The Annals of LV Buwei PDF

Tke Annals of Lii Buwei
呂氏春秋
I ^ [ e , therefore, w rote his prolegomena,
And, being full o f the caprice, inscribed
Com mingled souvenirs and prophecies.
H e made a singular collation.
W a lla c e S te v e n s
The Comedian as the Letter C
Tke Annals of
L ii Buwei
呂氏春秋
A CO M P L E T E TRANSL AT ION
AND STUDY BY
J o k n K noL lock a n d Jeffrey Riegel
S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press
Stanford, California
2000
Stanford University Press
Stanford, California
© 2000 by the Board o f Trustees o f the

Lcland Stanford Junior University
Printed in the United States o f America

on acid-free, archival-quality paper
Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Lii shih ch5un ch5iu. Chinese and English.

The annals o f Lu Buwci / translated, annotated, and with an introduction by
John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel,
p. cm.
Chinese and English.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISB N 0 - 8 0 4 7 - 3354-6 (alk. paper)
I. Lii, Pu-wei, d. 235 B.c. II. Knoblock, John. III. Riegel, Jeffrey. IV. Title.
PL 2663.L8 E5 2 0 0 0
l 8 l ’.I I 2 —dc2 i
9 9 - 0 斗 22 斗 2
Designed by Sandy Drooker and Typeset by Birdtrack Press
Original Printing 2000
Last figure below indicates year o f this printing:

09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01 00
This Book is Dedicated to
A lbert E. D ien
and
D avid Shepherd N iv iso n
言而不稱師謂之畔，
敎而不稱師謂之倍 •
倍畔之人，明君不內，
朝士大夫遇諸塗不與言 •
—Xunzi^ aDaluew
In the last century there have come to light several
bronze weapons bearing the name Lii Buwei that
were cast during the time he served as Chancellor of
Qin. Archaeologists digging in the vicinity of Baoji
in western Shaanxi unearthed some of these weapons.
Others, such as the dagger-axe shown here, are of
uncertain provenance but have long languished in
the storerooms of famous museums. One side of the
weapon’s short dagger is incised with an inscription
that reads: “Manufactured in the fifth year [242 B .c.]
by State Chancellor Lü Buwei who officially com
missioned Chief of Diagrams Zhi and Artisan Yin.”
Two other inscriptions on the reverse side of the dag
gers blade (not shown here), one cast and the other
incised, identify the weapon as ''Officially Commis-
sioned” and the “Property of the State.” Reproduced
from Sandaijijin wencun (1936) 20.28.2-29.1.
Preface
The Lüshi chunqiu is a work o f unique im portance in Chinese thought. The

