Inunhan Noun Phrases Transformational GR

INONHAN NOUN PHRASES
TRANSFORMATIONAL GRAMMAR
Term paper
by
JEAN-FRANÇOIS DELMER
presented to Dr. Jonathan Malicsi
Linguistics Department
Lingg335 - Transformeysyonal na Teyorya
May, 2019 – Release 0.01
Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 1
1.1 The Inonhan language .......................................................................................... 1
1.2 Data source and method ....................................................................................... 2
1.2.1 Data source.................................................................................................... 2
1.2.2 Method .......................................................................................................... 2
1.2.3 Glosses and abbreviations ............................................................................. 3
1.2.4 Section structure............................................................................................ 4
2 Nominals in Predicate-Topic constructions ................................................................ 4
2.1 Introduction: the predicate-plus-topic structure ................................................... 4
2.2 Nominal predicates .............................................................................................. 5
2.2.1 Unmarked noun as a predicate ...................................................................... 5
2.2.2 Marker plus (unmarked) noun as a predicate ................................................ 6
2.2.3 Personal pronoun as a predicate .................................................................... 7
2.2.4 Demonstrative pronoun as a predicate .......................................................... 9
2.2.5 Personal noun as a predicate ....................................................................... 10
2.2.6 Interrogative pronoun as a predicate ........................................................... 10
2.2.6.1 ano ........................................................................................................ 11
2.2.6.2 sino ....................................................................................................... 11
2.2.6.3 alin........................................................................................................ 11
2.3 Nominal topics ................................................................................................... 11
2.3.1 (Topic) marker plus (unmarked) noun as a topic ........................................ 12
2.3.2 Personal pronoun as a topic ........................................................................ 12
2.3.3 Demonstrative pronoun as a topic............................................................... 12
2.3.4 Personal noun as topic ................................................................................ 13
2.4 Predicate-Topic inversions................................................................................. 13
2.4.1 ay / hay inversion ........................................................................................ 13
2.4.2 Contrastive inversion .................................................................................. 14
2.5 Summary: predicate and topic nominal derivations........................................... 15
3 Nominals as modifiers and modified heads .............................................................. 16
3.1 Nominals as modifiers ....................................................................................... 16
3.1.1 Nominals as modifiers of nominals ............................................................ 16
3.1.1.1 Two (non-personal) nouns ................................................................... 16
3.1.1.2 One noun and one demonstrative pronoun .......................................... 17
3.1.1.3 One noun and one personal pronoun ................................................... 18
Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) ii

3.1.1.4 Other possible combinations ................................................................ 21
3.1.2 Nominals as complements of verbals and adjectivals................................. 22
3.1.3 Nominals as constituents in adverbials ....................................................... 22
3.2 Nominals as modified heads .............................................................................. 22
3.2.1 Demonstrative Modifiers ............................................................................ 23
3.2.2 Interrogative Modifiers ............................................................................... 25
3.2.3 Limiters as Modifiers .................................................................................. 26
3.2.3.1 Cardinal and ordinal modifiers ............................................................ 26
3.2.3.2 "Other" limiters .................................................................................... 27
3.2.3.3 "Other numerical expressions"............................................................. 28
3.2.4 Adjectives as Nominal Modifiers ............................................................... 28
3.2.5 Participles as Modifiers............................................................................... 29
3.2.6 Relative Clauses as Modifiers ..................................................................... 29
3.2.7 Adverbial modifiers .................................................................................... 30
3.3 Summary of linkers distribution ........................................................................ 31
4 Conclusion and further research ............................................................................... 32
Bibliography ................................................................................................................ 34
Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) iii
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 Paradigm of Inonhan Personal Pronouns .......................................................... 8

Table 2 Inonhan Deictic Pronouns Paradigm ................................................................ 9
Table 3 - Summary of linker distribution in Inonhan .................................................. 31
Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) iv

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
(Alphabetical)
Adj Adjective
AjCd Cardinal (Adjective)
AjLm Limiter (Adjective)
AjPh Adjectival Phrase / Adjectival
Adv Adverb
AvPh Adverbial Phrase / Adverbial
Cls Clause
ClRl Relative Clause
Com Comma
Def Definitizer
DmMd Demonstrative Modifier (Demonstrative Adjective)
DmPn Demonstrative Pronoun
eng English (ISO 639-3 language code)
hay (place holder) hay "inverter" (to front topics or sa-phrases)
InPn Interrogative Pronoun
Lnk Linker
loc Looknon or Inunhan (ISO 639-3 language code)
mga (place holder) mga (plural nominal proclitic)
n.a. Note of the Author
NnPh Noun Phrase / Nominal
Npn Non-Personal Noun
NpMk Non-Personal Noun Marker
Plr Plural
Prd Predicate (or Predicate Phrase)
PsMk Personal Name Marker
Psn Personal Name
Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) v

PsMd Personal Modifier / (Possessive Adjective)
PsPn Personal Pronoun
S1 Set 1: "ang form" of the pronouns paradigms
S2 Set 2: "ng form" of the pronouns paradigms
S3 Set 3: "sa form" of the pronouns paradigms
tgl Tagalog (ISO 639-3 language code)
Top Topic (or Topic Phrase)
VbPh Verb Phrase / "Verbal"
Vrb Verb
Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) vi

1 Introduction
This paper is a sketch of Inonhan noun phrases structure and of their syntactic
positions, written as a tentative application of a transformational grammatical
framework. We give here first a brief overview of the language (1.1) then of our
data source and method (1.2).
Then the work has two main parts - section 2 looks at nominals in simple predicate-
topic constructions; then section 3 looks at the internal structure of noun phrases:
nominals as modifiers (in noun phrases or other types of phrases) or as modified
heads of noun phrases.
Section 4 wraps up with a conclusion and suggestions for further research.
1.1 The Inonhan language

Inonhan (also called Bisaya-Inunhan, Loocnon, Looknon, Onhan or Ohnhan) is a
West / North Central Bisayan language of the Philippines, with 85,800 speakers in
2000 in the province of Romblon, in the North-Western part of the Visayas
archipelago (Lewis & al. 2016 - below "Ethnologue").
175 Austronesian languages have native speaker in the Philippines, according to
Ethnologue. Among those, 23 sometimes called "Bisayan dialects" - of which
Cebuano is the most spoken - have been classified and shown to make up a
phylogenetic language group of Central Philippine languages by Zorc (1972, 1977).
They are then further divided into three subgroups, Central, South and West
Bisayan. West Bisayan in turn has 5 languages or small subgroups - Caluyanun,
Aklan, Kinarayan, Kuyan and North Central. Actually North Central has only one
language along the ISO 639-3 official list maintained by Ethnologue - with code "loc"
and name "Inonhan". But Glottolog (Hammarström & al. 2013) have identified then
at least four more "dialects" therein in addition to "inon1237 - Inonhan":
alca1237 Alcantaranon
bula1256 Bulalakaw
disp1238 Dispoholnon
look1237 Looknon
Inonhan is spoken in the Tablas island (municipalities of San Andres, Santa Maria,
Alcantara, Ferrol, Looc and Santa Fe) as well as in San Jose, on Carabao island.
Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 1

1.2 Data source and method
1.2.1 Data source

The data used for this study is made up of about 480 elicitation sentences prepared
in Tagalog by the Linguistics Department of UP Diliman, and translated by
informants into Inonhan. Unfortunately as we print this paper, we could not procure
yet from the owner the metadata describing the background, exact location nor
dialect autonyms of the informant(s). Any reader wanting to refer examples from
this study should ask any required information on the exact origin of the dataset
from the UP Diliman Linguistic Department.
We refer below to this dataset by the short name "the Corpus".
1.2.2 Method
The sentences were all glossed in a spreadsheet then used to query colocations and
to study the different possible environments of nouns and pronouns. Examples were
selected on this basis and whenever possible, derivations and transformations that
may explain their syntactical setup have been hypothesized and are displayed under
the corresponding examples.
Transformational grammars are based on the assumption that languages have deep
structures that are acquired by human beings in priority during childhood, thanks to
inborn structures of the human brain; this is an appealing idea to explain how
children can acquire languages so fast in their young age. Then many other
structures of the languages are derived from the "deep structures" by
"transformations". From the standpoint of formal, generative grammars (that derive
complex structures from simpler one by splitting constituents into a number of lower
level ones along restricted combinatory possibilities), it is also more economical to
use a combination of derivations and transformations than it would be to try and
generate all possible syntactical combinations (and only the correct ones) only by
mean of derivations.
A lore of text books exist that present derivational grammars of English. Personally
we have studied mainly Sportiche & al. (2014) who present a rigorous construction
of a grammar of English exposing the X-bar theory, one of the existing
transformational frameworks. Unfortunately, no such exhaustive construction and
systematic description exist to our knowledge of Tagalog or of any of the
Austronesian languages to date. And Philippine-type languages differ in at least two
significant ways from Indo-European languages such as English - for one, by the
"focus system", whereby the grammatical functions covered by the subject are very

different in both language families. Particularly, Kroeger (1991) has shown that the
only part of the English subject properties are shared by Tagalog "topics" - another
important part of those properties being in Tagalog assumed by the actor even when
it is not the subject. Second, while English has a quite constraint word order that
make it easy to represent sentences with (mostly "right branching") derivational
trees, Tagalog instead shows much more freedom when it comes to order phrasal
constituents within a sentence.
In addition, the method to design a consistent set of derivational and
transformational rules to describe one single language is a trial and errors one and
requires to accumulate a significant number of different phrasal combinations that
we cannot have reached within the limited scope of the present paper, that we
decided to focus first on the sole noun phrases.
So only few of the derivations and transformations hypothesized in this paper can be
taken for final until they have been at least confronted and merged with similar
preliminary analyses of adjectivals, verbals and adverbials.
For the rest, we have in several instances started our analysis by looking at the
forms that exist in Tagalog - both because it was the elicitation language, and
because both languages are close enough in the phylogenetic tree of "Greater Central
Philippines" to explain why they are structurally so similar (obviously, when
comparing the structure of elicitations and of their translations). For this we have
largely tapped on the Tagalog Reference Grammar written in 1972 by Paul
Schachter and Fe Otanes (abbreviated SO72 in the citations there on).
1.2.3 Glosses and abbreviations

