkirarjais father Kanakkayanar, Paranar and Kalladanar, honoured by the whole
world, chief among whom is the learned Maruthan of Mangudi and his kingdom worthy
of their poem, and he wanted to be of help to those in need and loved by his subjects. 136

The King's love of his soldiers and solicitude for the wounded in the camp are
beautifully described by Nakkirar, in his Nedunelvadai. Maruthanar of Mangudi is all in
praise for Nedunjeliyan, in his Malhuraikanchi, which was composed to wean the kings
mind from worldly ambition and to awaken in him a desire for salvation of the soul. The
other poet who joined hands with Maruthan is Kudapidaviyanar and the poets who have
paid encomium are Kalladanar and Paranar137 Mokur Palayan was his friend.138 Two
Brahmi Inscriptions discovered in Madurai refers to one Nedunjeliyan. The Mangulam
inscription,139 as read by Iravadam Mahadevan, records the donation of a monastery by
an officer of Nedunjeliyan and another discovered by Dr. K. V. Raman and Y.

133
Akam : 57
134
Mathurai : 344 - 345
135
Kuruntogai : 393; Akam : 253
136
Puram : 72
137
Ibid., 18, 19, 23, 25, 353; 371, Akam : 116, 162, Kur, 393.
138
Mathurai : 771, 772.
139
Dr. Nagasamy confirmed that Mennakshipuram is nearer to the inscriptions and one should not ge t
confused with Mangulam. Nagasamy (ed) Kalvettiyal. Damili Inscription, 1972 P. 49.
Subbarayulu records the gift of a cave by a Pandyan chief, probably of the same age. 140
Raju Kalidos attributes these to Nedunjeliyan I.141 But Iravadam Mahadevan believes,
that the Nedunjeliyan in these inscriptions should have lived in the second century B. C,
and considers that the two Nedunjeliyans lived after Christ. Dr. R. Nagasamy, also
accepts that the inscriptions do belong to the 3 rd to 2nd century B. C. but is of the
opinion that there are no evidences to prove whether the Nedunjeliyan ruled after
Christ.142 It is, still a mystery who the Nedunjeliyan in the Inscription was and has to be
traced out. Kanagasabhai Pillai assumes, that this Pandyan is the one, who died at

Velliambalam and therefore he is known as the Velliambalam Vinjia Peruvaluthi.

He says that be ascended the throne a few years before the death of Karikal Chola. After
his victory at Talaiyanankanam, he appears to have been on terms of friendship with the
great Chola as may be seen from the stanza composed by the poet Karikkannan of
Kaveripoompattinam. The period of his reign was most probably from about 90 A. D. to
128 A.D.143

Prof. Avvai Duraisamy, says that just to differentiate this Chola, from Karikala
Chola, as he was also knowa as Perunthi-rumavalavan, this King was given epithet
KurappalH Tunjiya Penimthirumavalan.144 The other poets who have sung of this King
are Erichulur Mathurai Kumaran and Maruttuvan
Dhamodharan. So it is clear that he was not the King who died in the temple of

140
Raman, K. V., Some Aspects., p. 81.
There was a chieftain by name Nedunjeliyan who has secured a place in the antholoy ofpurananuru,239.
141
Raju Kalidos, History & Culture of the Tamils, Madurai, 1976. p – 56.
142
Nagasamy, R., (ed.) Kalvettiyal, Nagasamy, R. ”Tamili Inscription, 1972, p. 53.
143
Kanagasabhai, V., op.cit., p. 84.
144
Puram. 197.
Siva at Madurai (Velliambalam). Hence it is clear that this Nedunjeliyan is not the
contemporary of the great Karikala Chola

Kanappereyil Kadanta Ukkirapperuvaluthi.

Ukkiraperuvalulhi, according to Iraiyanar Akapporul Urai was the last ruler of the
Pandyas of the third Sangam. Some are inclined to consider him as the Son of
Nedunjeliyan II., and some attribute him to Nedunjeliyan I.145 He was a poet, and was
traditionally believed to have caused the anthology of Akananuru to be made.146 It is
also believed, that in his court, Kural the immortal work of Tiruvalluvar was published in
the presence of 48 poets,147 A verse supposed to be composed by him, is in the
Tiruvalluva Malai. He has rendered a few poems which prove that he was an exponent
in singing Kurinji and Marutham."148

He proved the strength of his arms by subduing Venkai Marpan, the chieftain of
Kanapper (M. Kalaiyarkoil) who had entrenched himself behind a strong fortress in the
place149 and hence the prefix. He enjoyed a short reign perhaps, and nothing further is
known of this King. Pandyas were the most glorious rulers of the ancient Tamilagam.
Besides the rulers so far referred to, there were some more Pandyas for whom a brief
account can be given. But it is impossible to trace out their history from the verses of

145
Pandarathar, T.V.S., op.cit., p.27, Subramanyan opines that there is no proof to consider him as the son of
Nedunjeliyan II. History of Tamilnadu p. 85.
Recently discovered Jambai Inscription about Neduman Anji proves that he was a famous chieftain and
perhaps lived somewhere in the age of Asoka or perhaps a century before or after Asoka. There are a number
of controversial opinions regarding this inscription. Anyhow the letters are smiliar to the Asoka’s Rock Edict.
Incase, Atikan, Asokan and Kanapeeryil Kandanta Ukkiraperuvaluthi were contmporaries and this Valuthi if
related to one of the Nedunjeliyans, as believed then we can very easily fix the age of that Nedujeliyans, as
believed then we can very easily fix the age of that Nedunjeliyans before Christs. But Prof. Mathivanan believes
that Ukkiraperuvaluthi was one who lived somewhere between 4th century A.D. to 10th century. Senthamil Selvi,
Cilampu 56, Nov. 81.
146
Irayanar Akapporul – pp.6 & 11.
147
Pandarathar refuses this, syaing that this is just a legend.
148
Nattrinai, 98, Akam 26.
149
Puram 21.
Sangam literature. Hence a few lines about them only can be mentioned as given in
those stanzas.
Karungai Olval Perumpeyarvaluthi

He was a contemporary of the great Karikalat whose maternal uncle

Irumpidartalaiyar has glorified him in a verse.150 He was a great warrior and philosopher.
Pannadutanta Maran Valuthi Maran was the one who caused to have compiled the
Nattrinai and as a scholar, he too has added two verses in Nattrinai.151

Nalvaluthi

Composer of the 12th Paripadal glorifying, the river Vaigai, he mentions a festival
celebrated when the river was in spate. Kudakarathu tunjiya Maranvaluthi Maran
defeated the Kings from the North which earned him name and fame. Cholan
Kulamarruthu Tunjiya Killivalavan and Nanjil Valluvan were his contemporaries.152 He
was friendly with a King Marivenko and the Chola Rajasuyam Vetta Perunar153

Ilavantikaippalli tunjiya Nanmaran

As he is praised by Nakkirar, it is very clear that this Pandya too, would have lived
in the time of Nedunjeliyan II and it is gathered that he was a great warrior and
philanthropist. The other poet who glorified him is Maruthan of Mankudi. He had
154
number of issues perhaps, which can be understood from the Puram verses
Kanagasabhai assumes that this Nanmaran was the successor of Ukkira Peruvaluthi.155
Ionians (Yavanas) were importing and selling breweries in Tamilagam during his time.156

150
Puram 3.
151
Nattrinai 97, 301.
152
Puram 51, 52.
153
Ibid., 367.
154
Puram 196, 198.
155
Kanaga Sabhai Pillai, Op.cit., P. 86.
156
Akam, 150.
Pandyan Keeran Chattan

Son of one Keeran was another Chieftain, whose lovable nature made Arrur
Moolankilar sing in praise of him.

Kuruvaluthi

A Pandya who has contributed a verse in Ahananuru.157

Velliampalathu Tunjiya peruvaluthi

He was the King who was friendly with Kurappalli tunjiya Perunthirumavalavan
and praised by Karikannan of Kaverippattinam.158 The poet praises the Pandyas in such
a way, it is clear that the Pandya had to be advised. He adds that their friendship will do
good to their subjects to live peacefully and happily, if both the Kings live as friends.

Nambi Nedunjeliyan

There were number of chieftains who helped the Kings of Tamilagam in

counselling and invasions and in return the Kings honoured them permitting them to
have their names as titles, when these chieftains were successfull in their missions.
Nambi was one of these Chieftains who was a great warrior and victor and was awarded
the title of Nedunjeliyan. He was a man of good qualities and loved by wise men. His
sudden death made the poet Pereyil Muruvalar sing an elegy.159 The Pandya Kindom
came to a temporary termination with the Kalabhra interregnum when they were the
soveerign rulers of Tamilagam for three centuries from the middle of the third century
A. D.

The Chieftains of The Sangam Age

157
Akam, 150.
158
Puram 58. Kanagasabhai is of the opinion that Nedujeliyan II was the King who died at Madurai temple
and hence he was the King called to be the one Velliambalathutunjiya Peruvaluthi.
159
Puram, 239.
 The Tamil country was divided into three big kingdoms and each one was ruled
by a clan of Kings during the Sangam Age. This is a fact reported by almost all
contemporary, indegenous and foreign evidences. Apart from the Chera, the Chola and
the Pandiya Kings, there were a number of chieftains along with imperial clans in and
around their Kingdoms. The Sangam period ends with the middle of 3rd Century A. D.
The Cholas were the Kings of the eastern region, the Pandiyas of the southern region
and the Cheras of the western region of TamilNadu160 There were also many chieftains
either within their territorial jurisdiction or outside the same. They were of immense
help to the muventars during the times of war or peace and during the times of their
day-to-day activities. They were generally known by the term Velirs.161 Mangudi
Maruthanar, a renowned Sangam poet calls them as Kurunila Mannarkal162 i.e.
chieftains. The great commentators of some of the Sangam works like Nachinarkkiniyar
and Peraciriyar also call them as Kurunila mannarkal163 Since the term Velir is used to
denote only a certain clan of such Kings it is good if we call them as Chieftains.164

Large Number

In almost all the Sangam Literature, only such chieftains are largely eulogised by
the poets. If we were to account their numbers in comparison to the great Tamil
Muventhar dynasty, their number can be reckoned in the ratio of 3:1. It is true that the
Chieftains out numbered the three great Kings. In Purananuru, the collection of 400
poems of the Sangam Age, which deals with the life of the Tamils, we come across 13
poems which guide the poets towards patrons.165 Among them the heroes of 8 poems

160
Sriupanattruppadai 47-83.
161
Pathittruppattu 30.
162
Maduraikkanci, 776.
163
Ibid, 55; Tolkappiyam, Marapiyal 83.
164
Velir Chieftains : Ay, Evvi, Pari, Pekam, Nannan, Avi, Irungovel, Maiyoor Kilan, Veliyan, Atan,
Vichchikko, Alanjeri Mayinthan, Pidavoor vel, Alumbil vel, Nangoor vel, Alunthur vel.
165
Puranauuru : 103, 105, 133, 138, 141, 151, 180.
are the Chieftains. In the Pattuppattu we come across 4 great patrons among whom,
three were such Chieftains.166

166
Nalliyakkodan Ilanthiraiyan, Nannan.
Greatness

Like this, these Chieftains were great in every way comparable to the greatness
of those three great Kings Parimelalagar says that they were in power from the times of
the origin of the great Muventhars.167 Tolkappiyar clearly states the Muventars are
great Kings of the Tamil Country.168 The commentaries of Nachinarkkiniyar tell us that
these Chieftains of the Tamil country originated with the great Muventhars and were
powerful in their respective spheres during the time of those great Kings.169 The same
thing is also referred to by Kapilar in the Purananuru.170 In the Sangam poems, we
come across such terms as Tenrumuthir Velir, and Toninuthuveiir as well as Evvit
Tolkudi.171

Relationship with the Imperial Kings

These Chiefcains had the right to rule over their countries consisting of towns,
mountains, forests and other such regions belonging them. Perasiriyar, the great
commentator of Tolkap-piyam when commenting on Villum Velum, the beginning lines
of Tolkappiya marapiyal, refers to these Chieftains and further tells us that such
references can be had by us in the poems like Perumpanattruppadai. These Chieftains
were known as the ones who give their daughters in marriage to great Muventars172
better known as Potumai Cuttiya Muvar, Murriya Tiruvin Muvar, Viral Kelu Muvar,
Murasu Munru Alpavar and Mulangu Tanai Muvar.173

167
Kural. 955.
168
Puram. 5, 9a, Tol. Porul. cey. 79.
169
Tol. Akat. 32.
170
Puram. 201.
171
Kuru. 164; Nar. 280; Akam.258; Puram.24; Puram.202.
172
Tol. Akat.30.
173
Puram. 357, 205, 137; Kali. 132; Akam. 31; Poru. 54.
 The great Chola king Uruvappalter llancetcenni married the daughter of Alundur
Vel. Karikalan, the son of Ilancetcenni married the daughter of Nangoorvel.174 The Chera
King, Uthiyan Cheralathan married Nalini, the daughter of Veiiyan Venman
Imayavaramban Neduncheraiathan married Paduman Devi, daughter of Vel
Aavikkoman.175 Selvakkadunko, the Chera King married another Paduman Devi,
daughter of Vel Aavikkoman while Peruncheral Jrumporaimarried Anthuvan Chellai
daughter of Maiyoor Kilar Venman.176

Status

Though the Chieftains relationship with the three great Kings, they were
differentiated by these poets clearly from the great Kings. They considered the
Muventars as emperors. While referring to the Velirs as the only Chieftains. It is clear
from the following reference by a great poet, Pcnuuhalai Chattanar that he was waiting
for quite a long time to get presents from a Chieftain called Kadiya Nedu Vettuvan.
Being disgusted of the delay and disrespect, he tells that I would not accept even if the
Great Muventhars give me riches without showing respect and if so how can I tolerate
the indifference of this Vettuvars who are inferior to the great Kings 177

Another poet, whose name is not known tells that Anni, a Cheiftain, is great but
the emperors are greater than he is178 Ponmudiyar calls a Chieftain as a petty Chieftain
of a town encircled by a fence of cotton plants.179 Another poet calls a Chieftain as the
King of only one fort Pathittruppattu also makes such distinction between the King and

174
Tel. Akat.30.
175
Pati. Pati 2, 4.
176
Pati. Pati. 8, 9.
177
Puram, 205.
178
Nar. 180.
179
Puram. 205.
the chieftains.180 In a number of poems, we come across the term Ventharum
Velirum.181 But the poets respected only the emperors and the Chieftains ''who
respected them". Poem from Purananuru clearly refers to the same in general.182
Greatness

180
Patikam 6, 8, 9.
181
Patir. 30, 49, 75, 68.
182
Puram. 197.
 By their valour and patronising qualities, the Chieftains became great, and we
come across many Chieftains who earned name and fame. Tais is understood by the
qualifying epithets, to their names such as Velavikko Perumpegan% Ollaiyur Kilan
Magan Perunchattan, Kandeerakko Peru Nalli, etc.183

In almost all the Sangam Anthologies, Kapilar's eulogy of Pari, Avvaiyar’s eulogy
of Atihaman and Mosikeeranar's eulogy of Aay Andiran are the excellent examples for
praising the Chieftains even above the Kings.

It is but an ancient custom to refer to those 7 Chieftains in particular as the great

7 patron (Kadaiyelu Vallalgal). Because they excelled all other Kings in their patronage,
courage, benevolent administration and munificence. Perunchittiranar, tells us that
there were 7 great patrons before the times of Kumanan.184 We come across three
different references about the order of those 7 patrons. Perumchittiranar puts them as-
Pari, Ori, Malayan. Elini, Pegun, Aay and Nalli. Nattattanar in his Sirupanattrupadai
refers to them as Elu Samam Kadantha Eluvurl Thinithol Eluvar and in the order as
Pegan, Pari, Kari, Aay, Atigan, Nalli and Ori.185 On the otherhand, Awai, in one of her
poems quoted by a commentator of Tolkappiyam, tells their order as follows: Pari, On,
Nalli, Elini. Aay, Pegan and Malayan.

These three poets Perumchittiranar, Nattattanar and Avvaiyar differ from each
other in their order of references to the Seven great Chieftains of these seven patrons,
Atiyaman Anchi is mentioned by Nattattanar and Elini is mentioned by Avvaiyar and
Perunchittiranar. Both Atiyaman and Elini belong to the same clan. Hence it may be
inferred that the names of the seven patrons of the Sangam Age (Kadaiyelu Vallalgal)

183
Puram. 141, 242, 148
184
Puram. 158.
185
Sirupan. 84 – 111.
are not the names of particular individuals but the genetic names of the respective clans
and the members of the same clans.186

186
Pattinap. 282.
 Nachinarkkiniyar, while attempting to comment on the word Irungovel Marungu
tells us about the 5 Great Velir clans. One Akananuru poem refers to those 5 great
Chiefs as Irungovel, Elini, Tithiyan, Erumaiyooran and Porunan.187 Paranar refers to the
great battle of Venni fought by the Great Karikalan and the Eleven Velirs,188 whereas the
same Paranar refers in another place to the destruction of a city of Kamoor of the
Chieftain Kaluvul by 14 Velirs.189 Nakkeerar refers to 5 Velirs and two Kings Cheran and
Chempiyan. In one poem, he refers two Kings Chera and Chola without any adjective,
whereas the Five Chieftains are spoken of with eulogising epithets.190

Wearing Crown

Another difference between the Muventhars and the Chieftains is that the
former had the right to wear crowns, whereas the jailer had no such privilege. Referring
to the rights of the Kings and Chieftains, Tolkappiyam clearly expresses in Marapiyal,
that the Muventhars had the right to wear crowns while the chieftains had no such
right.191

The Malayaman Chieftains were under the Cholas. They served the Chola Kings in
different aspects as vassal, chief of the army and ministers. Tervan Malayan fought
against the Cheras in alliance with the Cholas. But still the Chola King Killivalavan
defeated Malayaman Tirumudikkari and Kidnapped his young Children so as to be
crushed under an elephant's feet.192 Kanagasabai Pillai considered that this was due to
Kiltivalavar’s intolerance of Thirumudikkari's wearing the crown.193 But if a King among

187
Akam, 36.
188
Ibid; 246.
189
Ibid; 135.
190
Ibid; 36.
191
Tol. Purar. 5, Mara. 72. 83.
192
Puram 174, 125, 46;
193
Ayirettennuru Andukatku Murpatta Tamilagam p. 184.
the Muventhars were to loose his original crown and garland in a war, he should wear
atleast ordinary ones. An
example of this kind is of the Chera King when is known as Kalancaykkanni
Narmudicheral 194 i. e. who were a crown made out of fibres (narmudi).

Chieftains and their Territories

Though these Chieftains were either friendly with the Muventhars or fought
against them or helped them in one way or, other, still they had their own independent
territories as towns, or mountain regions or forests or plains.

Ampar Kilan Aruvanthai, Ilangai Kilavan, llaiyoor, Kilan, Karumbanoor Kilan,

Konkanam Kilan, Sirukudikilan Nannan, Nalai Kilavan Nagan, Pidavoor Kilan, Poraiyaru
Kilavan, Por Kilavan, Malli Kilan Kari Aathi, Muthirattu Kilavan, Maiyoor Kilan Vallam
Kilavan Vallar Kilan Pannan, Needoor Kilavan195

The following areas referred to in the Sangam literatures are known to have
belonged to the chieftains. Idaikali nadu, Oyma nadu, Ollaiyoor nadu, Tulunadu,
Konadu, Nanjil nadu, Punnadu, Poolinadu, Palkunvakkottam, Mukkaval nadu, Kudavayil
Kottam, Kunra nadu, Mithootru Kootram, Parambu nadu, Milaiai Kootram, Erumai nadu,
Kollikkootram196

The Chieftains had their rightful areas such as Nadus, Kottams and Kootrams. The
names Ur, Nadu, Kottam and Koottram are referred also to in Poolankurici Tamil Brahmi
Inscription. Vicci and Niyamam were called ancient towns. In these towns also like those
of the emperors, capitals, there were forts with fortifications deep moats full of water
and palaces. The terms referring to some of the forts are Kanappereyil, Kudavayil,
Kadampin Peru Vayil and Kudanthai Vayil, etc.197

194
Patti 38, 40; Akam. 199.
195
Puram. 385, .379, 242, 281, 154, 71, 179, 395, 391, 177, 158. Nar. 10; Akam 15, 253 Malai; Peruntogai
2109; Patigam 4, 8;
196
Sirupan; Puram. 380, 80, 110, 242, 54, 74, 24; Akam 15, 253 Malai; Peruntogai 2109; Patigam 4, 8;
197
Puram. 2; Akam. 44; Nar. 379;
Chieftains and the Muventars

Sirukudikilan Panan, a Chieftain, was praised by the Chola King Killivalavan ''Let
him live long including the years of my life."198 The Kings had cordial relation with the
chieftains. Some of the Kings praised the valour and liberality of the chieftains. The
Bhooda Pandyan had a number of chieftains as his friends. He used to dine and
converse with them in a happy mood.
He considers them so dear to him as his own eyes.199 The Chera king, Senguttuvan who
controlled the seas, had a chieftain called Arugai as his friend. Though the chieftain is ar
away from him, he feels that he is very near and dear to him Iways; and this is reported
by the poet Paranar in his poem.200

The word young and its meaning

In the Sangam poems we come across many number of Chiefs and the particular
name with an attribute to indicate the relationship of the Kandeerakko, Ilam
Kandeerakko, Kumanan, Ilam Kumanan, Reliman, Ila Veiiman, Vichchikko, Ila
Vichchikko, Palayan maran, Ilampalayan maran, Thiraiyan, Ilanthimivan

The scholars and the critics consider that the young, Kumanan (llang Kumanan)
appears to be the brother of Kumanan'201. Likewise, they consider the other cases also
that the word Ham refers to the younger brother. But in the poem where we find the
reference to Kumanan and Ham Kumanan, there is a statement telling us that the
former is a relative of the latter (Kilamaiyon) and not as his brother.

198
Puram. 173.
199
Puram. 71.
200
Pati. 44.
201
Puram. 163.
 In the Tamil Brahmi Inscriptions, too we come across such references as
Ilamchadigan thanthai Chadigan, Anthai magan Sey Athan,Anthai Sey Athan 202 If we
consider that the same tradition might be found during the Sangam period also, we can
infer that the term Ham may refer to the son of the person concerned.

202
Corpus of Tamil Brahmi Inscriptions 2. 13, 24.
Names of the Chieftains

Great Chieftains were revered, respected and commmemorated by their people

as well as by the latter generations by naming towns, hills and places after them. Such
references are in plenty and a few of them are as follows: Thanthoni malai (Thaman
Tonrikkon malai), Vilignam (Veliyan),Pundurai(Punrurai), Kodumudi (Kodumudi),
Kattipalayam (Kaiti), Athigappadi (Athigan) Nedumanoor (Neduman Anci), Oricchari
(Ori), Nalliyoor (Nalli), Pariyoor (Pari), Thondaiman Athoor (Tondaiman),
Nannanoor (Nannan), Anniyoor (Anni), Kariyoor (arl), Malayanoo (alayan), Aykudi (A
ay).

Atiyaman of Takadur

In the Asokan Inscriptions, there is a mention of his neighbouring countries by

the following expression - "Chola Pandya Sathiyaputho Kerala Putho Thamba Paani
Andhiyoga Nama Yonalaja".203 In this expression, the first two are obviously the Chola
and the Pandya countries, the fourth is that of the Cheras. But till recently the word
Salhiya putho was considered by some scholars as Sathiya Puthirar, who, ruled the Thulu
country consisting Niyamam, Neidalan-cheru, Vattaru, Nalur and Kongu country. They
are known as Kocars, the Warrior tribes.204 Kocars were held in high esteem by the
contemporary literature as best friends, sweet tongued who always keep their words,
and the one who always speak truth.205 But truthfulness was not the exclusive right or
property of the Kocars alone, since the attribute is given to others also by the poets.
Vaymoli Mudiyan, Vaymoli Thahtmban, Poyyariya Vaymoli are some of the attributes
given by the poets of the Sangarn period to others as well, 206 Some scholars
interpreted Sathiya Puthirar as Athihaiman or Athiyaman. Thiru K. G. Sesha Iyer, Prof. K.
203
The Express Weekly Magazine, 6 – 12 – 81.
204
Akam. 15, 90, 113; Puram. 396;KuTU. 15; A.R.E. 11/1906; Silambu – Uraiperu Katturai.
205
Akam 216, 262, 251, 15, 205, 113; Puram. 282; Kuru. 73.
206
Nar. 390; puram. 348; Madurai. 19.
A. N. Sastri and Prof. Burrow have given expression to this view. The term Sathiya Putra
directly refers to Atiyaman. In the recent inscription deciphered at Jambai, there is a
single line reference Sathiyaputho Atiyan Neduman Anji Eeththa Pali.207 This is a direct
reference to Atiyan as Sathiya puthra and hence it becomes certain that Sathiyaputra of
Asokan Edicts is none other than Atiyan. Atiyan happens to belong to Chera clan.
Utiyan is a title to the Chera Kings and it occurs in many places of the Sangam literature
also. Likewise the name Atiyan may be the title taken by the ancestors of Thakadur
Atiyan.
Atiyan + Makan (son) = Atiyan Makan = Athiyaman,

It should have become so in the course of ages. That the word Makan might
become Man, is an accepted phenomenon by the linguists. There are other such
references also in the Sangam Literature testifying to this fact. Vel + Makan =
Venman; Vel + Magal = Venmal are such examples. Just as the word Peya
became Per in the long run, like that Makan became Man. The sound A in Tamil
was pronounced as SA in the North Indian languages. Thus the Tamil Ammarar is equal
to Samanar of the North Indian languages. Like that the Tamil expression of Aayiram
has become Sahasram in Sanskrit. Like that, Atiyan must have become Sathiyan in
North India. Thus Atiya Makan must have become Sathiya Puthra just as the
Cherar Makan became Keralaputhra. The rule A = SA holds good in the case
of CA = KA Some are of the opinion that, this inscription is of later date
because it contains the word 'Putra'.49 In the 366th poem of the Purananuru ,
Dharma Puthran is called as Aravonmakan. During the Sangam period there was
an active social intercourse between the north and the south. The Tamils visited
many North Indian places like The Himalayas, The Ganges. Benaras, The River Sone,
etc. Likewise the North Indians also frequented the different places in the
Tamil country. Vadugar, Vadavar, Aryakoothar. Arya Porunan, Aryan Kings, Aryans,
207
The Hindu 9-10-1981 (49A) Senthamil Selvi Nov. 1981 p. 122-129.
Nandas, Moriyars, Kalingars and such others had also visited the Tamil Country
during the Sangam Age. In many poems of the eight Anthologies, we come across
many names of North Indians, like Kasyapan, Kaunian, Atheryan, Madalan, Kumaran,
Gowdhama, Markandeyar, Sahadevan, Rudhran, etc., taken by the Tamil poets.
These names undoubtedly establish the South Indians contact with the North Indians.
Even the Ceylonese Poets were the members of the Sangam. Ham Pothiyar,
Ulocchanar, etc, are some of the Sangam poets who were Buddhists and Jains-
Why, the relatives of Atiyaman went a long way to get the Sugarcane to be
brought to South India for cultivation. This has become now an established fact.
So there are a lot of possibilities for the North Indian ways of expression finding
a place in the Tamil epigraphs. In many of the Tamil Brami Inscription that
are found in the Tamil Country, we come across some North Indian words.

The Inscription in question is found near Thirukkovilur. During the Sangam period,
the word Koval was connected with only the Thirukkovilur. That city was the capital of
Malayaman Thinimudikkari. That his country was a Brahmadeya Country is vouchsafed
by the statement of Kapilar, Kari Nin Nade Alal Piirandaroom Andhanaraduvc. Another
poet of the same period sings the greatness of the capital Thus the surrounding Aryans
lived in a large scale.208 So there is every possibility of such an expression as Puthra, in
the Inscription found in and around Thirukkovilur. The towns bearing the
commemorative names of Atiyan like ThiruAtigai and Nedumanur are also found near
Thirukkovilur. Therefore the very word Sathiyaputho directly refers to Athiyaman.

But some doubt why the word Athiyan still comes after that name Sathiyaputho,
But if one keenly observes the etymological developments during the Sangam period,
one can understand that this sort of repetition is also possible as it occurs in many other
places. For example, Seraman Mantharan Cheral, Keeran Keeranar, Nannan Sey Nannan,

208
Puram. 122; Nar. 170.
Peyan Peyanar, Adhan Sey Adhan, etc.,209 are some of the names found in the Sangam
literature as well as in some of the Tamil Brahmi Inscriptions. So the word Atiyaman
Atiyan might have been Inscribed as Sathiyaputho Atiyan in the Jambai inscription.

209
Puram. 53; Nar.78,259, Kuru. 233; Malai; Vikramanagalam Inscriptions.
 In the Inscription in question we come across Tamil Brahmi letter referring to the
Tamil letter. It ends twice with the words Atiyan and Neduman. But the letter was a
later development and it was referred in inscriptions as The absence of the latter letter
in the said inscription is a proof positive to show that it may belong to the time of Asoka
probably 3rd century B. C. and not I century A. D.210

In Sangam literature, we come across 5 chieftains of Atiyaman clan.

Atiyaman Ncdun.idal, Atiyaman Neduman Anci, Atiyaman Poguttelini, Atiyaman

And Atiyaman Elini211

It seems that these chieftains assumed the titles and Elini in succession. Hence,
we can say that the Chieftains of the Sangam Age were great warriors, patrons of Arts
and Letters, philanthropists and radical humanists. In some respects, they excelled the
Kings of the three great royal dynasties of ancient Tamil Nadu.

CHAPTER - V

SOCIAL LIFE

The Sangam Age is considered to be the 'Golden Age' of the Tamils. Literature is
the main source to know about the life of the early Tamils. New archaeological
discoveries and the records of the foreigners also help to ascertain extend to confirm
the details we get from literary sources. In this chapter an attempt is made to trace the
'homelife' of the ancient Tamils. Many scholars have brought to limelight various
aspects of Sangam Culture. So, some significant features are being dealt with in detail
here. It includes the shelter, food, clothing, occupation amusements of the Tamils and
the position of women during the period under study.

210
Refer No.45.nn
211
(A) Akam. 266 Pati. 32; (B) Puram B-7-95, 103. 104, 206, Nar. 381 Kuru. 91 (C) Puram. 96, 100, 102
(D) Akam. 115, 325, 373(E) Puram. 158. nm.
 In the Inscription in question we come across Tamil Brahmi letter referring to the
Tamil letter. It ends twice with the words Atiyan and Neduman. But the letter was a
later development and it was referred in inscriptions as The absence of the latter letter
in the said inscription is a proof positive to show that it may belong to the time of Asoka
probably 3rd century B. C. and not I century A. D.210

In Sangam literature, we come across 5 chieftains of Atiyaman clan.

Atiyaman Ncdun.idal, Atiyaman Neduman Anci, Atiyaman Poguttelini, Atiyaman

And Atiyaman Elini211

It seems that these chieftains assumed the titles and Elini in succession. Hence,
we can say that the Chieftains of the Sangam Age were great warriors, patrons of Arts
and Letters, philanthropists and radical humanists. In some respects, they excelled the
Kings of the three great royal dynasties of ancient Tamil Nadu.

CHAPTER - V

SOCIAL LIFE

The Sangam Age is considered to be the 'Golden Age' of the Tamils. Literature is
the main source to know about the life of the early Tamils. New archaeological
discoveries and the records of the foreigners also help to ascertain extend to confirm
the details we get from literary sources. In this chapter an attempt is made to trace the
'homelife' of the ancient Tamils. Many scholars have brought to limelight various
aspects of Sangam Culture. So, some significant features are being dealt with in detail
here. It includes the shelter, food, clothing, occupation amusements of the Tamils and
the position of women during the period under study.

210
Refer No.45.nn
211
(A) Akam. 266 Pati. 32; (B) Puram B-7-95, 103. 104, 206, Nar. 381 Kuru. 91 (C) Puram. 96, 100, 102
(D) Akam. 115, 325, 373(E) Puram. 158. nm.
Shelter

The housing of the Tamils depended on their economic status. It differed from
group to group i.e.people living in Mullai, Marutam, Palai, Neithal and Kurinji. The Mullai
and Marutham people lived in comfortable and bigger houses compared to that of
Kurinji and Neithal people. As the reason for the same may be that the Kurinji and
Neithal people had to live in the hilly tracks and near the sea-shore respectively. Hence
Ahananuru describes that the Neithal and Kurinji people lived in huts.311 The day to day
problems to be faced by the Mullai and Marutham people were less than that of the
Neithal and Kurinji people. Hence the former led a more settled and comfortable life.
The rich built their houses with burnt bricks and mud. Both in the huts and houses the
flooring was smeared with cowdung.312 It is really strange to note a reference in
Manimegalai to the smearing with sandal paste.313 The rich people had houses with
porticoes and open terraces and big storeys. The inner walls of the houses were
decorated with flowers and paintings.314 References to cottage which provided
protection only from the wind is not unknown.315

Though there are more than one opinion regarding the existence of Caste System
during the Sangam Age, Scholars unanimously agree to the view that there were
occupational groups. Especially in big cities, the residences of the occupational groups
were located separately. References to the Ceris of washerman, oilmongers, wine
sellers, carpenters, blacksmiths, sculptors, goldsmiths, tailors, jewellers, potters,
musicians, brahmins, prostitutes, actresses, cobblers etc. are found in Sangam

311
Akananuru 12. 1.9
312
Perumpanattruppadai, 298.
313
Manimegalai XIX. 115.
314
Ibid; III. 128 – 130.
315
Purananuru, 196. 1. 12.
literature.316 It was viewed that the separate residence of people of different castes
and occupations was due to the growing ideas of cleanliness and purity. 317 If this view is
taken, it is made sure that there existed caste system in the Sangam age. It can be
presumed that the allotment of separate Ceri for each occupational group may be to
locate the respective group without any difficulty which perhaps later led to caste
distinction among the Tamils.

The rich houses were equipped with furniture. Cots were very much in use.318
The wealthy people had luxurious beds decked with swan's feathers and flowers. 319 The
common people had beds woven with she straw of maize. The poorest section used
beds made of grass or hay.320 Parched hides and skins of animals were also used.321

Clothing

Beautiful and nice variety of dresses were used by the rich people according to
their status. Cotton and silk clothes of high qualify find a reference in Sangam works. 322
Men wore only two pieces, one around the waist and the other the upper cloth thrown
over the shoulders.323 As in the present time, the poorer people wore only one piece of
cloth around the waist.324 Though silk was not commonly used, it was donated to
the poets by the rich. People living in hilly and deserted areas wore dresses made of
foliage and flowers.325 Young' girls used to wear this sort of dress known as talai when

316
Silappatikaram XIV. 212; V. 10 – 5.
317
Pillai K.K., A Social History of the Tamil, Vol.1, Madras, 1975, pp. 280 – 281.
318
Puram 72; Perumpan 150; Maduraikkanchi. 713.
319
Akam 167, 289.
320
Puram 317.
321
Akam 58; Maduraik 310 – 311; Perumpan 89 -90.
322
Puram 398; Maduraik 433; Porunararruppadai 82 – 83.
323
Puram 189.
324
Kalithogai 18, 1. 10.
325
Nattrinai 8; Akam 70; Ainkurunuru 15 & 72.
they met their lovers,326 and the lover sent talai to his lady-love to know whether she
had accepted him or not.327 This was also accepted as bathing dress by young girls328

Sheaths of grassy weeds (korai) were used for making dress by people living in
hilly and forest areas. Skins of animals and barks of trees were also used by some to
cover their bodies. Those who renounced the world wore skins of deer.329 It is stated
that the Brahmins washed their clothes daily and wore the same. 330 This may be due to
the fact that they were assigned priestly duties and performed rituals. They were
expected to be cleaner and neater than the other occupationists. Moreover, other
occupational groups like peasants, smiths etc., had to do manual work and they had to
go their respective jobs early in the morning and return late in the evening and they
would feel comfortable only after having had their bath after their return. It is really
strange to note that none of the sources refers to women's upper garment. They wore
dress around their waist but their upper portion was not at all covered though it was
later presumed that they wore Kachchu. Women of the sophisticated society used to
wear bras and kacchus. They used to cover their upper body with half-sarees. Women
decorated their breasts with flowers and Sandal paste.331

326
Nar 368; Kuruntogai 295.
327
Kurunt 214.
328
Aink 15 & 72.
329
Tirumurukattuppadai 127 – 130.
330
Mullaippattu 37.
331
Kalith 111 & 115, Nar, 225.
Hairdress and Cosmetics

Both men and women had long stresses of hair. Plaiting of the hair was a symbol
of unmarried girls.332 After the marriage, they decorated their hair in five different
manner (ie.) Kuial Alagam, Kondai, Paniccai and Tuncai. The widows were not permitted
to have their stresses of hair.333

To cool down the head and provide some fragrance, women applied a kind of
clay like cream on their hair.334 Women were fond of flowers and there are references
to men and children wearing flowers in the Sangam age.335 Unmarried and married
women except widows wore colourful and beautiful Tilakam on their forehead 336 They
also used coliyrium to beautify their eye lids and brows.

Footwear

Soldiers, hunters and vendors wore footwears.337 It is not known why women
were not given this comfort. Women were not confined to their homes alone. They
were visiting the temples, market places, gardens, rivers, tanks etc. But inspite of that
there is not even a single reference to women wearing footwears.

Jewellery

Rich people adorned themselves with various kinds of jewellery made of pear,
precious stones, gold and silver. Floral ornaments also find place in Sangam literary
works. Toyya-kam,338 Pullakam (upperforehead ornament), Maharappakuvai

332
Kalith 32 & 59; Kurinjippattu 139.
333
Puram 25 ; 250.
334
Kurunt 113, 1. 5.
335
Akam 389; Kalith 92. 1. 35.
336
Akam 389; kalith 92, 1. 35.
337
Puram 257; Akam 34; Perumpan 69; Pattinappali 365
338
Paripadal 7. 1. 46.
Vayantakam and Valampuri (forehead ornaments), Kulai,339 Siiambu, Mekatai, chains,
pendants, tohalai, (shoulder ornament)340 were a few of them. Aimpadaitali and
Pulippaltali were worn by children. Though the tying of tali in the Sangam age is still a
controversial matter, there is a reference to mangalavani in Silappadikaram.341
Purananuru also mentions an ornament worn by married women which could not be
given away as a gift to anyone even by the husband.342 This appears to be the sacred
thread which has become the venerable symbol for a married woman. At the time of
marriage, bride-groom used to ties this thread in the neck of the bride as an
auspicious symbol. The pendant of the thread which is known as tali may be of later
origin. It is viewed that in recent times, the craze in respect of ornamentation of the old
type had vanished.343 To the contrary, it is seen that modern women have gone back to
old fashioned jewellery. Now a days, unmarried girls are wearing mettis (toe ring), which
is the symbol for a married women.

Like women, men also wore ear rings, bracelets, armlets and anklets. The
children also wore strings of coral beads around waist, kinkini or anklet, bangles,
Aimbadaitali etc As the poor could not afford to have their jewellery of gold and
precious stones, they resorted to conch shells and beads.

Food

Though rice was the main food of the Sangam Tamils, maize and millet were also
used.344 The poor had very simple food. Sometimes they had to satisfy themselves with

339
Akam 3; Kurunt 398.
340
Pari 12, 1. 23.
341
Silamp IV. 50.
342
Puram 127.
343
K.K. Pillay, op.cit., p. 312.
344
Akam, 237, 394; Puram 119.
greens even without salt.345 Paratavar (fishermen) used fish very much whereas the
Mullai people had large quantities of milk products. Similarly the Kurinji people took to
meat obtained by hunting. Various kinds of grains were also used by these people in
many forms. Rice flakes were eaten with milk, honey, ghee and jaggery.346 For preparing
the food deliciously, the Sangam Tamils made use of salt, tamarind, pepper etc. Ghee
was used by rich people.347 Vegetables and fruits were part of their meals. Meat eating
was common. People ate flesh of rams, deer, bare, fowl, porcupines, pigs and boars. 348
Fresh and dried fish was cooked. Though the Brahmins of Sangam age ate meat, they
abstained from it due to Jain and Buddhist influence.