title literally means the “Spring and A utum n o f Mr. Lü.” “Spring and
A utum n55 derives from the name o f the chronicle o f the state o f Lu that
Confucius was generally thought to have w ritten or compiled to express his
judgm ents o f history. The term really m eant the activities o f the year, and
works w ith the tide "'Spring and A utum n55were Annals. The Lüshi
chunqiu was w ritten under the direction o f Lii Buwei, w ho began life as a
merchant and became regent o f Qin during the minority o f the First Emperor.
H e envisaged the w ork as a philosophical manual for the universal rule o f
the coming dynasty. The w ork was intended to com prehend every aspect o f
philosophical thought that bore on the task o f government, on the education
and role o f the ruler, and on the values that the governm ent should practice
and teach. H e thus sought to show rulers how to govern well, knights and
ministers how to act nobly and serve honorably, and everyone how to real
ize the endow m ent that Heaven had given them . Lii represented his work
as a new philosophical path, the Dao o f Zhuanxu, an ancient god euhemer-
izcd, by the third century b .c ., into an ancient ruler. Lii was evidentiy proud
o f his achievement. A probably apocryphal story claims that he offered a
thousand measures o f gold to anyone w ho could add even a single w ord
to it.
Lii understood that the universe sets absolute conditions within which
we m ust operate and that society and individuals can flourish only when
they conform to the pattern o f Heaven and Earth. In conceiving the Lüshi
chunqiu^ he sought guidance from everyone and everything that had some
thing to offer. But he did not promiscuously accept whatever was offered.
[vii]
viii PREFACE
Rather he accepted only those things that w ould help him m eet the test he
had set for himself: to write a philosophy for a universal state and society
recognized as just and right by everyone. H e endeavored to ground his
ideas in the m ost difficult and abstruse speculations—cthe teaching that does
n o t instruct,/the lesson w ithout words ’’一so that， like the ancient lords o f
the Dao, he m ight grasp the true nature o f fate.
While his work is often characterized as an ""encyclopedia55that collects,
and thus preserves, the thought o f earlier philosophers, m any o f w hom are
otherwise unknown, a close study o f the work demonstrates that from begin
ning to end there is a unity o f conception. The disorganization o f the text,
which has been wrongly interpreted as evidence o f its syncretism， is the
result o f its incompleteness. Lii finished only the Âlmanacs55section to which
he w rote the Postface. The remainder o f the w ork was hurriedly assembled
during his exile, and its w riting ended altogether w ith his suicide and the
subsequent dispersal o f his retainers. From the fragm ent th at survives,
however, the original design can be discerned and the richness o f its philo-
sophical thought amply demonstrates that the belongs in the
first rank o f classical Chinese philosophy. In the introductory chapters we
provide a biography o f Lii Buwei and a summary o f the m ajor features o f
the text.
We aim here to provide a complete translation in a convenient form
that will serve the needs o f the general reader while providing the scholar
w ith the inform ation necessary to understand the decisions we have made
in translating the text. The ritual calendar, which is presupposed in the^4/-
manacs^ is described in Appendix C. To assist the reader in dealing w ith the
many people m entioned in the text, we have provided a glossary that identi
fies every individual and have supplied additional notes that provide detailed
inform ation on certain passages, where this seemed advisable. We have also
translated the portion o f Gao You5s Preface that describes his work on the
text and the fragments o f the Lüshi chunqiu that Jiang Wciqiao collected in
the final section o f his Liishi chunqiu huijiao. As navigational tools for the
further study o f the text, a list intended to aid the reader in locating indi
vidual chapters and an appendix on textual parallels are included. While we
reject the idea that the Lüshi chunqiu is a syncretic text compiled largely or
entirely from preexisting texts belonging to identifiable pre-Q in schcx>ls,
we have outlined the views o f Chen Qiyou regarding the schools with which
individual chapters are affiliated so that the reader can form an independent
judgment.
PREFACE ix
In order to minimize the annotations, we provide a complete Chinese