We have decided to not attempt to provide full glosses of the displayed examples -
for, first to be rigorous, one can "prove" the existence of a morpheme only by
showing evidence of relevant alternations; second, as we proceed by inference, it
seems clearer to mark in an example only the morphemes that are of interest for the
analysis of the said example. So for instance stating that a personal pronoun is 1sg is
often not useful and somehow redundant when we show both the Tagalog and
English free translation of each sentence, and in fact the person and number of a
personal pronoun have no impact on most syntactical rules (but in a few exceptional
cases, such as restriction to 2sg and possible omission in imperatives...).
Of course as explained in the previous subsection, a complete and consistent
grammar of the language will be built only after the different parts analyzing the
nominals, verbals, adjectivals have been put together and their consistency proven.
Then it may appear at this stage that making some morpheme explicit is required;

but as long as we are focusing on a subset of the language, it seemed more rigorous
to display only those morphemes that seem to play a role in the analyses at hand.
For the rest, we have followed the "Leipzig rules" or "Conventions for interlinear
morpheme-by-morpheme glosses" (Haspelmath 2008) - particularly, we separate by
a semi-colon 2 morphemes that cannot be separated in a given word; for instance
"Def;Prd" for ang means that in the given glossed position (cf. section 2.2.2 for this
particular example), ang has (at least) two (embedded, covert) meaning components,
one to be a "definitizer" and one to mark a predicate. A table of abbreviations is
provided atop this article, right after the table of contents.
1.2.4 Section structure

This paper is then structured along two may parts, inspired by the order in which
derivation rules are written: in section 2, we look at the upper level of the possible
derivations of a Clause or Sentence, to isolate the combinations with at least one
Noun Phrase made of a single component (which then is a Non-personal noun, a
Personal Noun, or a Pronoun). Then in the section 3 we drill down into the
components of a Noun phrase, looking successively at the head and at the (possible
nominal) modifiers.
2 Nominals in Predicate-Topic constructions

The basic structure of simple clauses in Tagalog (and as quickly appears, in Inonhan)
is "predicate-topic", in this order; we introduce this structure in section 2.1. Then we
proceed by looking at nouns successively as heads of predicates (2.2) and topics
(2.3). In section 2.4 we look at structures where the "deep order" predicate-topic is
inverted.
2.1 Introduction: the predicate-plus-topic structure

A quick look at the Corpus shows immediately that the morpho-syntactical
structures of Tagalog and Inonhan are very similar, which allows us to state that
Inonhan like Tagalog is of the Philippine-type (Himmelmann 2005). This is not
surprising given their proximity in the Austronesian languages Greater Central
Philippine subfamily (Zorc 1972, 1977); hence we will analyze here clauses and
sentences as primarily composed of a predicate and a topic (plus optionally
adverbials), along the terminology first established we believe by McKaughan
(1958). According to Schachter and Otanes (1972) (hereafter "SO72"), "the topic
expresses the focus of attention in the sentence; (...) the predicate represents what is
said about the topic it precedes." (pp.60-61). A first high level survey of the Corpus

also quickly shows that the dominant word [or phrase] order is the same, i.e.
predicate then topic, in Inonhan as it is in Tagalog. We then further follow SO72
who distinguish three types of predicates - nominals, verbals and adjectivals (also
some adverbials are called "pseudo-predicates" in a few clausal structures). In this
paper our focus is on nominals, while verbals and adjectivals are out of our scope. In
this section then we give first an overview and first examples of simple nominals
(i.e. un-modified) in predicate (2.2) and topic position (2.3). In Subsection (2.4) we
show a few examples in the Corpus where the "normal" predicate-topic order is
inverted.
2.2 Nominal predicates

We will again follow SO72 who distinguish two large classes of nominals, marked
and unmarked. "Marked nominals are nominal whose function in a sentence is
ALWAYS explicitly indicated in one of the two following ways: (1) by the form of
the nominal itself, or (2) by the form of a preceding marker." (p.62). Conversely
unmarked nouns can remain unmarked, in which case their function is indicated by
their syntactic position in the clause - or they can also be marked by a preceding
marker. We first look at both cases respectively in subsections 2.2.1 and 2.2.2. Then
there are three main types of marked nominals, which we describe and exemplify for
Inonhan predicates in the next three subsections: Personal pronouns (2.2.3),
Demonstrative pronouns (2.2.4), and Personal nouns (2.2.5). We complete the list by
Interrogative pronouns (2.2.6), another category of predicates - as they can question
for a nominal substitute in the prompted answers.
2.2.1 Unmarked noun as a predicate

As stated by SO72, "Unmarked noun, unlike personal nouns, also occur in
constructions without markers; one of these constructions is the nominal predicate
[n.a. which we are discussing in this section]. (...) An unmarked noun in predicate
position usually expresses one of two kinds of general meanings: indefinite, or
generic." (p.64)1. In this paper we gloss unmarked nouns with Npn "Non-personal
noun". Here is an example from the Corpus and its derivational formulation:
1
The authors write 'usually' - one case where the unmarked predicate is neither indefinite nor generic
can be found in the Corpus, e.g. 332 tgl ' Bahay nila ito, hindi amin.' - because of the modifying
/possessive personal pronoun, the meaning cannot be called indefinite.

058 loc abugado ang manghod nana
tgl 'Abugado ang kapatid niya.'
eng 'His/her sibling is a lawyer' (indefinite meaning)
Derivations: 01 Cl→Prd+Top 02 Prd→Npn
Lexicon: Npn: abugado
(Derivations of topics ["Top"] are discussed in section 2.3; a table of abbreviations is
to be found at the beginning of this paper).
051 loc tubol ang ikinamatay nana

tgl 'Tibi ang ikinamatay niya.'
eng 'Constipation is what killed him/her.' (generic meaning)
Derivations: 01 Cl→Prd+Top 02 Prd→Npn
Lexicon: Npn: tubol, TB
Note: the informant was asked to translate TB (tuberculosis) spelled tibi in Tagalog,
hence we assume he/she understood 'constipation' when translating to Inonhan - the
signification of 'tibi' according to English (1987, 'Tagalog-English dictionary"). Had
the word been spelled TB, (s)he would probably have kept the same spelling to
convey the English borrowed abbreviation to Inonhan.
Other Corpus examples (unmarked nominal predicates, with various topic types) are
007, 022, 332, 543, 544, 566.
2.2.2 Marker plus (unmarked) noun as a predicate

In predicate position, the marker in Tagalog of an unmarked noun can be either ang
or sa. sa phrases can be possessive or locative, are then considered as adjectivals,
and are not addressed here. ng phrases cannot be found in predicate (nor
topicalized) position. We are left with predicates marked by ang, that SO72 call "The
definitized predicate" (section 7.7, p.529-531). "An unmarked noun occurring in
predicate position is given a meaning of definiteness if it is preceded by the marker
ang."2 We have such examples for Inonhan in the Corpus, e.g.:
006 loc ang unga ang nagtindog, bukon ang soltero

tgl 'Ang bata ang tumayo, hindi ang binata.'
eng 'The one standing is the child, not the young man.'
(nominalized verbal as the topic)
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 02 Prd→Def;Prd + Npn
Lexicon: Def;Prd: ang Npn: unga, soltero
2
The authors also note that "definitized predicates are more restricted than indefinite predicates with
regard to the types of topics opposite which they occur: a definitized unmarked-non predicate may
occur opposite another unmarked noun or a nominalization, but not, normally, opposite a marked noun;
(...) and a definitized adjectival or verbal predicate may occur opposite a nominalized topic but not,
normally, opposite a nominal topic." There are no such restricted instances either the Inonhan Corpus;
of course this is not a proof that they are not possible; specific elicitations would be needed to show
that the restriction obtains as well.

094 loc ang dalaga ang hugod-hugod
tgl 'Ang dalaga ang napakasipag.'
eng 'The very industrious one is the lady.'
(nominalized adjectival as the topic)
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 02 Prd→Def;Prd + Npn
Lexicon: Def;Prd: ang Npn: dalaga
Note that there is no example in the Corpus of a definitized predicate with a
nominal topic, as would be in Tagalog 'Ang Amerikana ang titser.' (there are only
nominalized topics as shown above). But it does not hinder the discussion of the
current section, focused on nominal predicates.2
Note also that "in definitized-predicate position", also "a nominalized adjectival or
verbal may occur instead of an unmarked noun" (p.530, ib.); but we consider for
now these constructions out of scope for our paper on "nominals" (but will include a
quick survey of nominalized adjectivals and verbals as topic in some section below).
Other Corpus examples (of topics ang + unmarked noun): 6, 18, 19, 21, 24, 26, 28,
30, 32, 36, 108, 109, 122, 142, 143, 145, 147, 149, 151, 152, 154, 156, 157, 159,
163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 549, 550
2.2.3 Personal pronoun as a predicate

Again in the Corpus, the constructions where the predicate is a personal pronouns
occur only with nominalized predicates; we show two of the examples:
Topic ang + adjectival:

096 loc ikaw ang tamad-tamad
tgl 'Ikaw ang napakatamad.'
eng You are the very lazy one.
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 02 Prd→PsPn;Prd
Lexicon: PsPn;Prd: ikaw
Other Corpus examples: 481
Note that we have underlined 'You' in the free English translation above 'you are the
very lazy one.' to show that it is marked by a specific intonation; this is in line with
SO72 comment (p.530), "... while Tagalog consistently expresses the new
information in the predicate, English, in the case of sentences equivalent to Tagalog
sentences with definitized predicates, may express the new information in either the
subject or the predicate, indicating by intonation which item represents the new
information."