Though Tiruvalluvar condemns drinking and meat eating' the early Tamils drank
toddy and madhu. These were drunk during festivals and functions. There are
references to women indulging in drinking.349

Daily Life

The Sangam Tamils woke up early in the morning350 and had their path in the
nearby river or tank.351 While bathing, both men and women used sweet smelling
powders.352 All occupational groups took to their daily routine and returned home in the
evening. It was the duty of the man to earn for his whole family.353 The wife was called
'illal'354 and she was the light of the house. Both the husband and wife entertained the

345
Puram, 159.
346
Akam, 237.
347
Puram, 166, 384.
348
Malaipadukadam, 153, 155, 168, 175 – 178, 246 – 249, 252 425, 563.
349
Perumpan 386 – 387.
350
Puram 383, 385.
351
Ibid – 243.
352
Silap II, 67 – 68, VIII. 21.
353
Akam 33; Kural 615, 616.
354
Kural 52.
guests, learned, Brahmins and ascetics. But if a husband had gone on duty or discarded
his wife, she never cared for the above mentioned people.355 This in turn shows the
importance a wife had given to her husband during the Sangam age and how her life
was nothing without her husband. Women were considered to impure during the
period of monthly menstruation. Various references to Kalamtoda makalir may refer to
such women only. Women on the family way used to bathe in cold water, light lamps in
the evening and pray to Gods offering milk and food. 356 Women observed pollution for
some period after confinement.357 After that period, they took oil bath in the tank or in
the nearby stream. Fragrant flowers and powders were used by women after bath. The
paste of white mustard (brassica alba) was also used while bathing.358 This walls of the
house where child birth took place were smeared with a mixture of oil and white
mustard seed.359 Birth of sons was welcomed by the early Tamils as the son was only
eligible to perform the obsequies. Another view was that the girls were considered
inferior because they had to go to another house after their marriage. 360 The son only
succeeded the father as the head of the family. Though the daughters were given jewels
and vessels during their marriage, they had no right to claim a share in the. property.
Disputes regarding property and relationship were settled by the elders of the
locality.361

Marriage

355
Silap XVI. 71 – 78.

356
Maduraik 604 – 610.
357
Ibid. 602 – 603; Mani VII, 75 – 76.
358
Perumpan 16. 11. 3 – 4.
359
Nar 370 11. 3 – 4.
360
K.K. Pillay, op. cit; p. 320.
361
Puram 34; Mani VI, 83 – 91; Silap X. 20.
 Marriage was an accepted institution during the Sangam age. Though various
forms were known, Karpu and Kalavu forms were found in common- Kalavu was the
premarital relationship and the age of the couple who entered into that sort of
relationship were twelve and sixteen.362 Girls were kept under seclusion after attaining
puberty,363 and the love affairs started soon after that. Toll (the maid companion)
played an important role in that. Though the elders did not know the affairs, later they
themselves arranged for the marriage of the couple. But in the Karpu form, the elders of
the two families arranged for the marriage, taking into consideration all important
aspects. In this type of marriage the bridegroom paid certain amount of money to the
parents of the girl.364 Winning a girl through bull fight was common among the Mullai
people. A man can marry for the second time even when his first wife was alive. 365 Men
married even Parathaiyar (harlots) and accepted her as second wife.366 Loyai harlots
were even found of the children born of the first wife and treated them with love. 367
There is no reference to widow remarriage in the Sangam literature.

Amusements

Music, dancing, Vattadal368 Varippantadal369 Kalankadutal,370 Swinging371 were

some of the amusements of girls and women. Men look to hunting, playing with

362
Tolkappiam – Porul 96, 156.
363
Akam 7
364
Ibid 90, 280; Though this system continues even today in some communities, the cruel system of dowry did
not find a place in the Sangam age.
365
Aink, 292, 11. 3 - 5
366
Nar, 30; Ahananuru, 386.
367
Akam 16
368
Nar, 3, Akam, 5.
369
Nar 305.
370
Puram. 36.
371
Nar. 90.
silambam or kali, boating372 bullfight, etc. Children played with toys and tiny carts. Ram
fights and cock fights were common during festivals. Pattinappalai gives a beautiful
account of the enjoyment of fishermen and women on fullmoon days.

Festivals

The early Tamils celebrated Karthigai, Tintvonam, Kaman festival and Indravizha.
Karthigai decpam was otherwise known as Peruvila373 and was celebrated in the Tamil
month of Karthigai every year.374 Though Tiruvonam is very grandly celebrated by
Keralites in modern times, during the Sangam period, it was a festival of the Tamils
celebrated in the month of Avani to denote the birthday of Mayon or Tirumah The
Kaman festival was rejoiced in the spring season. 375 During that festival men and women
dressed up well and participated in singining and dancing. Harlots also joined men in
dancing.376 Indravizha included the performance of Vedic sacrifices, festivals to various
Gods and ganas, musical recitals and dancing. Among all these festivals, Karthigai is the
one celebrated all over TamilNadu; Onam is restricted to Keralites; and Karaan festival
and Indravizha do not find a place at all in Tamil country today. Some of the significant
aspects of the Home life of the early Tamils are pointed out in this paper. They reveal
that the Home life of the ancient Tamils was a fascinating one. Not only it was a Home
to retire and regain physical, moral and spiritual strength but it was 'The Sweet Home to
admire and appreciate and emulated and entertain by the people of the Modern Age.

Urban Life of the Ancient Tamils

In ancient India, cities had flourished either as capitals of the State where royal
palaces were situated or as emporia of trade, both internal and coastal. The ancient
372
Pattinap 23- 26.
373
Akam, 185.
374
Ibid. 141.
375
Kalith 27. 1. 24.
376
Ibid 30. 11. 13 – 14.
Chera, Chola, Pandya Kingdoms had Vanji or Karur, Uraiyur and Madurai as their
respective capitals. Descriptions of these cities are found in Sangam Literature and in
Silambu and Manimegalai. Apart from these cities, we hear about Kaveripoompattinam,
Korkai and Kanchi. These were essentially trade centres where wealthy merchants vied
and conducted transactions in various kinds, of goods, both indigenous and foreign. In
addition to these, there would have existed some towns not dependent upon
agricultural occupations. People of these cities might have employed themselves either
in petty trade and other occupations involving handicrafts. While talking about urban
life in ancient Tamilagam, we should not think of the modern connotation in
distinguishing urban and rural areas. Agriculture-based economy was the order of the
day throughout the land. Cities were few and small towns were many. Comparatively
speaking capital cities had a different routine depending on the duties of the King and
the royal household. Sangam literature does mention a number of cities and towns and
gives a vivid descriptions of life in them. Such capital cities as Madurai of the Pandyan
Kingdom, Uraiyur and Kaveripoompattinam of the Cholas and, Vanji and Karuvur of the
Cheras are mentioned. Besides these, there were the trading port centres as Korkai,
Thondi, Musiri and Mallai. Maritime trade was carried on with a number of foreign
countries. Merchandise from different parts of the land was brought and often
accumulated there. Foreign goods were offered by traders who sold their ware and
purchased goods available in the local market. Brisk activity in both exports and imports
was found in all these ports. These cities had wealthy merchants who dwelt in palatial
buildings enjoying a comfortable life with all sorts of prerequisites and luxuries. The
hero and heroine of Silappathikaram hailed from wealthy merchant communities.
Kannagi could wear jewellery worthy of royalty and perhaps far surpassing theirs in
value. Present day, Tamil Nadu is divided then into five divisions, namely Mullai (Forest
region), Kurinji (Mountain and adjoining land), Ateytal (the sea and its neighbourhood),
Marutham (Plains) and Palai (desert area).
Capitals

The capital cities were generally situated on the plains, having more often than
not a constant and good supply of water. This generally meant proximity of a river, well
protected by natural boundaries and walls and bunds built by men. Such cities were well
populated in addition to having facilities for communication with the rest of the
kingdom. All these facilities apply to Karuvur, Madwai and Puhar.

Marutham was the best suited for the birth and growth of cities. Neythal land
allowed maritime cities to flourish having trade activities as their pivot. The rivers that
flowed in the plains with their tributaries made the land fertile with their alluvial
deposits. Agriculture began to thrive here and a landed aristocracy was very much, in
evidence. This artistocracy generally, for practical purposes was on friendly terms with
the rulers of the country. They sent contigents to the regular armies whenever the King
faced external danger. In return for this timely help the King decorated them with titles
and honours such as Kavidhi, Enadhi and Etti. They were allowed special privileges.
These aristocrats also served the King in various capacities as officers of the state and as
army and navy commanders. They not only enjoyed the previlege of jusconnubi with the
royal families but also shared with the King the duties of war and administration.

From authentic sources, it can easily be deduced that the capital cities were
always busy. The people were used to the noise, pageantry and the fanfare normally
and usually associated with any royal personage and his encourage. It follows then that
ambassadors and envoys from the inland kingdoms as well as foreign countries would
have presented their credentials to the King and would have been in the habit of visiting
him on state matters. The reception and farewell given to such missions would have
been accompanied by pomp and pageantry, to which sight the local people would have
become accustomed.
 Likewise since the Kings patronised art, there would have been a ceaseless flow
of wandering minstrels who came to the courts of the Kings, to immortalise them in
their poems. Sangam literature is replete with instances of such bards visiting the Kings.
The Kings in their turn would treat them with sumptuous food and present gifts of
jewels, elephants and grants of land in certain cases. It is recorded that Atihaman
Neduman Anji gave a fruit-which would keep the eater immortal-to Awaiyar, the
poetess of repute. Ay Andiran gave a herd of elephants to the bards who glorified him in
their verses. There were often military manouevres and parades by men belonging to
the armed services, the cavalry and the corps of elephants, "the broad roads in the
capital were flooded by men in shining armour and it was a storing sight to the populace
particularly to young women and children. These urban areas were inhabited by rich
Vellalars,
merchants as well as foreigners who had settled in the kingdom. Their residences were
generally palatial, storied more often than not colour washed and also decorated
with beautiful paintings, There were balconies and decorated windows where
voluptuous women displayed themselves. They would either be singing or dancing or
witnessing others do these, or engaged themselves in a play called Kalanku or swing.
 Further investigations on the literary side reveal that the walls of these cities
were as tail as possible to repet invaders, the moat was as deep for the same purpose
and on top were observation posts. Constant traffic flowed through the gates of the city
while in the bazaar there were dealers in conch bangles, gold, salt, textiles, copper ware,
perfumes and sandal post. Trading carts were generally sent in convoys and merchant
caravans were escorted.377 Goods brought to the ports of the Cholas were piled up and
the trade was so brisk: that it seemed as if there was no limit to it. Customs officers
busily stamped each bundle with the tiger seal of the King and kept it aside. 378
Fishermen and coastal traders called Parathavar imported horses and some kind of
white stone. They also traded in pearls and conches ("right whorled) gems-, tamarind,
salt and fish. High piled sacks of pepper-a much prized commodity were taken by
Yavanas in exchange for gold.379 At the Chola ports there were always merchant
colonies speaking different languages which goes without saying. 380

Occupational Groups

Sangam literature also mentions diverse occupations. There were Kings,

chieftains, scholars, priests who conducted sacrifice, poets, warriors customs officials,
shipping magnates, foreign merchants, blacksmiths, carpenters, potters, salt makers,
pearl divers, guards, tailors, fisher-folk, dancers, drummers, farmers, shepherds,
hunters, weavers and sculptors as well as leather workers. It naturally follows
considering the variety of occupations and their diversity that there must have been an
elite and a literate society leading an essentially urban way of life. The Brahmi
inscriptions on the caves around Madurai and elsewhere mention also the following
occupations as charioteer, gold merchants, cloth merchant, those dealing in iron, salt

377
Kuruntogai 390; Akam 89.
378
Pattinappalai 116 – 137.
379
Puram 343.
380
Maduraik Kanchi 75 – 78.
and toddy. Incidentally it must be mentioned that toddy was a favourate drink of both
men and women in ancient days. On the basis of these
reports, we would legitimately suppose that society would have been occupationally
quite diversified in the town of Madurai during the Sangam age.

Archaelogical Discoveries

Civilization is generally characterised by urban growth which in its turn must be

supported by a fully developed economy specialising in the growth, distribution and
export of cereals. Civilisation is also characterised by the existence and continuous
construction of permanent building and monuments, the growth of a diversified
economy, an elaborately structured society, the existence and practice of formalised
religions and the development of politics and a literary elite. Sangam literature is
elusive on the exact nature of urban cities since obviously the bulk of the population
lived in typical villages reminiscent of the Iron Age. Considerable information about the
early towns can be collected from Roman sources about the cities of the Sangam period,
(eg. Arikamedu) There were over a hundred town which are named as political and
trade centres. This can be seen from the maps of Ptolemy as well as from other Greek
sources such as Ptolemy's chronicles and from the writings of strabo, Pliny and the
book called Periplus of Erythrean Sea. Ptolemy lists six coastal cities in Tamil Nadu to
which he appends the word 'Emporium' meaning an important trade centre. Three of
these, as has already been mentioned, as Musiri, Korkai and Kaveripoompattinam were
the chief ports of the three Southern kingdoms of the Cheras, Pandyas and Cholas. The
literature of the Tamil People also corroborates this fact. Ptolemy has named two other
cities in South India as 'metropolis' (similar to the modern meaning of the term), and six
have been designated as 'mart'. Two others have been named 'city' and five more have
been called 'towns'. His chronicles have also named fifty eight 'inland cities', as well as
several other identifiable royal seats.

In excavations at a number of places, Indian archaeologists have found the

results rather meagre and disappointing though the sources in literature would seem
to have been plentiful. It is possible to infer that many of the settlements referred to
in Greek geographical and historical records were mainly built with wood. It follows
that a substantial amount of construction in both mud and wood would have preceded
the large brick structures which came in later and are in evidence from the second and
the first century B.C. There are allusions in Sangam literature to the existence of
substantial buildings. Houses were often built over the gates of a town as in Madurai,
Kanchi.381 A coastal town and more especially a busy port had high storeyed buildings
as well as a tail light-house reached either by climbing a ladder or a staircase. 382 We also
383
hear of towns having shops along the streets where many carts stood There is
mention of an old town having broad streets like a river.384 But probably we are yet to
find records which will enable us to strike at the right places and uncover such details
as would prove in the coming years, that this was “A Golden Age of the Tamil Kingdom”
as all records do evince.

The Urban Life of the Ancient Tamils

From Maduraikkanchi by Mankudi Maruthanar and which poem was addressed

to the Pandyan Nedunchelian, the victor of the battle at Talaiyanankanam, we get a
fairly detailed account of the life of the people residing at Madurai, on the Vaigai river.
This account is also corroborated by hints gathered from Paripadal, another literary
work of the Sangam age. Paripadal originally consisted of seventy verses of which 26
were devoted to the Vaigai river and four to the city of Madurai. There are no verges
existing today about Madurai, yet from the remainder of the extent verses on various
related topics, we are able to collect some information about this city and the life of the
people therein. On the northern side of the city flowed the Vaigai river, having on its

381
Ibid; 351 – 356.
382
Perumpanarruppadai, 319 – 324 and 446 – 45.
383
Narrinai 45.
384
Nedunal Vadai 29 – 30.
backs beautiful flower gardens and groves and orchards with coconuts and fruit bearing
trees. There were Cherries or colonies of Panar, a type of a wandering minstrels. Sweet
music resounded through these groves and the songs could continue in peace
because of the deep moat which hampered the entry of aliens and enemies into the city
proper. On the border and edge of the moat could be found the tall fortified city wall
safeguarding it. This lengthy wall was interspersed with gateways through which passed
a constant stream of people and traffic.

Inside the city, there would seem to have been broad roads flanked on either
side by well planned, beautifully constructed and tastefully decorated houses of all
sizes. The streets were generally crowded and noisy scenes were common as
customers, both buyers and sellers, conversed in diverse languages. There was usually
the sound of drums which announced the commencement of festivals, religious and
otherwise, as well as the announcement of state and social functions. Quite naturally
the bazars were full of shops that displayed varieties of goods, both indigenous and
imported. A study of the records shows that the shops, houses and public buildings
were more often than not decorated with flags, festoons and varieties of standards.
These were generally for functions, celebrations, victories and parades. It was quite
common, if rather awe, inspiring to hold victory marches and parades. The ancient
Tamilians divided the day in a three fold manner. Morning was meant for philanthropic
activities, the afternoon for business which led to material prosperity and the late
evening was set aside for sensual pleasures. Generally in the evenings, middle aged and
old women carried baskets and plates filled with sweet meats and fragrant flowers to
soil. Most woman who had carefully dressed up for the evening generally bought them.
Men accompanied by their family members strolled through the streets. Menfolk after
relaxing in the late afternoons, usually wore fine cloths, buckled on their swords and
donned rich upper garments as well as jewels and garlands. These rich people generally
moved about in their horse drawn chariots. These chariots had generally outriders,
while proceeding through the thorough fares of the city.

Women in their eagerness to appear charming decorated themselves with a

variety of cosmetics. Scent which was applied to their, bodies and garments and hair
wafted through the streets. When the evening set in and the temple bells sounded, the
women carrying flowers and incense and sometime accompanied by their menfolk and
children, flocked to the various temples and Pallis to worship.
This characteristic of leisureliness as well as the pomp and pageantry of city life is well
portrayed in Maduraikkanchi.

The streets of the bazar were a feast to the eyes. Some of the shops were open
only during the night. They were known as Allankadi. But the majority of them
transacted business during the day. There were yet other merchants who preferred
to put their goods into boxes and peddle them from wealthy home to home. These
merchants were dealing with rare and costly goods which could only be of interest to
the noble and the elite. Quite naturally they were not interested in setting up shops
in the bazaar which the bourgeois patronised. Yet in the bazaars there was such a
variety of goods as boggles the imagination. There were dealers in gems, gold,
jewels, textiles, copper vessels and other sundry things. These were kept to one side
of the street. The incense and flower sellers were generally on the opposite side.
There were other dealers who dealt with sandal paste, jack fruits, mangoes, different
kinds of other fruits and vegetables, roots and even cooked food such as mutton and
rice. As the evening came to an end and the night drew on, darkness slowly set in.
Women in their rich homes prepared for the pleasures of the night. They had baths and
adorned themselves with cotton clothes and chosen jewels after having smeared sandal
paste on their bodies. They then settled down to sing some pans with musical
instruments.

As the housewives did, so did the courtesans and harlots likewise got ready for
the evening though their preparations were more elaborate since they had to arrest the
attention of wealthy and youthful customers. Youngsters and youngmen indulged in
heroic sports. They were accustomed to run and play in the street, and in cases made
even elephants chase them. There were others who sang in chorus. Some pious women
danced the Kuravai Kuttu to their hearts content, as a part of their worship to Lord
Muruga. After some time they were accustomed to go to sleep. Late in the night the
streets were traversed by robbers as well as night guards who sought to keep the peace
while maintaining a strict vigil. At the break of day and the dawn, Brahmins after
morning ablutions chanted the Vedas. This was the call for the people of Madurai to rise
in the morning. Women sprinkled water in the porticoes and cleaned the surroundings.
The drums of the emples started beating heralding the sunrise. Let us see the picture
presented by Paripadal about the river Vaigai and the life of the people at Madurai. The
Vaigai was in spate. The whole city of Madurai joined as one man in celebrating the
arrival of the new waters in the river as a result of heavy Tains. The celebrations took
place in the full moon day. On that day the people of Madurai in their joyful mood went
to the Vaigai in groups. Some went on elephants. Others were on horse back, still others
rode chariots. The rest went on foot. They carried play things suited for the occasion
such of floats of pith, Toy Chariots, short bamboo poles for squirting water on all. In the
fresh waters, men and women of noble birth played for long hours, till their eyes
became red. In between some women, after finishing the first round of playing in the
water, came to the banks and took sips of wine.

Some other women, warmed their bodies by standing near hearths which were lit
at intervals of space, in which incence was burnt. They applied sandal paste to their
persons and afterwards donned garments, other women threw in the floods as offerings
of thanks giving such as golden images of conch, crab and fish with a wish for the
continued fertility of the land. Some others paid alms to the poor as a part of their
celebrations. Till evening, people spent the day in a joyful mood. Then, they returned to
the city. Women dressed once again in festive attire and flowers, sang songs in praise of
the river, during their return journey. The King of the Pandyan country also joined with
his people in this function. Just like Indra, the God or rains he enjoyed a dip in the Vaigai
with his entourage, both male and female. Like the people in modern cities, in ancient
times also the urban dwellers enjoyed holidays and picnic outings. The banks of the river
Vaigai was a f'avouraite picnic spot, as also the small hillock of Parankwvu, where Lord
Muruga was enshrined. The people of Madurai used to trek on their way to Parankunru
often. A trip to Parankunru refreshed them. Womenfolk worshipped the Lord for boons
granted and supplication for those to be granted. Some people offered eatables to the
monkeys and elephants. Others settled down to play with a variety of musical
instruments and also sang along with them. Some others went into the halls where
beautiful paintings were displayed. Some felt happy by collecting different kinds of
flowers.

Paripadal also speaks about the dress and ornaments used by these urban
people. Unlike the rural folk the city dwellers had access to thousands of varieties of
costumes and ensembles. They were of different colours. Floral motifs were woven on
them,385 Women chose the kind of Sarees and custumes which suited them best. The
saree was known as Puttagam.386 As with dress, regarding ornaments, there was a
fantastic range of jewels worn from head to toe by both sexes. Men wore finger rings
and at the shoulders, an ornament called Vagnvalayam.387 Women wore a head dress
known as Talaik kolam which was studded with pearls.388 Garland of pearls was a
favourite ornament for the neck.389 A wide variety of bangles is also mentioned. As
ornaments for the hip, Kanchi and mekalai containing 2 to 32 strands were worn.390
Silambu made of gold and pearl inserted was worn at the anklets. 391 The toes were also
adorned with a kind of jewel.392 The general picture of the urban life of the ancient
Tamils as drawn from Sangam literature, corroborated by the writings of foreigners as

385
Paripadal 12 : 93.
386
Paripadal 12 : 17.
387
Paripadal 14 : 97.
388
Paripadal 19 : 5.
389
Paripadal 9 : 19.
390
Paripadal 14 : 97.
391
Paripadal 22 : 49.
392
Paripadal 12 : 24.
well as archaeological finds, appears as one of gaiety, prosperity and perfection. In fine
arts such as music and dance, ancient Tamils have reached a high water mark.

The ancient Tamil towns, men were busy, active, agile and materialistic in
outlook, and knew how to enjoy life to the maximum. Like the modem Japanese, they
believed in the hard work throughout the week and opted for complete relaxation after
it was over. They were serious about their work, having evolved both a Philosophy as
well-as a mode of action for each of their deeds. On the lighter side of life, they were
given to drinking, eating, merry making and pleasure seeking. From different parts of
the kingdom, income and luxurious goods poured into the cities. Men and women in the
urban areas enjoyed a contented life and led a happy and prosperous life.

Status of Women in the Sanskrit Literature

Women have always played a significant role from time immemorial. When we
go back to the earliest literary evidence on the role of women, we get a some what
confusing picture. No desire is expressed anywhere in the entire range of Rig Veda, in
any context, for a birth of a daughter. On the other hand, Atharvana Veda, deprecates
the birth of a daughter.393 The position gradually changed and certain rituals were
prescribed for having a learned daughter, during the period of the Upanis-hads.394
Manu, the law giver, in one place states that a women does not deserve freedom. In
another context, Manu has observed that Gods will reside only in a place where women
are honoured. Yagnavalkya has commented that those who seek the welfare of the
country should always honour women.395

However, we find the women occupying an honourable position in the Vedic age.
The Rig Vedic expression, "the wife is the home" shows how domestic life and

393
Atharvana Veda, 6 : 11, 13 ; 8 : 6, 25
394
Brihat, Aranayaka Upanishad IV : 4, 18.
395
Yagnavalkya, Chs. 1 and 2 ; P 172.
sentiments centred round the women.396 The women of the Rig Vedic age in particular,
were well educated. They had every right to go out and to freely mingle with others in
society and this provided the chance to select their counter-parts in life. They had even
property-right and the right to inherit, to maintain and to give away as they pleased
what they possessed. Her share in the ancestoral property was probably called as
Sridhana. Widow remarriage was also permitted in the early Vedic Age. As a whole, the
domestic life was happy and contented. "Nevertheless, the wife was dependent on man
to a great extent even in that period, when women were kept comparatively in high
honour".397

396
Bhagavat Saran Upadhyaya, Women in Rig Veda, New Delhi, 1970, p. 3.
397
Ibid, p. 155.
Women in the Sangam Literature

Coming to the Sangam Age which is comparatively later in time, we get a vivid
picture of the position and role of women from the Sangam Classics.

Everyday life of the young Girls

In contrast to the Aryan Society, the Tamil Society welcomed the birth of girls and
we have ample references to prove it. We find a Cheiftain praying to God for the birth of
a daughter.398 In the Sangam Age, girls were fondly caressed and affectionately brought
up by their parents.

They were allowed to go out freely. They took part in many kinds of sports and
amusements. They used to pluck flowers399 and make varieties of garlands. They loved
to swim in tanks and rivers.400 It was their pastime to play with a variety of balls401
(Golden balls & Variya pandhu, Swinging on a pole suspended by ropes was another
pastime of girls.402 Preparing beaten rice was one of the household duties of the girls. 403
These not only reveal their rustic simplicity and their notable refinement but they also
show how in ancient times, girls were in good health both in body and mind. Swimming,
swinging, throwing bails and preparing beaten rice etc. made them fit to lead a healthy
and happy family life.

Luminaries

But we do not hear of any educational institutions specially for the girls.
However, the girls were given good training to live as virtuous, noble women. The girls

398
Ibid, p. 3.
399
Patirruppattu, 29 : 1 – 2.
400
Kurinjikali, 3 : 1.
401
Puram 36 : 3 – 4, Narrinai 305 : 1.
402
Nar. 90.
403
Kruntokai, 238 : 1.
received their instructions from foster mothers and lady companions, This seems to be
proved by the presence of more than 50 poetesses among the composers of the poems
in the Sangam Literature. To mention a few, Avvaiyar, Ati-manthaiyar, Kakkaippadiniyar,
Kavarpendu Kuramakal Elaveyiniar, Nakkannaiyar, Nanmullaiyar, Pari-magalir,
Perumkoppendu, Peymakal claveyini, Vennikkuyattiyar and Vellivitiyar are some of the
most distinguished women poets of the Sangam Age. Among them, Avvaiyar stands out
preeminent for her poetic excellence and wisdom. Kakkaippadiniyar figures as a
grammarian also and has to her credit two works on prosody, the Kakkaippadiniyar and
Sirukakkaippatinlyam.

Artistic Talents of the Girls

Girls of the time were also well versed in the art of music. They were not only
capable of singing melodiously, but were even able to make the elephants, which came
to eat the well-grown millet crop on the field, to fall asleep. 404 The melodious tunes of
the girls were even capable of melting the cruel hearts of the Maravars of the Palai
tract, making them let loose their hunting weapons. 405 All these, will go to show that
birth of daughters was welcomed and that the daughters were brought up with great
care and that the girls had ample opportunity to go out and remain cheerful. But from
the same Sangam collections, we have stray references to show that the independence
enjoyed by the girls came to be curtailed, probably because of increasing Aryan
influence. The girls were not allowed to go out alone in some cases and the girls were
confined to the home in other cases. A poem from Nattrinai speaks of a girl who was
sulking in her house without going out.406 Another poem in Akan specifically states that
girls after a certain age were not allowed to move about freely. A foster-mother openly
tells her daughter that she had passed the stage of a Pethai and had attained the stage
404
Akam. 102 : 5 - 9
405
Perunararruppadai, 21 - 22
406
Nar., 68 : 1 – 5.
of a Pethumbai as her tresses have grown longer and her teeth well formed. This makes
it clear that the girls were not allowed to go out freely when they attained the stage of
Pethumbai.407 Though Sangam literature speaks of Kalavu, the practice of restricting the
movement of the madden should have grown with the increasing influence of the
Aryans. It is also likely that high class women were always under restrictions and were
not allowed to freely move about.

Light of Life

Still the wife is glorified as the light of the house. She is referred to as Illal which
means the "Governess of the household". Chastity, love, feminine patience, strength of
mind, anxiety to entertain guests, and generosity were glorified as qualities of a
housewife in the Sangam Age. Chastity is termed as "Karpu 1'. According to Valluvar,
nothing is more transcendent for a wife than the possession of chastity. Ilango Adigal
has indicated that chastity is an absolute necessity for women. There are ample
references to show that women of the age were noble, sincere and chaste. In
Ainkurunuru, we get a picture which exemplifies the noble qualities of a wife. A newly
married girl tells her companion that the water was indeed bad to drink in her
husband's place as it was taken from a small pond, made dirty by the wallowing of
cattle, but in spite of it, she liked the water even more than a mixture of milk and honey
available in her parent's place408

Yet another impressive picture of the ideal wife we get from another Sangam
work. The girl of a well to do family gets married and goes to her husband's place.
Because of sudden misfortune that fell on her husband's family, the girl had to satisfy
herself with a single meal for a day. Still she would not accept anything from her parents
in order to maintain her husband's honour Here we find the wife maintaining the dignity

407
Akam. 5.
408
Ainkurunuru, 203
of her family. The wife in the Sangam age considered it her supreme duty to receive
and entertain the guests. They showed hospitality even in untimely hours.409
Entertaining was considered as the sole privilege of the wife and men were not
supposed to entertain the guests without her wives.

Women of the Warriors

The women of the Sangam Age were known for their courage and heroism- The
heroism of woman was known as Mutin-mtdlai. We find from Purananuru interesting
scenes of extraordinary courage displayed by women during times of war. But such
qualities were to be seen only among certain warriors classes and we do not hear of any
women taking part in warfare anywhere in the Sangam works.

Secondary Status of Women

Though the wife was considered as the light of the home and was honoured, it
cannot be said that she was an equal partner in the household. In fact, she occupied a
subordinate position in the household and it was generally accepted by the women of
that age. They felt rather proud to call themselves as Illattalaivi under the mastership of
their husbands. Social equality between the sexes does not seem to have been in vogue.
It was clearly understood that the duties and the basic qualities of women are different
from those of men. The etymology of the Tamil words Aan and Pen will exemplify the
basic concept of the Tamils. "One who rules or possesses" is called as Aan and "One who
is desired or sought after" is called as Pen. Thus the assignment of the active and
mastery role to men and the passive and dependent role to women is basic in the
ancient Tamils' attitude every question that concerned the sexes. The basic qualities
assigned to man and woman by ancient grammarians also assign mastery behaviour to
man and a retiring dispositions to woman. A verse from Kurunthogai exhibits the true
dependent position of women in the age of the Sangam. A lady will always yearn for the

409
Kurinjippattu, 202 - 203
graces of her husband even though he might indulge in acts of cruelty towards her as
the child clings to the mother even when the mother beats the child. 410 In another
instance, the girl's companion appeals to the husband of her friend to remain always
attached to his wife even Song after she loses her physical charm.411 This again is a clear
proof of the dependence of the wife on her husband.

Theoretically the observance of a moral code was enjoined on men no less than
on women. But there seems to have existed a wide gulf between theory and practice. In
Tamilagam as in the rest of the world, man made laws and broke them with impunity.
On the other hand, the wives lived with their husbands as dutiful wives discharging their
domestic duties to the utmost sincerity and satisfaction. When their husbands were
away, they pined in solitude and kept count of the days their husbands were away.

Widows

In the Sangam literature, we see stray references to Sati or Self-immolation of the

wife. On the other hand, we find references to the widows and their plight. The widow
was subjected to several inhibitions and restrictions. Soon after the death of her
husband her hair was cut and she appeared with a shaven head. She had to satisfy
herself with the simplest food and remain without any adornment.

Property Rights

In early Tamilagam, as the rest of India, women could not inherit property. As
women themselves were treated as property, the question of their acquiring property
independently did not arise. Whether she was a. queen or an ordinary woman, she did
not seem to have owned property. Women were not recruited as soldiers, ministers or
ambassadors. Of course, we hear of Avvaiyar's embassy to Kanchi from Takadur. But it
seens to be a solitary instance. The chief queen of the King was called as koilal meaning

410
Kurunt. 397.
411
Nar. 110.
the primary wife of the King. And there is no mention of women rulers nor women who
were noted for making endowments as in later ages. We can infer that women of the
Sangam Age had no right to inherit property, possess it or to dispose as she liked.

In this poor state, the widows had two courses opened to them. They had either
to commit Sati or to lead a life of suffering. Perunkoppendu, the queen of the Pandya
King who committed Sati speaks that her self-immolation was not a step in accordance
with the prevalent custom ; on the other hand, she preferred to end her life in the
funeral fire of her husband instead or subjecting herself to the miserable life of a widow.
Though the women in general occupied a secondary place in the society in the Age of
the Sangam, we have no instance of a lady being sold as a slave in contrast to the
practice of selling women as slaves in ancient China as well as in Greece. It can be said
in conclusion, that the role of women in the Sangam Age was a rather passive and
dependent one and was confined to the four walls of the home.

CHAPTER - VI

THE ROLE OF EDUCATION

Nothing is more characteristic of the society of the ancient Tamils during the
Sangam period than the prominence given to education and literary pursuits in their
public thought. That there was a lofty conception of education from the very early times
of the Sangam era, seems fairly certain, when we consider the general level of culture
mirrored in the literature, art and social and religious conditions of the times. The Tamil
Society of the Sangam Age was an advanced and civilized society which had reached
great heights in commercial prosperity and in the field of fine arts, and had a reasonable
notion of the grandeur and responsibilities of Government and was in no way 'savage'
or barborus. Education, which must beat the bottom of any secular or aesthetic
achievement of any people, was not merely known and encouraged but was a
widespread social activity.412 Many more scholars have asserted that the importance of
education was realised by the Tamils as early as the Sangam age, that is nearly a
thousand and eight hundred years ago.413 It is amazing to note that the Tamil term kalvi
corresponds to the universal connotation of the word 'Education' which means 'drawing
out' of a child's latent potentialities. The Tamil equivalent of the Latin root word
'educare' is Kalluthal which has more or less the same meaning as 'drawing out'.414
Emphasising the value of perpetual acquisition of knowledge, the great saint
Thiruvalluvar holds that "knowledge increases as more and more is drawn from it like
water from a well."415 Thus the kural one of the earliest and the most impressive of the
Sangam literatures underlines the absolute need for education and warns of the
dangers of illiteracy in at least thirty stanzas. The fact fact that the chapter on learning
and education is placed by Valluvar only next to the chapter on the glories of the King, is
an eloquent testimony 06 the significance of education as a duty enjoined on the
monarch. If the King himself is not learned, it is absurd to expect the subjects under his
sceptre to be learned. Learning therefore, has the unique privilege and characteristic of
benefiting everyone, irrespective of the fact whether the one who is learned, is the
Prince or the Peasant.

The Value and Importance of Learning

The author of the immortal kural extols the value of learning in a few of his
important precepts. He adds that the learned alone are said to possess eyes, while in
respect of the unlettered ; the eyes are but sores.416 Knowledge is the weapon which

412
Subramanian, N., Sangam Polity, Bombay, 1966, p. 324.
413
Pillai, K.K., A Social History of the Tamils, Vol. I Madras, 1975, p. 394.
414
The term education is derived from the Latin word Educare, which means ‘to draw out, to elicit’
415
Kural 396 from Chapter 40 ‘On Learning’.
416
Kural : 393.
saves one from evil ; it forms the rampart which cannot be destroyed by the foe. 417 The
learned possess everything, while the unlettered are really poor even if they have
riches.418 Learning is the only imperishable wealth419 The learned are honoured not only
in their own native land, but all over the world. What has been learnt most
systematically should always be put into practice in one's everyday life. Thiruvalluvar,
nevertheless, laid special emphasis on the value of acquiring knowledge through
listening to the wise. Knowledge received through the ear was considered even superior
to mere 'book-learning'. The Kural says that those who feast their ears with learning are
comparable to the venerable people who make sacrificial offerings420. Knowledge
acquired through listening will stand one in good stead in his moments of gloom. Even
the high born, if they are ignorant, sink low in the scale, while the learned, even of
humble birth, are exalted. All these wise sayings of Thiruvalluvar bear evidence to the
conclusion that Valluvar addressed these axioms not only to the Kings but to the
commoners as well.

Nature of Education and Learning in the Sangam Age

The Sangam people were keen on acquiring such knowledge as deserved to be

acquired; acquisition of knowledge, of course, was not the end of education. One who
had acquired any knowledge worth the name must live up to the ideals held a loft by
that learning or knowledge. Again, knowledge in the Sangam period was understood
to be of two kinds : that is the knowledge of Humanities and the knowledge of Sciences.
The Humanities was represented by the study of languages and literature and the
Sciences by Mathematics. The two branches of knowledge are spoken of by Valluvar as
the two eyes of a rational being. The sense of discrimination of right from wrong in a

417
Ibid; 421.
418
Ibid; 430.
419
Ibid; 400.
420
Ibid 397, 391, 415
person grows only if he is learned. Our ancient people even regarded the
unlearned devoid of all human qualities. ''Without education what is man? a
splendid slave, a reasoning savage.421 Ignorant men differ from beasts only in their
figure422 The pattern of education in the Sangam period was not merely reading
and understanding of books, but listening to learned persons; for it was rightly
believed that by listening to the wise words of the learned men one derives not only
knowledge but the fruits of that learned person's ripe experiences as well. Moreover,
the large body of poems produced by nearly five hundred poets and cholars belonging
to different classes of people during the Sangam Age indicates that education must
have had a fairly wide popularity.423 It is gratifying to note that during the Sangam
period not only the upper strata of the society like the Kings, priests and merchants,
but even the peasants, Kuravars, Maravars and shepherds had the facilities for learning.
Again, professionals like the Kulavanikan, Aruvai Vanikan, Maruthuvan, Anniyan,
Kolan, Vannakkan and others had the talents for poetry.

Among the women, Perunkopendu, the queen of Buthapandian, Pariakalir were

poetesses of extraordinary merit. Women from the hunter, watcher and potter classes
were learned women. Poetess Kakkaipadiniar composed excellent works on prosody.
Similarly, the celebrated Avvaiyyar who hailed from the class of inistreis. Panar, a
respected scholar, was the poetess laureate of the Atikaman of Thakadur and the
ambassador to the court of the Thondaiman of Kanchi. She was fearless and bold as to
go into the pitch of the battle and advise the Kings.424 This Kind of educational activity
continued, steadily in the post-Sangam age also. It is to be pointed out with satisfaction
that education was common for all, men and women, rich and poor, Kings and

421
Balasubramanian, K.M., Thirukkural, English Translation, Notes to Chapter 40.
422
Ibid
423
Pillai, K.K., A Social Life of the Tamils, op. cit., p. 396.
424
Ramanathan Chettiar, SangakalaTamilar Valvu, Madras, 1980, pp. 42 - 44
commoners, high-born and low born. That being so, is it most regrettable that many
weak sections of the society today like the Gypsies and other tribal classes are away
from human civilization and a grean mass of our brethren have not tasted so far the
benefits of education?

Aims and Objectives of Education in the Sangam Age

It is noted that education of a secular nature was not the peculiar preserve of any
particular community or caste, sex or station in life. The Sangam scholars, whose poems
are practically the only worthwhile source of information for knowledge of the Sangam
period, include representatives of practically all classes. It was believed that education
gave a certain self-confidence and dignity to man and so it was sought after
passionately. Scholars opine that probably that one inducement to learning in the
Sangam days could have been the great honour in which learned men were held.
Earning of money was not considered as the end of education in those days by our fore
fathers. Otherwise how could they have regarded learning as the wealth 'par
excellence'. Learning did not consist of the mere acquisition of knowledge and
accumulation of related information. Education was taken seriously as a preparation for
life.425 People learned how to live, by living with their kith and kin. Mere bookish or
theoretical education was not considered to be real knowledge. Education for our
ancient people was an integrated process, a total development of all the faculties of the
learner, namely his physical, mental and moral qualities. This kind of education did not
signify mere growth of knowledge for our people, but a value of practical importance
and a slow unfolding of the individual in all his grandeur and beauty. Since education

425
Meenakshisundaram, T.P. Kalvichchinthanaikal, Madras, 1965, P. 12
ultimately meant living after having learnt how to live, our great saints like Valluvar
advocated learning as a continuous process till one's death 426.