text o f the original w ith annotations on the readings that we follow. The
Chinese text is based on the critical edition o f Chen Qiyou, w ho n o t only
studied the w ork o f virtually all previous scholars but contributed many
original insights. We have generally adopted his text, but in every case o f
em endation we indicate the authority we have followed, and the exact refer
ence can always be found in the notes in Chen5s edition. We have therefore
n o t repeated Chen’s argum ent, on the assum ption that scholars w ho wish
to pursue the m atter will naturally prefer to consult the original. The editorial
conventions for textual em endation are adapted from those used by John
Knoblock in his X unzi volumes and are summarized in the list o f abbrevi
ations on p. xxi.
We encourage readers interested in locating technical terms and other
items in the text to avail themselves o f the electronic database compiled by
the AcadermaSinic^ in Taiwan (http://w w w .sinic^.edu.tw /fbiis-bin/f^
A t the Academia Sinica site, readers can search the entire text o f the Chen
Q iyou edition o f the Lüshi chunqiu we have adopted as the base text for our
translation. Since we use Chen Q iyou5s book, chapter, and paragraph divi
sions, search results can easily be identified w ith passages in our translation.
Translating a work the size o f the Lüshi chunqiu—some 120,000 charac-
ters， twice the size o f the X «似之 four times that o f the ATwa•财， and ten
times that o f the Lunyu—posed a difficult challenge. W ithout the help and
guidance o f friends, colleagues, and librarians, this study could never have
been undertaken, m uch less completed. O ur basic research was carried ou t
at the East Asian Library, University o f California, Berkeley, and we arc
grateful to the library staff for their unfailing assistance. M uch o f the final
production o f the manuscript was done at the D w indle Com puter Research
Facility o f the University o f California, Berkeley, and we are grateful to the
director and technical staff for the use o f their equipm ent and for providing
us w ith technical assistance. O ur research assistants—Xie Zaixin 謝在欣，
Yan Luguan 嚴路觀， Daniel Garcia， and Imre Galambos—helped in the
gathering of the secondary materials, the preparation of the Chinese text,
and the compilation of the Bibliography. Other students who generously
helped in the preparation of the manuscript are Attilio Andrcini of the
University of Venice and Eric Critser of the University of California, Berkeley.
Wc arc extremely grateful to Professor Francesca Bray of the University of
California, Santa Barbara, for her valuable suggestions on the correct ren
dering of the many difficult passages in 26/5 and 26/6. To Professor Jane
X PREFACE
Connolly o f the University o f Miami we owe special thanks for having pains
takingly read and corrected the draft o f the manuscript. We wish to thank
Professor Sarah Queen, the Stanford reader, for many perceptive comments.
We are also very much indebted to D eborah Rudolph for her careful copy-
editing o f the entire manuscript.
The University o f Miami awarded John Knoblcxrk two Orovitz Summer
Fellowships, a sabbatical leave, travel grants, and research support grants.
Jeffrey Riegel received from the University o f California, Berkeley, a sab
batical leave and travel grants. The U niversités Center for Chinese Studies
awarded him annual research grants during the several years required to
complete this project. We are grateful to both institutions for their support.
J.K. & J.R.

Berkeley
J o h n K n o b l o c k , co-author o f this book, died on O ctober 16,1999, in
Miami, Florida. John was bom in Ocala, Florida, on August 23,1938, received
his Ph.D. from Florida State University in 1962, and joined the faculty o f
the University o f Miami that same year. M ost o f his thirty-seven years at
the University o f Miami were spent as a m em ber o f the D epartm ent o f
Philosophy and, at the time o f his death, he was serving as D epartm ent
Chair. John made a significant contribution to the study o f early Chinese
philosophy, m ost notably as the author o f the xhitt-vo\um tX unzi:A Trans
lation and Study ofthe Complete Works. H e did no t live to see the page p rœ fs
o f the present book, but his w ork on the book was complete and required
no additions or corrections by me. H e is fully this book's co-author: I recog
nize his voice on almost every page. John was a treasured companion, friend,
and colleague. I shall miss him profoundly and feel orphaned and diminished
w ithout him.
J.R.
Shanghai
October 26y 1999
石可破也而不可奪堅
Lüshi chunqiu 12/4. i
. . . the sun shone

As it had to on the white legs disappearing into the green
Water; and the expensive delicate ship that must have seen
Something amazing, a boy falling out of the sky,
Had somewhere to get to and sailed calmly on.
W. H . A u d e n , Musée des Beaux A rts
Contents
Conventions and Abbreviations
Introduction i
The Career of Lü Buwci i
The Lüshi chunqiu 27
P A R T I: T H E A L M A N A C S , B O O K S 1 - 1 2
Book 1 59
1/1 Meng chun 孟春 “Almanac for the First Month of Spring” 60
1/2 Ben sheng 本生 “Making Life the Foundation” 6斗
i/3 Zhong ji 重己 “Stressing the SelP 67
1/4 Gui gong 貴公 “Honoring Impartiality^ 70
1/5 Qu si 去私 “Dispensing with Selfish Partiality^ 73
Book 2 76
2/1 Zhong chun 仲春 “Almanac for the Second Month of Spring” 77
2/2 Gui sheng 貴生 ‘"Valuing Life” 80
2/3 Qing yu 情欲 “On the Desires and Natural Emotions” 84
2/4 Dang ran 當染 “On the Proper Kind of Dyeing55 87
2/5 Gong ming 功名 “O f Merit and Fame” 91
Book 3 94
3/1 Ji chun 季春 “Almanac for the Third Month of Spring” 95
3/2 Jin shu 盡數 “Fulfill the Number55 99
3/3 Xian ji 先己 “Placing the Self First^ 102
CONTENTS
Lun ren 論人 “Assessing Others” 106