Topic ang + nominalized verb
301 loc ako ang mapanaw in-aga
tgl (Ako ang aalis bukas.)
eng I am leaving tomorrow.
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 02 Prd→PsPn;Prd
Lexicon: PsPn;Prd: ako
Other Copus examples: 112, 230, 243, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 321,
322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 384,
387
We have enough examples of Inonhan personal pronouns in the Corpus, part of
topics or predicates, to show in Table 1 below the complete paradigm for the
language.
Table 1 Paradigm of Inonhan Personal Pronouns
Pronoms Set 1 Set 2 Set 3

1SG ako nakon / takon akong / akon
1SGdual kita = 1PLinc
2SG ka / kaw / ikaw kaw / mo / nimo / timo imong / imo
3SG imaw nana anang / ana
1PLexc kami namon amon / among
1PLinc kita natong / naton atong / aton
2PL kamo ninyo inyo
3PL sanda nanda / ninda andang / anda
The paradigm and table call for the following comments:

 by the column headings Set 1 / 2 / 3 we mean the equivalents of the Tagalog
ang, ng and sa forms respectively.
 Tagalog kata (example 294) was translated by kita in Inonhan, which is the same
form as the exclusive first person plural pronoun. Either there is no specific first
person dual pronoun in Inonhan, or like in Tagalog its usage was or is being lost.
 Some cells in the table show several alternations; particularly, where the same
form with and without a final -g or -ng obtain, the -ng-suffixes denote a linker
and the "pronoun" is actually used as a (preposed, possessive) modifier.
 The Tagalog pronoun kita (1SG > 2SG), a portmanteau form used to replace the
incorrect combinations *ko ka or *ka ko, has also an equivalent in Inonhan, tikaw
(example 132)
 The Inonhan "Set 1" 2nd person singular pronoun ka or kaw has a special form
when it is in predicate position, ikaw, which happens to be the same then as in
Tagalog.

2.2.4 Demonstrative pronoun as a predicate
There is only one instance in the whole Corpus of a bare demonstrative pronoun in
predicate position:
320 loc to ang inyo , bukon ya

tgl 'Iyon ang inyo, hindi ito.'
eng 'Yours is that one, not this one.'
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 02 Prd→DmPn;Prd
Lexicon: DmPn;Prd: to
But there are several examples where a bare Tagalog demonstrative when in
sentence-initial position (predicate, for our case) has been translated in Inonhan by a
"compound" with the word imaw preposed to the demonstrative - eg. imaw=ya,
imaw=ran. imaw happens to also be the 3SG personal pronoun but of course claim
that it is a personal pronoun that is involved in those idiomatic forms is not possible
on the basis of this only example, without any typological or diachronic evidence. At
least one could check with the informant if allomorphs with a bare ya or ran in this
position would be forbidden, or if the idiom / compound form is only preferred. We
note though that to in isolation is apparently possible in this position.
193 loc imaw=ya ang balay it akon unga

tgl 'Ito ang bahay ng anak ko.'
eng 'This (emphasized) is the house of my son.'
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 02 Prd→DmPn;Prd
Lexicon: DmPn;Prd: imaw=ya
Other Corpus examples: 194, 195, 196, 231, 256, 319, 333
Finally we summarize in Table 2 below the paradigm that we have been able to put
together from the available examples of demonstratives (both in predicate, topic,
and modifier positions).
Table 2 Inonhan Deictic Pronouns Paradigm
Deictics Set 1 Set 2 Set 3

contact Speaker
near Speaker iya / ya / dya / kadya / kaya odi
imaw=ya
near Addressee ran ka=ran, karan odyan
near Other to, ato ka=to, kato igto
The paradigm and table call for the following comments:

 by the column headings Set 1 / 2 / 3 we mean the equivalents of the Tagalog
ang, ng and sa forms respectively.

 Assuming the informant did not have to use any approximation in the
translation, the same "proximal" categories (see line headings) seem to obtain in
Inonhan as in Tagalog - with ito 'near the speaker' being translated by ya, iyan
'near the listener' by ran, and iyon 'far from both the speaker and hearer / near to
others', by to; there is no evidence in the Corpus (there was no elicitation to this
effect) of any fourth form "in contact of the Speaker" corresponding to Tagalog
ire / nire / dire.
2.2.5 Personal noun as a predicate

There is only one example in the Corpus of a sentence with a personal noun in
predicate position:
187 loc si pedro ang nagtindog

tgl 'Si Pedro ang tumayo.'
eng 'The one who stood up is Pedro.'
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 02 Prd→PsMk;Prd + Psn
Lexicon: PsMk;Prd: si Psn: Pedro
Again, we do not include in "Nominal Predicates" constructions (for their Tagalog
equivalent) such as na kay Nena or kay Pedro, following SO72 who consider on
semantic basis that they are adjectivals.
2.2.6 Interrogative pronoun as a predicate

Tagalog questions such as sino ang titser follow the conventional order predicate /
topic (contrary to English where the subject - verb "normal" order of affirmative
sentences is reversed in the interrogative). Hence sino is the predicate; two
arguments may help to show this:
1. the topic is what the sentence is about, and the predicate is new information
about the topic; hence in a question, sino is a "place holder" for the new
information requested by the question;
2. the interrogative sentences can incur the ay inversion - i.e. ang titser ba ay sino? -
and the simplest interpretation of ay is "what precedes is not the predicate" (it
may be the topic, or it may be some fronted adverbial phrase).
Hence we show under this subsection samples of each of the question-words that
occur in the Corpus as "nominal substitute requests" (other or the same question
words may be requesting substitutes for adjectives as nominal modifiers, such as
ano=ng..., for adjectivals such as nasaan...? or for adverbials - kailan...? - and are not
addressed here).

2.2.6.1 ano
271 loc ano ang imong nakita ?

tgl 'Ano ang nakita mo?'
eng 'What did you look at?'
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 02 Prd→InPn;Prd
Lexicon: InPn;Prd: ano
(example 272 shows that like in Tagalog, ano can be pluralized in Inonhan, showing
that a plural response is expected:
272 loc anu-ano ang imong nakita ?
Lexicon: InPn;Prd;Plr : anu-ano )
2.2.6.2 sino
269 loc sin-o ang nagkaon it akong mangga?

tgl 'Sino ang kumain sa mangga mo?'
eng 'Who has eaten (some of) your mango?'
Lexicon: InPn;Prd: sino
Example 270 is eliciting the Inonhan equivalent of Tagalog plural sinu-sino but the
informant did not pick it and kept sin-o in the translation - this needs to be checked.
2.2.6.3 alin
286 loc alin odi ang imong gusto?

tgl 'Alin dito ang gusto mo?'
eng 'Which one of these do you like?'
Lexicon: InPn;Prd : alin
In this example alin is modified in Tagalog by a sa phrase, dito 'out of these' - which
is likewise rendered in Inonhan by the "Set 3" form of the proximal deictic odi (refer
to the paradigm shown in Table 2). Given our focus in this section we skip the
modifier in the rules listing as obviously such a modifier is optional.
2.3 Nominal topics

For SO72, "The topic of a basic sentence is expressed by an ang PHRASE. Ang phrase
is a cover term for the following structures: ang plus an unmarked noun; si plus a
personal name; the ang form of a personal or deictic pronoun. The ang forms of
personal and deictic pronouns, which also occur as nominal predicates, have been
presented above." (p.79)

We follow this approach, with the caveat that the sequence of derivations followed
to arrive at the final ang form for a topic are by definition different from the one
that yield an ang form for a predicate. We give in the next four subsections one
example of each of the four possible derivations, extracted from the Corpus. The
only differences from the structure of the "Nominal predicate" section is that an
unmarked, unmodified noun cannot appear as a topic without ang - and that
interrogative pronouns cannot appear in topic position.
2.3.1 (Topic) marker plus (unmarked) noun as a topic

This example has an intransitive verbal predicate:
001 loc nagtindog ang unga

tgl 'Tumayo ang bata.'
eng 'The child stood up.'
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 03 Top→NpMk;Top + Npn
Lexicon: NpMk;Top: ang Npn: unga
Other examples from the Corpus: 017, 020, 037, 039, 041, 043-6, 053-4, 059, 064-8...
There are many other examples, we limit ourselves to the first ones where the noun
is unmodified (no other constituent in the topic than ang + noun).
2.3.2 Personal pronoun as a topic

Here is one example with again a verbal, intransitive predicate:
136 loc nagatangis ako

tgl 'Naiiyak ako.'
eng 'I am crying.'
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 03 Top→PsPn;Top
Lexicon: PsPn;Top: ako
2.3.3 Demonstrative pronoun as a topic

This example has an "adjectival" ("possessive phrase") predicate:
318 loc akon ya

tgl 'Akin ito.'
eng 'This is mine.'
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 03 Top→DmPn;Top
Lexicon: DmPn;Top: ya