Since Man is essentially a dependent social being, education might be termed as

the initiation of the learner into the society. Education is more than the developing of
specific branches of knowledge such as science or history, or even morality or religion: it
signifies an initiation in to a highly developed and complex understanding of reality.
Hence education includes also, apart from the acquisition of knowledge and skills in the
various subjects, an initiation into the culture which endeavours to see things as they
are, to lead to knowledge of the universal order. Valluvar comes very close to this
objective of education when he pronounces that those who have not learnt to respect
this universal order have not learnt anything at all. An individual benefits from the
development of his faculties; and anything that enlarges his opportunities to participate
in the life and culture of his nation and of the world, enriches him personally.

In the broad sense of the term therefore education, in the early days for the
Tamils, meant the development of knowledge and skills as well as cultivating altitudes
towards life in all its aspects. The development of such attitudes in relation to the
society and the world in which one lives may be referred to as culture. This clearly
shows that then our ancestors clearly distinguished between formal education, in the
narrow sense, often referred to as schooling, and education in the broad sense as
formation of man as a person and member of the society. Schools alone did not possess
the monopoly in the field of education in a world whose collective pulls and pushes
become even more important.

Education in the ancient times was considered as a key to the social and
economic progress of the society. Learning was not only for knowledge sake or
attaining honour and glory. The learning of our people set right this practical experience

426
Kural, 397.
and social relations. Culture, which is the end-product of education was moulded in
tune with these social surroundings. Valluvar had this social function of education in
mind, when he insisted on the King being a learned man like the subjects. It was
considered to be one of the lofty aims of eduction that one must live upto the ideals
suggested by that learning or knowledge. A person must fulfill successfully the
obligations by virtue of his learning when he is able to rise to the expectations of the
society and the world in which he is destined to live, according to the great norms of his
knowledge, than he is indeed the most successful member of the society. Such a life
benefits and illumines other lives around him.

All these objectives of the ancient education apart, the primary motive of the
Tamils of the Sangam period appears from the evidence to be of a moral and ethical
nature. What is most to be noted in the nature of the early education of the Tamil
people was essentially religious and other worldly. Kural in the very early chapters
brings forth this great ideal saying that the ultimate end of all education is to adore the
sacred feet of the Almighty.427 A righteous life is symbolised in the worship of the
supreme reality permeated the Tamil system of learning and everything was
subordinated to it. A moral and upright life was the raison detre of all knowledge. Love
and fear of God become the beginning of wisdom with our people. The education of the
ancient Tamils had two good features which we have since all but lost; it gave the first
place to religion and is was a personal discipleship of the pupil to the teacher.

Education was taken as a tool that fostered morality and character. If beauty and
wisdom must have a place in human thought the latter must be firmly rooted on a moral
foundation. Learning was like a garden to our ancestors where they cultivated virute
and good qualities. The future of any society would naturally depend on the motivation
and sense of values the individual makes; what knowledge and skills sought to be

427
Ibid, 2
acquired by the ancient Tamils were balanced with the values and insights associated
with ethics and religion at its best, namely a search for the knowledge of self, of the
meaning of life, of the relationship to other human beings, and to the ultimate
reality.
Education As The Duty of the Parents

It is remarkable to note that parents in the Sangara period attached great

importance to the education of their children. The society enjoined the primary
responsibilities of educating the children or their parents. This aspect of our ancient
education corresponds to the modern view that the parents who have given life to
their children have the great obligation to see to their education. The parent are the
first and the chief educators. A poem in the Purananuru collection states that it is the
duty of the father to educate and thereby enable his son.428 Home is the first school of
social virtue that every society needs. Among the Tamils, the home provided a suitable
atmosphere for the development of knoweledge and character. While the father
considered the provision of learning to his sons as his duty, the mother inculcated
among her children both by precept and by example certain virtues like courage and
generosity The mother's ambition too, was to make the son great .The Kural says that "a
mother's joy when she hoar of her son's greatness transcends that at his birth." 429 That
the children also did not spare the failing parents is evident from the curse hurled at a
father by his son who had failed to educate him.430 However, although, the family
had the first duty of imparting education, it needs the help of the whole community.
One of the tasks of the civil society was the promotion of education of the youth.
Education is also a service to the nation. It is hence the duty of the State, or as our
ancestors believed, of the Sovereign to provide for education as an instrument for the
common good of the community. Our people of the Sangam era had realised that
public instruction would provide the opportunities for all to enjoy freedom well and
to lead a decent human life, liberated from hunger, ignorance and poverty.

428
Puram 312 Saanronakkutal Thanthaikku Kadane which means that it is the duty of the father to make his son
virtuous and learned.
429
Kural : 69, Cf. Pillai K.K. A Social Life of the Tamils, op. cit. p.396 – 397.
430
“Js;spj; jphpfpd;w gUtj;jpy; ve;jd; JLf;flf;fpg; gs;spf;F itj;jpiyNa je;ijahfpa ghjfh!”
Schools and the Process of Learning

The education of those days was different from what it is now. Today we have
huge educational institutions with thousands of students on the rolls and employing
hundreds of teachers, housed in specious mansions with the knowledge acquired in
these places being tested in periodical examinations conducted by the Government. The
range of knowledge and the subjects taught and learnt in those days were definitely
limited.431 Though the education which prevailed in the Sangam age was of a general
nature, the system of instruction varied for men and women. Men were instructed in
such subjects as making money, arts of war and administration, while women had a
thorough grounding in family education. However both sexes were well trained in
literary and artistic pursuits.432 Even among women, in spite of the fact that we hear of a
few poetesses, it could not have been as many as those among men.

The traditional 'pial' schools called pallis were conducted by individual

teachers.433 Sometimes pupils lived in public rest-houses like the manrams which seem
to have served as schools. Some scholars assert that every village in ancient Thamilagam
had primary schools for the young scholars.434 However, information regarding the
number of schools in each village or the number of pupils who attended each school is
lacking According to K. K. Pillai, 'it was not likely that cities in the Sangam age or in the
epoch immediately succeeding it, schools existed in all the different physiocratic regions
of Thamilagam. The 'Kurinchi', the 'Paalai' and the 'Neydal' could not have had many
schools".435 The student who wrote on dried and cut palm leaf bits used in long narrow

431
Subramanian, N. op.cit., p. 327
432
Muthukrishina Nattar, C., Palanthamilar Panbu, Madras, 1954, p. 38 - 39
433
The Pial was the “Thinnai’ or the platform like the verandah of the house. In certain cases perhaps, sheds or
covered shelters were set up near the teacher’s house. Cf. K.K. Pillay, The Social History of the Tamils, op. cit. p.
397.
434
Ibid; p. 397
435
The reference to working on palm leaves is found in ‘Naladiar’
strips usually 1" x 2". These were punched either at one end or at both ends and held
together by tying them into a paginated bundle with strong strings. The entire bundle of
such sheets were bound together between two thick planks of the same dimensions.
These leaves were called Olai and the bundle of leaves was a Suvadi. The pen was a kind
of a long and sharpened but thick needle attached to a wooden handle. It was called an
eluthani literally meaning writing-sail or Uci a stylus. Holding this pointed pen between
the fingers and gripping it tightly with the thumb, the pupils wrote on the dried leaves.
"One side of the leaf was used for writing. As it was not possible to erase or overwrite or
alter anything that was written on such a surface, the scribes took great care to avoid
clerical errors. For the same reason, once they crept in, they persisted. 436 Probably from
tins practice rose the saying that the one who wrote the leaf carelessly spoiled it. 437
Sometimes gifts of such Suvadis and writing stylus, along with food and clothing were
made to the pupils and such magnificient acts were greatly appreciated by the society.
The initial training for the youngsters in the art of writing was provided by making them
write on sand spread on the floor. These practices of writing were in vogue even in the
nineteenth century. A Jesuit missionary records in 1839 what he saw in the schools of
Tamilnadu. You see here children writing with their finger on sand, the letter or the
word which is dictated, to them. When the space is filled up with this working, they pass
their hand very genuy on the sand and it is like a leaf turned over, ready to receive new
writing. To make up their books, the Indians do not use paper; they take the leaf of the
palm-tree on which they engrave the letter with a stylus (Eluihani) and they do it with
dexterity and a speed which is impossible for a European to imitate. 438

Education, no doubt, was the privilege enjoyed by certain classes of people only.
Nevertheless the Tamils of old seemed to have appreciated the importance of

436
Pada verupadu (Different Readings)
437
The popular saying even now is Eluthinavan Ettai Keduthan.
438
Letter of Fr. Garnier, G., S.J., dated 1839, Trichinopoly, Letters Edifiantes et Curieuses, Vol. 1,
p.143- 160
commencing education at an early age. Learn while young is a well-known maxim of
Avvaiyar. Another Sangam classic warns that it is a mistake not to learn while young,
because what is learnt while young is like writing on a rock.439 It is learnt from the
Jivaga Sinthamani that the sons of Jivaga were sent to school at the age of five to learn
the arts. Though the rich had always the advantage over the poor in the matter of
education, since they could afford it, the poor too could render service to the teacher
and thereby get the benefit of education. The Pandya ruler Ariyappadaikadanta
Nedumchezhian advised his people to take to learning either by giving all they have to
the teacher or by rendering service to him. According to him if a man from a low status
were better educated, even the well-todo people could learn from him and thereby the
barriers of class would crumble. Perhaps our ancestors had realised that "art is long and
life is fleeting." Hence the emphasis on early education. Education was considered as a
personal and family-like process. It was a personal discipleship of the pupil to the
teacher. Tha young scholars who attended the elementary schools in the Sangam age
were called Maiyadal mazhapulavar in a poem in Paripadal. Similarly the teacher of the
primary school was known as llampalarsiriar.440 Education did not stop with the student
level. It was a common practice in those days for married people to migrate to other
places in search of knowledge. Such separation from the family with a view to get higher
education as described as Othalpirivu in the Akam literature.

The Place and the Function of the Teacher

The importance of each village having a teacher was recognised by the

author of the Thiukadikam.441 The teacher was known as the Kanakkayar. That is, he

439
Nanmanikkadigai : 91.
440
Madurai Ilampalsiriar Sathan Koothanar who was a poet of the Sangam Age, must have been a teacher of the
primary school. Nattrinai – 322 and Akam – 273.
441
Tirikadukam, 10. This poem lists the qualities of a good teacher. Df also Sirupanchamulam ; 29. It was pointed
out in these poems that a town without a Kanakkayar would go to runs.
who collected a group of students and taught them the Nedunkanakku which was
the literature and grammar based on the alphabets. There were a. few Kanakkayars in
the Sangam age like poet Nakkiranar's father Asiriar, Asan & 'Uvattiyayar were also
other appelations of a teacher. Asiriar or Asan also denoted experts of particular arts
like music and dance.442 Probably the teacher of a large number of pupils was known as
Kulapati. It is stated that Kidangit Kulapati Nakkannanar, of Kuruntogai fame taught
more than a thousand pupils.443 It is clear that there was a distinction between
teachers of the young and the teachers of higher learning. The teacher was paid either
in cash or in kind by the students.444 The ideal student was a dependable assistant or
help to the teacher in times of emergency or danger. He gave much wealth to the
teacher, for whom he performed odd service also. He never felt it below his dignity to
worship his teacher. Corporal punishment inflicted by the teacher on the student was
not objected to.445

Students were but the personal disciples of the teacher and it was enjoined upon
the students to begin their education with the teacher. In the Sangam Age, the teacher
was entrusted with the shaping of the students. Even if the students neglected eating at
home, the complaint was taken by the mother to the teacher.446 The teacher had to live
with his pupils, talking and listening to them, observing and being observed by them,
encouraging and praising, scolding and punishing them. Since earning a living had not
yet become the principal goal of education, the less business-like but certainly more
scientific attitude had salutary effects, on the education of the young minds. The great
teacher was always considered as the noble soul who had understood that he was the

442
Manimegalai VI : 42; Silappadikaram 3 : 25.
443
Kuruntogai : 199.
444
Puram : 183.
445
Subramanian, N., op. cit., P. 326.
446
Meenakshisundaran, T.P. op. cit., p. 16.
parent of the children in perhaps a truer sense than their physical parents. He taught
less by what he said in the classroom or even out of it than by what he was. For at all
times and in all places he was followed by pairs of hero-worshipping eyes and ears.
Posts and masters of learning seem to have bad disciples whom they trained well. 447 The
teacher was held in esteem by the pupils as well as by others. The Tamil family put him
alongside God, the parents as worthy objects of veneration. It will not be out of date to
quote here the words of a modern educationist.

''Whatever may have changed in the course of over two thousand years of our
heritage, one factor has remained in tact that the Indian child had to be educated by a
person he loves and admires, that he is attached to a guru rather than to an institution.
The key to India's rise or fall is in the humble and all but unseen hand of teacher.448
How aptly these words apply to the teacher of the Sangam age and the system of
education that was the glory of those days,

Curriculum and the Subjects Taught

The studies undergone in the primary and higher levels by the people of the
Sangam Age are an impressive list and they constitute a fairly comprehensive
curriculum. In the ‘Pial’ schools a basic grounding in language and literature as well as in
Arithmetic was provided. The alphabet was known as nedunkanakku and perhaps that
was the reason why teachers were called Kanakkayars. The student wrote but sparingly
and got practically everything by heart. Training of the memory, the cultivation of the
ability to reproduce thousands of verses by rote and even verbatim repeat every
expression that came from the teacher, were some preliminary requisites for an ideal
student. The remarkable memory of the students of those days was largely responsible

447
Marokottu Nappasalaiyar makes mention of her revered teacher, Kapilar, the famous poet, while Kapilar himself
had received training under a distinguished master – Cf. Venkatasamy
Nattar : Kapilar 1921, p.30
448
Sinqueira, T.N. S. J. Modern Indian Education, Madras, 1960, p. 264
for the preservation of the large amount of literary productions of that age, considering
the poor writing aids they had.

Mathematics, which was described as ennui comprised the science of measuring

time, place and substance. To denote fractions terms like kani and mundri were used.449
Minute fractions were represented by measurements like immi, anu, mummi and
kunam. Similarly multiples of large numbers were expressed in terms of kodi450 and mini
ayiram451 while Sangam452 and tamarai,453 neithal,454 kuvalo, kamalam455 ambal456 and
vellam457 signified a huge number in general. Obviously they represented figures higher
than a crore or kodi. There are references to units of measurement like nali458 Tuni459
and Padakku.460 Weights of linear measurement such as Katam and Yocanai also
occured in the Sangam works.461

Higher learning, particularly pertaining to religion was a monopoly of the

Brahmins; Vedic lore, the Sutras, the Upanis-hads, the epics and Dharma Sastras must
have been taught to the Brahmins by learned teachers. Higher education, no doubt, was
governmed by the prevalent social stratification. Parimelalakar speaks of a
mathematical treatise known as Emmbam.462 As is testified from certain poems in the
449
Naladi : 346 – 3.
450
Kural : 337, 639.
451
Tolkappiyam, Eluttu, 471.
452
Paripadal : 2 : 13.
453
Tirumurugattupadai : 164.
454
Paripadal : 2 : 13.
455
Ibid.
456
Ibid.
457
Maduraikkanchi : 22.
458
Puram : 189 : 5.
459
Nattrinai : 16 : 7.
460
Tolkappiyam, Eluttu : 240.
461
Silappadikaram : V : 133.
462
Poem 229 of Puram by Kudalur Kilar.
Purananuru collection, the early Tamils had acquired a basic knowledge of astrology.
The poem 299 refers to an incident how the people of the Chera country had predicted
the death of their King by the changes in the celestial bodies463 The astrological
knowledge of our people then seems to have been based on an empirical study of astro-
nomy and the movement of the stars. The fishermen and the agriculturist made use of
the knowledge of the movements of the planets and the seasonal fluctuations.

The ancient Tamils possessed fairly advanced practical knowledge of astronomy

even before they came under the North Indian influences.464 The familiar circle of
twelve years for dome, stic events among the Tamils was an independent South Indian
system. Uraiyur Muthukannan Sathanar's exposition of the relations between the sun,
wind and the sky is found in a poem in the Sangam classics. 465 Experts were familiar with
the knowledge of the stars. They called the stars as Meenkal and the planets as Kols.
The fact that the astronomical vocabulary consisted of pure Tamil words in the Sangam
Age is an indication that astronomy was developed as an independent branch of
learning by the Tamils. The early Tamils had knowledge of the year which they classified
as Kar, Kutir, munpani, ilavenil and thutuvenil. The duration of the day too was divided
into six parts according to the variations in temperature. The days of the week were
known by different names. The month was known as thingal and the year as Yandu. The
directions calculated on the basis of the corners of the sky were called Ticai and the
heavenly protectors of the sky were described as Tisai Kappor.466 The day of 24 hours
was divided into sixty Nalikais. The Nalikai-Kanakkar employed a kind of hour-glass
called Nalikai-Vattil to denote the time. The geographical knowledge of the Tamils was

463
This work studied the science of Mathematics in two parts classified as Karuvi and Seigai.
464
Sreenivasa Iyengar, M., Tamil Studies Madras, 1914, pp. 192 – 193.
465
Puram : 30.
466
Pairpadal : 8 : 7.
sound. They referred to the Himalayas as Vadaperumkal. The Bay of Bengal and the
Arabian Sea were denoted as Kunakadal and kudakadal respectively.

The science and practice of the fine arts were highly developed among the
Ancient Tamils. The study of music was an essential part of the liberal education; and
the Tamils excelled in soft melodies which had a gentle and soothing effect. The gamut
consisted of seven notes which were named Tharam, Ulai, kural, Ili, Thutham, Vilari, and
Kaikkilai.467 Though the principal tunes were classified as Palai, Kurinjhi, Marutham and
Cevvali, each tune had many variations making, in all 103 distinct tunes which were
recognised in the musical treatises of the period.468 Musical instruments of various types
are described and it included many kinds of yals and varieties of drums. Karikala was
called the Master of the Seven notes of Music.469 The flats which had eight holes in it
was capable of considerable modulation.

Dancing was cultivated as a fine art and text-books were already composed in
which rules were given in detail for the performance of several kinds of dancing in
vogue. There were two traditions of kuttu. They were Tamil and Aryan. There were
kuravai dances in which seven, eight or nine persons danced together, standing in a ring
and clasping each other's hands.470 Viralis sometimes danced at night by torch light and
particular transposes of the hands are mentioned by name in the Natya Sashtra of
Bharatha. There were mixed dances in which both men and women look part. 471 The
education of an actress commenced as early as her fifth year and continued for seven

467
Silappadikaram : V : 42.
468
Kanagasabhai, op.cit., p.126.
469
Silappadikaram : VII : 10.
470
Kanagasabhai, V. op. cit. p. 127.
471
Neelakanta Sasthri, A History of South Intia, op. cit., p. 138.
years. The curriculum of her study as given in the ancient classics included a variety of
subjects.472

For the instruction of the various subjects, the mother tongue was used as the
medium. It was the most natural vehicle to express thoughts and feelings. But the script
employed during the period of the study has been a subject of controversy. Epig-
raphists hold that the Tamil Script including the earlier form of Vattelultu, was derived
from Brahmi. The other view is that the Tamil script has evolved from Vattetuttu which
was of indigenous origin in the Tamil country itself and that which is neither derived
from the Brahmi nor from Grantha.473 Students had to get by heart dictionaries like the
Nikandus. The ancient Tamils also studied about agriculture, and world history, which
they called Thonmai. The science of Economics which they called Porulpurinul was
known to them. They were conversant with the barter system as a medium of exchange.
There were
well-known works on paintings, sculpture and medicine.474 Drama along-with literature
and music formed the Muthamil. The Sangam was an academy of scholars and poets
and not a teaching institution.

472
Manimegalai: 2 : 18 : 31.
473
Pillay, K.K., op. cit., p. 400.
474
Kural : On medicine : (ch. 95) Palai : 16
Conclusion

This short and sketchy survey of the education of the ancient Tamils during the
Sangam period and its role, gives the impression that the standard of the studies then
must have been high indeed. Education in the Sangam Era has a long and eventful
history. It is a matter of pride that our forefathers valued education very preciously
and made all provisions with their power for the dissemination of knowledge.
Opportunity for the acquisition of knowledge were fairly common, if could base our
conclusions on the variety of the classes people who constituted the brilliant galaxy of
the hundred poets and scholars, both men and women, high and low.

It is again an extraordinary achievement of our ancestors-that they attached a

special function to education namely, its role as an instrument of liberation.
Possession of knowledge was an acknowledged leveler of all irrelevant distinctions in
society. The learned could always emancipate themselves from ignorance, want,
humiliation and oppressions. Knowledge and learning moreover played the useful role
of unifying the people. The learned men rose above sectarian narrow-mindedness and
transcended all man-made barriers. For the truly learned, every place was their own
country. They were the real citizens of the world. The Tamils of the Sangam Age held
aloft before all the world the
beacon light of education and learning as the royal road to universal brotherhood. This
was indeed a modern concept which our great ancestors have held and practised two
thousand years ago.

The role of education as a medium of change and an instrument of the

development of the society was recognised by our people long ago. The sole purpose
of education seemed to be training the young men and women for character and ability
that they should take their rightful place in the society, Committed to the
progress of the people the learned men of the Sangam epoch played a vital role of
creating a common citizenship and a common culture. They unconciously contributed
to the process of social and cultural integration. By enriching the human personality
and training the person in the fundamental values, education of the ancient Tamils
played a creative role in the total development of human personality. Our ancient
education stressed the humanistic reflections and developed a sense of responsibility
in the youth of the day. OUT ancient education thus created conditions for the better life
of the individual and the society. Respect for the freedom and dignity of the person was
keynote of our educational system which did not neglect the emphasis on a moral life
and social responsibilities.

The concepts like basic education, family education vocational education,

perpetual drawing out of knowledge, universal education, education for life and such
ideas, as expounded by Valluvar and other masterminds of the Sangam Age come very
close to modern ideals of education and the pedagogical methods and such things have
been foretold long ago by our great forefathers. When we ponder a little that the gems
of wisdom belong to two thousand years ago we are bewildered at the penetrating
vision, the profound wisdom and the foresight of the Tamils who lived in the Sangam
Age, which was indeed the ‘Golden Age of Tamil Culture and Civilization’.

CHAPTER - VII

RELIGIOUS LIFE AND FESTIVALS

The Tamils of the Sangam Age seems to have fashioned for themselves a society
where religion did play a dominant role and considerably influenced individual and
social thinking and beliefs but was not allowed to seriously tamper with the very
practical and worldly life which they chose to live”.475 Most of the Sangam literature is

475
Subramanian N., Sangam Polity, op.cit., p. 363.
creating a common citizenship and a common culture. They unconciously contributed
to the process of social and cultural integration. By enriching the human personality
and training the person in the fundamental values, education of the ancient Tamils
played a creative role in the total development of human personality. Our ancient
education stressed the humanistic reflections and developed a sense of responsibility
in the youth of the day. OUT ancient education thus created conditions for the better life
of the individual and the society. Respect for the freedom and dignity of the person was
keynote of our educational system which did not neglect the emphasis on a moral life
and social responsibilities.

The concepts like basic education, family education vocational education,

perpetual drawing out of knowledge, universal education, education for life and such
ideas, as expounded by Valluvar and other masterminds of the Sangam Age come very
close to modern ideals of education and the pedagogical methods and such things have
been foretold long ago by our great forefathers. When we ponder a little that the gems
of wisdom belong to two thousand years ago we are bewildered at the penetrating
vision, the profound wisdom and the foresight of the Tamils who lived in the Sangam
Age, which was indeed the ‘Golden Age of Tamil Culture and Civilization’.

CHAPTER - VII

RELIGIOUS LIFE AND FESTIVALS

The Tamils of the Sangam Age seems to have fashioned for themselves a society
where religion did play a dominant role and considerably influenced individual and
social thinking and beliefs but was not allowed to seriously tamper with the very
practical and worldly life which they chose to live”.475 Most of the Sangam literature is

475
Subramanian N., Sangam Polity, op.cit., p. 363.
secular. Indeed no specialist religious treatise appeared during the Sangam period.
Nevertheless, a study of that literature in its entirety reveals the belief of the ancient
Tamils in God and the contemporaneous religious milieu. The indispensability of that
literature as the main, if not the only, source for the religious history of the ancient
Tamil country is no exaggeration. Examination of the entire corpus of that literature is
indispensable to get the clear and true picture of Vaishnavism in the Sangam Age.

The antiquity of the worship of Tirumal (Vishnu) 476 in the Tamil land is traceable
at least to the Sangam period. Although the terms Vishnu and Vaishnavism477 as such
were not in Tamil literary use then. Sharp differences persist among the scholars in
determining the origin of Vaishnavism. According to B.V. Ramanujam, Vaishnavism
must be traced to the Vedas since the measuring of the universe is mentioned in the Rig
Veda.478 Gopika Mohan Bhattacharya is of the view that Vasudeva cult arose in Mathura
in the pre-Christian centuries as a reaction against Jainism and Buddhism and that
Vasudeva was gradually identified with Vishnu and Narayana.479 The Vasudeva Cult of
North India must have spread to the Tamil country via the Maratha land, says R.C.
Bhandarkar.480 The view that the cult of Vishnu or Tirumaliyam was Tamil in its origin is
also posited.481 This is diametrically opposite to the Vedic, northern and Sanskrit origin
of the cult of Vishnu. It is said that the Sanskrit word Vishnu was derived from Tamil

476
“While Saivism in its primitive lineaments could be traced back to the Sangam Age, Vaishnavism apart from
the worship of Tirumal is not detectable in the Sangam lilterature” Subrahmanian
N., Sangam Polity, p. 376.
477
“The term Vaishnava is of rather late origin, and occurs for the first time in the last parvan of the Mahabharata”
Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya, Evolution of Hindu Sects, Calcutta, 1975, pp. 24-25.
478
Ramanujam B.V., History of Vaishnavism in South India Upto Ramanuja, Madras, p. 120.
479
Gopika Mohan Bhattacharya, Vaishnava Literature, Calcutta, 1975, p. 107.
480
Bhandarkar R.G., Vaishnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems, Strass burg, 1913, p.68 (in The
collected hastens to add that there is no evidence to show at what time it was introduced into the Tamil land”
Yet he says (in p. 70), “The earliest Alvars may be placed before about the fifth or sixth century, but there is
nothing to show that Vaishnavism had not penetrated to the Tamil country earlier, i.e., about the first century”
481
Datchinamurthi A., Tamilar Nagarigamum Panpadum, p.283.
Vindu.482 Mayilai Sceni Venkatasami is convinced that the Aryans assimilated the Tamil
Tirumal (Mayon) with their own Vishnu.483 The sports of Kannan and Nappinnai lend
support to the view that the Tamils had their own tradition which possibly led to the
Tamil influence upon the Sanskrit works like the Harivamsa and the Bhagavata. At the
same time, the entry of anecdotes connected with Vishnu's incarnations into the
Sangam works indicates the northern influence over the South. The position is aptly
presented by N. Subrahmanian thus: "An analysis of the Indian Gods makes one thing
clear. There seem to be parallel names in Tamil and in Sanskrit for the same gods:
Murugan and Subrahmanya, Tirumal and Vishnu, Siva and Rudra; this seems to
resemble the Venus Aphrodite, Hercules-Heracles, Ulysses-Odysseus, Jupiter-zeus
parallel names in Latin and Greek. Much accommodation between indigenous religious
practices and exotic Aryan beliefs and rituals seems to have taken place.484

The terminology Kadal Vanan Puranam485 truly indicates the antiquity of Tirumal.
Other than Tirumal, rods like Siva (the three-eyed god), Murugan, Valiyon (Balarama)
and Indra seem to have been important and worshipped ritualistically. Tirumal and
Baladava (BalarSma) were the Two.486 These Two were the two great gods.487 So also
Tirumal and Siva, whose combination being the mixture of blue and red.488 The

482
Ibid., p.284. To state that the Sanskrit word Vishnu has no root in that language is a misconception. The root for
Vishnu in Sanskrit is Vish which means “to pervade” pervasiveness is a special characteristic of Vishnu as a
deity.
483
Mayilai Seeni Venkatasami, Palantamilum Palvagai Samayamum, Madras, 1974, p.26.
484
Subrahmanian N., Sangam Polity, op.cit., p. 371. Nilakanta Sastri K.A., observes, “All over India the
foundations of Indian Culture were laid by the fusion of Indo-Aryan and pre Aryan elements in varying
conditions and proportions and in the languages literatures and institutions of the South, there has survived
much more of pre-Aryan India than anywhere else” (A History of South India, p. 2)
485
Manimekalai XVII : 98. That terminology does not mean the Vishnu Purana. C. Balasubramanian is misled
when he states, “The Manimekalai, a Buddhist Kavya, refers to the Purnas about Lord Narayana : for example
the Vishnu Purana” [A Study of the Literature of the Chera Country (upto 11 th century A.D) p. 210].
486
Paripadal, 15 :66.
487
Purnanuru, 58:16.
488
Ahananuru, 166 : 7; 360:6.
Muvar489 were the three popular gods, namely Ayan, Ari and Aran. Then Tirumal,
Baladeva, Siva and Murugan were the Four.490 However, Balarama, Parudi, Kaman,
Saman and Siva were the Five.491

Tirumal’s Names

“There was in vogue a conventional classification of the landscape of the Tamil

country into five regions each being presided over by its special deity”.492
Accordingly, Mayon, the bucolic deity, was the main god of the Mullai (pastoral)
region.493 To the ancient Tamils Vishnu (Tirumal) was Mayon. 494 Ma, in Tamil, means
black (dark) colour. It denotes both Tirumal and the bee.495 Mayon is usually compared
with anything that is dark, dark-blue, blue or black such as the Kaya flower (Memecylon
edule or Malabarica), blue gem (sapphire), sea, water-borne cloud, darkness, lotus leaf,
hill blue lily and so on. For instance, the Tolkappiyam mentions Mayon's complexion as
dark-blue like that of the Kaya (Puvai) flower.496 Mayan is Mayan.497 Mayavan
(Tirumal)498 another derivation from Ma, but not from Mayam (magic). Mayavan is

489
Tirumurugarruppadai 162. However Muvar in certain other contexts may mean Chera, Chola
and Pandya the three crowned monarchs of Tamilagam (Perumbanarruppadai 33 and Porunararruppadai 54)
490
Purnanuru 56:10
491
Kalittogai 26:6 (Anantarama Aiyar edition Vol. I, Nachchinarkkiniyar’s Commentary and the editor’s foot note,
pp. 143-144)
492
Nilakanta Sastri K.A., Development of Religion in South India, Bombay1963, p. 4. N. Subrahmanian observes
that the way of life of the ancient Tamils depended upon this basic factor [History of Tamilnadu (1336 A.D)
Madurai, 1972, p. 38]
493
Tol Porul Sutram 5. For other regions, Seyon or Murugan (Kurinji or hill tract) Vendan or Indra (Marudam or
farm land) Taruna (Neydal or the littoral) and Korrvali (Palai or desert) were the presiding deities.
Nachchinarkkiniyar, the commentator states that the people of each region worshipped the presiding deity,
concerning their region. I may be true, But, it was also possible for the people of one region to worship gods
presiding over the other tracts. For even in those days. Tirumal was housed in the hilly Venkatam and
Alagarmalai, the littoral Puhar and the farm tract Madurai and Srirangam. Similarly the hill god Murugan had a
temple at the littoral Alaivay (Tirchchendur) too.
494
Maduraikkanchi 591; Mullaikkali 3:55; Narrinai 31:1; Paripadal 3:10
495
Ahananuru, 21:1 Perumbanarruppadai 5
496
Tol. Porul Purat. Sutram 60. The dark mountain is likened to Mayon (Nattrinai, 31:1)
497
Paripadal, 3:41
498
Nanmanikkadigai Invocation 1; Neydarkali 29:64; Tinaimalai (150) 58;1.
Kannan (Krishna) also.499 Mai means both 'black' and 'great'.500 So, it is a natural
name for Vishnu.501 Tirumal is the sacred and black or great god. He is dark and His
name represents both stature and intoxication.502 He is the same as Mayon and is
identified with Vishnu, especially Krishna. "Perhaps the Mullai being pastoral land and
Krishna being a cowherd were the starting point of the identification." 503 Tirumal is
praised in the Paripadal504 and in the Aichchiyar Kuravai.505 His stature is exemplified by
the term Nedumal.506 He is also Deiva Mal (divine Mal).507 Further, Tirumal is spoken of
when the black bull (kari) is mentioned. 508 The black bull with a white patch on its face is
likened to Tirumal blowing the white conch.509 Tirumal's black complexion is explicit in
the name Kariyavan (the dusky).510 The name Anchana Vannan (Krishna)511 confirms
this. Tirumal is Maya Vannan,512 meaning 'he of the dark complexion'.513

499
Silappadikaram XVII: Pattu: 1, 4 and 7 Eduttukkattu 11, 15 and 19; Padarkkaipparaval:6; Onranpagudi:5;
Adunarppugaldal:1; and Karuppam. Durgha was Mayaval (Silappadikaram VI:59) Mayol is she of the dark
complexion (Porunararruppadai 14). But Mayol would mean she of the fair complexion’ if derived from
Mamai, the colour of the tender mango leaf (Mullaippattu 21).
500
Perumbanarruppadai, 487.
501
Ahananuru, 59:6; Kurinjikkali 17:15; Mullaippattu 3; Naladiyar, 373:2; Palamoli, 48:1; 152:1; Paripadal 1:28; 3
35 and 60; 13:6; 19:57. Aniruddha has been called Mal (Paripadal 3:82) Murugan is Mal’s nephew (Paripadal
19:57) Aiyai is Mal’s younger sister (Silappadikaram XII: 68-69) Mal is a prefix for mountain indicating its
greatness (Pattinappalai 138; Sirupanarruppadai 21, 99 and 330; Tirumurugarruppadai 12 and 256) and for sea
denoting its black colour (Perumbanarruppadai, 487).
502
Subrahmanian N., Pre-Pallavan Tamil Index, p. 434.
503
Ibid.
504
Paripadal songs 1, 2, 3, 4, 13, 15 and Paripadal Tirattu song 1.
505
Canto XVII in Silappadikaram.
506
Silappadikaram, XVII : 4
507
Mullaikkali 7:33 Durgha is mentioned as the younger sister of Tirumal (Silappadikaram XII : 87; XII;
Uraippattumadai : 3)
508
Mullaikkali, 4:9-10; 5:9-10; Vasudeva is also Kari (Paripadal 3:81)
509
Mullaikkali, 5:9-10.
510
Silappadikaram XVII : Padarkkaipparaval : 2
511
Silappadikaram VI: 47. Anchanam is a cosmetic applieod to blacken and thereby beautify the
eye-lashes.
512
Padirruppattu VII Ten, Padigam : 8.
513
Subramanian N., Pre-Pallavan Tamil Index , p. 672.
 Nediyon514 (Tirumal) means the tall God. Nediyon is of blue complexion.515
Parasurama, who destroyed the royal families, is also Nediyon.516 He wields the Malu
(axe).517 Kaman is the son of Nediyon (Tirumal).518 The expression Nilam Taru Tiruvil
Nediyon means Tirumal, who embodies all the worlds in Himself. 519 Nedumudi Annal520
and Neduvel521 refer to him. Uyarndon522 (Nediyon) is Tirumal at the Alagarmalai.
Tirumal's complexion is blue too.523 So, He is Nlnira Vannan524 He appears like the blue
gem.525 Hence His name Manivannan526 His complexion resembles the colour of the
peacock's nape.527 He is Kadal Vanan,528 Kadal Vannan529 and Munnir Vannan530 because
His colour is that of the sea. In the Ahananuru, the complexion of Tirumal is
514
Manimekalai, XVII: 9; XIX: 51; Neydarkali 23:8 Padirruppattu, 15: 39; Palamoli 345:3; Purananuru, 56:13;
Silappadikaram V : 172; VIII; 1; XI : 51; XII : 60; XXV : 21.
515
Perumbanattruppadai, 402; Silappadikaram V : 172
516
Ahananuru, 220: 5.
517
Ahananuru, 220:5, Bharatam Inra :3; Manimekalai, XXII : 25. Siva is also Malu Val Nediyon (Maduraikkanchi
455). K.A. Nilakanta Sastri thinks that “the crucial expression Malu Val Nediyon though generally interpreted
as meaning Siva, may well apply to Vishnu also; and at least in later parlance Nediyon (the tall one) was
exclusively applied to Vhisnu” (Development of Religion in South India, p.55). Murugan is also Nediyon
(Ahananuru, 149: 16). While the Venktam hill of Tirumal is Nediyon Kunram (Silappadikaram VII :1),
Tirupparinkunram of Murugan is also of that name (Ahanaunur 149:16). Murugan is Nediyan too
(Tirumurugarruppadai 211).
518
Neyadarkali, 23:8
519
Maduraikkanchi 736. However that expression is applied to the Tamil monarchs like Illam Cheral Irumporai
(Padirruppattu 82:16), Talaiyalanganattu Nedunjeliyan (Maduraikkanchi 763; Silappdikaram XXVII :3) and
Makirtti (Tol. Sirappu 9). Vadimbalamba Ninra Pandiyan (Makirtti) is called Nediyon who were golden
garlands and added lands to his realm (Maduraikkanchi 60-61). Ilam Set Senni, the Chola King, is another
Nediyon who possessed Neydalankanal i.e., the coastal area (Purananuru 10:12).
520
Silappadikaram XI : 148.
521
Paripadal 3:37, Neduvel is used for Kaman (Silappdikaram XIV : 111) as well as Murugan (Ahananuru 22:6).
522
Silappadikaram, XI : 148
523
Perumbanarruppadai 402 ; Silappadikaram V : 172.
524
Manimekalai, V : 38.
525
Paripadal, 3 : 3; Purananur 56:5.
526
Silappadikaram, X : 10.
527
Mullaikkalai, 8 : 38.
528
Manimekalai, XXVII : 98.
529
Silappadikaram : XXVII : Munnilaipparaval : 1; Onranpagudi : 1.
530
Perumbannarruppadai, 30. “The Cholas were called the descendants of Munnir Kannan because Tirumal’s son
was brahma whose son kasyapa begot surya who was supposed to be the first progenitor of the Cholas” (N.
Subrahmanian, pre-Pallavan Tamil Index, p.693).
distinguished from that of Siva, the former's like the sea and the latter's like the ruddy
sky.531 The Puvai (Kaya), a blue flower, is an object of common comparison with
Tirumal's complexion.532 In the Puram situation known as Vetchittinai, the practice of
equaling the protecting king with the tutelary god, Tirumal of the Puvai complexion is
called Puvai Nilai.533 Kannan (Krishna), the son of Asodai (Yasoda), is denoted Puvai
Vannan,534 since His complexion is like the Puvai flower.