Yuan dao 圓道叮 he Circularity of the Dao” i 〇9
114
Meng xia aAlmanac for the First Month of Summer55 II5
Quan xue 勸學 “An Exhortation to Learning55 118
Zun shi 尊師 “On Honoring Teachers” 121
Wu tu 题徒 “False Followers” 125
Yong zhong 用眾 “Employing the Masses” 129
132
Zhong xia f中夏 “Almanac for the Second Month of Summer55 133
Da yue 大樂 “Great Music” 136
Chi yue 侈樂 “Extravagant Music” 140
Shi yin 適音 “Balanced Tones” 142
Gu yue 古樂 “Music of the Ancients” 146
152
Ji xh 季夏 “Almanac for the Third Month of Summer55 153
Yin lü 音律 ‘^Notes and Pitch-Standards” 156
Yin chu 音初 "The Origins of Tunes” 160
Zhi k 制樂 “Governing Pleasure” 163
Ming li 明理 “Elucidating Patterns” 167
171
Meng qiu 孟秋 “Almanac for the First Month of Autumn” 172
Dang bing 蕩兵 “Rattling Weapons” 175
Zhen luan 振亂 “Ending Disorder55 178
Jin se 禁塞 “Restrictions and Impediments” 181
Huai chong 懷寵 ‘To Cherish and to Favor55 184
188
Zhong qiu 仲秋 “Almanac for the Second Month of Autumn” 189
Lun wei 論威 “A Discourse on Inspiring Awe” 193
Jian xuan 簡選 “On Choosing and Selecting5’ 196
Jue sheng 決勝 “Assuring Victory55 199
Ai shi 愛士 “Loving Knights” 202
205
Ji qiu 季秋 “Almanac for the Third Month of Autumn” 206
Shun min 順民 “Being in Accord with the People” 209
CONTENTS xv
9/3 Zhi shi 知士 “Understanding Scholar-Knights” 213

9/4 Shen ji 審己 “Examining the SelP 215
9/5 Jing tong 精通 “On the Communication Between Souls” 218
Book 10 222
10/1 Meng dong 孟冬 “Almanac for the First Month of Winter55 223
10/2 Jie sang 節喪 “Moderation in Burials” 227
10/3 An si 安死 “Giving the Dead Peacefiil Repose” 230
10/4 Yi bao 異寶 “Alternative Treasures” 2 3斗
io/s Yi yong 異用 “Alternative Uses” 236
Book 11 240
ii/i Zhong dong 仲冬 “Almanac for the Second Month of Winter^5 241
11/2 Zhi zhong 至忠 “Supreme Loyalty55 244
11/3 Zhong lian 忠廉叮 he Loyal and Honest55 247
11/4 Dang wu 當務 “On Being Appropriate to the Circumstances” 250
11/5 Ghang jian 長見 “Farsightedness” 253
Book 12 257
12/1 Ji dong 季冬 “Almanac for the Third Month of Winter^ 258
12/2 Shi jie 士節 ‘The Code of the Scholar-Knight” 261
12/3 Jie li 介立 “Standing Alone” 263
12/斗 Cheng lian 誠廉 “Sincerity and Purity55 265
12/5 Bu qin 不侵 “On Being Unassailable” 268
“Xu yi” 序意 “Postface” 272
P A R T I I : T H E E X A M IN A T IO N S , B O O K S 1 3 - 2 0
Book 13 277
13/1 You shi 有始 “The Beginning55 278
13/2 Ying tong 應通 “Resonating with the Identical” 282
13/3 Qu you 去尤 “Getting Rid of Prejudice” 286
13/斗 Ting yan 聽言 “Judging Advice” 289
13/5 Jin ting 謹聽 “Carefiilly Listening” 291
13/6 Wu ben 務本 “Devotion to the Fundamentals” 295
13/7 Yu da 諭大 “Illustrating the Great” 298
Book 14 301
14/1 Xiao xing 孝行 “Filial Conduct” 102
14/2 Ben wei 本味 “Fundamental Tastes” 306
CONTENTS
Xu shi 胥時 “Awaiting the Right Time” 311