2.3.4 Personal noun as topic
In the following example the intransitive, verbal predicate is modified by a manner
adverb that we do not take into account here in the derivations as we are focusing
on the topic:
221 loc dasig nga nagdalagan si pedro

tgl 'Mabilis na tumakbo si Pedro.'
eng 'Pedro ran quickly.'
Derivations: 01 Cls→(Adv + Lnk +) Prd+Top 03 Top→PsMk;Top + Psn
Lexicon: PsMk;Top: si Psn: Pedro
2.4 Predicate-Topic inversions

There are several types of predicate-topic inversion in Tagalog, that fall in two
classes - the 'ay inversion' which mostly denotes formal register; and the inversions
denoted by intonation (speech) or a comma (written transcriptions), that may have
various meaning (contrastive, emphatic, primarily). (SO72 pp.485-500). The Corpus
shows a parallelism in the translations to Inonhan, therefore we document both in
respectively two subsections below. Particularly, Tagalog ay is translated by a very
close form in Inonhan, spelled hay by the informant.
This is also our first opportunity in this paper to show "transformations". Based on
frequency (assuming that one can infer frequency in speech from frequency in an
elicitation sampler or in a grammar...), we assume that the "deep" form of sentences
in this language (and "word order") is predicate + topic; and that subsequently, the
forms "topic + comma + predicate" or "topic + ay / hay + predicate" can be
analyzed as "transformations" from a common deep form into those alternate surface
form.
2.4.1 ay / hay inversion

Example 002 in the Corpus shows the ay / hay inversion of example 001, that we
have shown above in section 2.3.1, but that we reproduce here for the comfort of
the reader:
001 loc nagtindog ang unga

tgl 'Tumayo ang bata.'
eng 'The child stood up.'
Derivations: 01 Cls→Prd+Top 03 Top→NpMk;Top + Npn
Lexicon: NpMk;Top: ang Npn: unga
A transformational analysis then can be provided by positing a transformation right
after Derivation 01 "Cls→Prd+Top":

002 loc ang unga hay nagtindog
tgl 'Ang bata ay tumayo.'
eng 'The child stood up. (formal register)'
Derivation: 01 Cls→Prd+Top
Transformation: T1 Prd+Top↔Top+hay+Prd (Predicate-Topic hay inversion)
Subsequent derivations shown in example 001 remain unchanged.
One other example in the Corpus of ay / hay inversion with a nominal topic is 129.
Other topic examples in this construction involve nominalized verbals (008, 009,
113, 124, 133) and one nominalized adjectival (116). There are no example though
of pronoun topics (personal or demonstrative), nor of personal nouns. We leave to
further research a full exploration of the possibilities, limitations and additional
transformations that may occur in some of the combinations of predicate and topic
types; a complementary set of elicited clauses based on the "features" documented in
SO72 pp.486-93.
2.4.2 Contrastive inversion

The contrastive predicate+topic inversions in Tagalog (SO72 p.493) do not involve
ay but are marked by some higher intonation of the fronted topic, followed by a
pause, conventionally written with a comma to separate the topic from the
predicate. Such examples in the Corpus have been transcribed by the informant with
a similar convention in Inonhan. One example is again derived from example 001;
we can again devise a transformation on the exact same model as shown for the ay /
hay inversion, just replacing hay by a comma:
003 loc ang unga , nagtindog

tgl 'Ang bata, tumayo.'
eng 'As for the child, he stood up.'
Transformation: T2 Prd+Top↔Top+ COM +Prd (Predicate-Topic
contrastive inversion)
Two other examples, both involving nominals as topics, are 11 and 567. 567 is
particularly interesting as it involves another transformation, where ang disappears
in initial position in front of the plural mark mga. We have to assume that the ang
deletion occurs after the inversion transformation, because (in Tagalog) there is no
*hinuli ng pulis mga bata - the correct, non-inverted form is hinuli ng pulis ang mga
bata. Hence:

567 loc mga unga, gindakop it pulis
tgl 'Mga bata, hinuli ng pulis.')
eng 'As for the kids, the police caught them.' / 'Kids were caught by the
police.'
Transformation: T2 Prd+Top↔Top+COM+Prd
Derivation: 03 Top→NpMk;Top+mga+Nn
Transformation: T3 NpMk;Top+mga+Nn+COM+Prd↔ mga+Nn+COM+Prd
(ang deletion in fronted ang mga...)
We use a shortcut here by representing mga directly in its lexical form in the
transformation rule (rather than some gloss or part-of-speech abbreviation, like PLM
for Plural Marker) because the limited scope of this paper does not allow us to look
for generalizations (of close categories that would also govern the deletion of a
sentence initial topic marker); to the extent of our findings so far, mga is the only
"word" that governs such transformation.
2.5 Summary: predicate and topic nominal derivations

We generalize and summarize here the derivations that we have observed, by
putting together the derivation rules inferred from individual examples and using
braces where appropriate.
(1) Cls→Prd+Top
( Def;Prd ) + Npn
PsPn;Prd
(2) Prd→ DmPn;Prd
InPn;Prd(;Plr)
PsMk;Prd(;Plr) + Psn
...
NpMk;Top + (mga) + Npn
PsPn;Top
(3) Top→ DmPn;Top
PsMk;Top + Psn
...
T1 Prd+Top↔Top+hay+Prd (Predicate-Topic hay inversion)
T2 Prd+Top↔Top+COM+Prd (Predicate-Topic contrastive inversion)
T3 NpMk;Top+mga+Nn+COM+Prd↔ mga+Nn+COM+Prd (ang deletion in
fronted ang mga...)
Def;Prd : ang
NpMk;Top : ang
Npn : abugado 'lawyer', dalaga 'lady', unga 'child', soltero 'young man', tubol
'constipation', TB 'tuberculosis'
PsPn;Prd : ako '1sg', ikaw '2sg',...
PsPn;Top :ako '1sg', ka '2sg',...

DmPn;Prd : imaw=ya 'near speaker / this', to 'near other / that yonder',
DmPn;Top : ya 'near speaker / this'
InPn;Prd : ano 'what is', sino 'who is', alin 'which one is'
InPn;Prd;Plr : anu-ano 'what are'
PsMk;Prd : si
PsMk;Top : si
Psn: Pedro
COM : ,
hay : hay (unnamed place holder)
mga : mga (unnamed place holder or 'plural marker')
We note that the "morphemes" ;Prd / ;Top yield homonyms (ang / ang, si / si...) - our
analysis is at an early stage, its scope is very limited, and we work by inference - so
we cannot decide now whether the hypothesized morphemes can be dropped or not;
only when a much wider study of all the possible combinations have shown that
they are not used (referred to, resulting in different transformations), could they be
dropped (one might be able to demonstrate for example that the syntactical order
predicate / topic is enough to differentiates the two types of high level component,
and that hence no covert morpheme has to be assumed to be present in markers
such as ang or si).
3 Nominals as modifiers and modified heads

Nominals when they are not heads of a topic, of a predicate, or main component of
an adverbial (e.g. sa Lunes), can be modifiers or complements of the same (3.1).
They can also themselves be modified - by adjectivals, etc. (3.2). In several
instances, a linker appears between the modified head and the modifier(s): we
summarize the distribution of the linkers in 3.3.
3.1 Nominals as modifiers

In section 2 we have observed nominals as heads (of topics and of predicates.)
Nominals can also be modifiers, we sketch an overview of their roles and
distribution in this quality (3.1.1). Nominals can also be head of phrases that are
only a part of a topic or a predicate (3.1.2).
3.1.1 Nominals as modifiers of nominals
3.1.1.1 Two (non-personal) nouns

In Tagalog there are at least two such constructions - described in SO72 respectively
under section 3.12 "Modification constructions: noun head with noun modifier"

(p.119) and 3.23 "ng phrases of specification" (p.148). We give below one example
of each from the Corpus.
Noun head with noun modifier

225 loc nagbakal ako it isyang gantang nga bugas
tgl 'Bumili ako ng isang salop na bigas.'
eng 'I bought one three-liter-measure (ganta) of rice.'
Lexicon: Npn: salop, bigas
Here isyang gantang nga bugas can be arguably considered as the result of the
transformation of a predication, isyang gantang ang bugas ('the rice [is in quantity of]
one ganta'). The linker in the surface form is nga. Note that here the modifier has
itself an embedded modification, with the cardinal isya modifying gantang (this time
with the linker =ng appended, giving isya=ng. SO72 handle this construction under
section 3.17 "complex modification constructions" (p. 130). We discuss the linkers in
more details under sections 3.2 and 3.3 below. And we show an explicit symbolic
representation of the transformations that transform predications into modification
constructions under section 3.2.1 below.
ng phrases of specification
Actually we could title this section "it phrases of specification", as it is the equivalent
in Inonhan of the case marker ng in Tagalog.
262 loc ano nimo ang presidente it pilipinas?
tgl 'Kaanu-ano mo ang presidente ng Pilipinas?'
eng 'Is the President of the Philippines related to you?'
This example can also be considered instead as one of the four types of possessive
modification construction considered by SO72 (in section 3.20 p.134). Of the latter
the authors note that "its components are not directly referable to an underlying
constituent sentence." (p.136) Hence given the limited scope of this paper we do not
try here to propose such transformation.
3.1.1.2 One noun and one demonstrative pronoun