The Tamil word Ai (father, chief or leader) refers to Tirumal.535 The Tolkappiyam
mentions Kadavul,536 denoting god who transcends thought, word and deed. Tirumal is
mentioned as Kadavul.537 He is Arari Kadavul.538 That is He is known by the six Vedas.
But the Vedas are just four and not six. Perhaps what is meant is the six Vedangas.
Tirumal is Deivam (God).539 He is also Deiva Mal540 and Devan.541 He is Ari (Hari).542
Vindu means mountain.543 In view of the stature also Tirumal may be called Vindu.
Apart from this, Vindu refers to Tirumal.544 N. Subrahmanian regards that Vindu is a
corruption of Vishnu.545 The association of the Tamil Vindu with Vishnu is noticed

531
Ahananuru 360: 6-8
532
Ibid; 133:4; Nanmanikkadigai Invocation: 4; Paripadal, 1:6;3:73: 4:29; 13:42; Tirikadugam Invocation: 4:
Silappadikaram, XVI: 47: XVII:47; XVII: Kolu: 14; Tol. Porul. 60:10.
533
Purananuru stanzas 8,9,10,56,59 and 374; Tol, Porul. 60:10
534
Silappadikaram, XVI : 47
535
Paripadal, 15: 26.
536
Tol. Porul. 88.
537
Paripadal, 3 : 43; Perumabanarruppadai 391; Silappadikaram XVII; A dunarppugal dal : 6
538
Paripadal, 3
539
Silappadikarm, XI : 160
540
Mullaikkali, 8 : 32
541
A Charakkovai 43:2. The two Devas, Siva and Tirumal, are represented respectively by their asterisms A dirai
and Onam.
542
Silappadikaram XII : 106
543
Ahananuru, 235 : 5; Palamoli, 251 : 3.
544
Purananuru, 391 : 2 (See U.V. Saminatha Aiyar edition, Foot Note under St. 391).
545
N. Subrahmanian, Sangam Polity, p. 370
earlier.546 Naranam547 and Narayanan548 are given as Tirumal's names. He is Mudalvan
(the chief),549 Amarar Mudalvan (the chief of gods),550 Veda Mudalvan (the fountain of
the Vedas)551 and Mudumoli Mudalvan (the fountain of the Vedas).552 Another
appellation is Arumaraipporul (the content of the Vedas).553 He is indicated as Aru Porul
Ivan (the finality of all import).554 He has other names like Periyavan (the great),555
Pulavan (literally the poet or scholar, but here omniscient), 556 Munivan (the sage),557
and Selvan (the wealthy).558 He is both Alan (the ruler)559 and Perajan (the emperor).560
At the same time He is Sevagan (the servant; perhaps also the guardian). 561 Kovalar are
the cowherds. It is natural that Krishna (Kannan) the cowherd, is mentioned as
Kovalan.562 Perhaps the word Kovalan is derived from Gopalan. Tirumal is also a
Kovalan.563 Kovalan in the Silappadikaram is described as Gnana Virutta Gopalan
(Kovalan, the mature in wisdom).564 Tirumal at the Alagarmalai is Irum Kunrattan (the

546
See the References 7, 8 and 9
547
Manimekali, XXVII : 99.
548
Silappadikaram, XVII : Padarkkaipparaval : 15.
549
Manimekalai, XXVII : 99.

550
Silappadikaram, XVII : Padarkkaipparaval : 15.
551
Manimekalai, XIII : 58; Neyadarkali 8:1
552
Paripadal, 3:53
553
Ibid; 1:13.
554
Silappadikaram, XVII: Munnilaipparaval : 2.
555
Ibid; XVII; Padarkkaipparaval : 6.
556
Paripadal, 3:86.
557
Ibid.
558
Ahananuru, 175:15; Mullaikkali 9;55; Padirruppattu, 3:19.
559
Paripadal, 3:38
560
Ibid; 3:39
561
Silappadikaram, XVII : Padarkkaipparaval : 1
562
Paripadal, 3;83.
563
Palamoli, 152:2.
564
Silappadikaram, XV : 94.
Lord of the great hill).565 He is accosted 'Kudavala' since He performed the Kudam (pot,
of either clay or metal) dance.566 He is hailed, the Father of the Two (Brahma and
Kaman).567

Tamaraikannan568 denotes Tirumal. In the Paripadal, His hands are enumerated

from one to the countless number.569 For instance, He is called Narkai Annal (the great
four-armed god) 570 and Ainkai Maindan (the mighty five-armed god).571 So, Annal572 and
Maindan573 are also His names. He is Kadal Kadaindan (the churner of the Milk
Ocean).574 He is also Malaimisai Ninran (God standing on the mountain top), 575 for He
resides at the Alagarmalai. The act of measuring the world added more names to Him.
Ninilam Kadanda Nedumudi Annal,576 Adi Alandan,577 Ulagam Tavina Annal,578 Nil Nilam
Alandon,579 and Vaiyam Alandan580 are some such. Madavali,581 Arral582 and Veyyon583
indicate the mighty and valiant Tirumal. He resides in the Al (the banyan tree).584 So, He
565
Paripadal, 15:53
566
Ibid; 3:38
567
Ibid; 1:30
568
Tirukkural, 1103
569
Paripadal, 3; 34-45
570
Ibid; 3:38
571
Ibid; 3:39
572
Ibid; 3:38
573
Ibid; 3:39
574
Silappadikaram, XVII : Ulvari Valttu : 3
575
Ibid; XI : 133
576
Ibid; XI : 148.
577
Tirukkural, 610.
578
Palamoli, 67 : 3
579
Manimekalai, III : 24
580
Silappadikaram, XVII : Eduttukkattu : 21
581
Paripadal, 3 : 40
582
Ibid; 3 : 40
583
Purananuru, 56 : 6
584
Paripadal, 4 : 67
is Al Amar Kadavul.585 But, it may very well signify Siva too. For, in the Silappadikaram, Al
Amar Selvan586 refers to Dakshinamurti (Siva). Tirumal is Tiruvin Kanavan (Husband of
Tiru).587 Tiru [Lakshmi] resides in His chest and so He is Tiru Amar Marban.588 It is said He
has the sacred Maru [Kaustubham] in His chest. Hence His name Tiru Maru Marban.589
He is Tulayan590 and Tulai Malaiyan591 for He wears the garland of Tulasi [the holy basil;
Ocymum sanctum]. Since He wields the disc [wheel] weapon He is known as
Chakkarattan,592 Tigiriyan,593 Tigiriyon,594 Tigirippadaiyan,595 Tigirichchelvan,596
Nemiyan597 and Aliyan.598 He served as an arrow to Siva and so He got the name
Kanai.599 The plough Weapon of Balarama secured Him the rams Nanjilon.600 He mounts
the bird (Garuda). So, He is Pullur Kadavul.601 He has Garuda emblem on His flag. This
led to His being called Pulmisaikkodiyon,602 Sevalon603 and Uvanachcheval Uyartton.604
He reclines on the snake bed (Adisesha) and bears the name Aravanaikkidandon.605

585
Purananuru, 198 : 9. The commentator calls Tirumal (Krishna) lying on the banyan leaf thus. But he also
admits that this could mean Siva too. Expression like this have elsewheres
586
Silappadikaram, XXIII : 91-95
587
Paripadal, 3:90.
588
Silappadikaram, XI : 40.
589
Mullaikkali, 4 : 10; Perumbanarruppadai 31.

590
Paripadal, 15 : 15.
591
Silappadikaram, XVII : Munnilaipparaval : 2.
592
Inna, (40) 1 : 3
593
Mullaikkali, 4 : 78.
594
Narrinai Invocation : 7
595
Silappadikaram XVII : Ulvari Valttu : 2
596
Paripadal, 13 : 58
597
Mullaikkali, 5 : 9 and 72; Neydarkali 2:3; 10:4.
598
Palamoli, 248 : 1; Paripadal Tirattu 1 : 69; Tinaimalai (150) 96 : 1
599
Puranaru, 55 : 2.
600
Paripadal, 13 : 33
601
Silappadikaram, XVII : Adunarppugaldal : 6
602
Paripadal, 8 : 2
Tirumal’s Features

Tirumal’s mind is spoken of as broad.606 He embodies everything that has come

into being.607 His stature and complexion have been noticed already. Narrinai regards
the sky as His physique and the sea as His dress. 608 But the Paripadal informs that His
dress is in direct contrast to His bodily complexion.609 Tirumal's dress is golden.610 His
mouth is red611 and eyes are also red.612 The reddish eyes are natural to Him and are so
even when not angry.613 His eyes are blemishless.614 He is Tamaraikannan (the lotus-
eyed).615 His eyes are comparable to the very lotus that blossomed out of His navel. 616
The Sun and the Moon are also regarded as His eyes.617 He has a broad chest,618
resembling the mountain.619 The Sangam literature does not speak of any sacred thread
or, His chest.620 The pungent and strong smelling Tulasi is specially sacred to Him. Tulasi

603
Ibid; 3: 18.
604
Silappadikaram, XVII : Adunarppugaldal : 6
605
Ibid; XXX : 51
606
Paripadal, 13 : 54
607
Narrinai Invocation : 5
608
Ibid; 2-3
609
Paripadal, 4 : 8

610
Ibid; 1 : 9-10 and 58; 3 : 88; 13 : 1-2; 15 : 27-28; Silappadikaram XI : 50
611
Paripadal, 13 : 50-51; Silappadikaram XVII : Padarkkaipparaval : 2
612
Silappadikaram, XI : 51
613
Paripadal, 13 : 57
614
Ibid; 4 : 10
615
Tirukkural, 1103.
616
Paripadal, 4 : 61; 15 : 49.
617
Naririnai Invocation : 4
618
Paripadal, 13:12 and 54.
619
Mullaikkali, 8 : 55
620
However, the Nalayira Divya Prabandham (St.3309) mentions His sacred thread.
is Tulai621 and Tulavam (Tulavam).622 His chest is adorned with the Tulasi garlands.623
Krishna also wears the Tulasi garlands.624 "Nachchinarkkiniyar speaks of Tiruttul.aippu
(the sacred Tulasi flower). It is not known if he refers to the Tu]asi leaves by that". 625
There is a difference of opinion as to the pleasantness of its odour. In the
Padirruppattu626 and in the Paripadal,627 Tulasi is mentioned as fragrant smelling. But
the old commentary on the Padiruppattu considers it odourless.628 Tirumal wears a
garland of flame-like Vetchi flowers (Ixora coccinea) interspersed with the sweet
smelling Tulasi.629 The Vetchi flower is Eri Nagai.630 Tirumal's adorns the Aram (chain) on
His Chest.631 That has the rainbow colours.632 His pearl chain, with the pendant (Madani)
attached, is a contrast to His complexion.633 The pearl chain on His chest resembles the
descent of the water-falls from the mountain and shines like lightning.634 The Maru

621
Kurinjippattu, 90

622
Paripadal, 13:29; Silappadikaram XII:113
623
Iniyavai (40). 1:2; Kurinjippattu 90; Padirruppattu 31:7-8; Paripadal 13:29; Silappadikaram XII: 10 and
113; XVII: Munnilaipparaval:2

624
Silappadikaram XVII Eduttukkattu:19

625
Subrahmanian N., Pre-Pallavan Tamil Index , p. 445
626
Padirruppattu, 31:7-9

627
Paripadal, 4:58; 15:15

628
Old commentary on the Padirruppattu 31:8 and contra Paripadal 4:58.

629
Paripadal 13:59.
630
Ibid; 13:59-60. But the lotus is Eri Malar (Paripadal 1:6; 9;4)
631
Silappadikaram XI:49.
632
Ahananuru 175:14-16; Paripadal 2:28-29;
633
Paripadal; 13: 3-4.

634
Ibid; 13:10-11.
(Kaustubham) in His chest is equated to Tirumagal and discussed in the section under
Tirumal's consorts.

Tirumal's shoulders are great.635 He wears the Tulasi garlands around

His shoulders.636 He wears the armlet.637 His neck is great.638 His navel is
lotus-like639 and is denoted Kamalam.640 All the worlds and everything in
them arose from His navel.641 His hip is broad.642 His hands are red643 and
lotus-like.644 All the directions are his hands.645 Like His immeasurable fame, His hands
are innumerable.646 “The hand is conceived of as essential to do an act. To do more
acts, many hands are required".647 Therefore His hands are enumerated from one
onwards upto infinity in the Paripadal.648 Therein occurs the names Ainkai Maindan and
Arukai Neduvel referring to Tirumal. Whether these two names are references to
Ganesa and Murugan respectively is a question. Basically the purpose of enumeration of
Tirumal's hands in this context is clearly not to identify other gods with him. Otherwise
one may be required to go in search of gods for equating with each number of hands
ascribed to Tirumal and It is a task well nigh impossible. Ainkai Maindan means the

635
Ibid; 13 : 53.
636
Ibid; 4:58; 8 : 1; 13:60; 15:15.
637
Ibid; 13:52.
638
Ibid; 13:53.
639
Ibid; 3:12-14 and 93-94; 15:49 Silappadikaram XVII; Munnilaipparaval:1; padarkkaipparaval:2.
640
Silappadikaram, XVII; Munnilaipparaval :4 and 9 Padarkkaipparaval :2.
641
Silappadikaram, XVII:Padarkkaipparaval :2.
642
Paripadal, 13:54.
643
Silappadikaram XVII: Padarkkaipparaval :2
644
Paripadal, 13:50-51; Silappadikaram XI : 48.

645
Narrinai Invocation :3.
646
Paripdal, 3:32.
647
Varadachari V. Note on the Religious and Philosophical content of the Paripadal in Ayvokkovai,
Annamalainagar, 1971, p.403.
648
Paripadal, 3:34-45
mighty god with five hands. It refers to Tirumal in this context and not Ganesa. N.
Subrahmanian observes, It is true that Ganesa is not particularly mentioned either by
that name or any of its modern equivalents in the Sangam literature. 649 Arukai Neduvel,
according to V.Varadachari, means either Murugan Himself with six hands or the great
lord controlling the six senses with hands.650 It reeds no mention that Murugan has
twelve hands and that the senses are five. Arukai Neduvel in this context means only the
beloved and tali Tirumal endowed with six hands. Further, Tirumal's hand is described
sarcastically in the Paripadal as the one benefit of beneficence and impartiality.651 The
reference obviously is to His distribution of nectar only to the gods while leaving out the
asuras entirely. Tirumal wears the Todi (bangles) in His hands. 652 The feet of Tirumal are
great.653 This big world forms his feet.654 They are red and so spoken of as Sevadi.655

They are lotus-like.656 They resemble the golden lotus.657 His feet are
blemishless.658 His two feet are the Talinai.659 The mere thought of them would provide
protection and dispel sufferings.660 Measuring the world, felling the Kurundam (a tree
with fragrant foliage) and kicking the Maya Saradam (an asura in the garb of a cart and

649
Subramanian N. Sangam Polity, op.cit., p.375.
650
Varadachari V. Op.cit., p.403.
651
Paripadal. 3:34
652
Ibid; 13:52.
653
Ibid; 13:54.
654
Narrinai Invocation 1.
655
Narrinai Inovation 1; Padirruppattu 31:9 Silappadikaram XI:104; XVII; Padarkkaipparaval:1 and 2
656
Silappadikaram XVII; Munnilaipparaval :3
657
Ibid; XI:134.
658
Paripadal, 3:2.
659
Silapadikaram, XI:137 and 149.
660
Ibid; XI : 137.
sent by Kamsan) were the three feats of Tirumal's feet. 661 The two feel of Tirumal are
superior even to Tirumal Himself.662

TIRUMAL’S FLAG AND MOUNT

Garuda (the Brahmany kite) is the emblem on the flag of

Tirumal.663 Although the word Garuda has no mention in the Sangam literature, Pul
(bird),664 Seval (male fowl)665 Uvanam (the Brahmany kite)666 and Pappuppagai (enemy
of the snakes)667 refer to Garuda. Tirumal's Garuda flag is golden668 and is long.669 It
flutters high in the sky.670 The flat; at the Alagarmalai temple is said to be visible ever
from a distance.671 The palmyra672 and the elephant673 also figure as signs marked on
Tirumal's flag. Garuda is Tirumal's mount too.674 So, Sevalurdi (the Garuda vehicle)675 is a

661
Tirikadugam Invocation 1-4.
662
Paripadal, 4:62
663
Ibid; 1:57; 2:60;3:18; 4:36; 8:2;13:4 and 38; 15:56; Purananuru 17:487; 56:6; Silappdikaram XI:136;
XIV:8;Tirumurugarruppadai, 151.
664
Palamoli, 67:2; Paripadal 1:57; 3:16-17; 8;2;15:56; Purananurua 17:48; 56:6; Silappdikarma XI:136;
Tirumurugarruppadai 151
665
Paripadal, 1:11; 3:18. It is well knwon that Seval (cock) is the emblem on Murugan’s flag.
666
Kalavali (40) 26:4; Paripadal 2:60; Silappadikaram XIV; 8.
667
Paripdal, 13:38.
668
Ibid; 15:56.
669
Ibid; 2:60; 3:18; Silappadikaram XI:136;

670
Purananuru, 56:6

671
Silappadikaram XI:136.
672
Inna (40). 1:2; Paripadal 4:38; Purananuru 56:4.
673
Paripadal, 4:40.

674
Silapadikaram, XVII : A dunarppugal Idal : 6.

675
Paripadal, 3 : 60.
name for Garuda. He has a red mouth676 and curved feathers containing many stripes.677
His enmity towards the snakes is proverbial.678 Yet, he has snakes all over his body
resembling the various ornaments worn on the head and feathers aid around the neck
as well as the ones appearing like the waist-band, bangles and garlands.679 Such a
graphic picture is conspicuous by its absence in the Sanskrit words of early times. 680 The
Paripadal relates two legends associated with Garuda. One is about his fetching nectar
from Indra's abode to secure the release of his mother (Viratai) from bondage. 681 The
second deals with the reduction of his conceit. Once he claimed the victory of Vishnu
(Upendra, the younger brother of Indra) over the asuras as his own since he carried Him.
Thereupon, Vishnu placed His small finger on Garuda who instantly descended to the
nether world unable to bear the weight. Thus ended Garuda's conceit. 682

Tirumal's Couch

The name Adisesha does not occur in the Sangam works. But Aravu (serpent)683
and Pambu (snake)684 refer to him. His fierce hoods numbering a thousand are lifted up
as an umbrella to provide shade over Tirumal's head. 685 He serves as a couch (bed) for
Tirumal to recline upon.686 The Aravanai (the serpent couch)687 and Pambanai (the snake

676
Ibid; 2 : 60.
677
Tirumurugarruppadai, 150.
678
Paripadal, 3:38; Tirumurugarruppadai 149 – 150.
679
Paripadal, 4: 42-48.
680
Varadachari V., Op.cit., p.404.
681
Paripadal, 3: 15-16.
682
Ibid; 3 : 59-62.

683
Mullaikkali, 5: 71 – 72; Silappadikaram X : 9 – 10.
684
Perumbanarruppadai, 373.
685
Paripadal, 1 : 1-4.
686
Ibid; 3 : 59 – 62.
687
Mullaikkali, 5: 71 – 72; Silappadikaram X : 9 – 10.
bed)688 indicate Vishnu's Seshasayanam. Adisesha's services to Tirumal as an umbrella
and a bed are recognised by the post-Sangam period too.689 The sight of Tirumal's
reclined posture on the serpent couch presents the picture of an elephant that lay on a
mountain full of Kandal flowers (Gloriosa superba).690 Adisesha has several exploits to
his credit. In the Paripadal Tirattu he is said to have served as the rope for churning the
Milk Ocean.691 Evidently Adisesha is substituted here for Vasuki. The exact reason for
this proxy is not explicit. It may be an attempt to draw Vasuki's repute to the name of
Adisesha. Next, he was the saviour of the Meru mountain from the gushing wind. 692
Then he wore the earth as a jewel on the head.693 Moreover, he functioned as the string
in the Meru bow during the destruction of the Tripuras by Siva.694 Indeed Adisesha is
adroit in serving the Two.

Tirumal's Weapons

Sudarsanam (disc), Panchajanyam (conch), Sarngam (bow), Nandagam (sword)

and Gaumedagam (mace) are the highly famed five weapons of Vishnu.695 None of these
Sanskrit names is found in the Sangam works. But Tirumal's five weapons were
collectively known as the Aimpadai and were individually referred to. The Aimpadaittali,
a necklace containing the miniature figures of Tirumal's five weapons, was meant for

688
Perumbanarruppadai, 373: Silappadikaram XI: 37-38.
689
Infact Poigai Alvar includes these two services among the several duties rendered by Adishsha to
Tirumal (Nalayira Divya Prbandham, St. 2134)
690
Perumbanarruppadai, 371-373.
691
Paripadal. Tirattu. 1:65-71.

692
Ibid; 1:74.
693
Ibid; 1:75.
694
Ibid; 1:76-78.
695
A hymn by Pey Alvar informes that Tirumal has eight weapons in His eight hands (Nalayira Divya
Prabandham, St. 2380)
children to ward off evil and provide safety.696 In this connection, K.A.Nilakanta Sastri
remarks that the Aimpadaittali was an armlet.697 S. Vaithilingam regards it a neck-
ornament.698 U.V. Saminatha Aiyar calls it merely an ornament made into the shape of
the five weapons of the protecting deity Tirumal.699 Since mentioned as a Tali it was
perhaps tied around the neck. The Pandya Talai-yalanganattu Nedunjeliyan is
mentioned as so young that the Tali Was not yet removed by then700 is mentioned as
wearing a golden Tali.701 Yet another charm for the children of those days was the
Pulippal Tali (a necklace with a pendant of tiger's teeth).702 This was also supposed to
protect the children from the evil forces.703 The disc and the conch were the prominent
among the weapons of Vishnu. The disc is called Nemi,704 Ali,705 Parudi,706 Tigiri,707 Chak-
karam708 and Vattam.709 The disc is bright,710 golden711 and flame-like.712 Tirumal

696
Ahananuru 54:18; Manimekalai III: 138, VI : 56; Purananuru 77:7; Tinaimalai (150). 66:3. In medieval
times, Jayankondar’s Kalingattupparani (240) mentions Aimpadai as those of Tirumal whereas
Paranjoti’s Tiruvilaiyadal Puranam 939:25) speaks merely of Aimpadai.
697
Nilakanta Sastri K.A., Development of Religion in South India, op.cit., p.33.
698
Vaithilingam S., Fine Arts and Crafts in Pattuppatti Ettutogai, p. 313.
699
Purananuru, St. 77 Commentary (See U.V. Saminatha Aiyar edition, 1956).
700
Ibid; 77:7-8.
701
Ahananru, 54:18.

702
Purananuru, 374:9.

703
Kuruntogai, 161:3.
704
Mullaikkali, 4:9; 5:72; Mullaipattu 1: Neydarkali 10:4; Paripadal 1:54; 15:60; Purananuru 58:15.
705
Palamoli, 248:1; Paripadal Tirattu 1:69; Silappadikaram XI. 47.
706
Paripadal Tirattu. 3:89.
707
Mullaikkali 4:78; Narrinai Invocation :7; Padirruppattu 31:8; Paripadal 13:58.
708
Inna (40), 1:3; Silappadikaram XIII:57.
709
Paripadal, 15:62.
710
Padirruppattu, 31:8.
711
Silappadikaram, XVII: Ulvari Valttu :2.
712
Paripadal, 2:51.
wielded it in His right hand.713 Usually Tirumal's disc and conch are spoken together.
There is a view that Tirumal's palms contain the chakra and sankha rekhas, 714 the
possession of which is deemed a superb characteristic. Tirumal's conch is Valai, 715
Valampuri (conch with spirals turned to the right)716 and Sankham.717 It is White.718
Tirumal-blew it loudly and its sound was thunder-like.719 The bow held by Tirumal is
Silai.720 His arrow is Ambu,721 also known as Narayam,722 His mace is Dandu.723 Nanjil,
the plough weapon ascribed to Balarama, is Tirumal's also. 724

Tirumal's Consorts

Tirumagal725 is Lakshmi and consort of Tirumal (Vishnu). She is goddess of wealth

and prosperity. Ilakkumi is a Tamil variant of Lakshmi. 726 She is known as Tiru (Sri or
Auspicious).727 Tirumadandai (Auspicious Dame),728 Tiruvin Seyyol (the red goddess of

713
Ibid; 1:54; 3:89. Durgha wielded the disc (Silappadikaram XII: 108). Aiyai too had it (Silappadikaram
Uraippattumadai:9)
714
Commentary onthe Mullaippatu 1-2. Corroboration for this is noticable in the Sivaka
Chintamani (St.204), Sulamani (Kumara:45) and Kamba Ramayanam (Krishkinds Kandam
Maramarappadalam, 117)
715
Mullaikkali, 9:10.
716
Mullaippattu, 2.
717
Silppadikaram, XI:47.
718
Ibid; XI:47.
719
Paripadal, 2:37-40.
720
Ibid; 15:60.
721
Ibid; 15:60.
722
Palomoli, 80:4.
723
Paripadal, 15:59.
724
Ibid;13:33.
725
Manimekalai, XIX:54; Silappadikaram, V:213; VI: 127, Since Tirumagal is the goddess of wealth and
prosperity the rich Pattinappakkam in Puhar was called Tirumagal Iruppu (residence of Lakshmi)
726
The Manimekala deity adressed Manimekalai the heroine of the Tamil epic Manimekalai as Illukkumi
(Manimekalai X:20) for the bore the name Illukkumi in her previous birth (Manimekalai VII:108)
727
Neydarkali 27:64; Padirrppattu 31:7; Pattinappalai 291; Silappadikaram XI:40; XVII; Eduttukkattu :21

728
Bharatam, ‘Teron’ :2.
wealth),729 Seyyol,730 Seyyaval,731 Seyyal,732 Nallal (the good goddess)733 Pon (the golden
goddess),734 Pori (Lakshmi),735 Tamaraiyinal (She of the lotus),736 Puvin Kilatti (Lady of
the lotus)737 and Ma (the great goddess).738 Tip lotus which is divine,739 due perhaps to
its association with Tiru, is fit for adorning all deities740 Tirumal's chest is Tiru-magal's
seat741 Even before he wedded Bhudevi (the goddess Earth), whom He saved from the
deluge, Tiru was seated m His chest.742 The pearl pendant in His chest appears like the
Moon, but it is curious to know that Tirumagal seated there resembles the spot on the
Moon743 The real spot, according to the Vaishnava tradition, is the Maru (mark or spot)
said to be in the chest of Tirumal. It is generally denoted Tiru Maru, the prefix
indicating its holiness. Placement of Tiru Maru in Tirumal's chest led to His being
called Tiru Maru Marban.744 The Mara beautifies His chest.745 Kaduvan Ilaveyi-nanar

729
Silappadikaram, VI:61.
730
Ahananuru, 316:13; Manimekalai V:4; XVI;34; Paripadal 2:31.
731
Tirukkural, 167.
732
Namanikadigai, 67:3; Paripadal Tirattu 1:1; Tirukkural 84.
733
Nanmanikadigai, 43:2.

734
Perumbanarruppadai, 424.
735
Tirikadugam, 15:1.
736
Tirukkural, 617.

737
Naladiyar, 252;4.
738
Mullaippattu, 2; Paripadal 1:3.
739
Sirupanarruppadai, 73.
740
Ibid; 289-290.
741
Mullaikkali 4:10; Mullaippattu 2; Neydarkali 27:64; Padirruppattu 31:7; paripdal 1:3; Silappadikaram XI:40;
VII: Eduttukattu:21. Thiru is spoken of as seated in the chest of the king stoo (Ahananuru 13:6;
Malaipadukadam 356). The Nalayir Divya Prabandham provides an interesting piece of information (St. 3650)
that Tirumal’s chest houses Siva and Brahma too. Tirumagal was a guardian deity of the fortress (Pattinappalai
291)
742
Paripadal, 2:31-36.
743
Ibid; 2:28-31.

744
Mullaikkali, 4:10; Paripadal 1:39; 4:59; Perumbanarruppadai, 29. Aruhan has 1008 Marus (Sivaka Chintamani;
Invocation 2:2)
describes the Maru as golden coloured in the Paripadal.746 This draws the attention of R.
Sarangapani to state that all the poets other than him have indicated its colour as
black.747 But Tiruttakka Tevar in his Sivaka Chintamani clearly states that its colour is
golden.748 Pillai Perumal Aiyangar in his Tiruvaranga Kalambagam calls it a gem shining
like me Sun.749 In the Sanskrit-English, Dictionary of M. Monier-Williams, it is given that
the Kaustubham is the name of a celebrated jewel obtained along with thirteen other
precious things during the churning of the Milk Ocean and that it is suspended on
Vishnu's chest. But, Sangam works do not reveal clearly the conception of the Maru
being a jewel (gem). It is neither equated with the Kaustubham nor mentioned as being
suspended on Vishnu's chest. But, the Maru is closely associated with His chest.
Therefore, the Maru during the Sangam Age perhaps was regarded as none but Lakshmi
who is a permanent feature or mark in Vishnu's chest.

Nappinnai is the Aymagal par excellence.750 She is 'Krishna's favourite cowherdess

corresponding to Radha of Sanskrit mythology".751 She is denoted Pinnai752 or Pinnai.753
Pinnai is none but Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu. For Pinnai means the latter-born’. In
other words, She is younger to Jyeshta (Mudevi). It is said that while churning the Milk
Ocean Jyeshta appeared first and thereafter Lakshmi. In the Tamil tradition, Pinnai is the

745
Paripadal 1:8-9.
746
Ibid; 4:59.
747
Sarangapani R., Paripadal, Tiran, p. 137.
748
Sivaka Chintamani, Invocation :2:2
749
Tiruvaranga Kalambagam, St. 1
750
Silappadikaram XVII: Eduttukkattu : 12-13.
751
Subrahmanian N., Pre-Pallavan Tamil Index, p. 570.

752
Silappadikaram XVII: Adunarppugaldal:1; Onranpagudi :2.
753
Manimekalai XIX. 65; Silappadikram XVII. Eduttukkattu:14 and 16; Onranpagudi. 1.
wife of Kannan (Tirumal).754 She played the Kuravai dance with Him. 755 Hence, Tirumal's
failure to glance at Lakshmi seated in His chest.756 Pinnai wore bangles in the hands.757

Tirumal's Sons

Brahma is Padaittan (the Creator),758 Padaitton (the Creator),759 Mudiyavan (the

Ancient),760 Vaymoli Magan (son of the Vedas), 761 Uli Mudalvan (Chief of the aeons),762
Adi Andanar (the primeval Brahmin),763 Chatur Mugan (the four-faced god)764 and
Nanmugan (the four-faced god).765 Tirumal is the progenitor of Brahma,766 who
appeared from the lotus-navel of Tirumal.767 This is indicated by His name Puvinut
Pirandon.768 His other names like Puvan769 and Tamarai lrai770 mean that He is the Lord
of the lotus. The lotus is Brahma' seat and so He is Pumelon 771 and Malarmisai
Mudalvan.772 The simultaneous emergence of the lotus and Brahma from Tirumal's

754
Inna (40), 22:2; Silappadikaram XVII; Eduttukkattu: 13 and 22

755
Silappadikaram XVII; Eduttukkattu, 21-22; and Karuppam and Venba.
756
Ibid; XVII. Eduttukkattu :22.
757
Ibid; XVII: A dunarppugaldal :1; Eduttukkattu :22.
758
Neydarkali, 12:2.
759
Purananuru, 194:5.
760
Palaikkali, 2:1.
761
Paripadal, 3:93.
762
Manimekalai, VI:172.
763
Paripadal, 5:22.
764
Silappadikaram, X:186.
765
Perumbanarrupadai, 403; Tirumurugarruppadai 165.
766
Silappadikaram, XVI. 48.
767
Paripadal, 3:13-14.
768
Paripadal Tirattu, 1:7.
769
Paripadal, 1:46.
770
Ibid; 9:4.
771
Silappdikaram, XII:106.
772
Paripadal, 8:3.
navel is indicated in the Paripadal.773 Brahma was Siva's Charioteer during the
destruction of the Tripuras.774 Kannan,775 the Hindu Cupid, is known by several names
such as Kamakadavul,776 Kama Vel,777 Nedu Vel,778 Vel,779 Maran,780 Van Terppagan781
and Maindan.782 Being the son of Tirumal, He is Man Magan (Mal Magan) 783 and
Nediyon Magan.784 Kaman is formless, and so Uruvilalan785 and Kalaiyilalan.786 Kaman
and His wife (Rati) are beautiful.787 His brother is Saman.788 Kaman has wealth and
weapons.789 Sugar-cane is His bow.790 So, He is Karuppuvilli.791 He uses the fragrant floral
arrows.792 So, He is Aruppukkanai Maindan793 and Malar Ambinon.794 His flag has the
carp (fish) as emblem.795 Hence His names Magarakkodiyon,796 Min Kodiyon,797
773
Ibid, 3:91-94.
774
Ibid; 5:22.
775
Ibid; 18:28.
776
Silappadikaram, VI: 2; XV: 102.
777
Paripadal, 18:28; Silappadikaram, IV:60
778
Silappadikaram, XIV:111.
779
Silappadikram, XXVIII:42. Vel denotes Murugan too (Paripadal 1:61)

780
Paripadal, 8:119; Silappadikram, VIII:6.
781
Manimekalai, XX :91.
782
Silappadikaram, IV:83.
783
Ibid; VII: 28:2.
784
Neydarkali, 28:8.
785
Manimekalai, V:6; Silappadikaram II: 44; V:224; VII: 2 nd Venba 2: XIV:36; XXX;25.
786
Silappadikaram, X:28
787
Paripadal, 19:48
788
Marudakkali, 29:34
789
Paripadal, 11:123
790
Silappadikaram, IV: 82; XXVII : 233.
791
Manimegalai, XX: 92: XXV:90.

792
Manimegalai, XX. 92; XXV: 90; Silappadikaram II.26; IV: 82; VIII;62, XXVII:233; XXVIII:19.
793
Manimegalai, XX:92
794
Paripadal Tirattu, 2:26
795
Palaikkali, 26:3; Silappadikaram, IV:3; V:5 and 25; VII:10:2 and 13:1
Minerruk-kodiyon798 and Surakkodiyon.799 Kaman induces love instinct in womenfolk by
shooting the floral arrows.800 The lovers' play during the spring season in a garden,
where the cuckoos, seated on flowery branches and calling their mates, is a feast to
Kaman.801

Avataras and Legends

The stories connected with Vishnu's Avataras are found Sprinkled over in the
Sangam literature. Vishnu's many descents were clearly discerned by the ancient Tamils.
This is noticeable in His description as Ambai Yakkaiyan.802 Maraimalai Adigal observes
that the conception of incarnation is the creation of northern Aryans and they have
really no connection with the Tamil Tirumal.803 This is largely true. The extent of this
northern influence over Tamil Vaishnavism may be gleaned from the fact that the
Matsya and Kalki (the first and the last) incarnations alone are exempted from mention
in the Sangam works. M. Raghava Aiyangar points out that certain episodes are
germane to the Tamil tradition and mentions Nappinnai's marriage with Kannan, the
bending of the Kurundam, the Release (Vidu) secured for Tadi Pandan and Taji, the
beheading of Simaligan etc., as instances of pure Tamil mythology.804 P.Arunachalam
concurs by stating that such stories are absent in the Sanskrit epics and puranas.805

796
Silappadikaram, XXVIII :19.
797
Manimekalai, XX:91.
798
Silappadikaram, V:210.
799
Neydarkali, 30:42.
800
Ibid; 22:20-23.
801
Marudakkali, 27:68-69.
802
Paripadal, 3:44-45.
803
Maraimalai Adigal Manikkavachagar Varalarum Kalamum Vol. II p. 447. Sircar D.C.Suggests the
settlement of a section of the Vrishni people at Madurai and the Promotion of the bhakti and
Krishna cult (Early History of Vaishnavism p.142, in The cultural Heritage of India, Vol. III)
804
Raghava Aiyangar M. Araichchi Toguid p. 43.
805
Arunachalam P., Bhakti Illakiyam, Madras, 1972, p. 43.
 Alluding to the Kurmavatara story, the Paripadal informs that Tirumal lent His
head to keep the churn (the Mandara Mountain) in its position during the churning of
the Milk Ocean.806 But here Adisesha is mentioned as the churning rope The traditional
view that Vasuki served that purpose is found in the Silappadikaram. 807 Varaha is Kelal808
and Kaliru.809 The golden Kimburi (thimble) adorns Varaha's horn.810 He lifted the earth
from the deluge on His neck and positioned it in tact, a function usually ascribed to the
Meru mountain.811 Then He married Bhudevi (Goddess Earth), although Lakshmi was
already present in His chest.812 It is strange that R.Sarangapani regards that the
Paripadal alone refers to the Narasimhavatara.813 Apart from the Paripadal,814 mention
about Narasimha is seen in the Silappadikaram too. 815 Narasimha and Hiranya are
referred to as Mudangal (lion) and Maru (enemy) in the Silap padikaram. The former is
said to kill the latter. In the Pari padal, Prahlada is called Pirungalatan. As he showered
praises on Tirumal, Hiranya became so furious that the sandal pasted on his body turned
dry and peeled off. To ward off any trouble from the father to the son, Tirumal,
appeared suddenly from the pillar, kicked Hiranya on the chest and tore him apart with
the claws.816 At the time of the Lord's appearance, Hiranya's drum beat automatically

806
Paripadal, 1:65-66.
807
Silappdikaram, XVII:Pattu 2; Munnilaipparaval : 1
808
Paripadal, 3:24.

809
Ibid; 2:35.
810
Ibid; 13:35-36.
811
Ibid; 3:23-24; 4: 22-24.
812
Ibid; 2:31-35.
813
Sarangapani R., Paripadal Tiran p. 147
814
Paripadal, 4:10-21.
815
Silappadikaram, XVII: Munnilaipparaval : 3

816
Narasimha appeared during the evening twilight, dragged Hiranya by the hair, kept him on the lap and killed
him by the claws (Nalayira Divya Prabandham, St. 1345 and 2674)
emanating the drumming noise,817 apparently portending his death.818 The
Vamanavatara story was know to the ancient Tamils. Mavali (Mahabali) is mentioned.819
As Mavali poured water, assuring the three feet of land,820 Tirumal measured the worlds
with His feet.821 He passed, over the three worlds with His two feet.822 Finding His might
and greatness, the frightened asuras hid themselves inside the sea. 823 Parasurama is
called Nediyon wielding the Maluval (axe).824 He was sworn to destroy the Kshatriyas.825
He rooted out the royal dynasties826 and then performed a sacrifice at Sellur.827
Kagandan offered to fight Parasurama but fled. At His behest Kagandan ruled from
Kavirippum-pattinam.828

K.A. Nilakanta Sastri says, "The stories of the Ramayana and Mahabharata were
well known to the early Tamil poets and they refer frequently to episodes from
these epics".829 But a careful glance through the Sangam literature might exhibit the
absence of any reference of importance to Rama as a deity. The present day Hindus

817
Paripadal, 4:19-21.J

818
For the omen of this type, see the Kamba Ramanayanm, Sundar Kandam, Katchippadalam, St. 42
819
Manimekalai XIX: 54 “Possibly there was a Mavali who founded a petty dynasty which later developed into
Mavali Vanarayas. But the reference here is surely to the puranic “asura Mahabali” (N. Subrahmanian, Pre
Pallavan Tamil Index p. 675)
820
Mullaippattu, 3.
821
Neydarkali, 7:1; Paripadal 3:20; Perumbanarruppadai 29; Silappadikaram VI:55; XI; 148; Tirikadugam
Invocation :1; Tirukkural 610.
822
Silappadikaram, XVII: Munnilaipparaval :3; Padarkkaipparaval :1.