Again for SO72 " The preferred ordering of nouns within a simple modification
construction is: head-linker-modifier. That is, the first noun of the construction
generally corresponds to the noun in topic position in the constituent sentence, the
second to the noun in predicate position." Furthermore, "The modifying and/or
contrastive function of the second noun in a modification construction is also
evident when one of the nouns is a deictic. In a sentence like mahal ang damit na ito
'this dress is expensive', the deictic ito is a modifier that makes the referent of the
noun damit explicit." And " A possible context for the resultant sentence is:

mahal ang damit na ito, pero mura ang damit na iyan." Before we consider the
alternate order below, let us show the equivalent in Inonhan with an example from
the Corpus:
278 loc kanin-o ang saging nga ya?

tgl 'Kanino ang saging na ito?'
eng Whom does this banana belong to?'
This example is analyzed below under 3.2.1.
Let us now turn to the opposite order; according to SO72 again, "On the other hand,
putting a deictic before, rather than after, the linker, as in itong damit 'this dress'
results in giving the noun that follows the linker the contrastive, and hence
modifying function (...) A possible context for the resultant sentence is: mahal itong
damit pero mura itong sombrero." (p.120). An example from the Corpus is:
015 loc atong unga ang nagtindog , bukon ang soltero

tgl 'Iyong bata ang tumayo, hindi iyang binata.'
eng 'The one who stood up is that child yonder, not that young man.'
In a "merge" transformation, the CONSTITUENT sentence then is unga aton, 'that is a
child', merged with the MATRIX sentence ato ang nagtindog. (We note that in the
whole Corpus the allomorph ato of to seems to occur only in sentence initial
position). Also in 015 the informant has not rendered the exact translation of
Tagalog 'iyang' in the contrastive coordinate.
3.1.1.3 One noun and one personal pronoun

In modification constructions involving one noun and one personal pronoun, either
component may be the head. Modified personal pronouns (where the pronoun is the
head) are described by SO72 in section 3.15 (p.125) with examples where the
modifier can be a noun (tgl '...kaming mga sundalo...') but no such Inonhan
construction is present in the Corpus to date. We thus turn here to the other case,
where a noun is modified by a personal pronoun. Again those fall into two
categories, depending on whether the personal pronoun is in the ng form (most of
the time postposed) or in the (always pre-posed) sa form.
"ng form" possessive pronoun
This construction is described by SO72 in section "3.20 Possessive modification
constructions" in these terms: "The fourth type of possessive modification
construction to be dealt with has the shape: lapis mo - This construction differs from
the three previously presented possessive modification constructions in that it does
not include the linker na/-ng, and differs from the first two [i.e. may lapis na bata'
and 'sa batang lapis'] in that its components are not directly referable to an

underlying constituent sentence, and in the general non-reversibility of its
components. (The ng form of a personal pronoun may, however, in certain cases
precede a noun expressing the thing possessed: A possessive ng phrase never begins
the construction in which it occurs. When the possessor is expressed by the ng form
of a personal pronoun, however, and a modifying adjective precedes the word that
represents the thing possessed, the pronoun may follow the adjective and precede
the noun. Thus, an alternative to maliit na anak ko is maliit kong anak" (pp.136-7)
Here is an example from the Corpus:
332 loc balay ninda ya , bukon amon

tgl 'Bahay nila ito, hindi amin'
eng 'This is their house, not ours.'
ninda is the equivalent "Set 2", "ng form" of tgl 'nila'; please refer to the paradigm in
Table 1. As SO72 in the excerpt just cited suggest so, we will not try to show any
transformation to explain this construction, which hence might in fact be considered
derivable directly to both the surface and the deep structure of the language (and
the expression of possessive complements of the noun by a "genitive" form seem to
be a quite general cross-linguistic universal).
Note also that the full sentence contrasts tgl 'amin' to 'nila' - it may mean either that
the two forms of possessive phrases (possessive sa phrase and possessive ng phrase)
are fully interchangeable in the elision of the head, or it may mean instead that for
some reason, an alternation such as 'bahay nila ito, hindi namin' is ungrammatical -
or that the elicitation has a typo and that 'namin' was intended? (to be verified with
Tagalog informant...).
"sa form" possessive pronoun
In contrast, the modification constructions including a "sa form" of the possessive
pronouns do result of a transformation. The relevant excerpts of SO72 are the
following:
1. "The ang forms and ng forms of the personal pronouns never occur with a marker.
The sa forms, on the other hand, are in most cases preceded by the marker sa. Sa
regularly fails to occur before the sa form of a pronoun only where the pronoun
is used as a possessive modifier (cf. §3.20), and is optional when the pronoun
occurs in a possessive predicate (cf. §4.22) or after the comparative marker kaysa
(cf. §4.15)." (section "3.3 Personal pronouns" p.91)
2. "sa itself is optional in a possessive sa phrase predicate that involves the sa form
of personal pronoun. Thus 'the pencil belongs to me' may be either of the
following: sa akin ang lapis / akin ang lapis. When the sa form of a personal
pronoun occurs as a possessive modifier, on the other hand, the presence or

absence of sa depends upon whether the pronoun precedes or follows the head. If
the pronoun precedes the head, sa is never used; if the pronoun follows, sa is
always used: ang aking lapis / ang lapis sa akin" (section "3.20 Possessive
modification constructions" p.135).
An example from the Corpus along with its "transformational" analysis follows:
333 loc imaw ya ang among balay , to ang anda

tgl 'Ito ang aming bahay, iyon ang kanila.'
eng 'My house is this one, theirs is that one yonder.'
333 1 MATRIX imaw ya ang balay 'The house is this one'
2 CONSTITUENT (sa) amon ang balay 'The house is mine.'
3 RESULTANT imaw ya ang amon=ng balay?
Transformation:
M: ... NpMk;#1+Npn1
T4 ↔ R: ... NpMk;#1+ PsPn;S3+Lnk+Npn1
C: (sa)+PsPn;S3+NpMk;Top2+Npn1
Lexicon: Npn : balay Lnk : =ng PsPn;S2 : amon
Note that we index the part-of-speech formulas when there is a possible confusion in
the correspondences between the matrix, constituent and matrix clause; for instance
in the current example, it must be clear that it is the NpMk of the constituent
(indexed by 2) that is "dropped and replaced" by Lnk, while the NpMk of the matrix
(indexed by 1) is retained.
amon is the Inonhan equivalent of the Tagalog "sa form" or "Set 3" 1st person singular
personal pronoun amin (and anda the equivalent of kanila). Please refer to Table 1.
We have enough data in the Corpus to assert that most of the forms in this column
end with a vowel (imo, ana, anda, inyo) or an /n/ (akon, amon, aton) when they
stand alone, and their corresponding modified forms with an /ng/ which hence does
represent the linker; there is no occurrence of nga in this case. (note that akon
appears a few times without the linker, for instance before unga 'child' - e.g. 189,
193, 284, before tatay or tupad; but it does show the ligature before unga in 076;
none of the other "dative" personal pronouns appear without the =ng ligature in the
Corpus: it would be worth to confirm with the informant if those are only typos, or
whether akon - and others? - do(es) evolve as an exception to a free alternation
with/without the linker in this syntactic position).
Complement: reflexive pronouns
"The Tagalog counterpart of the English reflexive pronouns is identical in shape with
the emphatic possessive construction discussed in §3.20: sarili ko / aking sarili..."
(SO72 "§3.21 Reflexive and intensive nominal constructions" p.138): let us note that
the Inonhan equivalent of tgl 'sarili' is sarili as well, with for example:

157 loc ang dalaga ang nagpasadya sa anang sarili
tgl 'Ang dalaga ang nagpaganda sa kaniyang sarili.'
eng 'The one who was making herself pretty is the lady.'
The construction is the same, with the nominal head sarili modified by the dative
possessor ana=ng. Here the pre-posed sa marks the thematic role / case of
directional complement of the verb nagpasadya (or possibly magpasadya takes an
object complement that may be definitized by replacing it by sa...).
3.1.1.4 Other possible combinations

Finally, in our systematic exploration of nominals modifiers of nominals, we should
also include to be exhaustive at least interrogative pronouns and personal nouns.
Interrogative pronouns
As for interrogative pronouns, they are addressed by SO72 as "question words" under
sections 7.7 to 7.11 ("7.7 information questions: introduction", ... pp.504ff.): "An
information question is a question to which the expected answer is information that
falls within a semantic - and, to some extent, structural - category indicated by the
questioner. In Tagalog as in English, the category within which the expected
information falls is indicated by the use of one of a relatively small group of
INTERROGATIVE WORDS." Then the authors proceed by showing for each of the
interrogative words the kind of categories that they can substitute for; for instance,
"Ano 'what' is the most versatile of all the Tagalog interrogative words. It may serve
as the interrogative substitute for any of the following: an unmarked noun; an
adjective; the base of a ma-adjective; a verb base." (506) In addition, "Tagalog
interrogative words generally occur at or near the beginning of sentences. In this
position they substitute for predicates or pseudo-predicates..." (p.505).
In this paper "Unmodified question words" (e.g. 'ano ito?' or ' ang ano ba ang
nasunog?') are addressed in Section 2.2.6. We leave aside to another paper usages
where ano is a substitute for prompted adjectivals or other categories (e.g. ' ano ba
ang panahon ngayon?'); here we focus on the case of "nominal substitutes" (e.g.
'(ang) alin=ng bahay ang inyo?') addressed in section 3.2.2 "Interrogative Modifiers"
below.
Personal nouns
There are a few instances of personal nouns in the Corpus - but none is modified or
part of a modifier (they exhaust though all the Inonhan equivalent forms of Tagalog
markers si, ni, kay, sina, nina, kina - shown to be respectively si, ni, kay, anday,
anday, anday). To be added maybe for later complementary elicitation, we would
suggest to add examples of such "modification of personal nouns" as described in
SO72 section 3.16 (p.126), e.g.

'iyon si Pedro=ng marunong' (a. "Personal noun as first component; personal-noun
marker "),
'hinahanap ko ang Pedrong marunong ' (b. "Personal noun as first component; no
personal noun marker"),
'iyon ang mabait na si Mr. Cruz' (c. "Personal noun as second component; personal-
noun marker") - and
'iyon ang senador na si Mr. Cruz' (d. "Personal nouns as second component: no
personal-noun marker").
A complementary elicitation could also endeavor to capture the equivalents of such
pluralized personal nouns such as in 'heto na ang mga Santos' vs. 'para kina Luis ang
handaan' (ib. p.112 113)(the latter case has already a few examples in the Corpus
though).
3.1.2 Nominals as complements of verbals and adjectivals

When nominals are complements or adjuncts of verbs or adjectivals their syntactic
function as such is marked (in Tagalog, but we can easily see in the Corpus that the
same obtains in Inonhan) by a marker (ng, sa) or by a preposition (para sa, tungkol
sa...). We leave it to separate papers to discuss complements and adjuncts of verbals
and adjectivals.
3.1.3 Nominals as constituents in adverbials

Nominals can occur as components in adverbials - for instance the name of days or
months in time adverbs - e.g. sa Lunes, noong Enero... We leave it to separate studies
to look into adverbials, even for some "exceptional" cases where some combinations
of nominals inside an adverbial or adjunct may be constrained - as in for instance
para dito sa damit ang mga bitones (SO72 3.12 p.121).
3.2 Nominals as modified heads

In section 2 we have observed nominals as heads of topics and of predicates.
Nominals can also be head of phrases that are only constituents of the same. In both
case (be they head of predicates, topics or of "lower-level" phrasal constituents), they
can be modified. We now turn to an exploration of the syntax of modification
constructions headed by a modified noun. Given the necessarily limited scope of this
paper, we limit ourselves to modified "non-personal nouns" (e.g. we let aside for
later studies modified pronouns and modified personal nouns, though some
examples of the same may appear in some other sections of this paper). The main
structure of this section is along the types of modifiers, for the following reason.

In his PhD dissertation "Comparative syntax in Austronesian", Foley (1976) invented
the Universal Grammar "bondedness hierarchy": he claims that in Austronesian
languages, the distribution of the linker respects the hierarchy 'article > deictics >
interrogatives > quantifiers > adjectives > participles > relative clauses'. That is,
if there is a linker in a given language between the deictics and the rest of the noun
phrase, then there is in this language a linker between each of the other words (and
relative clauses) that appear on the rightmost part of the list, and the noun phrase
that follows or precedes it. Tagalog does not have linkers between the articles and
noun phrase (e.g. sa bata '(to) the child') - even though diachronically, the final /ng/
of a=ng and na=ng may be considered as fossilized linkers (Foley 1976, Reid 2002)
but it has one between the deictics (and thus all other categories) and the noun (e.g.
ito=ng libro 'this book'). As can be verified in many examples in this paper, Inonhan
does not have either any linker between the "articles" and nouns (and Tagalog ang /
ng / sa are ang / it / sa in Inonhan).
In the present section, we explore then all six remaining types of modifiers (letting
aside the "articles" then) in this order, starting by the Demonstratives (3.1.2 etc.).
Not being sure in which category Foley included the possessive adjectives
(adjectives, or relative clauses?) and some other categories (adverbial, nominal
modifiers...), we look at them in section 3.1.7 on nominals as modifiers.
3.2.1 Demonstrative Modifiers

There is only one example to date in the Inonhan Corpus with a pre-posed
demonstrative adjective:
232 loc mahalin si pedro kadya nga dominggo

tgl 'Aalis si Pedro nito=ng Linggong ito.'
eng 'Pedro will leave this Sunday.'
We do not try to analyze it here in terms of derivations or transformations, because
it is part of an adverbial, and adverbials are out of our scope. Let us just state a few
observations:
a. Likewise in Tagalog, the adverbial in Inonhan is in the "Genitive" case (nito /
kadya respectively - refer to column "Set 2" in Table 2.
b. There is a linker between the modifier and the noun head in Inonhan (nga) just as
there is one in Tagalog (=ng). Note though that the Tagalog morphophonemic
rule to choose between the allomorphs na and =ng do not obtain here in Inonhan
(we will come back to this after we have shown evidence that the linker =ng also
exists in Inonhan). We summarize our findings on the distribution of the linkers at
the end of this section - in 3.3.

c. The informant has not conveyed the "emphatic" repetition of the demonstrative in
Tagalog (which in this example appears both before and after the noun) - it might
be worth to ask confirmation from the informant whether this (emphatic) form
does not exist in Inonhan, or whether (s)he just expressed a preference.
As for demonstrative modifiers post-posed to a non-personal noun, we can show two
examples - one (278) where the modified noun is part of the topic, and the other one
(560) where it is part of the predicate:
278 loc kanin-o ang saging nga ya?

tgl 'Kanino ang saging na ito?'
eng 'Who does this banana belong to?
560 loc ang unga nga dya ang nagdalagan

tgl 'Ang bata=ng ito ang tumakbo.'
eng 'The one running is this child.'
Here again we observe that there is a linker in both case, and that the
morphophonemic rules are not the same in example 560 as Tagalog (as loc unga
ending with a vowel is followed by nga, while tgl bata with a similar ending is
followed by =ng)
We can propose here a transformation to derive the modified noun constructions,
namely a 'merge' - for example starting from 560:
278 1 MATRIX kanin-o ang saging? 'Whose banana is this?'

2 CONSTITUENT saging ya 'This is a banana.'
3 RESULTANT kanin-o ang saging nga ya?
Transformation:
M: ... NpMk;#1+Npn1
T5 ↔ R: ... NpMk;#1+Npn1+Lnk+DmPr;S1
C: Npn1+DmPr;Top
Lexicon: Npn : saging Lnk : nga DmPn;Top : ya
Please note that for now we take the option to include the non-personal noun
marker (ang in 278-1) on both side of the transformation, because we have no clue
on whether this transformation would work for an unmarked noun (for instance
starting from 560 above: is there some tgl ?'bata=ng ito ang tumakbo'?).
Conversely, as we have evidence by contrasting 278 and 560 that the construction
may occur with ang both in a Topic (NpMk;Top in 278) and in a Predicate
(NpMk;Prd in 560), we aggregate both possible transformations into one by
replacing ";Top" or ";Prd" by the place-holder "#"; this would have to be modified, if
for instance we were to find that other morphemes are present in ang, that play a
role in the transformation.

Note also that we consider that the ";Top" Topic morpheme is not retained in the
transformation, still the S1 form is retained for the "pronoun"; we mark it here on
the basis of evidence found in Tagalog: the form of the postposed demonstrative is
not "contaminated" by the grammatical function of the resulting phrase (one say
kumain ako ng saging na ito, there is no *kumain ako ng saging na nito). Another
equivalent possible convention would be to consider that in this position the
Demonstrative is not a Pronoun anymore but a Modifier, to gloss it DmMd rather
than DmPn, and then to show in the lexicon that contrary to pronouns, modifiers
have only one "Set".
Finally there are no examples where a post-posed demonstrative modifies a nominal
other than a non-personal noun (e.g. personal pronoun or personal noun); if this
exists in Tagalog that might be added to the elicitation set in a next version.
3.2.2 Interrogative Modifiers

An example of an interrogative modifier is the following:
261 loc pampilang presidente ng pilipinas si Roxas ?

tgl 'Ika-anong presidente ng Pilipinas si Rohas?'
eng 'How many presidents of the Phiippines before Rohas?'
Lexicon: InPn : pampila(=ng) Npn: presidente, Pilipinas
(Note that English does not have a question word for prompting an ordinal number -
contrary also for example to French 'le quantième ?' -, hence the approximate free
translation).
There is also in the Corpus an instance of loc anong oras for tgl 'anong oras' - we
would discard it from any evidence on the Inonhan language though given the risks
that it be "doubly" borrowed, from Spanish then from Tagalog (or Cebuano). And
while we could show a "merge" transformation on the model of example 278 in
section 3.2.1 (with CONSTITUENT clause ano ito ?), we will also abstain from doing
so also for example 261 that probably includes an additional transformation (or
derivation?) to derive the ordinal form pampilang from the root which is likely pila -
another Spanish borrowing (at least in Tagalog, according to English xxxx).
As for the linker, there is a hint here that -ng is a form of it in this environment (but
we do not have strong enough evidence to positively assert so as long as we do not
elicit an alternative form without the final sonorant - ano, pampila - from the
informant).

3.2.3 Limiters as Modifiers
We start by a citation from SO72, p.141, §3.21 "Limiters": "The class of LIMITERS
includes various words and phrases that express quantity, distribution, or order in a
series. While some limiters may be classified as nouns and others as adjectives, the
members of the class show certain differences from nouns and adjectives of other
types, that make a unified presentation convenient. The major limiters are the
cardinal and ordinal numbers and the items in the following list (... follow the list,
notably - bawa't, kaunti, ilan, lahat, marami...) In this section we focus on the limiters
playing the role of modifiers, and look at them in two subsections, 1. cardinal and
ordinal numbers, 2. others.
3.2.3.1 Cardinal and ordinal modifiers
545 loc maaway ang dalwang unga

tgl 'Mag-aaway ang dalawang bata.'
eng 'The two kids will fight.'
This time, by contrast with example 229 which shows for some reason a "linker-free"
version of dalwa, we have evidence of the presence of a linker:
229 loc dalwa katawo ang dalom it tubi sa bubon

tgl 'Dalawa katao ang lalim ng tubig sa balon.'
eng 'The depth of the water in the well is two feet.'
We may imagine that the loss of the word-final velar =ng is a morphophonemic
assimilation due to the fact that katao starts with a consonant with the same place of
assimilation (velar stop k). For 545 then we can imagine a transformation along the
following lines:
278 1 MATRIX maaway ang unga The kids will fight.'