823
Paripadal, 3:54-56.
824
Ahahanuru, 220:5.
825
Manimegalai, XXII. 34.
826
Ahananuru, 2209:6.
827
Ibid; 220:5.
828
Manimekalai, XXII: 32, 37, 43 and 76. Since Kagandan ruled from Kavirippumpattinam, that city is called
Kagandi Nagaranm.
829
Nilakanta Sastri K.A., Development of Religion in South India, op.cit., p. 32.
believe that Rama is anterior to Krishna. Panini and Patanjali, the early Sanskrit
grammarians, did not make a single allusion to Rama, His brothers and Dasaratha but
they refer to the Mahabharata characters like Vasudeva, Yudishtira, Arjuna etc. In this
connection R.G. Bhandarkar observes, "Even a lexicographer, in his list of synonyms of
Vishnu gives a good many names derived from the Krishna incarnation, but the name of
Rama, thes on of Dasaratha, does not occur, though Balarama or Balabhadra, the
brother of Krishna is mentioned".830 A.L. Basham also remarks, "For all his later fame,
the literature of the period ignores Rama and his father Dasaratha completely".831 K.A.
Nilakanta Sastri's conclusive opinion is that the "religious faith apart, the
Ramayana is neither allegory nor history, but poetry resting on mythology".832 A
convincing explanation is given by N. Subrahmanian who stales that the Ramayana
must have gained currency much later than the Mahabharata. He adds, "This must be
the reason for the dominant places assigned to Krishna and Baladeva and the
comparatively obscure and stray references to Rama in the Sangam literature. The
historicity and early deification of Krishna are in sharp contrast to Rama a later fashion
in popular religion".833 Even if one may feel that the Sangam material, on Rama is not
that scarce and that it is comparatively more than obtainable for Kurma, Varaha or
Narasimha, the impression gained certainly is that Rama, now greatly worshipped, was
treated just as a distinguished or victorious human and not raised to the level of a god.
He had no temple or worship or festival. No Sangam personality bore Rama's name
while Kannan was quite a popular name.

830
Bhandarkar R.G., Early History of the Deccan, Bombay, 1957, p. 17.
831
Basham A.L. The Wonder That was India, op.cit., Vol. I, 39-40.
832
Nilakanta Sastri K.A., History of South India, op.cit., p. 34.
833
Subrahmanian N., Sangam Polity, op.cit., pp. 413-414.
 Rama, the conqueror of Ravana,834 is equated to Tirumal.835 The very names
Raman,836 Sitai837 and Ravana838 occur. Rama is Aruntiral (the mighty);839 Sita is Madu
(woman);840 and Ravana is Arakkan (demon)841 as well as Ilangai Kilavan (the Lord of
Lanka).842 Vibishana is Ilangai Kilavarkilaiyon (the younger brother of the Lord of
Lanka).843 Rama's kingdom is Ayotti (Ayodhya).844 Ravana's is Ilangai (Lanka).845 Rama
proceeded to the forest,846 as ordained by His father.847 His wife (Sita)848 and younger
brother (Lakshmana)849 followed Him. He lost
His wife there and was grief-stricken.850 Ravana, the demon, had abducted
Her.851 On the way, She cast her various jewels which the monkeys found and put on
evoking pleasant laughter from the onlookers.852 Then Rama, the victorious, stilled the
disturbing noise of the birds as He sat in council beneath a banyan tree at Kodi

834
Manimekalai, XXVI:53.
835
Silappadikaram, XIV. 48.
836
Ahananuru, 70:15; Palamoli, 92:1; Purananuru, 378:18.
837
Purananuru, 378:18.
838
Manimegalai, XXVII:54.
839
Silappadikaram, XII: 65.
840
Ibid; XIV: 46.
841
Purananuru; 378 : 19
842
Palamoli, 92: 2
843
Ibid;
844
Silappadikaram, XIII:65
845
Palamoli, 92:2; Silappadikaram XVII; Padarkkaipparaval:3; XXVII: 238; Sirupparruppadai 119.
846
Silappadikaram, XIII:64
847
Ibid; XIV:46.
848
Ibid;
849
Silappadikaram, XVIII: Padarkkaipparaval :1.

850
Silappadikaram, XIV:47.
851
Puranauru, 378:19.
852
Ibid; 378:19-22.
(Tiruvanaikkarai) on the southern sea-shore.853 Was He examining the ways of ending
Ravana? This is a news hardly found in the versions of Rama yana prevalent in the Tamil
land.854 Then Rama destroyed the defences of Lanka. 855 Agaligai is mentioned in the
Paripadal.856 It is said that when Kovalan left Puhar, it appeared like Ayotti without
Rama.857

The Sangam literature rarely mentions the name Balarama as such and generally
refers to Him as Valiyon.858 He was praised and worshipped during the Sangam period,
though relegated to the background now. Mayilai Seeni Venkatasami thinks that the
worship of Vasudeva (Kannan) and Baladeva (Balarama) was introduced by the Jainas
into the Tamil country and was popular during the Sangam Age. 859 But, V. Kanagasabhai
Pillai regards that Balarama and Krishna were originally hero-worshipped by the
cowherd community and that the Brahmanic influence converted both these gods into
Vishnu's incarnations.860 By the time of the Alvars both had definitely become the
incarnations of Vishnu.861 Balarama is Nambi Mutta Piran, the elder brother of Krishna
(Kannan).862 Hence His names like Tammun, Mayavan Tammun and Mani-vannan

853
Ahananuru, 70;13-17.
854
Varadaraja Aiyar E.S., A History of Tamil Literature, Madras, 1950, p. 236.

855
Silappadikaram XVII: Padarkkaipparaval :1
856
Paripadal,19:50.
857
Silappadikaram, XIII:64-65.
858
Nattrinai, 32:2 Palaikkali 26:1; Paripadal 2:20; Purananuru 56:12; Silappadikaram, V:171.

859
Further, their names are mentioned in the Neminatha Purana in the Sri Purana of the Jamas (Mayilai Seeni
Venkatasami, Palantamilum Palvagai Samayanmum, p. 14 in Arts and Sciences in Ancient Tamil Literature,
University of Madras, 1974)
860
Kanagasabhai Pillai V., The Tamils 1800 Years Ago, op.cit., p. 231.
861
Sarangapani R., Paripadal Tiran, p. 151.

862
Manimekalai XIV: y65; Neydarkali 7: 1-2; Paripadal 2:20-21; Silappdikaram XVII: Adunarppugaldal:1;
Onranpagudi:1 and 2: Karuppam.
Tammun.863 The complexion of the two differed the elder white like the sand on the
sea-shore and the younger black like the sea. Yet they were one and worshipped
together since they performed the very same function of protection. 864 Both are
inseparable.865 Therefore, the garland, jewel, emblem and weapon appropriate to
Balarama, belong to Krishna (Tirumal).866 Balarama is white-complexioned and so He is
Vellai (the White).867 The white bull (vellai) reminds of Bala rama's complexion.868 Other
similarities to His complexion are the jasmine flower,869 moon,870 conch,871 milk,872 and
the frothy water-falls.873 His names Panira Meniyon874 and Panira Vannan875 further
confirm His whiteness.
V. Varadachari says that the Paripadal mentions Him as Adisesha in descent. 876 The
Silappadikaram calls Him Vellai Nagar.877 His dress is dark and garland is made of the
white Kadappam (Eugenia racemosa) flowers878 His flag had the palmyra emblem.879 So,

863
Reference No. 388.
864
Paripadal 15:11-13.
865
Ibid. 15:65-66; Purananuru 58:14-16.
866
Paripadal 4:38-40.
867
Inna (40) 1:2; Silappadikaram XIV: 9; XVII; Eduttukkattu 11 and 15. Even today the neams Vellaiyan,
Vellaichachami etc., are borne by the Tamils, So, P.T. Srinivasa Aiyangar thinks that the Baladeva worship was
native to the Tamil land (History of the Tamils p. 204)
868
Mullaikkali 4.8: 5; 11-12.
869
Silappadikaram XXII; Onranpagudi :2.
870
Ibid;1.
871
Paripadal, 1:4-5; 2:20; Purananuru 56:3; Silappadikaram V : 171.
872
Mullaikkali 4:8; Neydarkali 7:2; Palamoli 13:1; Purananuru 58:14.

873
Nattrinai 32:2.
874
Neydarkali,7:2; Palamoli, 13:1; Purananuru, 58:14.
875
Mullaikkali, 4:8.
876
Paripadal, 15:19. Varadachari V., Note on the Religious and Philosophical content of the Paripadal p. 404 (in
Ayvukkovai, Annamalainagar, 1971)
877
Silappadikaram, IX:40
878
Paripadal, 4:38-40; 5:55-58
879
Mullaikkali, 4:7; Paripadal 4:22; Purananuru 56:4; 58:14
He is Panaikkodiyon.880 The elephant also figures on His flag 881 His plough weapon is
called either Meli882 or Nanjil.883 He wields it in His right hand884 His names Nanjilan885
and Nanjilon886 are derived from the plough weapon. He is called Oru Kulaiyavan 887 and
Oru Kulai oruvan888 because He wears a single ear-ring. Balarama is reputed for His
strength.889

Krishna (Kannan) was the god of the cowherds.890 He and His

elder brother (Balarama) were the popular gods worshipped in the
temples.891 Krishna is equated to Mal.892 He is referred to as Mayon,893 Mayavan,894

880
Paripadal, 2:22; Purananuru, 56:4; 58:14
881
Paripadal,1:4-5.
882
Silapadikaram, XIV:9.
883
Palaikkali, 35:1; Paripadal 1:4-5; Purananuru 56:4.
884
Silappadikaram, XIV. 9.
885
Palaikkali, 35:1.
886
Paripadal, 13:33.
887
Mullaikkali, 2:8; 4:23; 5:11.
888
Palaikkali, 25:1; Paripadal 1:5.
889
Purananuru, 5:12; 57;2-3.

890
Purananuru, 5:12; 57:2-3.

891
Paripadal, 15:49-66.
892
Ahanauru, 59:6

893
Maduraikkanchi, 59; Mullaikkali, 3:55; 8:38; and 53; Nattrinai, 32:1; Paripadal, 3:1, 3 and 10; 15:33;
Purananuru 29:2; 57-2; 229-27; Tol Porul. 5:1; 60:9.
894
Silappadikaram, XVII: Adunarppugaldal :1; Eduttukkattu:11, 14 and 19; Karuppam; Onranpagudi:2,
Padarkkaipparval : 2; Pattu:1, 3 and 7.
Kariyavan,895 Kariyon,896 Anjana Vannan,897 Manivannan898 and Kadal Vannan.899 His
association with the Jumna (Yamuna or Tolunai) is noticeable in His name
Tolunaitturaivan900 He is praised as Tuvarai Vendu the King of Dvaraka).901 His foster-
mother is called Asodaiyar (Yasoda).902 Kamsan is His Maman (maternal uncle).903
Kamsan is also called Kanjan.904 Arjuna is Krishna's Maittunar (brother-in-law).905
Krishna's boyhood life is Vala Saritai (Balacharitha in the Bhagavata) 906 He ate the butter
which he stole in the houses of the cowherds. 907 Yasoda tied His hands with the rope
used for churning curd908 Krishna is noted for playing the flute.909 Elaborate description
of His performing the Kuravaikkuttu is found in the Aichchiyar Kuravai. 910 Balarama and
Nappinnai joined Him in this dance911 The Eru Manram (the place for drying cow dung
cakes by exposure to Sun) in Dvaraka was the location of this dance performance.912 The
cowherdesses played the Kuravai in honour of Krishna with the exploits of Tirumal

895
Silappadikaram, XVII. Padarkkaipparaval. 3.

896
Bharatam: Marankelu :8.
897
Purananuru, 174:5
898
Manimegalai, XIX : 65.
899
Manimegalai XXVII : 98: Silapadikaram XVII: Onranpagudi:1; XXVI: 238

900
Silappadikaram, XVII Pattu : 3.

901
Bharatam, Marankelu :2.
902
Silappadikaram, XVI:16; XVII: Adunarppugaldal :3 Munnilaipparaval :1
903
Silappadikaram, XII: 163.
904
Silappadikaram, VI: 46; XVII: Padarkkaipparaval :3.
905
Bharatam, Nanmaruppu:5.
906
Silappadikaram, XVII : Karuppam.
907
Ibid; XVII : Munnilaipparaval : 2.
908
Ibid; XVII : Munnilaipparaval :1
909
Ibid; XVII : Pattu ; 1, 2 and 3.
910
Canto, XVII in Silappadikaram.
911
Manimekalai, XIV: 65-66 Silappadikaram, XVII: Adunarppugaldal; 1 and 2 karuppam.
912
Silappadikaram, XVII : Adunaruppugaldal : 4: Karuppam.
and Krishna as the theme.913 Krishna stealthily took away the garments of the going for
a bath in the Jumna.914 and on seeing Balarama passing that way Krishna bent and
lowered the branch of the Kurundam tree915 obviously to avoid embarrassment to those
hapless maidens and to enable them to cover themselves with the foliage of that tree.
This incident yielded the anmes like Kurundosittan916 and Kurundositta Mayavan917 to
Krishna.

Successfully escaping all the wily attempts at murder, Krishna killed Kamsan
ultimately.918 Kamsan sent some Mallar (wrestlers) to kill his infant nephew who
destroyed them all.919 Kamsan sent an asura to kill Krishna. That asura approached
Krishna in the guise of an elephant. Krishna broke his tusk, destroyed him and
performed the Alliyam dance.920 Krishna kicked Sakadasuran (an asura in the garb of a
cart) to death.921 Another asura assumed the form of a calf and approached Krishna with
malicious intentions. Thereupon, Krishna lifted the calf up and struck it against the
Vilamaram (wood apple tree) which is said to be another asura. Thus the calf was killed
and the Vilamaram was felled.922 As Krishna remained tied to the ural (the large stone
mortar), He saw the double Marudam trees (two asuras). He crawled towards them
dragging along the ural. He passed through the two Marudam trees and felled them. 923

913
Canto XVII in Silappadikaram.
914
Silappadikaram, XVII : Adunarppugaldal : 1, 2, 3.
915
Ahananru, 59: 3-6This episode occurs in the Sivaka Chintamani (St. 209) also.
916
Silappadikaram, XVII: Kuttul Padutal, P 5.
917
Ibid; XVII : Pattu : 3.

918
Ibid; XVII. Padarkkaipparaval : 3.
919
Aintina, (50). 1:1; Kurinjikkali 16:5; Neydarkali, 17:1.
920
Silappadikaram, VI : 46-48.

921
Ibid; XII: 164; Tirikadugam: Invocation :3.
922
Ibid; XVII: Pattu : 1.
923
Ibid; XII : Uraippattumadai: 2. This act of Krishna is spoken of as that of Aiyai here.
Another episode deals with Krishna felling a Kurundam tree said to be an asura in that
form.924 Ulai(Usha), the daughter of Vanan (Banasura), aspired to marry Aniruddha, the
son of Kaman. As a result, Aniruddha was confined at So, the fort-town of Vanan.
Thereupon, Krishna (Vasudeva) resorted to retrieve Aniruddha. Krishna sacked So, and
triumphed over Vanan.925 On that occasion Krishna performed the Kudam (pot) dance in
the streets of the So town.926 At that time Kaman is also said to have danced the
Pediyadal in the attire of a woman.927 While strangling Vanan, the victorious Krishna
performed another dance called Mallinadal.928 Krishna's services to the Pandavas are
famous. He went to the court of the Kauravas as their envoy. 929 He functioned as
Arjuna's charioteer during the Mahabharata war and earned the name Maninirappagan
(the sapphire-complexioned teer).930

There are a few legends that extol Tirumal’s exploits. The terrifying horde of
avunar (the demoniac enemies of the gods) was conquered by Tirumal. 931 During the
war between the Gods and the avunar, the latter hid the sun thereby plunging the
entire world into utter darkness. So, the dusky Tirumal restored the sun and dispelled
the darkness engulfing the world.932 Tirumal sent the disc weapon against the avunar. It
hit their elephants on the fore-head and the terror-stricken avunar fled.933 The heads of

924
Ibid; XVII: Pattu : 3; Ulvari Valttu; 1; Tirikadugam: Invocation :2.
925
Nanamnikkadigai: Invocation :2; 2:2; Silappadikaram XVII: Padarkkaipparaval :1.
926
Manimekalai XI : 7; XXIX ; 390 and 457; Paripadal 3:83; Silapadikaram XI: 54-55.

927
Silappadikaram, VI : 57.

928
Ibid; VI : 49.

929
Ibid; XVII: Munnilaipparaval:3; Padarkkaipparaval:3.
930
Bharatam, Nanamaruppu:3.
931
Maduraikkanchi, 590-591: Paripadal, 2:36-49.
932
Purananuru,174:1-5.
933
Neydarkali, 16:1-3.
the avunar rolled like the pal-myraseeds during the operation of the disc weapon.934
Kundal (Kesin) was a demon who took the form of a horse and fought Tirumal (Mayon
Tirumal killed Kundal.935 The Kalittogai says that Tirumal killed him by tearing off the
mouth.936 And the Paripadal applies the name Kundal to both the killer and the killed. V.
Varadachari has the following to state in this connection: “In one context, however, a
mistake seems to have crept in Paripadal (3:31-32). The demon whom Mayon killed was
called Kesin. The Lord won the appellation Kesava. The word Kesa which means hair on
the head does not appear to have formed part of the word Kesin while referring to the
demon. Or it is quite possible that the Tamil author finds a reference to the thick hair on
the head of the demon who assumed the form of the horse while he came rushing to
attack Mayon.”937 It may be noted that Kundal, or for that matter Kesin, is just a name
for that demon. Whether he had hair on the head or not is immaterial, just as blind or
otherwise one might possess the name Tamaraikkannan. It may even be granted that
Kesa has nothing to do with Kesin. In this context, Tirumal (Mayon) got the name
Kundal because He destroyed the demon of that name. That is all. Perhaps Kundal was
the Tamil original and later on Sanskritised as Kesin or Kesava. The Kadamba tree,
usually connected with Murugan, is linked with Tirumal also occasionally. 938 The
commentary on the Silappadikaram alludes to Tirumal destroying a Kadambu in the
ocean.939 It is said that Tirumal churned the Milk Ocean using the mythological snake
(Vasuki) as a rope. So, earned the name Kadal Kadaindan. 940 The resultant nectar was

934
Paripadal, 2:40-49.
935
Ibid; 3 : 31-32.
936
Mullaikali, 3:54-55.
937
Varadachari V., Op.cit., pp.404-405.
938
Paripadal, 4:67.

939
Commentary on the Silappadikaram XVII : Ulvari Valttu: 9; XXIX ; Vallaippattu: 13.
940
Silappadikaram XVII : Munnilaipparaval : 1.
distributed by Him among the gods. 941 But He left out the asurar entirely in His list.942
Certain legends, however, defy comprehension of their real import and the
circumstances necessitating their rise. It is said that Tirumal ate up the world. 943 It is not
known if this refers to His embodying all the worlds or to His munching the mud as
Kannan and then opening His mouth to show that 'everything' was weil inside His
throat, or to what else. Tirumal is said to have hidden the Sun with His disc. 944 It is not
known for what purpose. His descent as a male-swan and the drying up of the torrential
cosmic deluge by spreading out His feathers are mentioned. 945 Tirumal was the saviour
of the Moon from being devoured by the snake.946

Philosophy

Philosophical thought relating to Vaishnavism is a rarity in the Sangam literature.

Of course, stray metaphysical ideas occur here and there. Yet, "most of the poems never
have direct touch or deal with philosophy."947 The Sangam Tamils attained brilliant
academic and commercial distinction. But "they contributed practically nothing to
metaphysical speculation of the type of the Upanishads. Their religion did not mature
any philosophical system and they had no elaborate mythology of their own. But it was
not a natural deficiency of the Tamils. They simply had not thought about that aspect of
things. But once it was brought home to them, it was they that spread the light later on

941
Ibid; XVII : Pattu : 2.

942
Paripadal, 3 : 33-34.
943
Silappadikaram, XVII : Onranpagudi : 1.
944
Ibid.

945
Paripadal, 3 : 25-26.
946
Mullaikkali, 4 : 37-38, Perumbanarruppadai 383-384. The snake was Rahu, the shadow cast on the
Moon eclipse Subramanian N., Pre-Pallavan Tamil Index, p. 52.
947
Sathiyamoorthy S., Impact of some philosphic Thought in Sangam Literature,
Annamalai-nagar, 1971, p.481
throughout India through the Bhakti movement led by the Alvars and the Nayanmars
and the great philosophical systems of the succeeding centuries, propounded by
intellectual giants like Sankara, Ramanuja and Meykandar."948 Vaishnavism did not take
complete shape during the Sangam Age. But Tirumal was worshipped as an important
deity among others. His antiquity and greatness were regarded as beyond
comprehension.949 It is said that Tirumal is reputed for fame.950 Nevertheless, even the
Vainava Vadi in the Manimekalai had not much to dilate upon Vaishnava Philosophy. In
the case of the Paripadal, "it is a happy and healthy blending of the traditions"951 says V.
Varadachari and "it shows the influence of the Vedic thoughts in those very early
days"952 says N. Kanagaraja Aiyar. Moreover, K. P. Ratnam finds the thoughts of the
Bhagavat Gita in the Paripadal songs on Tirumal.953 B.V. Ramanujam unequivocally
mentions the gradual spread of the Aryan concepts and modes of worship in the Tamil
land and notices the performance of sacrifices referred to in the works like the
Padirruppattu.954 Tirumal is connected with every aspect of the sacrifice 955 and His liking
for the sacrifice is noted.956 He is praised as Veda Mudalvan957 and Vedattu Marai.958

948
Subrahmanian N., Sangam Polity, Op.cit., p. 384.

949
Paripadal, 2 : 17-18; 3 : 46
950
Purananuru, 56 : 13; 57 : 2.
951
Varadavhari V., Op.cit., p.402.
952
Kanagaraja Aiyar N., Vedic Thoughts in Sangam Literature, Calcutta, 1968, p.55.
953
Ratnam K.P., Paripadalum Bhavat Gitaiyum, Sentamil Selvi, Vol. XXXVIII, p. 128 ff.

954
Ramanujam B.V., Op.cit., p. 127.

955
Paripadal, 2 : 61-66.
956
Ibid; 13 : 56.

957
Narrinai : Invocation : 6.
958
Paripadal, 3 : 66.
 The cardinal philosophical tenets of Vaishnavism as noticed in the Sangam works
may be set forth herebelow. Tirumal has innumerable forms. 959 All the same He has no
specific form and takes the form that His devotees visualise.960 There is no birth that He
has not taken, but no one created Him. 961 He is hard to realise and specify.962 His
emergence is in water.963 He is all pervasive.964 Therefore, He is Omnipresent; is
everything; is in everything; is all implications; and is immanent in all gods that are
worshipped.965 His primacy makes Him assume the abodes, flags and weapons of other
gods.966 Yet He could be a servant to His true devotees.967 He has neither friends nor
foes, and neither relatives nor others.968 He is Lord of all the gods and the inimical
demons as well.969 Hence His impartiality He is the truth par excellence.970 Tirumal is the
creator of everything and is immanent in everything which reveals the creative aspect of
the Lord.971 This lends support to the doctrine that God is both the material and
instrumental cause for all efforts.972 In the lines 1 to 16 of the 2nd song in the Paripadal,
the process of creation is described in a legendary manner. From the Lord the sky
(formless) emanated at first and then wind from the sky, water from the wind and earth
from the water indicating the initiation of creation. The very long duration intervening
959
Ibid; 3 : 44-45.
960
Ibid; 4 : 56.
961
Ibid; 3 : 72.
962
Ibid; 1 : 34-35.
963
Ibid; 4 : 30. Since the name Narayana is from water, according to the commentator.

964
Nattrinai: Invocation : 5; Paripadal 3 : 34-35; 13 : 14-24.
965
Paripadal, 2 : 59; 3 : 68-70; 4 : 25-35 and 66-70.
966
Ibid; 4 : 36-42 and 66-70; 15 : 56-61.
967
Ibid; 4 : 72.
968
Ibid; 3 : 56-58, 4 : 53-55.
969
Ibid; 3 : 54-55.

970
Ibid; 2 : 54; 3 : 64.
971
Ibid; 3 : 40; 4-0 : 25-35.
972
Varadachari V., Op.cit., p.402.
one stage of creation and the next as well as the lack-lustre condition of the Sun and the
Moon during the deluge are the note-worthy features in the process described. In the
lines 77 to 80 of the 3rd song in the Paripadal in praise of Tirumal, the commentator
Parimelalagar notices the Sankhya philosophy. The 25 principles of the Sankhya system
are given as follows :

Pal (Zero, barrenness) : Purusha (soul) ... 1

Kal (germs) : Pancha Bhutas namely ether, air, light,

water and earth ... 5

Pagu (Classification) : Karmendriyas namely mouth,

feet, hands and the organs of

evacuation and reproduction ... 5

Onru (one) : Sound

Irandu (two) : Touch Tanmatras or

Munru (three) : Colour Aimpulan or

Nangu (four) : Taste Subtle elements ... 5

Aindu (five) : Smell

Aru (six) : Gnanendriyas namely skin, tongue, eyes,

nose, ears and mind (means) ... 6

Elu (Seven) : Aankara (self-sense) ... 1

Ettu (Eight) : Man (buddhi, intellect) ... 1

 Tondu : Onbadu (nine) : Prakriti

(the Primoridial Matrix) ... 1

Total 25

In his commentary on the Paripadal, Parimelalagar refers only to the evolution of

the Tanmatras and the origin of the Pancha Bhutas. But, in his commentary on the 27th
couplet of the Tirukkural, he attempts the evolution according to the Sankhya system
thus: "The conscious Purusha has no origin and brings forth nothing. Prakriti which has
no origin of its own brings out Buddhi. From Buddhi arises, Ahankara, Ahankara begets
Tanmatras, which in turn give rise to Manas, Gnanendriyas, Karmendriyas and Pancha
Bhutas." S. Sathiya-moorthy wonders that in the Paripadal the pre-Christian and pro-
Vedic but atheistic Sankhya system is connected with God by stating that all through the
yugas. Tirumal would remain in high position pursued by these twenty-five principles.973
"It is difficult to understand the precise significance of the Sankhya account of evolution,
and we have not seen any satisfactory explanation as to why the different steps of
evolution are what they are."974 However, "we know that some time before the third
century, there was a theistic Sankhya work known as Sashti Tantra Sastra, some
description of which is found in the Pancharatra and the Ahirbu-dhnya Samhita...
somewhat resembling the theistic Sankhya view of the Bhagavata Purana. There is
great divergence of opinion among the various schools of Sankhya regarding the order
and manner of the evolution, of these categories The Sankhya-Yoga and the Vedanta
have practically influenced not only the various forms of Hindu religious literature, such
as the Puranas, the Tantras, the Mahabharata, the Gita and the Pancharatra and other
sectarian literatures related to them, but also many of the Buddhist Tantras. The idea of
the conjoined Prakriti and Purusha has also influenced various forms of worship, art and
973
Sathiyamoorthy S., Op.cit., p.483, Kapila was an incarnation of Vishnu (Vide Satvata Samhita XII;
Ahirbudhnya Samhita LXVI; Garuda Purana I : 202; and Bhagavata Purana I : 3)
974
Radhakrishnan S., Indian Philosophy, Vol. II, p. 274.
iconography."975 "The Sankhya doctrine of Puru sha and Prakriti also appears to have
considerably influenced the conception of Lakshmi as the consort of Vishnu as well as of
Devi the consort of Siva."976

Creation, Protection and Destruction are all Tirumals functions. 977 All life starts
from Him and reaches Him ultimately.978 Still, He is the protective god par excellence,979
a role He has assumed willingly. His function as the Protector is explicit in the
expression Naranan Kappu.980 Under His umbrella of Aru (grace) and sceptre of Aram
(dharma) He protects all the worlds.981 In this connection it may be noted that Krishna
is said to have taken the form of the Chera, Chola and Pandya monarchs and ruled over
the three Tamil Kingdoms.982 Equation of the King with Tirumal is a vogue, since both
offered protection. It reminds one of Nammalvar's remark that seeing the king
tantamounts to seeing Tirumal Himself.983 That the ancient Tamils were aware of the
Pancharatra doctrines is clear from the Paripadal.984 The principles of Paratvam,
Vyuham, Vibhavam, Antaryamitvam and Archai are noticeable in the Pancharatra
system. The state of Tirumal at Paramapadam (Vaikuntam) is meant by Paratvam.
Turakkam985 and Tamaraikkannan Ulagu986 refer to that. Vasudeva, Sankarshana,
Pradyumna and Aniruddha are the four Vyuhas of Tirumal. As the Vyuhas, He reigns
975
Surendranath Dasgupta, Introduction, The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. III, pp. 13-16.
976
Sircar D.C., Early History of Vaishnavism, p. 139 (in The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol III).
977
Paripadal, 4 : 33-36.
978
Ibid; 1 : 4-7.
979
Tirumurugarruppadai, 161.
980
Manimegalai XXVII : 99.
981
Paripadal, 3; 74-76.

982
Silappadikaram, XVII : Ulvari Valttu : 1-3.
983
Nammalvar, Tiruvaymoli: 34:8. He equates them because both passes Tiru.
984
Subramanian N., History of Tamilnad (-1336 A.D.), p. 381; S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, A History of Tirupati,
Vol. I, p. 199; Jagadeesan N, Sri Vaishnavism in the Tamil Country (post-Ramanuja), p. 9.
985
Paripadal, 15 : 16.
986
Tirukkural, 1103.
supreme, creating, protecting and destroying the world by turns. Kari (the dark
Vasudeva or Krishna), Vellai (the white Sankarshana or Balarama), Sempon Mai (the
reddish Pradyumna or Kaman) and Pachchai (Aniruddha)987 refer to the aforesaid
Vyuhas. Vibhavam means the Avataras (incarnations) which have been noticed already.
Antaryamitvam is the immanence of Tirumal. As an Antaryamin He is heat in the fire;
fragrance in the flower; light in the gem; truth in the word; and so on. 988 This, exposes
the pervasive nature of Tirumal. The invocatory verse to the Narrinai tells that He keeps
all that has come into being in Himself. Then, He would protect everything even during
the final deluge. Arena is the worship of the idols wherein God is believed to exist. At
the Alagarmalai temple, both Krishna and Balarama were worshipped989 in the form of
idols. The Ashtakshara Mantra called the Ettu (the eight letter mantra, Om Namo
Narayanaya) is given Vedic connection.990 Its efficacy was known. That is why, the
tongue that utters not the name Narayana is spoken of with derision.991

Nomenclature

The nomenclature among the ancient Tamils is an interesting phenomenon

deserving careful notice. By and large gods' names were not borne by the humans of-
the Sangam times. Only some have been named after the Gods. Even among them a
good number had Kannan as either the basic or full name.992 The names like
Karikkannanar and Senkannanar may be deemed to be Vaishnavite. Ilam Kannar (author

987
Paripadal, 3 : 81.
988
Ibid; 1 : 45-46; 3 : 63-68; 4 : 25-32.

989
Ibid; 15 : 65-66.
990
Silappadikaram, XI : 128-129.
991
Ibid; XVII : Padarkkaiparaval : 3. That derision is extended to the ear that hears not His greatness as well as the
eye that either sees Him not or blinks while seeing Him.
992
For instance, Kannanar, a poet (Kuruntogai 244); Kannanar son of Sendan (Ahananuru 350); Kannanar of
Kumattur (Padirruppattu II Ten); Tirukkannan, a Chola general (Purananuru 174); Kannan Elini, ruler of
Mudukunram (Ahananuru 197); Kuttuvan Kannan, a poet (Kuruntogai 179); Karikkannanar, a poet (Ahananuru
107, 123, 258; Narrinai 237); Senkannanar, a poet (Ahananuru 103, 271;
Nattrinai 387).
of St. 250 in the Kuruntogai) may mean either the younger brother of Kannar or the
Tamil form of Balakrishna. So also in the case of Ilam Kannanar (author of St. 264 in the
Ahananuru). Pal vanna Tevan is a sure indication of Balarama (Baladeva) and it occurs in
the name of Idaiyala Nattu Manakkudaiyan Pal Vanna Tevan Villavataraiyan who
prepared a Payiram to the Ahananuru. Kesavanar and Nallachchudanar had Vishnu's
names but sang the praises of Murugan in the Paripadal. Damodaranar (author of St. 92
in the Kuruntogai) is another Vaishnava name of those times. The author of the Kalavali
Narpadu was Poigaiyar. He is different from Poigai Alvar of the post-Sangam period.
Naming of persons invariably after gods was perhaps a post-Sangam development. It is
worth noticing that even the first three Alwars did not assume any one of the names of
Tirumal. But Perialvar outspokenly advocated the assumption of
Tirumal's names. He says that the mother who named her son after Narayana would not
enter the hell.993

Asceticism

A certain order of ascetics finds mention as Mukkorpagavar (Mukkol Andanar) in

the Sangam literature.994 Mukkol stands for the three-pronged staff. So, they were
denoted the Tridan-dins. But the Ekadandins (unistaffed ascetics) are not mentioned at
all in the Sangam works. "The Mukkorpagavar who were perhaps the Ajivikas in the
South went about with their Tridan-das as their name indicates. The medieval
commentator Nachchi-narkkiniyar explains the Tridanda as indicating a faith in the unity
or identity of Hari, Haran and Ayan."995 "It is also possible to confuse Bagava in
Mukkorpagavar with Bhagavata. If both Bagava and Bhagavata are derived from the
common root Bhaga (that which is pervasive or immanent), it might be imagined that
the Jainas and the Vaishnavas recognised common religious factors."996 M. Monier-
Williams says that the Tridanda denotes control over thought, words and actions. 997 He
quotes Manu in support.998 In the later day Hinduism, it is well known that the Sri
Vaishnava ascetics carried a Tridanda while Advaita (Smarta) ascetics an Ekadanda.

Worship

Reference to Gods by complexion is a sure indication of the prevalence of idol

worship in the Sangam Age. The practice of controlling the senses and passing through

993
Perialvar Tirumoli, 4. 6. 4.
994
Neydarkali 9 : 4; Mullaipattu 38.
995
Jagadeesan N., History of Sri Vaishnavism in the Tamil Country, (post Ramanuja),
Madurai, 1977, p. 151.
996
Ibid; p. 257, F. N. 107.
997
Monier Williams M., Indian Wisdom, p. 133, F, N. 3.
998
Manu, 12. 10. 11.
the different stages of meditation was a form of worship.999 This is perhaps a reference
to a type of yoga and might not have involved the worship of idol. This was not meant
for all. For all other references indicate idol worship. The worship of Tirumal's feet was
common.1000 Obeisance was made several times at His feet.1001 His feet were thought of
as mother1002 and also as ending the series of births. 1003 Laying the head at the feet of
the image while taking a vow was a practice.1004 Worship of the feet of the Lord is
common even today, but it is interesting to note that obeisance was made to His chest
also.1005 His chest, denoted as Tiruvarai-yagalam, is the seat of Tiru (Lakshmi). In the
Perumal temples, even today, the worship at the Tayar (goddess) shrine precedes that
at the Lord's. This implies that Her grace is sought before approaching the Lord: That is
because She is the Mediatrix. In the Sri Vaishnava parlance, it is known as the
Purushakara principle. The mentioned reference perhaps has links with it. But,
Tiruvaraiyagalam may just mean the holy mountain housing Tirumal's shrine. In that
case, it was the mountain that was worshipped. Making obeisance by turning towards
the direction of the Alagarmalai is spoken of as so much efficacious as worshipping
Tirumal Himself1006 Perhaps circumambulation of the Alagarmalai also prevailed."1007

The devotee offered prayers to the Lord in the company of his close relatives. 1008
That is, the family as a group performed worship. Before entry into the temple physical

999
Paripadal, 4: 1-4.
1000
Padittruppattu 31 : 9 Paripadap 1 : 65-68; 2 : 72.
1001
Paripadal 13 : 61-62.
1002
Ibid; 13:61.

1003
Ibid; 3:2.
1004
Mullaikkali, 8 : 55-56; Paraipadal Tirattu 1:5-6.
1005
Paripadal, 13: 11-13.
1006
Ibid; 15:46-48.
1007
Silappadikaram, XI : 105.
1008
Paripadal, 1:65-68; 2:75; 15:46-48; Paripadal Tirattu 1:80-82.
purification was done by bathing in the temple tank.1009 The details of the worship of
Vishnu are indicated in the Padittruppattu1010: "The devotees assembled with their
hands folded and raised a chorus about Tirumal. As the temple bells sounded, the
fasting devotees took bath in the cool waters of the temple tank. Then they returned
and fell at the feet of Tirumal who wielded the disc and wore the basil garlands. After
that they went back home fully satisfied that their vows were fulfilled." This points out
that the devotees fasted to invoke the Lord's grace. Womenfolk decorated themselves
with jewels and cosmetics and went to the temple along with their husbands and young
children.1011 While going to the temple the devotees carried fragrant flowers for
adorning the deity, incenses for burning at the altar and aromatic items like sandal. 1012
Cooked items were also taken as offerings to the Lord.1013 To the Kaman temple, milk
was taken as an offering.1014

The devotees sought fulfilment of their desires during the worship. These
included a life devoid of agonies1015 and the proximity to the Lord.1016 The latter
resembles the principle of Samibhya. In the St.5 of the Mullaikkali the cowherds are said
to worship Tirumal so that He might bestow milch cows on them. They also asked for
protection from possible sufferings indicated by evil omens. During the worshiping the
hands raised above the head with both palms brought together is a manner of
salutation.1017 It is said that one take shelter at the Lord's feet by bowing and with

1009
Silappadikaram, VI : 57.
1010
Padirruppattu, 31 : 1-10.
1011
Maduraikkanchi, 461-466; Paripadal Tirattu 1 : 60-63.
1012
Kurinjipattu, 5-7; Maduraikkanchi, 461-462.
1013
Paripadal Tirattu, 1: 44-45.
1014
Mullaikali, 9: 19-20.
1015
Paripadal, 1: 75-76.
1016
Ibid; 1 : 62-65; Paripadal Tirattu 1 : 79-82.
1017
Kurunjippattu 209; Maduraikkanchi 619; Mullaipattu 10-11; Nedunalvadai 43; Padirruppattu 31:3.
palms.1018 Prostration was another method of Salutation.1019 Music accompanied the
worship.1020 The cowherdess Tirumal's glories and played the Kuravaikkuttu worship.1021
The cowherds worshipped Kaman, the son Tirumal, as a pastoral deity. 1022 The
institution of controlling the bull (Eru Taluvudal) or bull-baiting was well known The
cowherds gave their daughters in marriage to the youths who controlled the bulls with
success.1023 This was in imitation of Krishna arrying Nappinnai after controlling seven
bulls. As a prelude to the joyful wedding in the pastoral region the Kuravai dance
associated with the name of the Lord was performed.1024

Temples

Since Tirumal is immanent all places are His sacred centres and it is futile to
particularise the places of His pre sence.1025 However, for the benefit of His devotees
He is assigned temples in certain places. The Sri Vaishnava tradition counts 108 sacred
centres for Him. The Sangam, literature does not enumerate all of them. The
Alagarmalai, Puhar Venkatam, Vehka, and Adangamadam are some prominent places
mentioned in this regard. The conception of the three postures of Tirumal appears to
be quite ancient are His Kidanda Vannam (the reclined state), Irunda Vannam (the
seated state) and Ninra Vannam (the standing state). The Sangam works often refer to
His reclined state. The Aravanai (the serpent couch) and Arituyil (Yoga Nitra) are
associated with this state. At Venkatam He stands. He is addressed as Malaimisai

1018
Paripadal, 1 : 62-65.
1019
Ibid; 2 : 72-76.
1020
Mullaikkali, 6 : 48-50.
1021
Aichchiyar Kuravai, Canto XVII in the Silappadikaram.
1022
Nachchinarkkiniyar’s commentary on Mullaikkali 9:19-20.
1023
Silappadikaram, XVII : Pattu : 2-7.
1024
Mullaikkali, 2 : 34-35.
1025
Paripadal, 3 : 68-70.
Ninran at the Alagarmalai. Irundaiyur represents His sitting posture. Moreover, the
Sangam Tamils worshipped Krishna and Balarama in the temples assigned to them.