2 CONSTITUENT dalwa ang unga 'The kids are two.'
3 RESULTANT maaway ang dalwa=ng unga
Transformation:
M: ... NpMk;#1+Npn1
T6 ↔ R: ... NpMk;#1+AjCd+Lnk+Npn1
C: AjCd+NpMk;Top2+Npn1
Lexicon: AjCd : dalwa Lnk: =ng
Note that the cardinal modifying a noun is ante-posed to the noun head, like it is in
Tagalog (SO72 p.xx) - of course in the details we should ask for confirmation from
the informant that the reverse order is not possible. Another example in the Corpus
is 040 (loc isa=ng kilometro). But now let us consider examples where the head is a
pronoun - there are several examples (310, 316, 322, 349, 350):

350 loc makita natong dalwa sanda
tgl 'Makikita nating dalawa sila.'
eng 'We will see them.'
The actor complement naton, 1st person of the plural inclusive personal pronoun, is
modified by dalwa which this time is post-posed (and the linker =ng then replaces
the final n of naton). We have to hypothesize that personal pronouns select for a
different transformation (T7) than marked nouns (T6 above) - with the resultant
showing an order converse of the "predicate-topic" order of the constituent. In
addition, the "case" (here marked by a S2 / "ng" form of the non-topic actor
complement naton) is retained and the "Top" morpheme of the constituent form
(kita) is lost:
350 1 MATRIX makita natong sanda 'We will see them'

2 CONSTITUENT dalwa kita 'you and I are two.'
Transformation:
M: ... PsPn;Act;S2;#1 ...
T7 ↔ R: ... PsPn;Act;S2;#1+Lnk+AjCd ...
C: AjCd+PsPn;Top;#1
Lexicon: PsPn;Top;1PLe : kita PsPn;Act;1PLe : naton
Here the place holder # comes for the person / number specifications of the
personal pronoun and has to be replaced by an identical value on both terms / sides
of the transformation formula. Note that we do have evidence of the presence of the
linker =ng from the following example that shows the stem naton without linker:
314 loc kan-on naton ang imong mangga

tgl 'Kakanin natin ang mangga mo.'
3.2.3.2 "Other" limiters

We explored the Corpus for the Inonhan equivalents of the limiters listed by SO72 in
their section 3.22 "Limiters and limited nominal constructions", pp.141ff. - to date
there are only two examples (we suggest that this section of the Corpus could be
extended further, particularly prompting the informant for equivalents of lahat and
bawa't, shown in SO72 to have several specific properties):
482 loc ikap-at nga tunga ang akon

tgl 'Ikaapat na bahagi ang akin.'
eng 'Mine is a fourth part [of it].'
and
542 loc abo nga pilipino ang namatay sa tubol
tgl 'Maraming Pilipino ang namamatay sa TB.'
eng 'Many Philipinos are dying of tuberculosis.'
Note that marami also appears as predicate or phrasal unmodified heads in the
Corpus, for instance in 037, 038, 253. We do not detail here those examples that we
regard as belonging to the "Adjectivals" section.
In both cases, we can posit a transformation from deep form constituents where the
modifiers are predicates:
482 2 CONSTITUENT: ikap-at ang tunga 'the share is a fourth'

542 1 MATRIX: Pilipino ang namamatay sa tubol
2 CONSTITUENT: abo ang pilipino
Transformation: T6 AjLm+NpMk;Top+NpNn↔ AjLm+Lnk+NpNn
M: Npn1 ...
T8 ↔ R: AjLm+Lnk+Npn1 ...
C: AjLm+NpMk;Top+Npn1
Lexicon: AjLm : ikap-at 'fourth', abo 'many' Npn : pilipino, tunga
3.2.3.3 "Other numerical expressions"

There are in Tagalog "other numerical expressions" (SO72 section 4.5) that even
though they are not listed explicitly by Schachter and Otanes as part of the
"limiters", should be considered part of those. One of those other expressions
involves "distributive" adjectivals. The Corpus has only one example, one of a
"distributive predicate":
274 loc tigpipila kamo it saging ?

tgl 'Tig-iilan kayo ng saging?'
eng 'how many bananas each do you get?'
In this example the predicate tigpipila is complemented by a "ng form of
specification" it saging (it is the Inonhan equivalent of the Tagalog ng case marker).
Unfortunately there is no example of usage of such distributive as a modifier. The
only transformation we could posit here is one that reshuffles the "predicate-topic"
order of the deep form tigpipila it saging kamo to bring the topic kamo into its enclitic
position, right after the "pre-enclitic" tigpipila. But as tigpipila belongs to the
adjectivals category we leave it to the relevant section to formalize this
transformation.
3.2.4 Adjectives as Nominal Modifiers

The Corpus has a few examples of adjectives modifying a noun, in both pre- and
post-posed positions:
223 loc nakita nakon ang ungang mahugod

tgl 'Nakita ko ang batang masipag.'
eng 'Look at the industrious child!'
224 loc nakita nakon ang mahugod nga unga
tgl 'Nakita ko ang masipag na bata.'
eng 'Look at the industrious child!'
We observe that in both case, the adjective mahugod is separated from the noun unga
by a linker. But here the linker does show allomorphs - =ng after the vowel-final
unga, and nga after the consonant-final mahugod.
The preposed-adjective modification construction can be easily posited as resulting
from a merge transformation:
224 1 MATRIX nakita nakon ang unga 'Look at the child!'

2 CONSTITUENT mahugod ang unga 'The child is industrious.'
3 RESULTANT nakita nakon ang mahugod nga unga
Transformation:
M: ... NpMk;#1+Npn1
T9 ↔ R: ... NpMk;#1+Adj+Lnk+Npn1
C: Adj+NpMk;Top2+Npn1
Lexicon: Adj : mahugod Lnk: nga
To explain the post-posed adjective we have to hypothesize, either a direct
transformation (replacing T7) where the order is swapped when the noun of the
matrix is replaced by the words of the constituent (and the topic marker converted
into a linker), or a complementary "move" transformation that reshuffles the order
once transformation T7 has been applied.
3.2.5 Participles as Modifiers

This category was posited by Foley (1976) to study the "Bondedness hierarchy"
across a wide variety of Austronesian languages, but the author admits (p.27) that
"Tagalog has no category of participles distinct from relative clauses." Hence we
assume this is also the case of Inonhan and skip this section.
3.2.6 Relative Clauses as Modifiers

Here is an example of a relative clause that shows that again a ligature is used:
139 loc baklaw nana ako it singsing nga may mabahol nga diyamente
tgl 'ibibili niya ako ng singsing na may malaking diyamante.'
eng 'He buys me a ring which has a big diamond.'
Here again the predicate - topic order of the deep constituent is swapped to yield the
head - modifier order of the surface:

139 1 MATRIX baklaw nana ako it singsing
2 CONSTITUENT may mabahol nga diyamente ang singsing
3 RESULTANT ... singsing nga may mabahol nga diyamente
Transformation: T7 Pred+NpMk;Top+Npn ↔Npn+Lnk+RelCsl
M: ... NpMk;Obj;S2;#1+Npn1
T10 ↔ R: ... NpMk;Obj;S2;#1+Lnk+ClRl ...
C: ClRl+NpMk;Top2+Npn1
Lexicon: Npn: singsing, diyamente ClRl: may mabahol nga diyamente
The predicate of the constituent becomes the relative clause of the resultant. Here
the ligature is nga, we have no evidence in the corpus where the ligature after the
modified noun and before the relative clause would be =ng. We do not have either
any example in the Corpus where the relative clause precedes the head; we assume
though that it is possible in Inonhan as it is in Tagalog, as according to SO72
(p.123): "Tagalog modifying phrases may in most cases either precede or follow the
head. (...) There is, however, a tendency to prefer the order head-linker-modifier
when the modifying phrase is long."
3.2.7 Adverbial modifiers

In this systematic exploration of Modifiers of Nominals we have so far followed the
categories listed in Foley (1976)'s "Bondedness Hierarchy". In fact, we can think of at
least two other categories that Foley has omitted; for one, adverbial modifiers, we
understand that this is because his focus was on the distribution of the linkers, and
those do not require a linker; we address this category now. As for the other
category (we do not know why Foley ignored it) where the modifier of a nominal is
another nominal other than deictic - namely a noun or a personal pronoun -, we
have addressed them already in sections 3.1.1.1 and 3.1.1.3 above.
Adverbial modifiers then are discussed for Tagalog by SO72 in a specific eponym
section 3.19. "Two types of adverbs occur as modifiers in nominal modification
constructions: time adverbs and locative adverbs. These are the same two classes of
adverbs that may occur in sentence-initial position as pseudo-predicates. The head
nouns with which time and locative adverbs may occur as modifiers are the same
nouns that may occur as topics with adverbial pseudo-predicates: i.e., nouns that
express events." (p.132) This [pseudo-predicates] gives us a hint on possible
transformation that may explain the said constructions).
Also, and of direct interest for our study here, "Modification constructions involving
adverbial modifiers differ from modification constructions involving modifiers of
other types in two respects. One of these is that the adverbial modifier is not linked
to the head of the modification construction by the linker na/-ng. Instead, the head
and the modifiers are merely juxtaposed, without any intervening linker (...) The

second respect in which modification constructions involving adverbs differ from
other modification constructions is that an adverbial modifier always follows the
head, while modifiers of most other types may either precede or follow the head."
(p.133)
Unfortunately, none of these constructions is exemplified in the corpus. It would be
good to add some in a next version of the elicitation - including sentences with
constructions such as Tagalog 'aksidente noon isang buwan,' 'handaan naang alas
nuwebe,' 'handaan sa bahay ko. There are a few examples of time and locative
adverbials introduced by noong, nang, sa in the Corpus but none modifies an "event
nominal" (the equivalent of Tagalog nang seems to be kang in Inonhan; we already
mentioned that sa has the same form in both languages; there is only one instance of
Tagalog noong, example 235, that has also been translated by kang - to be verified.)
3.3 Summary of linkers distribution

We now propose in Table 3 - Summary of linker distribution in Inonhan a summary
of the linkers evidenced in the different Inonhan nominal modification constructions
from the past sections, to compare their forms and distribution with the ones of
Tagalog..
Table 3 - Summary of linker distribution in Inonhan
Modifier Foley Left POS Left Wrd Lnk Rght Wrd Rght POS # (Ria)
DmMd;Top 1 Npn saging nga ya DmMd;Top 278
DmMd;Top 1 Npn unga nga dya DmMd;Top 560
DmMd;Pr 1 DmMd;Pr ato =ng unga Npn 015
DmMd;S2 1 DmMd;S2 kadya nga dominggo Npn 232
InPn 2 I Npn pampila =ng presidente Npn 261
AjCd 3 AjCd dalwa =ng unga Npn 545
AjCd 3 AjCd dalwa katao Npn 229
AjLm 3 AjLm abo nga pilipino Npn 542
Adj 4 Npn unga =ng mahugod Adj 223
Adj 4 Adj mahugod nga unga Npn 224
ClRl 6 Npn singsing nga may … RlCl 139
Npn ? Npn gantang nga bugas Npn 225
PsPr;S3 ? PsPr;S3 amon =ng balay Npn 333
PsPr;S3 ? PsPr;S3 ana =ng sarili Npn 157
The central columns of the table show the modification constructions, split along its
leftmost constituent, the linker (which is empty in one case) and the rightmost word.
On either side the "Part of Speech" or type of the corresponding words is repeated.
The first column repeats the type of the modifier (each pair is made of one "Non-
personal noun" Npn and of one modifier). The second column gives the rank of the

modifier in Foley (1976)'s Bondedness hierarchy, this is the main sort order of the
table; nouns as modifiers as well as personal pronouns (pre-posed possessive
"adjectives") are rejected at the end (question marks) because Foley does not
mention them explicitly in his thesis.
Here are findings from this systematic exploration:
- Inonhan falls clearly in the same category as Tagalog in that all types of nominal
modifiers from "deictics" on require a linker (please refer to the introduction of
section 3.2). Also the two classes that we were not able to retrieve in Foley's
nomenclature show ligatures in both Tagalog and Inonhan.
- In all instances where Tagalog uses the linker na/-ng, the corresponding linker
seems roughly to be nga/-ng
- In the details, though, the morphophonemic rules that select the allomorph (na
or -ng) seem to be slightly different, or allow some exceptions that need further
research:
o the expected allomorph is =ng after a final vowel (be it followed or not
by a glottal stop, according to SO72) - but here there are 3 instances of a
followed by nga (unga, kadya, abo). Still the rule is not clear because
there are also instances of a vowel followed by =ng (ato, unga, ana) with
unga showing both manifestations actually.
o there is one single exception where the linker is completely "lost", in
dalwa katao 'two feet' (example 229).
The main outcome is that there seems to be only one type of linker in Inonhan (at
least in the listed environments), of which there are two allomorphs nga and=ng -
even if we were not able to completely specify the morphophonemic determinants of
the alternation; this justifies a posteriori our choice to not gloss them differently (this
would have been for instance Lnk1 for nga and Lnk2 for =ng.
4 Conclusion and further research

In this paper we have tried to review systematically the distributions of Inonhan
nominals - first as main or only components of predicates then of topics; second in
modification constructions, reviewing all (or at least a significant proportion of the)
possible types of modifiers. We have also done this exploration along six categories
of nominal that we have identified: unmarked nouns, marked non-personal nouns,
personal nouns, demonstrative pronouns, personal pronouns and interrogative
pronouns. We have identified at least three main high level derivations (plus several

others that we have not formalized, that would result in the different "Constituent
clauses" of chapter 3) - and posited ten different transformation rules.
When commenting each and single of the 42 examples we have selected from the
Corpus, we have tried to signal questions that we were not able to answer on the
sole basis of the procured samples - a collection of these open questions would
certainly provide material for a second wave of elicitation and a deepest analysis.
Finally, let us not forget that to reap all its fruits and to be validated, this study
focused on Noun phrases needs to be assembled and confronted with the derivation
and transformation rules related to other types of constituents, namely Adjectivals,
Verbals and Adverbials.

Bibliography
English, L. J. (1987). Tagalog English Dictionary. Manila, Philippines: National Book

Store.
Foley, W. (1976). Comparative Syntax in Austronesian (Ph.D. Dissertation,

University of California at Berkeley). Retrieved from
http://escholarship.org/uc/item/9cw8s190
Hammarström, H., Forkel, R., Haspelmath, M., & Bank, S. (Eds.). (2013). Glottolog
2.7. Retrieved from http://glottolog.org/
Himmelmann, N. P. (2005). The Austronesian languages of Asia and Madagascar:

typological characteristics. In The Austronesian languages of Asia and
Madagascar (Adelaar, Alexander & Himmelmann, Nikolaus P.). Oxford:
Routledge.
Lewis, M. P., Simons, G. F., & Fennig, C. D. (2016). Ethnologue: Languages of the
World, Nineteenth edition. Retrieved from http://www.ethnologue.com
McKaughan, H. P. (1958). Overt relation markers in Maranao. In Readings in

Philippine Linguistics (Linguistic Society of the Philippines). Manila,
Philippines: Gonzalez, Llamzon et Otanes (Eds).
Reid, L. A. (2002). Determiners, Nouns, or What? Problems in the Analysis of Some

Commonly Occurring Forms in Philippine Languages. Oceanic Linguistics,
41(2), 295–309. https://doi.org/10.2307/3623312
Schachter, P., & Otanes, F. T. (1972). Tagalog Reference Grammar. Berkeley:

University of California Press..
Sportiche, D., Koopman, H. J., & Stabler, E. P. (2014). An introduction to syntactic

analysis and theory. Retrieved from
http://lib.ugent.be/catalog/rug01:002064688
Zorc, R. D. (1972). The Western Subgroup of Bisayan. Oceanic Linguistics, 11(2),

110–139.

Zorc, R. D. P. (1977). The Bisayan Dialects of the Philippines: Subgrouping and
Reconstruction. Canberra: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies,
Australian National University.

Inunhan Noun Phrases Transformational GR

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Inunhan Noun Phrases Transformational GR

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

INONHAN NOUN PHRASES

presented to Dr. Jonathan Malicsi

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) ii

Table 1 Paradigm of Inonhan Personal Pronouns .......................................................... 8

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) iv

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) v

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) vi

1.1 The Inonhan language

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 1

1.2.1 Data source

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 2

1.2.3 Glosses and abbreviations

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 3

1.2.4 Section structure

2 Nominals in Predicate-Topic constructions

2.1 Introduction: the predicate-plus-topic structure

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 4

2.2 Nominal predicates

2.2.1 Unmarked noun as a predicate

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 5

051 loc tubol ang ikinamatay nana

2.2.2 Marker plus (unmarked) noun as a predicate

006 loc ang unga ang nagtindog, bukon ang soltero

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 6

2.2.3 Personal pronoun as a predicate

Topic ang + adjectival:

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 7

Table 1 Paradigm of Inonhan Personal Pronouns

Pronoms Set 1 Set 2 Set 3

The paradigm and table call for the following comments:

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 8

320 loc to ang inyo , bukon ya

193 loc imaw=ya ang balay it akon unga

Table 2 Inonhan Deictic Pronouns Paradigm

Deictics Set 1 Set 2 Set 3

The paradigm and table call for the following comments:

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 9

2.2.5 Personal noun as a predicate

187 loc si pedro ang nagtindog

2.2.6 Interrogative pronoun as a predicate

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 10

271 loc ano ang imong nakita ?

269 loc sin-o ang nagkaon it akong mangga?

286 loc alin odi ang imong gusto?

2.3 Nominal topics

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 11

2.3.1 (Topic) marker plus (unmarked) noun as a topic

001 loc nagtindog ang unga

2.3.2 Personal pronoun as a topic

136 loc nagatangis ako

2.3.3 Demonstrative pronoun as a topic

318 loc akon ya

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 12

221 loc dasig nga nagdalagan si pedro

2.4 Predicate-Topic inversions

2.4.1 ay / hay inversion

001 loc nagtindog ang unga

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 13

2.4.2 Contrastive inversion

003 loc ang unga , nagtindog

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 14

2.5 Summary: predicate and topic nominal derivations

Lingg335 - Inonhan: a Transformational Grammatical Sketch – May 2019 - 0.01 (15-Mar) 15