"The Nemimalai (Chakravalagiri), beyond the ken of human knowledge and

intelligence, holds the world intact amidst the sheet of water. Such highly famed
mountains are many. A few among them mitigate human sufferings and offer
wholesome and eternal benefits. Even among them only very few mountains, clad with
clouds at the top and having flower bedecked ponds, are dear to gods. Among such
mountains the tall and grandiose-looking Irum Kunram houses Krishna and Baladeva. It
is a heaven that is hard to attain."1026 The Alagarmalai had names like Tiruvarai,1027 Irum
Kunram,1028 Tirumal Kunram1029 and Palamudir Solai.1030 Being the great hill belonging to
Ai (Tirumal), it is called Ai Irum Kunram.1031 Perhaps Tirumal Irum Solaimalai was a
later day appellation for this mountain. Beautiful description of the route to the
Alagarmalai and its environs is seen in the Silappadikaram.1032 It was the seat of both
Krishna (Vasudeva) and Balarama (Sankarshana).1033 Tirumal at the Alagarmalai was
Onguyar Malaiyattu Uyarndon.1034 In both the Alagar malai and Venkatam there are
competitive stories about their originally belonging to Murugan. The Silappadikaram
mentions a holy tank near the Alagarmalai called Punniya Saravanam, 1035 which is
reminiscent of Murugan. Adagamadam means the golden temple and is identified as

1026
Ibid; 15 : 1-17.
1027
Ibid; 13-12.
1028
Ibid; 15:17, 23, 25, 35, 45, 53 and 65.
1029
Silappadikaram, XI : 91.
1030
Tirumurugarruppadai, 317.
1031
Paripadal, 15: 26.
1032
Silappadikaram, VI : 91-159.
1033
Paripadal, 15 : 56.
1034
Sillapadikaram, XI : 103.
1035
Ibid; 41-46.
Tiruvanantapuram by Arumpada commentator,1036 though he suggests that some might
regard it as Ravipuram. The priest in that temple was called Sedakkudumbi, 1037 and the
remains of the offerings to god was Sedam.1038 Srirangam, the temple par excellence of
the Sri Vaishnavas, is called Arangam,1039 Nadu1040 and Turutti.1041 These are
geographical names of places formed as islands in the middle of the flowing rivers. In
such islands Tirumal is stationed. In Srirangam, the reclined state of Tirumal on Adisesha
is likened to blue cloud lying on a golden mountain.1042 Since Srirangam is mentioned in
the context of Uraiyur the proximity of the two places is known. The Silappadikaram
relates Kovalan's reaching of Uraiyur after crossing the Kaviri. So, Uraiyur's location on
the southern bank of the Kaviri is gathered. Uraiyur, now one of the 108 Sri Vaishnava
sacred centres, is not explicitly named as Tirumal's place in the Sangam works.

Puhar (Kavirppumpattinam) was a place of many temples. The Valiyon temple

for Balarama1043 was called Vellai Nagar Kottam1044 also. Tirumal had the Nediyon Koil
there.1045 Krishna's temple was the Manivannan Kottam.1046 Kaman was worshipped at
the Kamavel Kottam in Puhar.1047 In Madurai, Balarama had a temple called the Vellai
Nagaram.1048 Irundaiyur,1049 on the Vaigai and near Kudal (Madurai), is called Nagar

1036
Padirruppattu, 31 : 9; Silappadikaram XI : 35-40.
1037
Silappadikaram, XXX : 52.
1038
Ibid; XXVI : 63.
1039
Ibid; XI : 6.
1040
Paripadal, 2 : 25; 4 : 67.
1041
Silappadikaram, XI : 39; XIII : 161; XIV : 73.
1042
Ibid; XI : 35-40.
1043
Ibid; V : 171-172.
1044
Ibid; IX : 10.
1045
Ibid; V : 171-172.
1046
Manimegalai XIX : 65; Silappadikaram X : 9-10; XVI : 50.
1047
Silappadikaram, IX : 60.
1048
Ibid; XIV : 9.
1049
Paripadal Tirattu, 1 : 3-5.
Nagar.1050 Here Tirumal is in the sitting posture. So, He is Amarnda Selvan. The
Arumpada commentator calls Him Irunda Valamudaiyar.1051 Possibly Irundaiyur is a
variant of Irunda Ur. Kulavay, near Madurai, had a temple for Adisesha.1052 People
thronged that place with all gaiety and devotion.1053 Vehka, near Kanchi, had a temple
for Tirumal in the reclined position.1054 Venkatam, the most popular among the 108 Sri
Vaishnava sacred centres, is called Nediyon Kunram. 1055 Tirumal in Venkatam is likened
to a blue cloud clad with the lightning as the new garment and the rainbow as the
ornament and standing aloft that mountain. 1056 Tankal appears only as a prefix to the
names of the Sangam poets like Attireyan Senkannanar and Putkollanar. Tankal is also
known as Tiruttan-kal and at present counted among the 108 Sri Vaishnava sacred
centres. Dvaraka, the birth place of Krishna, was known to the Sangam Tamils as
Kuvarai.1057 The Parkadal1058 is the puranic Milk Ocean. It is just mentioned as the Kadal
also.1059 Amudam (nectar) is churned out of it.1060 Tirumal is said to be in the reclined
posture on the serpent couch there.1061

Festivals and Nonbus

1050
Ibid; 1 : 59.
1051
Arumpada commentary on Silappadikaram XVIII : 4.
1052
Paripadal Tirattu, 1 : 63.
1053
Ibid; 1 : 64-76.
1054
Perumbanarruppadai, 373.
1055
Silappadikaram, VIII : 1.
1056
Ibid; XI : 41-51.
1057
Bharatam; Marankelu’ : 4; Silappadikaram XVII : Ulvari Valttu : 3.
1058
Paripadal, 13 : 26.
1059
Silappadikaram, XVII : Pattu : 2.
1060
Ibid; XVII : Pattu : 2.
1061
Mullaikkali, 5 : 71-72.
 The celebration of festivals and nonbus was part of the religious activities of the
Sangam Tamils. On the day of Onam, Tirumal's natal star,1062 a special festival took
place. During the wintry month of Tai (January-February) in the early hours of every
morning the girls observed the nonbu by taking bath in the cold water in the tank. 1063
"This is now being done in the month of Margali evidently as a result of the tradition
started by the Tirupavai and Tiruvempavai."1064 In Panguni (March-April), Panguni Vilavu
was celebrated at Urandai (Uraiyur) on the banks of the Kaviri.1065 During this festival
people reached the groves in the adjacent Srirangam in the Kaviri and indulged in
festivities including feasts.1066 Kaman festival was held in Madurai during the spring
season,1067 in the month of Panguni. The feast on that occasion was Venil 1068 "In
Hinduism, Kaman nonbu has the ultimate goal of achieving salvation through the
worship of Tirumal."1069

Vaishnavism and Arts

"Sculpture, like all arts, was closely bound up with religion and took the form of
representing divine shapes and forms... To judge from the literary descriptions in the
Sangam poems, even the images and temples of less durable material than stone must
have been forms of great beauty and bright colour, very well beloved of the people of

1062
Maduraikkanchi, 591.

1063
Nattrinai, 80 : 7-9.
1064
Subramanian N., Sangam Polity, op.cit., p. 379.
1065
Nattrinai 234 : 8.
1066
Ahananuru, 137 : 6-11. The Panguni Uttiram festival was famous at Uraiyur (Iraiyanar Ahapporul commentary
on Sutram 16) and is yet quite popular.
1067
Marudakkali 27 : 65-68; Silappadikaram XIV : 111-112.
1068
Marudakkali, 27 : 28.

1069
Seethalakshmi V., Kaman Nonbu in Papers on Tamil Studies, I.I.T.S., Madras, 1980, p. 226. The Jainas
celebrated it to get their desires fulfilled but the Buddhists regarded Kaman an evil force and did not observe it.
The post-sangam works like the Nachchiyar Tirumoli (poems 1 and 6) and Perunkadai (36:40) speak much
about Kaman Nonbu. The name Kanni Nonbu came into vogue as it was performed by the virgins.
the land."1070 The image of Kaman was called Madanappavai.1071 The Sangam Tamils
painted the animate, inanimate and the divine beings.1072

The figure of Tirumagal was either carved or painted on the gates of the forts like
Uraiyur.1073 The poet Kapilar’s pen-por-trait depicts Gajalakshmi superbly.1074 It is a
representation of Tirumagal seated on a lotus and flanked by an elephant pouring water
on either side. Such figures were on the thresholds of the houses. 1075

The hymns in praise of Tirumal were the Devapani. 1076 The Paripadal songs are
ecstatic outpourings set to music, some of which by their authors themselves. "The
verses of the Paripadal might have been widely sung like the Tevaram, Tiruvachagam
and other hymns."1077 Setting tunes is the common factor between the Paripadal songs
and the devotional hymns of the Alwars and Nayanmars of the post Sangam period.
Therefore, the poets of the Paripadal appear to be the pioneers in the field of
devotional lyrics in Tamil literature. Further, singing the praises of the Lord
accompanied the performance of the Kuravai dance.

1070
Nilakanta Sastri K.A., A Note on Sculpture during the Sangam Age, pp. 88-90 (in The Sangam Age, Bharati
Tamil Sangam, Calcutta).
1071
Silappadikaram, XII : 33.
1072
Paripadal, 19 : 45-53.
1073
Maduraikkanchi, 593; Pattinappalai, 40-41; 291.
1074
Kurinjikkali, 8 : 1-7.
1075
Nedunalvadai, 81-83.
1076
Silappadikaram, VI : 35.
1077
Vaithilingam S., Fine Arts and Crafts in Pattupattu and Ettuttogai, p.87.
Traditional association of flute with Krishna and lute with Kaman deserves attention.

Dancing was not just a pastime for the ancient Tamils. Occasions like the
marriages, festivals and triumphs in wars provided opportunity to dance. The
sublimation of this art is visible in its elevation to the religious plane. "Kuruvaikkuttu is
an art of divine significance. Here may be seen the future development of Krishna's
Rasalila."1078 That the Kuravaikkuttu was performed by Krishna along with Balarama
and Nappinnai has been noticed earlier. At the mundane level Aichchiyar Kuravai was
done to please the Lord for averting foreseeable dangers in life. Kuravai dance, though
considered appropriate to the Mullai region, was performed in the other regions also.
The Kudakkuttu, Mallinadal and Alliyam played by the Lord and the Pediyadal by Kaman
were noticed already. To nonplus and force the war-like demons retreat, Tirumagal did
the Pavaikkuttu in the guise of Mohini.1079

Selvakkadungo Vali Adan worshipped Mayavannan (Krishna) and donated to

Mayon (Tirumal) a village famously known for the raising of a special variety of paddy
called Ottiram.1080 A solitary instance of religious disputation based on differences in the
creeds is noticed in the account of Avur Mulankilar (St. 166 in the Purananuru) about
the learned and philanthropic Vinnan Tayan's conquest of 'false religions.' The
Manimekalai also relates the points of view of the various religions. At an intellectual
level these might have enabled clarification of different creeds. But such things are
notable by their absence at the political and popular levels. The Sangam Age as a whole
displays religious harmony and tolerance. Persecution and fanaticism are conspicuously
absent. Senguttuvan, a devotee of Siva, accepted the remnants of the offerings to
Tirumal at Adagamadam. The authors of the Aichchiyar Kuravai in the Silappadikaram
and the invocation to the Narrinai had praised other gods as well. "The kind of strife

1078
Vaithilingam S., Ibid, p.242, E.S. Varadaraja Aiyar E.S., op.cit., p. 242.
1079
Silappadikaram, VI : 60-61.
1080
Padittruppattu, VII Ten, Padigam.
mentioned by Mehendra Varman in his Mattavilasa Prahasanam seems to have been
happily absent."1081

Buddhism in Sangam Age

The Nanda and Maurya Periods

While Inscriptions in Karnataka (10th and 11th centuries A. D. ) preserve faint

memories of the rule of the Nandas in Western Deccan and Karnataka, Sangam
literature contains references to the Nandas and the Mauryas. The Tamil texts indicate
that atleast on one occasion, the Mauryas helped the Kosar to subdue the rebellious,
chieftains of Mokur.1082 The rnauryan invasion was by Bindusara (288. B. C.) and the
vadugar and the Kosar helped him. Asoka inherited an extensive and highly organised
empire and proved fully worthy of his heritage. He worked ardently for the happiness
and welfare of his subjects. A follower of the Vedic religion until the conquest of Kalinga
(261 B.C.) when he embraced Buddhism, he visited the Sangha and all holy spots
connected with Buddha and Buddhism. When he pressed into service, the vast material,
esouices of his empire into the service of Buddhism, the stupas and vikaras, the symbols
of the faith already in practice, increased enormously in numbers; and his example was
followed by others. The greatest innovation Asoka made in Buddhism was to rescue the
ideal of Dharma from negligent position, give it primacy and make it the touch stone of
the whole of his life's work.1083 This idea! was more ethical and social than religious and
includes even the animal kingdom.

Asoka adopted the practice of proclaiming by edicts which he called Dharmalipis,

for the propagation of Dharma. The fourteen rock edicts, the two Kaiinga edicts and the
seven pillar edicts describe the different aspects of Dharma. Morality, Religious

1081
Subramanian N., Sangam Polity, op.cit., p. 382.
1082
Nilakanta Sastri K.A.(ed); Age of Nandas and Mauryas, Delhi 1967, p. 255.
1083
Hanumanta Rao B.S.L., Indian History and Culture, Volume I; p. 117.
toleration and harmony, kindness towards animal life, etc., were the essentials of
Dharma. Devanampriya priyadarsaa provided for the medical treatment and gardens of
medicinal herbs for the benefit of man and beast. Himself an adherent of the doctrine of
Ahimsa, Asoka prepared an eloborate code of regulation and restriction of harm to
animals and birds and it applied to the whole of his empire. He implemented
exhortations by his untiring personal example besides his powerful administrative
machinery, particularly the officers Rajjukas and Mahamatras. Dhamma Mahamatras
were newly created by Asoka, thirteen years after his coronation, to establish and
promote Dhamma among all the sects in the land and the happiness of people devoted
to Dhamma.1084 There were the Stri. Adhyaksha Mahamatras whose name indicates
their controj over women. With deserving satisfaction. Asoka, whose reign constitutes
one of these "rare and lightenipg epochs" in the annals of nations whea a people
experienced a glimpse of happiness, records that his example has borne fruit in his
lifetime.1085

Deccan and South India

The find spots of Asokas' inscriptions and their contents attest not merely the
extent of his empire but the expansion of his religious policy and Dharma. For example,
the Dhauli (Puri District) and Jaugada (Ganjam District) sets of the XIV Rock Edicts, the
copies of Minor Rock Edicts at Maski (Raichu District), Jannagiri, Yerragudi,
Rajulamandagiri (Kurnool District), Bhattipro (Guntur District), Jatingarameswara and
Bretmagiri (Chitaldurg District) may be cited, of the tribes living in his empire, the
Rashtrikas, Bhojas, Pitinikas, Andhras and Parind1086 were in the regions of Maharashtra,
Konkan Berar, the Godavari and Krishna and part of eastern Deccan respectively. Of the
tribes outside the Empire,were the Cholas, the pandyas, the Satyaputras and
1084
Rock Edict V: Pillar Edict VII.
1085
Nilakanta Sastri K.A. (ed), Age of Nandas and Mauryas, Op.cit., pp. 241, 229.
1086
Rock Edicts, V and XIII.
Keralaputras1087 living in the regions of Tanjore and Tiruchirapalii, Madura, Ramanath-
puram and Tirunelveli and Kerala respectively.

Asoka sent Buddhist missionaries for the propagation of Buddhism in Deccan and
South India. They were Mahadeva to Eastern Deccan, Ywia
Dliainmarakshita to Aparantaka (northern half of Bombay coast) Mahadhammarakshita
to Maharashtra and Mahendra to Sri Lanka.1088

Mahadeva settled at Dhanyakataka a Buddhist centre by this time and

established the Chaityavada tradition. The followers of this tradition were called
Chaityakas. Buddhism, thus already under the patronage of the Nagas became
widespread under Asoka's religious policy in Andhradesa; so also Asoka's Dharma as the
edicts at Suvarnagiri (Jonnagiri),1089 Yerragudi1090 and Rajulamandagiri1091 and
Bhaitiprohfi1092 Amaravati1093 show. The Buddhism that spread in Andhradesa when
Asoka was related to Mahasangh ikavada.

There are no Edicts of Asoka found in Tamilakam so far and the influence of
Buddhism and Dharma in the region is not clear. No doubt Dhannamahamatras and
Buddhist missionaries had the patronage of the Cholas, the Cheras and the Pandyas of
the Sangam Age under the Satavahanas.

The Satavahana period was the Golden Age for Buddhism as the Sangam Age for
Tamil literature. When the Satavahanas came to power, there was a movement for the
revival for Brah-manism. King Satakarni I championed the Vedic religion. But the

1087
Rock Edicts, II and XIII.
1088
Dipavamsa, VIII; Mahavamsa, XII
1089
Krishnamachrlu C.R., Proceedings of Indian History Congress, (1944); p. 146
1090
Mukherji R.K., Asoka, pp. 260 – 261.
1091
Epigraphia Indica; Volume XXI; p. 211.
1092
Sircar D.C., Select Inscription 1 : pp 212 – 215.
1093
Epigraphia Indica; Volume XXXV p. 40 ft.
prevalence of Bhakti cults is implied in the legends of
Krishna, Radha and the Gopikas and temples of Gaud and Ganapati and references to
the Kapalikas in the Gathasaptasati.

Like Asoka, and the rulers of the Tamilakam, the Satavahanas were wellknown for
their spirit of tolerence. Hinduism and Buddhism and Jainism flourished free from
religious animosities and conflicts. They made several grants to Buddhism. Buddhism
was in this period more popular with royal women, and the masses. Most of the
Satavahana queens1094 were Buddhists and Buddhist institutions received their perma-
nent patronage. While several of Satavahana coins1095 depict the Buddhist symbols of
elephant, horse, bull, lion, chaityaviksha, Triratna and so forth, an inscription at Kanheri
of the reign of Gautamiputra Yajnasri Satakarni shows that the two brotherd Gajasena
and Gajabhadra excavated and donated a cave to Bhadayaniya Buddhasanga.

Buddhist Sects

To compose the differences consequent on several schisms in Buddhist sangha.

several Sangitis or Councils were held from time to time. Inscriptions show that
numerous sects flourished in the Deccan in this period. Accordingly, the Bhadrayaniyas,
Dharmottariyas, Mahasanghikas and Chaityakiyas were numerous in Western Deccan
where as the Rajagirikas, Puravasailiyas, Aparamahavirasailyds, Chaityakiyas and
siddhartikas were popular in the Eastern Deccan.1096 While the Mahachaitya at
Amaravati was in the possession of the Chaityakiyas, the Mahachaitya of
Nagarjunakonda was under the control of Aparamahavirasailiyas.

The extensive building activity of the Buddhist monuments for example,

Pitholcora caves (B.C. 3rd century, Ajanta (B.C. 2nd century), Karle, Kuda, Junar, Kankeri

1094
Gautami Balasri-Nasik Inscription Epigraphia Indica; Volume, VIII; pp 60 – 65; 70 - 73
1095
Sastri B.N., Andhrula Sanghikacharitra, Madras, 1975, p. 32
1096
Memories of Archeological Survey of India, No. 75 pp. 35- 36. Ramachandran T.N., lists 32 Schools of
Buddhism under the heads-Orthodox Eleven: Unorthodox Seven and Others Fourteen
and Nasik caves (B.C. 1st century). Bhaja and Bedsa in the Western Deccan Amaravati,
Bhattiprolu and Nagarjunakonda in the Eastern Deccan attest that the Chaityaka cult
was predominant in Deccan. Its main features were the worship of the Bodhi tree
Dhannachakra and the foot prints of Buddha.This culminated in Mahayanism.1097

Madhyamika vada was the result of a revolutionary change n the Buddhist

doctrines and their implementation. This was evolved by Acharya Nagarjuna. According
to the implementation of this doctrine, the worship of the image of Buddha started,
while the worship of Buddha symbols continued also. Thus Buddha worship continued
also, and was very popular. The image of Buddha was in the standing form with the right
hand in the Abhaya pose as at Amaravati and in the posture of sitting as in
Dhyanamudra or in the Dharmachakra pravarlhana form. Buddha padas adorned with
numerous auspicious symbols, the empty throne, the Bodhi tree, the Svastika, the
Triratna, the Dharma Chakra and the flaming pillar were ardently worshipped.1098

Like Asoka, the Satavahanas issued their inscriptions in Prakrit language as

the people in the empire were conversant with Prakrit besides the regional
language. Under royal patronage, Nagarjunacharya propagated Buddhist tenets and
art into South East Asia. This great scholar, scientist and religious missionary spent
major portion of his career in the Buddhist centres at Vijayapuri and Dhanyakataka.
Where ever he resided, there he established libraries, educational and cultural centres
for the benefit of the commoD man. Nagarjuna’s birth place was either Vidarbha or
Kanchipura, according to different scholars. But he lived in the Sankarma at Sriparvata
built by the Satavahanas.1099 According to Lankavatara Sutra Buddha prophesied that
six hundred years after him a bikshu by name Naga would be born and another

1097
Rama Rao M., Buddhism in Andhra, pp. 11 - 20

1098
Epigraphia Indica; Volume XX; Nagarjuna konds Inscription
1099
Nalinaka Dutt; Aspects of Mahayana Buddshim: p. 43.
legend has it that this Naga did penance under Arjuna tree and attained Siddhi. So he
came to be known as Nagarjuna. There are several legends, some saying that he as
mendicant embraced Hinayana and later Mahayana Buddhism, worshipped Taradevi
at Kanchi, and Chandika at Nalanda, learnt Tantra Sastra, and received Tattvopadesa
from Mahanaga, proceeded to Ceylon and secured the works Prajnaparamatasutra,
vaipulya sutra, and Karandika containing relics of Buddha.1100

An expert in Rasayana Sastra, Nagarjuna wrote Rasara-Inakara, Koshputa and

Arogyamanjari. He revised Susruta's work on medicine. Along with Buddhist doctrines,
he inscribed on stones and pillars, the treatment for various diseases. 1101 He attached
importance to Sunyavada and prepared the basis for Mayavada of Sri Sankara Acharya.
Of the several works of Nagarjuna, only twenty-four have survived and these have been
translated into Tibetan and Chinese languages. His letter to the Satavahnu; king is called
Suhrullekha1102 that is, letter to a friend, was committed to memory by his children.1103
As he refers to Asvaghosha, ths court poet of Kanishka, in his works he belonged to the
2nd century (A. D. 137-194). Aryadeva1104 was a disciple of Nagarjuna.

Art and Architecture

Satavahana art is closely related to Buddhism. The monuments and sculpture on

them were utilised for the propagation of Buddhism. In depicting the life story of
Buddha, the important stages in his life and the Jataka stories dealing with the lives of

1100
Sastri B. N., Andhrula Sanghikacharitra (1975) pp. 68 – 72.

1101
Kimura Mahayana R. Hinayana works known to Nagarjuna. Indian Historical Quarters. Volume III; pp.
412 – 417.
1102
Krishna Rao G.V., Vigrahavyavartani; Intro
1103
Itsing The Chinese Traveller (A.D. 700) K.A. Nilakanta Sastri; Foreign Notices of South India Madras,
1960, p. 97.
1104
Sastri P.S. Some Buddhist Thinkers of Andhra Indian Historical Quarterly, Volume XXXII: p. 163 ft.
the previous Buddhas, master architect and craftsman and sculptor excelled in his
profession, for example, the stupas and the Mahachaityas.

The Satavahana art expressed itself in three forms, (a) excavation of caves (b;
building of brick monuments and fc) construction of gate ways.1105 The caves were of
three typesi ihe Chaityas the Viharas and assembly halls. The Chanyas were not only in
the form of rock cut caves but also built of bricks. Some chaityas are located on hills and
some of them in the plains, The Chaityas were meant for worship by the Buddhists.
Around the Chaityas are built stupas. The Stupas were of three types:(a) containing body
relics as tooth, nails, hair, limbs, ashes etc., (b) those built on articles used and Lked by
individuals, and these commemorative, raised in memory of individuals.

Of the rock cut caves in the Eastern Deccan, the biggest is the monolothic stupa
on the top of Bojjannakonda. It has a diameter of 64' and 8". There are several smaller
stupas of this model.1106 Amaravati Mahachaitya was the largest of the variety built with
bricks. It had a height of 100' and diameter of D81107 The stupa at Bhattiprolu was
smaller than the one at Amaravathi1108. The Chaitya at Ramathirtham1109 had an area
of 60'X 13'. Some of the Buddhist tirthas or settlements built on hills were in
Salihundum, Ramatirtham, Simhachalam and Guntu-palli, while the majority of them
built in plains were located in Dharapatem, Adurru, Kattipudi, Anigolanun,Timmavaram,
Vengi, Alluru, Gunvnadidurru, Garikapadu, Kodavali, Pithapur, Jaggaya peta, Nandigama,
Gudivada, Sankaram, Ghantasala, Vidyadhara-puram,Amaravathi, Bhattiprolu,
Nagarjunakonda, Goli, Ch.inagan-jam, Peddaganjam, Buddham, Muktyala, Madugula,

1105
Sastri B.N., Andhrula Sanghika Cahritra Madras, 1975, p. 91- 92.
1106
Rea A. Report of Archelogical Survey of India, 1907-8 Note on p. 158; pp 161 - 162
1107
Hanumantha Rao B.S.L., Religioin in Andhra, Madras 1973, p. 58.
1108
Rea A., South Indian Buddhist Antiquities, pp. 7 – 17.
1109
Rea A., Annual Report of Archelogical Survey of India; 1910 – 11 p. 75
Panigiri, Velpuru, Attaluru, Motupal'i, Kanuparti, Pedamadduru, Chejerla, Chebrolu,
Manchikallu, Samadhanapwam, Rentala, Gajulabanda and Kondapuram, etc.

The Vihara was a habitation of the Buddhist monks. Viharas were cut out of rocks
in the Western Deccan and brick built in the Eastern Deccan. The Viharas had small
rooms with small stone platforms and water tubs, baths, drainage : they were endowed
with schools. A Buddhist monastery with a school or college was known as Sangharma
or Mahasangharma. These monuments were built of brick. The Buddhist monks and
nuns used to assemble frequently in the assembly halls in the viharas for the preaching
and discourse on Dharma of Buddha. Thus they propagated Buddhism. Devout
worshippers of Buddha attended these assemblies. As for gateways, the gate ways of
Sanchi Stupa are adorned with marvellous sculptures which earned world celebrity.

Amaravati

The Stupa at Amaravati was built by a Naga King prior to Asoka's reign It
contained a Buddha relic1110 and was improved in the reign of Asoka. The Stupa was
further embellished during the regime of the Satavahanas and acquired such wonderful
beauty that it occupied superb position not merely in the history of Buddhism in South
India but in the history of entire Buddhism itself. The mahaprakara around the
Mahachaityagriha enshrining the stupa was raised by Acharya Nagarjuna, this brims
with wonderful sculptures. The Amaravati art exemplifies the high sentiments of
compassion, jubilation, sorrow and truthful happiness. Outer side of the prakara teems
with sculptures of animals; the pillars of the Chaitya and the Stupa bear the figures of
the Bodhi tree, Dharmachakra, Yakshas, full lotus and half lotus, and Triratnas. The
mahabhinishkramana of Buddha, demonstrative exposition of archery, the story of
Angulimala. etc. are sculptured in some parts.

1110
Burgess J., The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jeggayyapeta.
 The Mahachatya was at the acme of its glory in the 2nd century A. D. The nigh
level and low level in the sculptures are indicated by long distances and closeness
respectively. Not merely that one sculpture is better than another, but every one of
them has its own individual merit. The sculptures of men and women are fine and
attractive. Of the hundreds of lotuses depicted, no two looses are alike but each had its
own differences. The Jataka stories and events of Buddha's life are beautifully
sculptured. The figures of dwarfs snow the sentiment of hasya.

Nagarjunakonda

The Sangharama called Paravata Vihara built by a Satavahana king had five
storeys. The ground floor comprised five hundred rooms and was in the shape of an
elephant, the second storey with four hundred rooms was in lion shape; the third
storey, with three hundred rooms was in the form of a horse ; the fourth storey with
two hundred rooms was in the form of a buil; and the top storey with a hundred rooms
had the shape of a pigeon. On its top was located a water tank. Fahien called it Poloyu.
Hieun Tsang mentioned the building as Polomolakili.1111

In this five storeyed building were viharas and assembly halls- Each vihara had a
golden image of Buddha. In the top storey were preserved the Buddhist religious works.
The ground floor was for food, utensils etc. Chinese pilgrims called it Paravatavihara,
Paravata Sangharama meaning Sriparvata or Nagarjunakonda.

Salihundam

At Salihundam,1112 the Prakara of the Chaitya had gate ways on four sides. On the
platform facing each gate were five kalyana mantapas. On the top of the pillars of
these mantapas were images of the Yakshas. The depicting of pancha kalyanas on

1111
Nilakanta Sastri K.A., Foreign Notices of South India.
1112
Subrahmanyan R., Salihundam, A Buddhist site inn Andhra Pradesh (1964) Journal of Andhra
Ayaka pillars was a regular feature of the Buddha sculpture, in this period. The five
great events concerning the life of Buddha namely a) the birth
b) Mahabhinishkramana c) Buddha's preaching d) the first sermon of Buddha in
Mrigavanam and e) Mahaparinirrana were the panchakalyanas. Terracotta images at
Gajulabanda and Kondapuram show excellent workmanship.

Ajanta and Ellora

In Western Deccan, the Ajanta and Ellora, caves acquired world fame. At Ajanta,
caves bearing numbers 8, 9, 10, 12 and 13 belonged to the Satavahana age. Figures in
them, natural scenery, on the roofs, sculptures depicting Jataka stories and incidents
from.Buddha"s life are beautiful and attractive.

The Ellora Caves, the abodes of superb sculptural exuberance have Buddha
images upto the height of 12. There is some speciality in these idols of Buddha; each
one distinguishes itself from another by some difference in details. The walls and doors
of these caves bear the sculptures of Mithuna pairs in various dance postures.

Besides Ajanta and Ellora which atleast to the creative genius and marvellous
workmanship of the sculptor, the other important Buddhist caves in Western Deccan
were Mahar, Kol-sirval, Vay, Karad, Kondane, Bhoja, Bhedra, Pithalkora, Sailarvadi
Junnar, Tulaja, Ganesalena, caves in Sulaiman hills,

Kondyeke, Nanaghat, Nasik, Kanheri, Karla etc., These were homes of Buddhist art and
sculpture.

Under the fkshvakus

Of the Ikshvakus of Vijayapuri, the political successors of the Satavahanas in the

Eastern Deccan, the first ruler Vasisbta-putra Santamula I was a zealous devotee of
Vedic religion and revived it by performance of sacrifices, i. e. Asvamedha and
popularised the cult of Mahasena, that is, Kumarasvami1113 But Mathariputra
Virapurushadatta I, the son and successor turned an ardent champion of Buddhism and
propagated it. He enriched considerably the Buddhist Tirtham at the Nagarjuna Konda
valley. The renovation of the Mahachaitya was made in the 6th regnat year of Vira
Purushadatta, under the supervision of a monk Bhadanta Ananda. Several Ayaka pillars
in the Mahachaitya were raised by several queens and princesses. A Chaitussala was
built in the 10th year of the reign at the foot of the Mahachaitya. A Chaitagriha on the
Kshudra Dharmagiri on Sri Parvata was constructed by Bodhisri, for the use of the
monks hailing from Tambraparani. Kulahavihara, Simhala Vihara and another Vihara in
the 14th year of the king were built by her. She built a room on Mahadharmagiri and a
man-tapam in Mahavihara. A Chayakamha in memory of Santamula was set up by
several lady members of the royal family in the 20th year of Virapurusha Datta.1114

The renunciation of Vaidika dharma and embracing of Buddhism, a most

important incident of the reign on Virapurushadatta is illustrated by three sculptures
obtained during the course of the Nagarjunakonda valley excavations.1115 a) one of them
depicts a king, obviously Srivirapurushadatta, trampling upon a Linga protected by a
Cobra hood, b) another sculpture illustrates the same event
c) this sculpture depicts two incidents in two parts. 1) in the left half, the kingwith his
hands on waist bends and tramples with his right foot Siva Linga in the womb of the
Naga: behind the king are two ladies standing and doing anjali; in the upper part of the
sculpture are shown the horse, the elephant, throne with Dharraachakra, 2) the right
half of the sculpture depicts a Bodhisatva ascending the throne, the King standing in his
presence utters some words and than sits at his feet. Thus the King renouncing Saivism

1113
Epigraphia Indica Volume XX Nagarjuna Konda Inscriptions

1114
Ibid
1115
Rama Rao M., Ikshvakus of Vijayapurai; pp. 33 – 35 M. Rama Rao: Studies in the Early History of Andhra pp.
67 – 68 B.V. Krishna Rao: Early Dynasties of Andhra ; pp. 57 ft.
takes shelter in Buddhism.1116 Consequent on his change of religion, in the 18th year
of his reign, Virapurushadatta had to confront a serious rebellion of the people. Four
records of Santi sri, his mother-in-law unusually pray for his victory and longevity. A
sculpture depicts a grim fight involving a king is an illustration of their fight. On the left
side a warrior on an elephant is shown falling down. On the side of it a horseman with
several warriors bearing shields; by the side of the horseman a warrior is thrusting a
sword into the body of a warrior is prostrating. On the right side of the sculpture are
many warriors bearing maces fighting. There are common soldiers having no mounts
such as elephants or horses. In this sculpture, the person on the elephant is
Virapurusbadatta and people shown were rebels. But subsequently the king suppressed
the rebellion.1117

In the reign of Sri Santamula II the successor Srivirapurusha-datta, Buddhism was

patronised and Buddhist institutions received large benefactions. Mahadevi Bhatti deva
rani, a queen of Virapurusha datta donated the Devivihara to Buddhists of the
Bahusrutiya sect in the 2nd year of the region. In the 11th year of the reign Mahadevi
Kodabalisri, a sister of the king built a vihara for the monks of the Mahisasaka sect. 1118

Under Ikshvaku regime, Nagarjuna konda valley remains a celebrated Buddhist

Tirtha attracting many numbers" of visitors from distant countries like China and
Ceylon. The valley teemed with Stupas, Chaiyagnihas and monesteries and some
of the Stupas had fine sculptures in the later Amaravati style. Among the several lady
members of the royal family who liberally patronised Buddhism and constructed
many fine buildings, Adavi Santisri, Santasiri, Bapisirinika, Chulasatisiri and

1116
While R.S. Panchamukhi explains that the sculptures represent the demolition and destruction,
A malice Avarice, Buddhist Art in Andhradesa – Bharatiya Vidya Volumes XX and XXI p. 319 B.S.L.
Hanumanta Rao says that the sculptures are a part of Mandhata Jataka and represent Mandhatal conquest of
Nagaloka – Religion in Andhra p. 63
1117
Epigraphia Indica Volume XX; Nagarjunakonda Inscriptions
1118
Sastri B.N., Andhrula Sanghikacharitra. pp. 115–119.
Rudradharabhatarika, each raised a Ayaka piliar at the Mahachaitya durings its
renovation in the 6th year of Sri Virapurushadatta. Santi Siri the mother-in-law of
Virapurusha-datta built a stone shrine at the foot of the Mahachaitya in the 18th years
of the King. On the 8th year of- the reign of Santamula II, a stone mantapa on
Sriparvata was constructed by two individuals. There were several other Buddhist
estblish-ments set up many devotees in Nagarjuna Konda valley.1119

Buddhist Sects

Among the Buddhist sects which flourished in the Ikshvaku period were
Aparamahavira Sailiyas, Bahusutiyas and the Mahishasakas. Nagarjuna Konda was a
great centre of Mahayana . Buddhism.1120 The Buddhist sects here belonged to
Mahasanghi kavada. For his great services to Buddhism, Virapurushadatta was called
the'Southern counterpart of the great emperor Asoka' by some scholars.

Art and Sculpture

The stupas at Nagarjunakonda, Jaggayya peta and Ramireddipaili were built,

renovated and redidcated during the Ikshvaku period. This period witnessed even great
missionary activity. Buddhist monks from Nagarjunakouda went to Kashmir Gandhara,
China, Aparanta, Vanga and Simhala. The Simhala Vihara at Nagarjunakonda was set
apart for the Ceylonese monks. Monks from Tosaii, yavana, Dhemila, Vanavasi, Palura,
etc. visited Nagarjunakonda.1121

Dhanya Kutaka was celebrated as a Buddhist centre for education in this period.
Thousands of students were studying here staying in the Sangharama. 'Dapung'
Sangharama in tibet was modelled after the Sangharama in Dhanyakataka. Dapang
means Dhaayarasi obviously it was named after Dhanyakataka. There were 7,70J monks
1119
Rama Rao M., The Ikshvakus of Vijayapurai, p.73.
1120
Sastri A. M., An outline of Early Buddhism, p. 93.
1121
Epigraphia Indica; Volume XX – Nagarjunakonda Inscriptions.
in Dapang. In that area was university with six colleges, under its control Manuscripts
dealing with the Sangharama at Dhanyakataka were preserved in the libraries located in
the viharas at Nalanda and Vikramasila.1122

Vengi, also was a great educational centre, in this period. Stupas with a height of
100' were in the front of the Sangharama here. There were several palaces with storeys
and exquisitely carved pillars.1123 Sangharamas served also as hospitals for treatment of
men and animals.

(c) Donations

The main motive of gifts to Buddhist tirthas was the welfare of animate beings, a)
Welfare of the world b) of all living beings c) Salvation d) bliss in the two worlds e)
happiness of the Sangha in trikalas (Past, present and future)1124 As Gautama Buddha
himself, the Ikshvakus belonged to the same lineage, the inscriptions of the Ikshvakus at
Nagarjuoakonda adore Buddha as God and shower praise on him excessively. The
Buddhist sacred books, namely Dighanikaya Majhimanikaya and Pencha-matrika are
praised in our lkshvaku inscription of Nagar junakonda. Buddhist Educational centres in
the Sangharamas provided facilities for education for the masses.

Tamilakam

In Tamilakam, Kankaia of the Cholas, Netunchelian I and II of the Pandyas and

Senguttuvan of the Cheras distinguished themselves in the Sangarn age. On the whole,
the rulers of the Sangam age were celebrated for their spirit of religious toleration.1125
For, tribal religions, Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism prevailed without any discard.
The monarchy of the age publicly encouraged the spirit of free enquiry, or the liberty of

1122
Sastri B.N., Andhrula Sanghika Charitra, p. 125.
1123
Sastri B.N., Andhrula Sanghika Charithra, p. 126.
1124
Epigraphia Indica; Volume XX, Nagarjunakonda Inscriptions.
1125
Kanakasabhai V., op. cit; p. 232.
the human understanding. The invited religious discourses by requesting teachers of
every sect to the public halls, and allowing them to preach their doctrines during
festivals and similar occasions of public gathering. They gave protection impartially to
the temples and monastaries of all sects Though they might have personally had belief
in a particular sect and its doctrines and extended special patronage to that sect by
building and endowing places of worship, they did not interfere with the rites and
ceremonies of rival faiths. The religious liberty had a great and salutary influence upon
the intellectual and moral development of the Tamils. When actually Buddhism made
its entry into Tamilakam is not definitely known. But this phenomenon undoubtedly
happened in the reign of Asoka the Great, if not earlier for the II and XII Rock Edicts
mention the Chola, Pandya and Kerala putra Kingdoms and the Tamraparani. Though
these were outside his Empire, Asoka was so friendly with them that he could arrange
for the medical treatment of men and animals in these kingdoms and also for the
importation and planting of useful medicinal herbs and roots whenever they were
needed. Asoka sent his missionaries to preach Dharma among the people of these
kingdoms.1126

Buddhist sects

Buddhism of Hinayana form prevailed in Tamiiakam. The work Manimekalai or

Manimekalai Thuravu as the author designated it, an epic poem is an invaluable source
for gauging the extent to which Buddism spread in South India, Tamiiakam and Ceylon
and Sumatra (early in the 2nd Century A. D.) With the exception of the Buddhist sacred
texts, Manimekalai is the earliest record, extant in any language, giving information
about Buddhism, the objects of worship, the peculiar beliefs and and superstitions of
the Buddhists and the abstruse philosophy of the followers of Buddha.1127 According to

1126
Nilakanta Sastri K.A. (Ed); Age of the Nandas and the Mauryas p. 250
1127
Nagaswamy R. (ed): South Indian Studies, (II (1979) Dr. C. Minakshi Buddhism in South India, p. 88
the poem, the Buddhist monks were numerous in Tamilakam; and some of them
claimed marvellous powers as the ability to know the past and forecast the future. They
believed in charms and incantations, and the existence of spirits which had communion
with human beings. The author of the work Citalaiccattanar seems to have been a
zealous- and learned Buddhist following the current traditions regarding the aerial
travels of Buddha and his knowledge of previous birth. The story describes the
circumstance under which Manimekalai, the daughter of Kovalan renounced the world
and turned a Buddhist nun.1128

Art

Unlike, in Tamilakam, Mahayana form of Buddhist had not developed in this

period. For the images of Buddha had not yet come into use. So the impressions of
Buddha's feet engraved on stone and platforms built of stone representing the seat
from which Buddha preached his gospel constituted the objects of worship for
Buddhists. The devout Buddhist walked round them with his right side towards them
and bowed his head in reverance. Standing in front of them with folded hands he
praised, the Buddha thus: "How shall I praise theem the wise, the holy and virtuous
teacher, who excelled in the strict performance of the religious vows: Thou, who
conquered Maya, who subdued anger and all evil passions: who art supreme in
Knowledge, and the refuge of all manking! Have I a thousand tongues to praise thy
blessed feet, on the sole of which are a thousand auspicious lives.1129 The Chaityagirhas
at Vanji, the capital of the Cheras, and. at Kanchi, the capital of the Cholas and Seven
viharas at Kaveripoompattinam find mention in Sangam literature. In the Buddhist
Viharas, learned monks preached their sermons seated in a place which was completely
closed from the view of the audience. Charity was a great virtue preached and practised

1128
Kanakasabhai V., The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, The Chapter on Manimegalai.
1129
Kanagasabhai V., op. cit; XV.
by the monks. "Those who give food give life indeed" was a common saying among
Buddhists. Self control, wisdom and universal charity were considered to give man
sublime happiness. There were a thousand monks in the seven viharas in
Kavitippumpattinam. The Buddhists did not observe caste and united people of all ranks
to assemble on a basis of equality. By the softening feelings and manners, Buddhists to a
large extent influenced the different strata of society. They contributed to the
amelioration of the social ills.1130 The Buddhists schools prevalent in the Tamilakam
were the Yoga, Dhyana, Sthavira and Theravada1131 while the Mahayana and its several
sects had taken deep roots in Deccan, particularly Eastern Deccan during the Sangam
age. The impact of Buddhism in Deccan was profound in this age though shaken to its
roots in the subsequent Ages. But the influence in Tamilakam was not so deep due to
the conservation of the people but that was almost negatived by the Bhakti Movement
in the pon Sangam Age, with mass appeal. In conclusion, it has to be needed whether in
greater degree or lesser degree, Buddhism had its impact on
South India - both Deccan and Tamilakam, during the Sangam Age.

Saivisam in the Sangam Literature

Siddhantam

Tamil Language is called “Divine Tamil” The ideals for which people lived and the
ethics which the people followed formed the basis of their religion. The Sanskrit word
‘Siddhantam’ consists of two words, namely, ‘Siddham and 'Antam' which mean,
'ultimate end' or 'true end' or 'end of ends'. Even though there are Buddhist Siddhanta
and Jaina Siddhanta, the word 'Siddhantam' when it stands alone refers only to the
Saiva Siddhanta Philosophy. Saivam means that which has connection with Siva. The
word Saivam has its root in Sivam. Saiva Religion deals with Pad (God), Pasu (the souls)

1130
Ibid; Ch XV.
1131
Nagaswamy R. (ed:) op. cit., p. 90.
and Pasam (bondage) and Siva is its supreme God. The word Sivam stands for love, the
good, the auspicious and the supreme Bliss. Tirumantiram of Tirumoolar is the first
Tamil Agama. It is also a garland of manthras. He says clearly that God and Love are
identical. The ignorant say that Love and Siva are two, But none do know that Love
alone is Siva When men only know that Love and Siva are the same. Love as Siva they
ever remained.1132 The world is a combination of Earth, Fire, Water, Air and Ether.
These are called the five Butas. Tolkappiam says, the World is a combination of Earth,
Fire, Water Air and Akas.1133 Purananuru and Maduraikkanchi the two Sangam works
also refer to the fact that the world is constituted of the five 1134 elements.1135
Maduraikkanchi specifically refers to the fact that Lord Siva the wielder of the pick axe is
the supreme Head of this world and is the Greater of the five Bhoothas. One of the
instruments used for the original inhabitants of this world is pickaxe. This is also
called Kunthali, Kodari, and Kanichi. These indicate that they belong to the pre-stone
Age. This implies the fact that Siva was denoted as the greatest God who created the
five elements and shows the greatness and antiquity of Lord Siva (In Saiva Siddhanta
creation only means creation out of the primordial matter called Mayai). The ancient
people worshipped Nature. This arose out of Love, fear, wonder, pleasure and gratitude.
In due course they began to worshipped Sun, Fire, Moon Rain, etc. Tolkappiam
expresses that the sun,moon and fire are akin to god. 1136 The Silappadikaram indicates
the same idea in its invocation beginning with Saluations to Moon! Saluations to Sun!
etc.1137 There is no sprout without a seed. There is no effect without a cause. The phone
'A' is the cause for all letters in the alphabet. In the same way God is the first cause for

1132
Tirumantiram, 257.
1133
Tol. Porul. 635.
1134
Puram. 2 : 1-6.
1135
Maduraik. 453 – 455.
1136
Tol. Porul. 85.
1137
Silambu, 1: 1, 4, 7.
the world. That is the reason way God is called Munaivan implying the first cause in
Tolkappiam.1138

Tolkappiam also says that the consonants do not exist without the vowels in
Tamil language. In the commentary on this Sutra by Naccinarkkiniyar. he refers to the
saying of Lord Krishna that he is 'A' among the letters. It is therefore clear that God is
the first cause of the world in the same way that 'A' is the first cause of the letters of the
alphabet. From Tolkappiam we understand that God is above Karma and is the Light
of knowledge and is a Protector of those who worship Him.1139

The antiquity of the practice of worshipping with flowers

The Tamils are lovers of flowers. In Sangam literature land is classified as Mullai,
Kurinji, Marutam, Neital and Palai and each land has its own plants and flowers, conduct
etc. Flowers represent the significant aspects of life in each region. Flowers are also
divided into four categories namely Kottuppu (these which blossem in trees) Nilappu
(those in earth), Nirppu (those in water) and Kotippu fthose in the creepers). Nakkirar in
Kurinjippattu names 99 varieties of flowers and they were offered to Gods. Flowers are
sanctified by offering them to God. Tirumoolar says, The Blessed have flowers and
water With which to worship and God is pleased with them.1140

Do not reside in the village which has no temple.' It is extremely good 'to worship
in temples' - those are old proverbs in Tamil which indicate that temple worship is a very
ancient form of worship in Tamil Nadu. The words II and Perumpadai occuring in
Tolkappiam (Tol. Eluthathikaram 293, Porul. 63) indicate that they are the first steps to
temple building. The term Koil in Tamil, originally meant the residence of the King. It
subsequently, came to mean the residence of God. Alayam is another Tamil word which

1138
Tol. Porul. 415.
1139
Tol. Porul. 640, 415.
1140
Tirumantiram. 1797.
implies not only the temple but also the place where the souls mingle. In ancient
Tamilnadu it was the practice to erect a stone where a warrior was killed or burried. It
was called Nadukal (Herostones). This has in due course developed in to temple1141
There are temples on the hill tops. They are called Ampalam. Dr. U. V. Swaminatha Iyer
says in his commentary on Purananuru that people believed that the pillar in the
Ampalams are the abodes of Gods.1142 The Sangam Poems Paripadal and
Tirumurugarruppadai give a vivid account about the temple worship. Madurai,
Tirumaliruncolai, Tirupparankunram, Tiruchiralai-vai, Tiruvavinankudi, Tiruveragam,
Palamutircolai are some of the places where one can find ancient temples and these
have been referred to in Thirumumgurruppadai which is the only Sangam work which
expresses the religious sentiments of the ancient Tamils. Attruppadai is a form of
literature in which an artist who received gifts from a patron, guides another artist to
the court of the patron. In Tirumurugarruppadai, the poet Nakkirar directs the people to
the six shrines of Lord Muruga to receive his grace as a boon.

The antiquity of the Form of God

Siva worship first started into five worship then developed as Sound and
subsequently as idol worship. In Tolkappiam1143 in the sufra beginning with Theivam
Unave Mamaram, the word Theivam indicates Light. In Tirumandiram the verse
beginning with "Siva Siva Engilar Theevinaiyalar"1144 (2716) the words 'Siva Siva’ indicate
sound. The excavations in Mohenjadora and Harappa reveal the idols of Lingam a::d
NanJhi. T.i.sc excavations prove that the origin of Saivism goes back to a very earlier

1141
Tol. Porul. 63.
1142
Puram. 52:1; 12 – 13.
1143
Tol. Purul, 20.
1144
Tirumantiram, 2716.
period. Sir John Marshall1145 says that Saivism is anterior to stone Age. Dr.G.U.Pope1146
says that Saivism is the most ancient Religion of South India.

Deities

Sivan

The Sangam poet Madurai Kannattanar indicates that Sivan and Thirumal are the
two great Gods of ancient times.1147 It has to be noted that the word Sivan does not
occur in the Sangam works. However Siva is referred as the God seated under the
banyan tree.1148 It has been said that Siva preached the message of the vedas to the
people of the world.1149 He is beleived to have created the Panchabutas. Maduraikkanci
says that the Lord with axe is the Creater of water earth, fire, air and the Stars.1150

Siva is called by several names. He is called Mukkatselvar as He has three

eyes.1151 He is also called Kari Untikkadavul since He has devoured the poison which
emerged from the ocean as a result of the churning of the ocean by the Devas and
Asuras.1152 He wields the Mazhu (Pickaxe). He wears Goddess Ganges crescent moon
and Konrai garland1153 He mounts on the full and the bull is also engraved in his flag.1154
The Asuras who flew on three forts and gave untold misery to the Devas. A the request
of the Devas.Siva destroyed these forts1155

1145
Sir John Marshall, Modenjadaro and the Indus Civilisation Vol. I. Preface p. vii
1146
Rev. Dr. G. U.Pope Translation of Tiruvachagam, p. 74.
1147
Akam, 360 :6.
1148
Tirumurug. 256; Kali. 81.
1149
Akam, 181.
1150
Maduraik, 443 – 545.
1151
Puram 6; Kali 2; Akam 81.
1152
Malaipadu, 83; Puram. 9; Pari. 8; etc.
1153
Akam. 220; Puram. 56; Kali 38
1154
Tirumurugu, 191 – 153; Parip 8; Puram Invoc V.
1155
Puram. 55: 1-5; Pari 5:25.
 Ainkurunooru, Patirruppattu, Kalitthokai, Akananuru and Purananuru the five of
the eight anthologies have invocation verses in praise of Lord Siva. Scholars attest a
heavy antiquity to the worship of Siva in Tamilnadu1156

Murugan

Murugan is the Presiding deity of Kurinji land (Mountain regions). 1157 The
worship of Murugan was accompanied with a dance called Veriyattu. Ainkurunuru has
ten songs dealing with Veriyattu or frenzied dance. The girls after taking bath in a river
clean the ground where the deities are supposed to stay, light perennial lamps and
decorate it with flowers. Pattinappalai describes this ampalam or the open ground
where the deity is invoked.1158

In the Sangam literature, Tirumurugarruppadai deals in great detail the worship

of Lord Muruga. It describes Tirupparan-kuntram, Tirucciralaivai.. Tiruvavinankudi,
Thiruvenagam, Pala-mutircolai, and Kunrutoradal the six Padaividus (the holy places)
where Murugan resides. In Kuruntogai (one of the eight anthologies) the invocation
song glorified Lord Muruga. Out of 22 verses in Paripadal, 8 gives a vivid account about
the cult of Muruga.

In TamilNadu, the worship of Lord Muruga is very popular. Murugan destroyed

Surapanma. Kottravai is the mother of Murugan and she is also considered as the child
of six mothers.1159

Scholars who have made a comparative study of Tirumugarruppadai with other

Sangam works think that the cult of Muruga depicted is in Tirumurugarruppadai,

1156
Sastri P.S. S., Sanga Nurkalum, Vaidiha Markamum, p. 53
1157
Tol. porul. 5
1158
Pattinap. 246 - 249
1159
Thirumurugu. 46; Puram 23; 4, Kali, 93 : 26.
represents a period after the infiltration of Aryan Culture in Tamilnadu, when
Subramniya and Karthikeya have been super imposed on Murugan. 1160

Festivals

The national poet Subramaoya Bharathi's remark that chattering about the
glories of our hoary past is of no practical use, is a highly commendable view.
Nevertheless, the glorious past of the ancient Tamils is not to be altogether shunned
away from our thoughts. In fact, from the historical point of view, the social history of
the ancient Tamils is yet to be written, taking into account all the sources of history. The
history so far written has taken into account mostly the literary sources and to some
extent it has utilised the inscriptional evidences. A comprehensive study, making use of
all the five major sources of history-literary, archaeological, inscriptional, numistatic and
folklore tradition, a thorough reappraisal of the social history of the ancient Tamils, is a
need long-felt and demanding immediate attention of the scholars concerned.
Particularly, regarding the history of festivals celebrated by the ancient Tamils, the
historians have expressed their regret over the lack of analytical as well as historical
study about them,

Festivals : Definition

In the anthologies, the term festival (Vila) denotes' any act of rejoicing and
uproar. Even marriage is referred to as Vatuvai Vila. It is used in a very general sense, to
denote occasions of varying importance from ordinary religious rites such as Velan
Veriyattu to grand social functions such as Venil Vila. To think of the current usage, even
the anniversaries of greatmen are referred to as Vila. Similarly in ancient days, the laying
of the hero stone. Nadukal was celebrated in a grand manner, an occasion noted for its
fervour and festivity. In this context it is worth mentioning that the anniversary or
centenary celebrations or the laying of Nadukal cannot be considered occasions of
1160
Vithiyananthan S., Tamilar Calpus, p. 137.
despair and desolaieness. They fit in as celebrations which are more in the nature of
appreciating one's greatness and chivalry, deserving posterity's following them, than
expressions of dismay. Considering all these factors, one may safely conclude that a
festival, in a general sense, is an act of gathering of people with feelings of pleasure or
pride.

Analysis of Ancient Tamilian Festivals

While analysing, mere listing of festivals will be of no help to any student of

history to learn the culture of the people or the period under concern. Hence, an
analysis that would throw light upon the society's attitudes and manners is to be
attempted. One way of classification would be to differentiate them as individual
ceremonies, family functions and social festivals. Another way would be to look, at
them from the point of view of the underlying motivation ethical, economical or
pleasure -based. These two 'Trivarga' classifications are likely to be overlapping.
Hence, keeping in mind the fact that any classification cannot completely escape
those two pitfalls overlapping and inexhaustiveness another mode of classification that
would comparatively throw a brighter light upon the social activities of the ancient
Tamils, is attempted in this paper :-Religious festivals, Seasonal festivals and chivalry
festivals.

General References

It is significant that in the Sangam anthologies, non-specific, general references to

festivals are many in number. They give us a view of the general nature of celebrations
during the Sangam age. We understand that in general quite a number of festivals were
celebrated. One may surmise a direct proportional relation between the antiquity of the
place and the number of festivals celebrated there. Similar to today's custom, festivals
were not celebrated during periods of mourning, such as the demise of a King. The
commentators speak of a special drum used to announce the onset of a festival. Though
we have no direct literary evidence for such differentiation, yet it is possible that
there were differences either in the making or in the beating of drums used for
different purposes-to announce marriages, war and festival (The Mana Muracu, Por
Muracu and Vila Muracn) as mentioned by the commentators. The village potter,
decorating himself with Nocci flowers, will go round the village and announce the
onset of festival.

The term Vilavayar Maruku suggests the system of having specific streets to
celebrate the respective festivals. In this context, one can compare the view that the
four streets around the Madurai temple extending in all the four directions, were
named after the months during which the various festivals were celebrated, when the
deity was taken in procession along those specific streets, adding the name of direction
to it. Thus we come across an explanation for the naming of Adi, Cittirai, Avani and Maci
Viti and the prefixes of directional names attached to them. The whole town or village
was decorated. Fresh sand was spread and flowers were laid. People decorated their
attires with flowers.

That the whole town joined in the rejoicing is mentioned in the literature, to
which the commentators give the explanation that all the categories youngsters and old,
rich and poor, men and women, people of the town and people from distant towns
everyone rejoiced. This factor needs reconsideration and more of supporting evidences
since it touches an important social attitude of the ancient Tamils. One evidence in
support of this view is the reference in Purananuru which speaks of the cobbler hurrying
over his needle in view of the oncoming festival and the advanced pregnancy of the lady
at home. In general there was a lot of uproar. The sound of bells and musical
instruments like Mulavu and Tannwnai were heard.

The practice of people from different places gathering together where a festival
is celebrated as it is witnessed even today, for example, during the Cittirai festival at
Madurai -was in vogue, also during ancient days. A reference that says that people of
different religions participated in the festival celebrations, needs consideration. This
may denote either the non-religious aspect of the festivals or the religious tolerance
among the people. Since we come across religious festivals such as Murukavel Vila and
also religious rites introduced somewhere in the several stages of celebration of even
the seasonal and festivals of chivalry, we may conclude that in general there was
religious tolerance among the ancient Tamilians, or it may be that the people of a
different religion took part only in the social aspects of the festivals and did not
participate in the religious rites associated with them. For instance even today,
Deepavali (a festival for Hindus as well as Jains, for whose origin both the
mythologies have separate stories) is more or less a national festival in the sense
that the rejoicing of lighting fire-crackers and the social aspects of making sweets
and distributing them to the neighbours is common to all. Similar practice might
have been observed during ancient days too. Auother aspect to be considered is that
there were festivals such as Kartikai Vila which had less of religious rites and more of
social aspects such as lighting and cooking special dishes. To conclude we may say
that the nature of the festivals as well as the spirit of religious tolerance made it
possible for the ancient Tamils to join in the celebration of festivals and rejoice,
irrespective of their creed. In this context it is worth mentioning that excepting Intira
Vila about which a ray of doubt lingers (as to whether it was a Hindu festival or a
Buddhist festival; all the other festivals seem to have been Hindu festivals. This is
significant because, we understand that Jainism and Buddhism were slowly spreading
throughout Tamil Nadu during the Sangam Age.

In general, arts were patronised specially during festivals. General musical

instruments are mentioned. A place called Vilavukkalam, and a stage referred to as
Kuttattarankam are spoken of. The patini is portrayed as making non-expressive
movements of hands and body. When the Virali danced, a person stood behind her and
drummed on Mattalam. Vayiriyar song and Kotiyar danced several pieces in orderly
success on and left the stage. Balancing on rope by Kalaikkuttar was also performed.

Kuravaikkuttu and Tunankaikkuttu are the two that are mainly spoken of while
referring to festivals. The Tunankaikkuttu is comparable to the ball room dance of the
West. There, they are arranged and encouraged with a social purpose behind, i.e. to
give an opportunity for the youngsters of the town to meet and get to know each other.
After going through the minutes of the programme, the men decide the order of dances
and the respective partners among the ladies gathered there. Then they get the consent
of the ladies of their choice and start dancing. The person of first choice by an elegant
and prospective bachelor is considered fortunate and enviable. The lady who is chosen
as partner again and again by the same person is considered his favourite. In
Tunankaikkuttu the lady who is chosen by the hero as his first partner an act referred to
as offering Talaikkai meaning, giving his hand first is considered very important. In one
of the akam verses, a lady is found challenging her rival and promising to prove to the
world the person really favoured by the hero, on the day when Tunankaikkuttu is
performed. Such similarities in culture are worthy of comparison.

Rich food, especially non-vegetarian had a prominant place in the ancient

festivals. The consumption of food along with relatives and guests denote a ray of social
consciousness in the celebration of festivals. Drinks were profusely taken in even to the
extent of neglecting one's duty. Prostitutes seemed to have played a key-role in some
of the festivals partly because of the pleasure-oriented nature of certain festivals like
the Punal Vila and party because of their talent in Arts. Whatever might have been the
festival, the above mentioned factors were present as the general elements in the
festivals of ancient Tamilnad. Over and above, we come across also some specific and
special features in the respective festivals.

Religious Festivals and Rituals

 It is accepted by sociologists that religious rites which originated in the feelings of
fear and desire in man, gradually emerged into festivals, and later on lost much of its
original significance and turned into mere ceremonies. Hence, before with the religious
festivals, the rituals performed are considered.
Worship

People of different regions worshipped the respective deities in different

manners. The Kuravar of the hilly region are found offering Venkai flowers and honey to
Lord Muruka, while dancing Kuravaikkuttu with their womenfolk, sounding the small
drum made of deerskin. The people of the pastrol region are depicted as worshipping
Turai, Alum and Tolvali Maram. The paratavar of the coastal region are seen planting the
horn of shark fish decorating it with the Talai flowers, drinking palm toddy, dancing with
women, playing in sea water, relishing over specially prepared delicacies and resting
throughout the day and night on the day of full moon. They worshipped the sea deity.
The people in the villages and towns lighted lamps and worshipped the deities offering
paddy and flowers. The wayfarers - people living in the dry regions - worshipped the
Goddess Korravai also referred to as Palaiyol.

Veriyattu

A specific ritual called velan veriyattu was performed when an adolescent girl was
found waning in health. Similar to todays peyottal (driving away the haunting demon)
chosen men or women were called to perform this. A separate place called Veriyayar
Kalam is mentioned.

Worship of Muruka

Similar to today's Teivamerab- and And Varutal, we come across a rite called
Murukarrupatuttal in ancient literature. Certain references denote that Veriyatal and
this as one and the same. But the fact that Veriyatal had a purpose different from the
latter, which was performed generally by the devotees of Lord Muruka, makes one
differentiate between the two. In this context, the view of the sociologists that Sangam
age was a transitional period and that the primitive religion was in vogue side by side
with the gradually incoming alien practices, is worth remembering. It may be inferred
that Murukarrup-patuttal was the real, indigenous religious practice of the Tamils,
wherein animal sacrifice was present
and the blood of sacrificial animal mixed with rice (either raw or cooked) was offered to
the deity.

Rituals

Certain rites were performed for specific purposes. For instance, to invoke rain,
to protect these who proved unfaithful, to get good match for girls, to have a normal
child-birth, to have abundant breast-milk, to win the battle, etc. Regarding the rites for
getting good spouses, it is only inferred from lines such as Taiyin niratiya tavam
talaippatuvaiyo and the commentary given to them. Puberty rites, marriage rituals
(which include the removal of anklets, a very controversial issue, as well as the bull-fight
organised by the pastoral people) and the rituals followed while a soldier returned
victorious from the battle field come under this. Apart from these rituals there were
religious festivals celebrated in a grand scale.

Muruka Vila

A festival that is given no specific name but widely talked about in Paripadal is
Lord Muruka's festival celebrated mainly in Tirupparankunram. Several incenses, lights
that can withstand the gush of wind, flowers, musical instruments, bells, ropes, axe,
peacock, and the elephant were got ready for a procession of the deity. People gathered
there prayed to god and made several requests. Dances were perform id. Men and
women bathed in the river. The uproar was echoed in the hills.

Alamar Celvan Makan Vila

Kalittogai speaks of this. If the epithet Alamar Celvan Makan refers to Lord Siva's
son, then it may be referring to the aforesaid Murukavel Vila. In Manimekalai also the
same epithet occurs. Both the works give a picture of little children playing with
chariots, and compare them to Lord Muruka\ procession in chariot during the festival.
So we infer a festival wherein the deity was taken in procession in a chariot.
Sea - Deity Festival

The term Munnir Vilavu occuring in Purananuru is explained by the

commentators as the festival celebrated in honour of the sea deity.

Atirai Vila And Ampa Atal

Excepting the epithet Arumperal Atiraiyan in Kalittokai and the commentator's

remark that it denotes the Lord in whose honour the Atirai day is celebrated, the single
reference that occurs regarding the Atirai Vila is in Paripadal. In the month of Markali,
on the day of Tiruvatirai, the Brahmins with the sacred thread started the ceremony,
and while they stood holding golden vessels, virgins started Ampa Atal with the prayer
that this land may remain unaffected by the heat of the Sun and cool with the showers
of rain. It is stated that the Brahmin women, well-versed in religious rites, explained the
mode of performance to the youngsters and they, after having a dip in the river Vaigai
early in the morning, stood along the riverbed in the frosty weather and dried their
clothes in the heat of the fire lit up by the Vedic Brahmins. This reference reminds one
of the later Pavai nonpu depicted in the Tiruppavai and Tiruvempavai poems.

Tai Niratal

As already mentioned, women bathing in the river during the month of Tai is
spoken of. Also, the reference to Nonpiyar Taiyun irukkai in Narrinai is explained by
commentators as the vow wherein those who undertook it completed it by bathing in
the river. It is added that according to mythology, the six months duration from Adi to
Markali is night for the Devas, and hence the performers of the Puja will not eat during
the latter half of the night.

Intira Vila
 It is surprising that a festival that is grandly spoken of in the twin epics is just
mentioned only once in Ainkurunuru in the Sangam anthologies. But for the reference
in the epics, we may not even know that it was a religious festival.
Seasonal Festivals

The occasion of the onset of a season and enjoying its fruits have formed the
basic factors of seasonal festivals.

Punal Vila

The arrival of freshes in the rivers-especially Vaikai and Kaviri-were considered an

occasion for celebration. It is referred to as Tinir Vila, Tanpatam and Punal Vila. In
Ainkurunuru, we find that two tens are solely devoted to the appreciation of season,
Paruvam Parattu Pattu and Punalattu-ppattu. Paripadal gives an elaborate portrayal of
the festival. Free sex and prosititution form the matrix of this festival. Resembling the
'Holy' festival of North India, sprinkling of coloured water over others is mentioned.
Until recently in the far south of peninsular India, in Tirunelveli district, the habit of
sprinkling saffron-water was a custom practised to remove any. unwanted hesitancy
and shyness between men and women. Hence such seasonal festivals might have had a
social purpose behind them that of bringing together men and women, and all the
townfolk in general. Even today in Western countries, and in India particularly in the
defence force services, sociability-free moving with others and of opposite sex is
considered a desirable quality and special celebrations are made solely for giving an
opportunity for it.

Venil Vila

It is doubtful whether this is a separate festival or merely another name for Punal
Vila. If one closely observes the mode of celebration, one is inclined to infer that during
the spiring season, the ancient Tamils enjoyed bahing in the freshes, and worshipping
the deity of love, Kaman indulged in free sex and other activities of pleasure. Whatever
may be the name, all these three Punal Vila, Venil Vila and Kaman Vila in fact might have
denoted the same festival. Particularly, a verse in Patirruppattu and a reference in
Kalittokai support this view.
Kartikai Vila

This name is not given as such in Saagam literature Peru Vila Vilakkam is
mentioned in one instance. The act of lighting and a few astronomical references have
made the scholars to consider this as the lighting ceremony referred to as Kartikai Vila.
It is pointed out that the mode of celebration is the same even today. Pongal and
Karaval are prepared and lights are lighted.

Pankuni Vila

This is referred to in just two places. The only fact that we know about this is that
it was celebrated in the Chola capital Urantai.

Anti Vila

Maturaikkanchi speaks of a festival celebrated for seven days successively in the

evenings.

Chivalry Festivals

While laying the hero-stone, saffron was spread over, peacock feathers and
garlands made of Karantai flowers were used for adorning, and a kind of today
prepared from rice and called Toppikkal was offered along with a goat as sacrifice.
Elaborate measures were taken to celebrate the occasion and they resemble the
consecration of a deity in a temple. Hence, though the term festival is not used in
literature, it is included as a festival in honour of valour. In fact, no celebration of
Valour is termed as festival in Sangam literature. But the performances portrayed
raise it to that level.

Puntotai Vila

The place for training youngesters in different warfare was called Kalari, The first
day of training was celebrated as Puntotai Vila.
Val Vila

The Patirruppattu line, Tar Purintanna Val Vilavin is interpreted by commentators

as Val Vila. However it may be simply referring to an exhibition of valour through a
sword fight as it is evidenced by such lines as Mallar Kuliya Vila-vinanum.

Kalarelri

Worthy to be considered a pioneer work to the later Parani literature, a few of

the Puram poems depict in detail a celebration called Kalavelvi. The highly
imaginative scenes the sterile demonesses cooking a broth with the heads of enemies
as ovens, with the logs of Kuvilam tree as firewood, skeletal bones as spoons for
which the branches of the Vanni tree served as handles, and Valuvan, the demon -
server serving it to the deity Korravai.

Verri Vila

Apart from the general rejoicing over the victorious return of the king, the
literature speaks of killing goats, spreading fresh sand under the cool shade of a
shamiana covered withg green leaves, offering toddy and waiting for the hero whose
victory they are to celebrate. In this context, Untattu a subsect of the Vetcittinai can
also be conisdered under this.

Corru Vila

There is a controversy over the second song in Purananuru that speaks of one
Utiyanceral who offered Penmcoru in the battle of Mahabaratha. However, the
literature, as well as the commentators speak of Peruncorru Vila and Ciru Corru Vila.
Penmcoru was offerred with toddy in a place called Arimanavayil amidst great uproar.
After the battle was over, in another place atankacconri was distributed. Also, while
explaining the lines Mat am torum maivitai vilppa, Niyankukkonta Vilavinum Palave
the commentator explains, what is referred to here is Ciru corru Vila, it can also be
considered as Velvi. While elaborating upon this, Avvai Doraisamy Pillai says, "Since
there were two, one Peruncorru Vila and another Cirucorru Vila, the commentator
differentiates and call this as cirucorru Vila. One of the Patirruppattu verses speaks of
the king offering food to the poor, in the battle field itself. Hence, in spite of the
existing controversy one
is inclined to accept the custom of giving a feast in honour of the victorious, resembling
perhaps to-day Bada Khana in the army.

Eru Taluval

An act of valour not mentioned in Tolkappiyam or any other Sangam literature, is

elaborately portrayed in Kalitokai. If considered as a marriage custom this will go under
social function. But since courage and valour are the fundamental factors, it is apt to
consider it under chivalry festivals. That this is not a mere function or play is proved by
the Kalittokai line, Manilai araka ayarntanar cam.

CHAPTER - VIII

TRADE AND COMMERCE

The prosperity and the well being of any nation depend on trade and agriculture.
The Sangarn rulers bestowed the utmost care on the development of trade and
agriculture. Maduraikkanchi bears testimony to the interest shown by the Sangam
rulers.1161 Nachinarkkiniar, in his commentory on the poem referred above emphasises
the importance of trade and agriculture.1162 There is a vast difference between the
commercial activity of today and that of the ancient days. Trade and Commerce were
pursued according to the availability of wealth and assistants. Trade and Commerce
formed part of the history of the Sangam age. Literary sources and contemporary
foreign sources were provide the information related to the trade and commercial
activities of the Tamils.

Barter System

1161
Maduraikkanchi, 120-123.
1162
Ibid. Comm.
 The primitive pattern of exchange of essentials on a barter basis was common in
villages. It has been suggested that barter had its origin in the practice of offering gifts
to visitors and bards.1163 Dr. K. K. Pillay's view is that barter could have developed
independent of gift barter.1164 Side by side with barter, in the Sangam age there were
bazaars and markets where the monetary system was prevalent. It was the general
custom of the people to sell the commodities produced in their respective lands to the
neighbours and occasionally to those at a distance.

P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar suggests that trade in Tamilagam originated, in the

Neithal1165 land because of the occurrence of several references to the fishermen of the
Neithal taking salt in carts to be sold at other places. Though, salt was one of

1163
Singaravelu, Social Life of the Tamils, Kualalampur, 1966 pp. 46 - 56.
1164
Pillay K.K., A Social History of the Tamils Madras, 1975 p. 239, F.N.1.
1165
Srinivasa Aiyangar P. T., Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture Madras, 1924, p. 80.
the necessities, paddy and other grains were even more basic requisites and hence it is
not possible to agree with the above view.1166

With the progress of settled life, paddy and salt became the principal
commodities of trade Paddy and Salt served as measure of value. 1167 From one of the
Kurunthogai poems, described about a shepherd who gave milk and took instead some
grains.1168 Shepherdesses exchanged card and butter milk for grains, it is said that the
proceeds were invested by the shepherdesses on purchase of coins and not of God.1169
The above facts are revealed Perumpanattruppadai. There arc also references in which a
hunter took the meat of his hunt to a farmer and exchanged it for money. Like hunters,
Panars used to fish in the ponds. The wives of such Panars used to carry the fish to the
villages and barter it for grains. This event is referred to by a poet Orator Pogiyar in
Aingurunuru.1170 Honey, ghee, and edible roots were exchanged for fish and toddy.
Articles like venison and fish, fish oil; mutton and arrack were also sold in barter.

One poem in Nattrinai quotes the carrying of paddy to the salt fields and their
exchange made for salt. Kalladanar narrates an incident where an old woman of Neithal
land instructed a girl to sell the salt produced in the salt field for paddy and that the girl
did so.1171 The salt venders transported such paddy exchanged for salt in boats. 1172 The
Kurinji people exchanged the tusks for toddy. The people lived in Kolli hills, went for
hunting to retrieve the hunger of their family members. They hunted the elephants and

1166
Pillay K.K., op. cit; p. 139.
1167
Ahananuru, 60:4; Kuruntogai: 269; Pattinappalai: 29- 30.
1168
“ghNyhL te;J $NohL ngaUk;” Kruntogai.
1169
Perumpanarruppadai-164-165.
1170
Ainkur 47.
1171
Puram. 33.
1172
Pattinppalai:39-30; Kuruntokai : 269.
brought the tusks. The tusks were exchanged for paddy and thus they relieved their
hunger.
 The housewife exchanged green grain for the thorny fish of the minstrel.1173 and
poured the white paddy into the vessel if the wandering bard who brought the fish.1174
A different type of barter which can be called 'deferred exchange' was known as kuri
etirppu which means taking a loan of fixed quantity of a commodity to be returned at a
later date.1175 Commodities which were complementary to each other in satisfying
people's needs were often sold together. Thus sugarcane and rice flakes were together
sold in exchange for venison and toddy. 1176 With the sale proceeds of ghee, buffaloes
were purchased1177. Women sold flowers in exchange for other commodities.1178

Coinage

The commerce of the Sangam period was not confined only to barter trade. It has
been suggested by N. Subrarmanian in his 'Sangam Polity' that the coins were used for
purposes of exchange mostly in the case of foreign trade. It is not possible to agree fully
with this view.1179 Coins were also used for internal and external trade. Maduraikkanchi
and Pattinappalai speak about the ships that brought gold from toe west. Madurai
Vennaganar tells us that the coins were round like a berry but slightly flattened. He had
expressed that the berries which were found stream on the pathways under the trees in
Palai looked like the yellow gold coin. Kavan Mullai Butkanar also had expressed that the
gold coins looked like the fruit of ooka tree. From Pathittuppattu, we learn that gold and
kanam were coins in use. But we are yet to find the archaeological evidences of a mint
from where coins were made. While we were able to get Greeco-Roman coins, the non-

1173
Puram 33.
1174
Ainkuru. 33.
1175
Porunarruppadai, 216-7; Pattinappalai: 29 - 30.
1176
Nattrinai : 118 : 9 - 11.
1177
In towns like Madurai and Kaverippoompattinam the barter economy could not prevail. But in the villages it
would be a success.
1178
N. Subramanian, Sangam Polity, p. 232; Puram 163.
1179
Maduarikkanchi, 81 - 83.
availability of the coins of Tamil Nadu in any other parts of the world needs suitable
explanation. Therewere Brahmi Inscriptions on the coins made of lead found in a place
called Sangam and it is believed that such coins were in the use towards the end of the
Sangam age. The term palingu kasu occuring in the Akananuru indicates that some
material other than gold was also used for making coins.(20) It is however difficult to
determine the material out of which it was made ; perhaps it was shaped out of glass
leads or kauri shell;, as may be guessed from its name.

Transport

There existed highways connecting the villages and the towns known as Peruvali.
It is learnt that tolls were levied at the entrance of the towns and at cross roads. It is
believed that Panduraka blankets and excellent cotton cloth were exported from
Madurai. These must have been carried in country carts over rough highways
connecting north India with South India. It is doubtful whether trade through inland
waterways in the country developed in any considerable measure. The streams running
through hill tracts were hardly fitted for the purpose. Even the rivers flowing through
the plains were not suitable on account of frequent droughts, floods and whirlpools. But
the coastal waterways and backwaters must have to some extent useful in the
transportation of commodities. Tamils had a good knowledge about the trade winds.1180
When the Sangam poet Vennikkuyithiar praising Karikalan praised him that he
belonged to the traditional family which had a mastering of knowledge about the
trade winds.1181 The coastal waterways and backwater must have to some extent
been useful in the transportation of commodities. The reference found in the classics
to small vessels like the kalam, punai, patri, odam, ainbi and toni indicate that traffic

1180
Akam 31; 12; Puram 343 : 5.
1181
Puram. 166.
though streams and lakes must have taken place. 1182 Mention is made of the beaten
paths in the hilly tracts and arid regions 1183. The tracts were arduous, moreover
passing through them was often risky on account of the dacoits from way side
robbers1184. Buffaloes, asses, and carts were utilised for trade. 1185 Though we hear
about the import of the horses, we do not know whether they were used for the
transport of commodities. The Mule was called Athiri. There is a reference in
Paripadal that people rode on Athiri in Vaigai bed at Madurai. In Akam and Nattrinai,
also there are references to the use of Athiri for riding Sirupanattuppadai and some
other literatures also mention about Donkey carts. Yet, it may be said that carts drawn
by horses were not used for transportation of materials of trade.

Vanigaecattukkal

The traders used to proceed to various villages in small groups called

Vanigaecattukkal They carried the commodities in carts or on donkeys. The carts were
drawn by bullocks. Perumpanattuppadai informs that merchants travelled with papper
wrapped in bundles to the size of jack fruits and leaded on the backs of asses. During
the period following the Sangam, those persons who did big business and earned huge
amounts of wealth were awarded Atti Poo and 'Atti Pattam'

Foreign trade

The Foreign trade of the Tamils included trade with the other parts of India also.
From the evidence found in the Arthasastra, it is learnt that there existed trade
relationship in the 4th century B.C. between Magadha and Dakshinapadha including the

1182
Madurai. 81-83; 321-323; Pattinappalai, 126-131; 299; 2-3 Akam. 149:9-10; Puram 66: 1-2; 23-24; 50; 1-2
343:5-6.
1183
Porunarattuppadai 49; Kuruntogai 329:3; Puram. 106.

1184
Akam. 89:10-13 op.cit.
1185
Akam. 343.
Tamil country. Among the articles which found their way to the royal treasury at
Pataliputra, Kautilya mentions precious stones (ratna) from Tamraparni and Pandya
kavata and Vaidurya or precious stones from Kerala.1186 Tamilians had developed
commerce to a very high degree in the Kalinga country and so the Kalinga ruler
Kharavela thought it would be dangerous to his rule. His attempts to destroy the Tamil
merchant communities are found in the Hathigumpa Inscription of Kharavela. Tamil
merchants at Amarawathi donated liberally to the construction of Buddhistic Stupa at
Amarawathi.1187

From very early times, Tamil Nadu carried on an extensive trade with foreign
lands. In the foreign markets, the commercial products, pepper, ginger, cardamon,
cinnamon, sandal wood, turmeric and saffron were in great demand. Rice, cotton, pearls
and certain animals and birds from the rest of Tamil Nadu were also in demand.

Early Relationship

On the question of Tamilakam's earlier trade relationship with foreign nations

conflicting views have been held. Sayce, in his Hibbert lectures on the basis of the
following assumption points out the commercial intercourse between Sumeria and
South India. The first fact mentioned by him is that Indian teak, presumably belonging to
Malabar in South India, was found in the ruins of Ur, the capital of the Sumerian
Kings. The second fact is that the word 'Sindhu' or Muslin is mentioned in an ancient
Babylonian list of clothing.1188 In respect of the teak wood found in the ruins of the
temples of Moon-God at Ur, it is possible that it was imported from Kerala, but this fact
is not indisputably established. It is not certain that at that early period of time no
nearer region had teak wood which could have been utilised at Ur. "As regards Sindhu

1186
Pillay K.K., op. cit. p. 241.

1187
Notes on the Amarawathi Stupa, J. Burgess, 1812. Archaeological Survey of India. p. 80.
1188
Sayce: Hibbert Lecturers, 1887 (London, 1889).
the occurrence of 'S' in the word has been indicated that muslin did not reach. P.T.
Srinivasa Aiyangar attempted to trace the existence of commercial relationship between
South India and West Asia from so early a period as the 4th millenmium B.C. on the
basis of similarity of words found in Tulu and Kannada, neither of which had such an
early origin.1189 Dr. K. K. Pillay pointed out that imagination was stretched too far and
the piece of reasoning was at best conjectural.

The view advanced that the 3rd Millennium B. C. is also based on doubtful basis.
Muslin and spices were conveyed from South India to Egypt.1190 But it cannot be
asserted as has done that they went from Kerala. The principal articles imported into
Egypt were gold, silver, ivory, ebony, rare animals and plants which were mostly
products from North Eastern and Equatorial Africa.1191 The view, that in the 15th
century B. C, only trade developed is also not definite. In the Bible, there is a reference
to cinnamon as an ingredient in the perfume used in the ritual at the Tabernacle erected
by Moses. It is argued that the maritime trade of Kerala was in vogue in 1490 because it
is believed that the Tabernacle was built in 1490. There is no direct reference to the
import from Kerala. In the old Testament, there are references to certain spices and
other articles in connection with the visit of queen sheba to king solomon of Issad
sometimes about 990 B.C Among the commodities, peacocks and sandalwood are also
mentioned. It is definitely certain that 'Tuki', the Hebrew for peacock is derived from the
Tamil word Tokai. In Malaipadukadam and Kurinjippattu the word Tokai denotes
peacock only.1192 The fact that peacocks went from Tamilakam in the 10th century B. C.
shows that there existed some trade relationships.

1189
Srinivasa Iyengar P.T., History of the Tamils (p.39). It is contended, by him that Muslim must have been
exported directly by sea from South India and that the Babylonian word is derived from the old Dravidian word
‘sindhi’ which in Tulu and Kannada denotes even today a piece of cloth.
1190
Schoff W.H., The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, New Delhi, 1974, p. 3.
1191
Kennedy J., Early Commerce of Babylon with India, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1898, p. 243.
1192
Malaipadukadam:44; Kurinjippattu; 191.
 An active sea-borne commerce was carried on from about 700 B. C. between
Babylon and the East. This is proved by the history of the Chinese. An early colony of
South Indian merchants is believed to have been established in Babylon where
continued to flourish til! the 7th Century A. D. Under the Persian Emperor Darius in the
5th Century B. C, the Indian commerce was further extended and the merchants
continued the trade. Loan words from the Tamil language in Hebrew and Aramaic
confirm the existence of trade relations in the past.1193

1193
Betel = Vettrilai; Hel= Elam; Keri = Kari; Onetry = Arici. Zengiri = Injiver; Ahal = Ahil, Tukt = Togai.
Trade with Greeks and Romans

The Greeks entered the field of maritime commerce from about the 3rd century
B. C. They too adopted some of the Tamil names of commodities in which they traded.
The Greeks have oriza for rice from the Tamil ariciginger is derived from Latin zingiber
which was derived from ziggiberies which ultimately is traced to Tamil injiver. After the
age of Darius, the foundation of the city of Alexandria after the expedition of Alexander
provided an impetus to this commercial expansion. The Greeks became the carrier of
the South Indian Trade with the west. Thus certain Tamil words found their way into the
Greek vocabulary. Not only, the similarity of words but also more dependable evidence
from early Tamil Literature also bears testimony to this trade. The western merchants
who visited were known as Yavanas, which is derived from the Greek Iaones, the name
of the Greek nation in their own language. In the old Sanskrit epic poetry, the word
Yavana is invariably used to denote the Greeks.1194 Similarly in ancient Tamil poems
also, the name Yavana appears to have been applied exclusively to the Greeks and
Romans. The poet Nakkirar addresses the Pandyan Prince Nan-maran in the following
words :

"O! Mara, whose sound is ever victorious." Spend thou they days in peace and
joy, drinking daily out of golden cups presented by thy handmaids, the cool and fragrant
wine brought by the Yavanas in their good ships. 1195

The Yavanas alluded to by there poeis, were undoubtedly the Egyptian Greeks
because from the Periplus, it is learnt that the Greek merchants from Egypt brought
wine, brass, lead, glass etc. for sale to Muziri and purchased pepper, betel, ivory . pearls
and fine Muslins. The Greeks sailed from Egypt in the month of July and arrived at

1194
Weber’s History of Indian Literature, p.220.
1195
Puram 56.
Muziri about forty days1196. The Romans succeeded the Greeks as the carriers of trade
after the time of Julius Ceasar. As the Indian seas were infested by pirates, the Greek
merchants brought with them cohorts of archers on board their ships. The superior
arms and discipline of the Roman soldiers inspired in the Tamils a desire to become
better acquinted with the Romans and to share their civilization. The Pandyan King was
the first to realise the benefit of trade with the Romans.

The Yavanas are known to have been employed by South Indian merchants for
rendering certain kinds of service for which they were specially qualified. For instance,
the Roman soldiers were enlisted in the armies of certain Pandya rulers. The
Mullaippattu depicts the personal appearance of the Yavanas, their distinctive habits as
well as their arranging skill in certain arts and crafts. It explains that their spoken
languages was unintelligible to the Tamils and consequent by the Yavanas were obliged
to use gesture in order to make, themselves understood.1197 The Purananuru speaks of
the delicious wine which was eagerly sought for by kings and courtiers. The literary
evidences tallies with the data furnished by the Greek writers. Pliny, and Piotemy
describe the conditions of trade in the early centuries of the Christian Era. Not only
internal and external evidences but also the archaeological evidences bear testimony
to the trade of the Tamils with Greeks and Romans. Archaeological evidence at
Arikkamedu revealed that Poduke which is identifiable with modern Pondicherry was a
centre of trade with Graeco-Roman world. Mortimer Wheeler concludes that the site
was occupied by the Romans at the end of the 1st century A. D. and that it was deserted
sometime in the 2nd century A. D. After the 2nd century A. D. there was marked decline
of Roman trade with Tamilagam because of the crowing anarchy in the Roman
empire.1198 The Roman trade with the Tamil Land and other parts of India was carried

1196
Wilfred H. Schoff, op.cit., pp. 205 – 207.
1197
Mullaippattu, 59 - 66.
1198
Neelakanta Sastri K.A., The Colas, Madras, 1955, p. 85.
on, on such a large scale that, as stated by Pliny, there was no year in which India did
not rest the Roman Empire of atleast fifty millions of sesterces sending in return wares
which were sold for a hundred times their original value.1199 There appeared an
increasing protest against the import trade which resulted in the drain of bullion. 1200 But
the trade did not thrive when "Alaric, the Goth levied his war indemnity from Rome in A.
D. 409 in terms included the delivery of 3000 pounds of pepper". 1201

As regards the trade with the Arabs, there are references in Pathittruppattu. The
traders from Arabia called the market at Muziri as pandhar. Pandhar is an Arabic term.

Trade with the East

With the East, too there was a brisk trade from an early period. The earliest trade
relationship with the East appears to have commenced with China. On the basis of the
Chinese annals, Schoff thinks that the trade with China flourished as early as the 7th
century B.C. confirms the fact of Indian commodities having reached China. It may be
mentioned here that a Chinese coin of the 2nd century B.C. has been discovered at
Chandravalli in Mysore. But definite proofs are not available to prove the earliest trade
relationship with China. Tamilagam had trade contacts with South and South East Asia
including Ceylon, Burma, Java, Malaya and regions farther East. Though there is only
one literary evidence about the trade of the Tamils with Ceylon in Sangam literature
archaeological monuments at Ceylon testify to the trade contact.1202 At Anurathapura,
the ancient capital of Ceylon, Brahmi Inscriptions are there. This inscription refers to a
big business house at Aaura-thapuram in the 2nd century B. C. As regards Burma,
Ptolemy's 'Golden Chryse' was apparently a translation of Swarnabhumi. The author of

1199
Nat. History, IV-26.
1200
Gibbons, Decline and Fall of Roman Empire, Ch. 3.
1201
Tacitus, Annals, III. 53.
1202
Pattinappalai II – 185-191.
the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea records that very large ships called Colandia sailed to
China from the ports on the Corornandel coast of South India.

Champa, the present Armam obviously owed its name to the ancient capital of
the Chola country, Kaverippoompattinam which was also known as Oiampfk. The fact
that name of this Chola city, which was also a famous port was adopted by this place
suggested active commercial contact. It may be added that the oldest inscription in the
region of Chamba, the Vo-Chant inscription, as it is called is unquestionably South Indian
in its script.1203 Malaya must have had commercial relationship with Tamil Nadu from
an early time though specific details are not available. Several common Malay words like
those for leaf, washerman, couple and marriage pledge are indubitably traced to Tamil
origin. Sumatra, Java, Bali and the islands farther east had close cultural contact with
South India during the first two centuries A. D. The Dravidian tribal names among the
Batak in Sumatra are indicative of early association. The so called East Indian islands
of Indonesia were called Savagam or Savaganadu. Among the discoveries at
Arikkamedu are celadon ware sherds which are stated to have been common in China
and South East Asia. Therefore, Roman ships preceding to China and South East Asia
touched ports in Tamil Nadu.

Internal Trade

There were established markets or bazaars called ankadi in the bigger towns,
while elsewhere hawkers brought most of the things to the doorstep of the households.
In some cases, articles were sold at the centre of manufacture;
e.g. salt was in the case of those who resided in the coastal trades sold near the salt
pans.1204 There were two kinds of traders: (a) those who manufactured and sold at
the place of manufacture and (b) those who went about selling the goods the retailers

1203
Col. Berini, J.R.A.S, 1904, pp. 234-247.
1204
Maduraik. 117.
who were mostly hawkers. There were two kinds of markets in the leading cities like
Pukar and Madurai.1205 There were Allankadi ("Evening or Night markets) as
distinguished from Nallankadi (Day time markets.)1206 The market places were also
called Avanam.1207 In the market, large varieties and large quantities of goods were sold
and purchased and crowds thronged and busy transactions took place. A notable
description of the heavy transactions in the bazaar is provided in the Maduraikkanchi
but it is open to doubt whether the accounts picture can be taken to provide a perfectly
accurate picture. Nevertheless despite exaggerations in respect of details the general
picture of busy activity may be to have been true.

An idea of the elaborate descriptions of the wide variety of articles sold in the
markets of Kaverippoompattinam or pukar as it was commonly known textile goods,
bronze and copper-ware dolls, perfumes of various kinds, flowers, sandal paste,
scented powders, false hair and dye were some of the articles for sale. Besides these,
were edible food stuffs of different kinds like rice, cakes, fish, mutton, vegetables, salt
and grains of various varieties were in abundance. Though paddy was the principal crop
other grains like the varagu and tinai were also sold. Horse grain, black grain,
millets beans and sugarcane were the other important crops. Several varieties of paddy
were cultivated, the names of which are known from Sangam works. They are vennel,
Aivananel, Torai, Chennel and Pudunel. The1208 Chennel and Pudunel were apparently
more refined varieties cultivated in the futile plains. 1209 Ornaments and jewels
besides fanciful articles made by coppersmith and workers in silver and bronze were
also available.1210 The bazars at Madurai appear to have been bigger in size and more

1205
Maduraik. 365.
1206
Akam. 93-10.
1207
Pattinappalai, 158; Akam 122-3.
1208
Maduraik, 287-8; Malai, 114-5.
1209
Purananuru, 61, Pattinappalai, 12-14.
1210
Maduraik 511-21.
notable in the volume of business transacted than those at Kavirippoompattinam. There
were streets where diamonds, rubies and pearls were sold. Streets where dress, corn
and miscellaneous articles were sold also existed. In Madurai too, there were the
Nalankadi and Allankadi. Many foreigners were found engaged in wholesale
transactions.1211 From the scanty evidence available in the literary works of the age, it
may be inferred that the dealings were fair. It is learnt that merchants openly
announced the profit which they made.

Units of Measurement

The common vessel for measuring grain was known as ampanam, this was in all
probability the precursor of the well known Marakkal. There is however no means of
knowing whether the sub-division, Padi had come into usage during the Sangam age.
But Nali the equivalent of Padi was known, as can be seen from the Purananuru and the
Mullaippattu.1212 Balances seem to have been used even under barter. They were
more regularly used in larger transactions in markets and bazars. The Kol denoted the
balance rod1213 Kannam is the name applied to the goldsmiths balance.1214 It may be
observed that Ka denoted a rod from the extremities of which wooden pans
were suspended.1215 Presumably rich merchants used yard sticks made of ivory.1216

Trading Communities

Though generally industry and the consequent trade were carried on by groups
of hereditary craftsmen pursuing their profession at the ancestral work place rarer
instances of persons of any one caste being engaged in activity not prescribed for their

1211
Ibid. 503; 22.
1212
Puram. 189:5; Mullaippattu, 9.
1213
Akam. 349.
1214
Ibid: 317-8.
1215
Kalittokai, 142-157; Perumpanarruppadai; 171.
1216
Puram. 39.
caste.1217 Nakkirar. the poet considered to be a brahmin was engaged in the coneh-
cutting industry. It is interesting to note that goldsmiths and even blacksmiths were
poets of Sangam age. For instance Seykolian, Vannaganar, was a poet who composed
song 363 of the Akananuru, Madurai kollan Vennaganar was the author of the song
285 of Nattrinai. We also hear of certain traders in particular commodities like the
Kulavanigam, Aruvaivanigam, and the dealer in palm leaves A few of the poets
belonged to the class of merchants Madurai Aruvai Vangan Ilavettanar, Madurai
Kulavanigan Seettalai Sattanar, Uraiyur Ilampon Vanigar and Kaverippoompattinathu
Pon Vanigar, Beri Sattanar, Uraiyur Ilampon Vanigar and Kanian Punkundarayattanar
were some poets belonging to the merchant community of the Sangam epoch.

1217
N. Subramani. Sangam. Policy : p. 23.
Imports and Exports

All the articles prepared in Egypt for the markets of Tamilakam as well as all the
produce of Tamilakam itself finally centred on the Chola Coast. ''Horses were brought
from distant lands beyond the seas, pepper was brought in ships; gold and precious
stones came from the mountain of north; sandal and akil came from the mountain
towards the west: pearls from the southern seas and coral from the eastern seas. The
produce of the regions watered by the Ganges; all that is grown on the banks of the
Kaveri articles of food from Elam or Sri Lanka and the manufactures of" kalakatn were
brought to the markets of Pukar.1218

In the bazaar of Pukar, dyes scented powder, sandal paste, flowers and aromatic
wood like akil were sold in abundance. Tamilakam imported from the Yavanas the
excellent wine. The expression Yavanar nan kalam tanda tan kamal teral occurs in a
stanza in Purananuru refers to this article of import. The Yavanas exported to
Tamilakam sugar candy also. A lamp shaped like a black swans (the odiman) was an
article in great demand; the peculiarity of this type of lamp was the flame in it did not
flicker but was a steady flame and it was a novelty to the Tamils.1219 Some of these
lamps were like statues (Pavat vilakku) bearing in their folded palms the takali or the can
containing the oil to light the lamp. 1220 Tamilakam exported her gold ornaments. The
Periplus testifies to the South Indian export of coconut oil, while Pliny includes bananas,
rice, millets and various medical plant products, including tamarind. The imports into
Muziri are given by the Periplus as "a great quantity of coin, topaz, thin clothing, linen,
antimony, coral, crude glass, copper, tin, lead, moderate quantities of wine and wheat
only for the sailors, for this is not dealt in by the merchants there". The exports from

1218
Pattu. 9: 185-191.
1219
Ibid. 4:316-318.
1220
Ibid. 7: 101 – 103.
there included the pepper corning from kottanora (Kuttanadu) great quantities of fine
pearls, ivory and silk cloth.1221

Though Tamilakam exported fine varieties of cloth, she seemed to have imported
certain varieties of cotton fabrics from other places herself. Kalingam and Kalagam were
varieties of cloth imported from the Kalinga land and Malaya. Large ships laden with
"Tamarind which was mixed up with jaggery and salt and dried mutton chops, carried
the large ornaments and horses tamed with difficulty to the Yavana Land."1222 Pearls,
gold, diamond and ivory were the chief articles the Tamils exported to the North. It is
interesting to note that among the exports from India to the West, tigers, elephants,
hounds, parrots, peacocks, serpents and pythons were included.

Seaports

The trade of Sangam Tamilakam was brisk and had developed all the ancillary
requirements of harbours, shipping and light houses, etc.

There were several sea-ports both on the western and eastern coasts of
Tamilakam. We have some information about them from the early, Sangam classics as
well as the later Tamil works, They are amply suplemented by the data of the foreign
writers of the 1st and 2nd centuries A. D. The harbour was called Pukar in
Kaverippoompattinam.

Kaverippoompattinam

The Pattinappalai gives a fairly detailed description of the harbour of Pukar and
the activities there. The harbour especially was a safe harbour even for the bigger
vessels- They could enter the harbour without removing the carge or slacking sail; and

1221
Wilfred H. Sehoff loc. cit.
1222
Pattu. 6:318;539.
yet be quite safe and stable.1223 The commodities kept and the seal put by the Chola
officers are recorded in the Pattinappalai.1224

Korkai

On the east coast, next in importance to Pukar was the town of Korkai, the
primary sea port of the Pandyas. Korkai was the chief town of the leading Parathavar or
fishermen of the region. Ahananuru speaks about the glory of the pearls of Korkai. The
grace beauty and the fineness of the pearls are described in some of the Sangam
poems.1225 Maduraikkanchi, Sirupanattuppadai, Ahananuru, and Nattrinai poems
contain information about Korkai. All the references about Korkai when compared
with the foreign accounts, they tally with each other. Korkai, the chief town in the
country of the Parathavar tribe was the seat of pearl fishery and the population of the
town consisted mostly of pearl divers and chank cutters. The pearl fishery was a source
of such large revenue to the Pandyan Kingdom.

Muziri

On the west coast according to the Sangam works, the most prominent harbour
was Muziri identical with the Muziris of the foreign writers and modern Cranganore.1226
Pliny speaks of Muciri as the most important port of India. Other writers like the author
of the Periplus, and Plotemy also speak of the busy traffic at Muziri. Their accounts are
confirmed by the poets of the Sangam age.

Other ports

1223
Puram. 30; Pattu-6:541 Pattu. 3:349-357. Periplus called it as Kamara and Ptolemy called it Khaberis.
1224
Pattu. 9: 129- 136.
1225
Ibid. 6:135; 257; Akam. 9:201.
1226
Akam; 142; Puram. 343.
 Tondi is appearing in the Sangam works now a small village in South Malabar.1227
But the identification of the other ports mentioned by Periplus, Naoora, Nelkunda and
Bakara is not easy. Plotemy, the Alexandrian Geographer of the 2nd century A.D. refers
to a few more like Baramagara and Kalaikarias between Tundis and Muziris and further
South Vaikkarai. Podoperour, Semne and Koreowa. V. Kanagasabai identified Bramagara
with Brahmakulam and Kalikarias with Chalakuri, but these await further confirmation.

Warehouses

Warehouses for storing the merchandise were built on the beach near the
fisherman's quarters: 'Limitless quantities of goods were collected in these warehouses
and they lay there waiting to be shipped abroad Pattinappalai while
mentioning about Kaverippoompattinam mentions that the Chola officials affixed the
tiger seal on the bags of cargo.1228

Light houses

The Chief ports had light houses called Kalankaraivilakku Chudar the bright light
that beckons the ships.1229 The light houses were not specially built structures serving
exclusively the purpose of beckoning ships but were powerful lamps set up on top of
the tallest building on the coast.

Traders Characteristics

The trading community of the Tamils differed in their principle from the others,
They earned through trade for the welfare of the humanity They wished the whole
community to happily live without hunger. They lived according to the principle of

1227
Akam; 10.
1228
Pattu. 9: 134-136.
1229
Pattu. 4: 340-352.
 CONCLUSION

The foregoing research reveals the former fallen greatness of Sangam Tamils. The
Sangam age is considered to be the golden age of the Tamils. The sangam literature and
foreign accounts shed light on the political, social and economic life of ancient Tamils.
The vast majority of the inhabitants led a tribal life yet sections of the people made
considerable progress in their cultural pursuits. Tribalism exister together with urbanity
and so also did villages and towns and minor chieftains and major powers. The
determination of the age of Sangam Spavined from Fifth Century B.C. to second century.

The form of Government of ancient Tamils as gleaned out of literature is

monarchy. The epithets for the king are Ko Kovalan, irai, iraivan and porunan. The
words irai and iraivan have two meanings, God and king. These words are meaningful
and helps to interpret the probable basis for the evolution of the administrative
institution of monarchy.

The sangam works give a fairly much information on political changes in ancient
Tamilagam. As in any other society the Tamils were divided into tribes with their own
leaders, habits and pursuits. Through progress in settled life they came to possess
particular territories and through conflicts and alliances transformed themselves into
political powers. Tolkappiyar refers to twelve political divisions called nadu. By the
Sangam age there came into existence three major powers referred to as muvender and
number of smaller powers. The three major powers the pandyas in the south the Cholas
in the east and the cheras in the west occupied. SanTamilNadu the land of the pure
Tamil. A part from the three powers there existed a number of minor powers who
exercised and Independent or Semi Independent status.

The physical texture of the ancient South Indian landscape with its mountains
and rivers, and clearly defined contours have induced the Tamils to divide the
landscape on the basis of geographical set up. The hilly tracts and the mountain
regions are called Kurinchi; the forest tracts are known as Mullai the fertile regions of
the river-valleys are called Marutham, the littoral landscape of the seashores is known
as Neithal and the waste land and the sandy desert are called Palai. These five fold
division of the landscape gave an impetus to the development of Tamil Culture. Modern
Scientific developments have shown that the influence of geography in determining
the character and culture of a people could not be ignored. The Tamil culture appears
to have evolved in different shades and forms in these five-fold regions, which
ultimately, reached its high water-mark in the river valleys. The division of the
landscape formed the basis for the ancient Tamil poetry which furnishes its apodictic
illustration of its independent origin and development.

The basic unit of the ancient Tamil Society was the family. A group of families
constituted the different stratas of the Tamil society. Hence, the household life of the
Tamil people played a vital role in the development of Tamil culture. The pleasant
domestic life has been idealised and glorified as a supreme state in the life of every
human-being. Love and virtue are the essential qualities of the householders and they
are considered as the symbol and fruit of the family life. Among all those (who strive for
future happiness), he is greatest who lead a happy family life. This life has been extolled
as the greatest virtue to be practiced.

The better-half of the man is acclaimed as the true partner in life who possesses
all the wifely virtues and spends according to the income of her husband. An excellent
wife is a blessing to the home and that has bearing the good children is its precious
ornament. The wife has been extolled as the “Illuminator” of the family.

The acquisition of intelligent children has been considered as the greatest

blessings in the life of a man. There are number of fascinating pictures of the sweet
home in the Sangam literature which bear ample testimony to the significance attached
to the family life. The duties of the domestic life have been portrayed in the following
terms.
 “Showering presents to the goodmen. Honouring the ascetics and the righteous,
Entertaining guests, and friends and relatives are the sacred duties of the noble
Householders."

There seems to have been a popular saying about the Tamils of the Sangam age,
that those are the fortunate parents, who won lasting fame in this as well as in the next
world by having a son; they are the most blessed. These cherished ideals of the sweet
home reveals the eagerness and attachment of the ancient Tamils to the house-hold life
which has been called lllaram, i.e., righteous married life. One could not find a parallel to
this type of reverance and respect shown to the family life in any other ancient
civilizations of the world.

The Tamils of the Sangam Age are well known for their love and affection to their
brothren Frora, the dawn of history, the Tamils have freely associated with the
foreigners of far and near. They have developed a sense of service towards them, which
has been called in Tamil as Viruntu Ompal i.e., hospitality. Even today, they practise
hospitality as a kind of virtue or an aspect of righteous living. Tiruvalluvar, the great
poet-philosopher of TamilNadu pays tributes to the act of hospitality in the following
words. “what for the wise toil and set up homes? It is to feed the guest and help the
strangers”

There is hardly any reference to the act of hospitality as a sacred duty of the
householder as it was practiced by the Tamils in any other countries of the ancient days.

Ancient Tamils were known for their love towards flowers. They said it with
flowers not only in love but also in war, in friendship, in hospitality and even in the relief
of poverty and want. When strangers passed through a village, they were offered
flowers as a sign of extending warm welcome to them. The bards adorned their musical
instruments with garlands of flowers. Mullai, a variety of jasmine has been considered
as a symbol of chastity. Not only the girls and married ladies adorned their hair do's with
flowers but also the males used to wear the strings of flowers in their tufts. Garlands
and wreaths in various forms and sizes were in use. Care of the predominant totemic
symbols of the three royal dynasties of Tamil Nadu was garlands made out of a
particular variety of flowers. The Cheras had the tender palmyra buds, the Pandyas used
neem flowers and the Cholas had a fascination for Atti (Mountain ebony) flowers.

During the periods of mourning and distress, flowers and garlands were not used
by the Tamils. Widows were prohibited from using the flowers as an adornment. This
healthy tradition is followed even today. The Tamils yet revere flowers as an auspicious
symbol and as a token of love and affection.

Smearing the gingelly oil from head to foot and then taking bath either in the
cold or hot water has become a custom among the Tamils. Child birth was considered
ceremonially unclean in many parts of the world. But they were never accustomed to
purify the mother, from the pollution by performing a ceremonial oil-bath. In the
Sangam period, this type of ceremonial oil bath of the mother was known as Neyyani
mayakkam. In the beginning and end of solemn occasions, ancient Tamil people used to
take oil baths. This custom was prevalent among the Greeks and Romans who used olive
oil for their baths. The practice of taking oil bath was a widespread habit only among
the Tamils, the Greeks and the Romans of the ancient world. From this, we are inclined
to think that the climate of the Mediterranean and the tropical regions might have
induced these three nations to indulge in this custom to indulge in this custom to find
comfort and gratification in the heat of the scorching sun.

Ancient Tamil people wore white attire at the time of solemn occasions like
starting from home to the battle-fields and also for the birth day celebrations. The birth-
day celebration was known as the Vellani Vila. But in the Medineval Age, white dress
has been looked with an air of condescension and it has been treated as an inauspicious
dress in India, whereas in the Europe, it has gained significance as a dress of dignity and,
decorum. It may be the result of religious fends in India. A sect of Jains used to wear
white-dress. So, it has become a symbolic representation of a particular sect.

Modern Indian women, especially, the South Indian women can be easily
identified from her novel mode of dress i.e., from the saree, they usually wear. Now a
days it has become a fashion even among the ladies of Europe and America to be
dressed with Sarees as an evening dress. The men of South India, wear Vetti or dhothi in
a particular form, which has also gained popularity among the people of the world.

But in the pre-historic period, most probably in the Neolithic period, this type
of dress for men and women might have come into vogue among the Tamils.
Gradually, this mode of dress spread throughout India. After the advent of the
Muslims in India, their form of dress gained popularity in the North India. But it never
became a favourable dress in Tamil Nadu, It has become a national dress of the Tamils
without any reservations even among the followers of alien religious creeds.

Ornaments made out of pearls and with pearls were in great demand. There are
some references to the objections raised by the Roman Senators to restrict the import
of pearls from Damirike (Tamilakam), which drained a large quantity of gold every
year from their country. In the marriage and other pleasant functions, we use vermilion
and turmeric as auspicious symbols and sacred objects. Besides this, we freely give, take
and chew the betal-leaves on such occasions. These appear to be a legacy from our
ancestors, which have found a prominent place in the heritage of the world. Tamils of
the Sangam period had a great attraction towards the river vallies. They had their
settlements on the banks of the perennial rivers and established their important towns,
cities and capitals there. In harnessing the natural resources, they have made Herculean
attempts to control the floods and preserve the excess water for the cultivation of crops
through-out the year. They have constructed huge dams and large lakes. Dravidians
(Tamils) were responsible for the significant achievements of India in the art of
constructing irrigational dams and canals throughout India.

There is a poem in Purananuru, which expresses the appeal of a poet to the

Pandya King Neduncheliyan, the victor of Talaiyalankanam. The poet advises the King to
construct irrigation tanks wherever possible to help the peasants and to
improve the prosperity of the kingdom. This poem serves as an unfailing witness to the
irrigational works of the ancient Tamils.

The Sangam Tamils were keen on acquiring. Such knowledge as deserved to be

acquired, acquisition of knowledge in the Sangam period was understand to be of two
Kinds, that is the knowledge of Humanities and the knowledge of sciences. The
Humanities was represented by the study of languages and literature and the science by
mathematics. The pattern of Education in the Sangam period was not merely reading
and under ordering of books but listening to learned persons. It is noted that education
of a Seevlar nature was not the preserve of any particular community or caste sex or
station in life. The society Joined the primary responsibilities of educating the children
or their parents.

It is very interesting to note that "there are two, an ecclesiastical calendar and
civil one. The ecclesiastic calendar of the Tamils like other Asiatic calendars, including
the Telugu calendar is lunar. But the civil calendar is solar, truly and completely solar
and is not, like ours, an originally lunar calendar modified to fit the solar year it is
unique, and that it aims at a degree of astronomical accuracy and consistency beyond
that of any other calendar in use it proves the independence and continuous
activity of Dravidian science in the past of India, least exposed to non-Dravidian
influences. This statement points out the significance of the calendar adopted by the
ancient Tamils.

Pattini cult is one of the significant features of Tamil culture. The deification of a
‘chaste wife’ as the ‘Goddess of chastity’ originated in Tamil Nadu during the Sangam
age. Kannaki, the heroine of the Epic Silappathikaram has been deified as Pattini Devi by
llanko Adikal.

Deification of Kannaki has brought in its wake, a train of legends and varied cults,
in which Pattini figures as one of the incarnations of the Goddess Sakti of the Hindu
religion. This cult has found a congenial atmosphere to thrive in Sri Lanka at the end of
the Sangam age. There are many shrines to this deity in Ceylon. It is the only female
deity in the pantheon of divine beings worshipped next to Taya by the Sinhalese.

The Tamils of Sangamage seems to have fashioned for themselves a society

where religion did play a dominant role and consider by influence. Individual and social
thinking and beliefs but was not allowed to seriously temper with the very practical and
worldly life which they chose to life. It has been claimed that "the greatest gift of South
India to Hinduism is God Siva. The Rig Vedic Rudrs is an absolutely independent
personality, even independent of Siva, of the proto-Indian times. But an effort was
made here to amalgamate the two elements of Rudra and Siva-without however
introducing the name of Siva. This has been done by the addition of some more
elements and attributes which have been (more or less) originally considered as the
qualities of Siva. Dilating on this point. The cult of Murugan goes back to the pre-
historic period in Tamil Nadu. He was conceived as a territorial deity of the Kurinchi
region. He has been called as the God of youth and beauty. Valli the daughter of
hunter's chief has been identified with one ol the mistress of Murugan. In the beginning
of the Christian era, Murugan has been transformed into Subramanya or Karthikeya in a
new setting with the assimilation of North Indian legends and beliefs. The consort of
Lord Siva and the female manifestation his energy and power is known as Uma or
Parvati. In the tradition of the Tamils, she is known as Kottravai. Scholars believe that
the expression Uma is only an Aryan rendering of the original Ammo, of the Dravidian
term. Even Mayon and Mai are believed to be the old (pre-Aryan) Tamil names,
subsequently identified with the later Aryan God Vishnu- The eailiest reference to the
pastoral Krishna occurs only in the Tamil Literature. His sweet heart Nappinnai, the
prototype of Radha of later period appears to be a maid of the pastoral people of
ancient Tamil Nadu. The Krishna cult might have been carried to the North by tribes of
the Deccan like Abhiras. Reference to Gods by complex Ion is a sure indication of the
prevalence of idol worship in the Sangam Age. Pucey, the term in Tamil implies the
mode of worshipping the deity with flowers. This word has been borrowed into Sanskrit
as puja in the Later Vedic period. This method of flower offerings to Gods represents
the practice of the Tamils from time immemorial. Homa or the fire ritual and puja, or
the flower Ritual, represent two distinct words of religious thought or conception. The
flower ritual or the Puja is unknown to the Vedic religion; their ritual is everywhere
Homa. This categorical expression of an Indologist clearly points out the indebtedness
of the various religious tenets to the Tamils which are following the flower offerings as a
form of worship. The concept of self-surrender at the feet of God has been enunciated
and elucidated in great detail by the preceptors of Saiva and Vaishnava theology of
later periods. In no other religious tenets of India, as well as of the accident, we find
such a lofty ideal of relinquishing the worldly attachments and submit oneself at the
feet of the God to seek solace for the yearning heart. Tiruvalluvar, the illustrious sage
and sear of Tamil Nadu enunciates the doctrine of self-surrender for the first time in
ancient India. He instructs that 'those who find refuge at the great feet of Him who lives
in the heart (of the devotees) live eternally in Heaven. "To those who are united in the
feet of Him who is without desire or aversion, never experience sufferings. “They alone
escape from sorrow who surrender themselves at the feet of Him who is unique in every
respects.” “The stormy seas of wealth and sensual pleasure cannot be traversed except
by those who cling to the feet of the God who is the ocean of Righteousness,” ''None
can swim the great sea of births, but those of who are united in the feet of God. These
verses have been the main source for the exposition of the doctrine of self-surrender at
the feet of God in the Mediaeval period. No other religion except Christianity advocates
the doctrine of self-surrender at the feet of the Supreme Being, This concept can be
claimed as a significant contribution of the Tamils in . the sphere of philosophical
speculations. Ancient Tamils included the most popular Fine Arts viz., Music, Dance and
Drama in their concept of Muttamil. They have given equal importance to Music and
Dance and treated them in par with the Tamil language and literature. We could not
find a parallel to this concept of Fine Arts in any quarters of the world. The musical
instruments like yal (lute), kulal (Flute; (not the Nagaswaram of this century) and
Mulavu (two-faced drumj, the proto-type of modern mritankam are the most important
orchestra that enhanced the value of the melodious music of the ancient Tamils. The
Akam poems of the Sangam Age excells in form and theme as well as expression and
elucidation of the subtle ideas and the tender feelings of the lovers. They depict and
glorify only the life of the lovers who have succeeded in their love affair. When we
compare these Akam poems with the love poems of other countries, we find to our
surprise that they deal with the disappointment and desertion of lovers. The moral
philosophy of the Tamils is enshrined in Tirukkural one of the great classics in Tamil. It
is the masterpiece of Tamil literature and one of the highest and purest expression of
human thought”. This great didactic work in Tamil reveals the loftiest sentiments and
the purest philosophy of life with equal power of conception and expression of the
Tamil genius, Tiruvalluvar, the author of this work has been acclaimed as the "Bard" of
universal man by Dr.G.V. Pope, an eminent missonary of Great Britain.

The supreme philosophy of life as conceived by the Tamils is clearly

expressed in one of the verses of 'Purananuru, the ancient Tamil Classic

“Every country is my country

Every man is my kinsman”

In these lines, the ancient Tamils have given vibrant expression to their cherished
ideal of the One world and the universal brotherhood of Man. From this oft-quoted
epigram, one can infer that the Tamils have gone beyond the barriers of Class,
Community, Nation and Religion and embraced the whole humanity as their
brothren. There is hardly any parallel to this anticipation of One-world ideal and the
'universal brotherhood of man' in ancient countries.
 Classical writers like Pliny, Ptolemy, the author of the Erythrean Sea and Strabo
have recorded the brisk maritime trade between Tamil Nadu and the Western countries
in the early centuries of the Christian era. In addition to pepper and rice, the other
important goods exported from the Malabar (Chera) coast in great quantities were fine
pearls, ivory, ginger, spikenard oil and gems. The names of these luxurious goods have
found a plaque in the
vocabulary of the Classical languagas as well as in the modern European languages. One
such word is arid (rice), the staple food of Tamil Nadu and China from olden days. This
word has found its way to Greece, where it was called Oryza. From this word, Oriza of
Latin, riz of the French, rice of the English, rizo of the Italian and arrez. of the Spanish
have derived. Another important ingredient added to the dishes to preserve for a few
days and to make them delicious is Milaku which was called piperri in Greek, piper in
Latin and pepper in the modern European languages.-This name appears to be
corrupted form of Pippili, the long pepper in Tamil. Latin authors especially make
frequent references to pepper, we can cite a significant example for this. Horace, with
much delight, is apprehensive of his book being taken away to wrap up spices and
pepper like impertinent writings which only deserve such a treatment. Ginger was also
exported to the Western Countries. The people of Greece called it as zingiberi, and the
Romans as gingiber, coming naturally from the Tamil word Inchiver i.e., the root of the
green ginger. The Roman physicians, Dioscuridcs praises it as a good digestive and nice
recipe and Auspicious records its frequent use as a food. The names of the sandal wood
and pearl of Tamil Nadu are also derived their names from Canthu and Paral in the
Western countries.
Aram1230. The integrity and honesty of the merchant communities revealed by the
Sangam literature speak about the glory of the Tamils in their trade and commercial
activities also.

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Tamil Works

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Muthukrishnanattar - PalanTamilar Panpu, Madras, 1954.

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Subramania Pillai - Tamil Illakkiya Varalaru, Madras, 1970.

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II – A Articles

Proceedings of 3rd All India oriental Conference, Madras, 1924.

Proceedings of First International Conference Seminar of Tamil Studies

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B – 1 Journals in English

Journal of Indian History, Vol–L III, August, 1975, New Delhi 1974

Journal of Madras, University Vol – LI. No.1, January, 1979.

Journal of Kerala studies Vol.II, March, 1957.

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B – II. Journal in Tamil

TamiligaVol – II, 1973, (ed.) R. Nagasamy.

B – III. Journal in English

Hindu, 9th October, 1981.

 CONCLUSION

The foregoing research reveals the former fallen greatness of Sangam Tamils. The
Sangam age is considered to be the golden age of the Tamils. The sangam literature and
foreign accounts shed light on the political, social and economic life of ancient Tamils.
The vast majority of the inhabitants led a tribal life yet sections of the people made
considerable progress in their cultural pursuits. Tribalism exister together with urbanity
and so also did villages and towns and minor chieftains and major powers. The
determination of the age of Sangam Spavined from Fifth Century B.C. to second century.

The form of Government of ancient Tamils as gleaned out of literature is

monarchy. The epithets for the king are Ko Kovalan, irai, iraivan and porunan. The
words irai and iraivan have two meanings, God and king. These words are meaningful
and helps to interpret the probable basis for the evolution of the administrative
institution of monarchy.

The sangam works give a fairly much information on political changes in ancient
Tamilagam. As in any other society the Tamils were divided into tribes with their own
leaders, habits and pursuits. Through progress in settled life they came to possess
particular territories and through conflicts and alliances transformed themselves into
political powers. Tolkappiyar refers to twelve political divisions called nadu. By the
Sangam age there came into existence three major powers referred to as muvender and
number of smaller powers. The three major powers the pandyas in the south the Cholas
in the east and the cheras in the west occupied. SanTamilNadu the land of the pure
Tamil. A part from the three powers there existed a number of minor powers who
exercised and Independent or Semi Independent status.

The physical texture of the ancient South Indian landscape with its mountains
and rivers, and clearly defined contours have induced the Tamils to divide the
landscape on the basis of geographical set up. The hilly tracts and the mountain