Yi shang 義賞 “Proper Rewards” 315
Chang gong 長攻 “Emphasizing Results” 319
Shen ren 慎人 “Being Mindftd of the Human” 323
Yu he 遇合 “On ‘Encountering5and ‘Coinciding5” 327
Bi ji 必己 “Being Certain of OneselP 331
336
Shen da 慎大 “Being Carefld When the State Is Large” 337
Quan xun 權勳 “Weighing Merit55 342
Xia xian 下賢 “Submitting to the Worthy55 347
Bao geng 報更 “On Repaying and Recompensing” 351
Shun shuo 順說 “On Making Persuasions Agreeable” 356
Bu guang 不廣 “On Not Being Negligent55 360
Gui yin 貴因 “Esteeming the Principle of Relying55 36 斗
Cha jin 察今 “Examining the Present55 367
372
Xian shi 先識 “Foreknowledge” 373
Guan shi 觀世 “Observing the Age” 377
Zhi jie 知接 ^Wisdom Apprehended” 381
Hui guo 悔過 “Regretting Mistakes” 3»5
Yue cheng 樂成 “Pleasure in Success” 388
Cha wei 察微 “Scrutiny of the Subtle” 393
Qu you 去宥 “Eliminating Bias” 397
Zheng ming 正名 “The Right Use of Names” 斗〇〇
斗〇 4
Shen fen 審分 “On Examining Divisions of Responsibility55 4〇5
Jun shou 君守 “What the Lord Grasps” 4 〇9
Ren shu 任數 “Employing Technique” 41 4
Wu gong 勿躬 “Never Personally55 斗 19
Zhi dii 知度 “Knowing the Measure” 423
Shen shi 慎勢 “Heeding the Circumstances” 428
Buer 不二 "NoDualit 广 433
Zhi yi 執一 ‘"Upholding Unity55 434
438
Shen ying 審應 “Examining Responses” 439
Zhong yan 重言 “On Valuing Speech” 444
CONTENTS XVII
18/3 Jing yu 精諭 “On Subtle Communication” 448

18/4 Li wei 離謂 “Departing from the Import55 斗52
i8/j Yin ci 淫辭 “Careless Phrases” 斗56
i8/6 Bu qu 不屈 ^Not Complying55 460
18/7 Ying yan 應言 “Responding to Words” 464
18/8 Ju bei 具備 “On Necessary Conditions and Preparations” 斗69
Book 19 473
19/1 Li su 離俗 “Departing from Conventional Conduct55 474
19/2 Gao yi 高義 “A Lofty Sense of Honor55 479
19/3 Shang de 上德 “Supreme Virtue” 484
19/4 Yong min 用民 “Employing the People” 斗88
19/5 Shi wei 適威 “Moderating Severity55 492
19/6 Wei yu 爲欲 V sin g Desire” 496
19/7 Gui xin 貴信 “Prizing Keeping Promises” 500
19/8 Ju nan 舉難 ^ h e Difficulties of Making Promotions” 5o斗
Book 20 509
20/1 Shi jun 恃君 “Relying on Rulers” 510
20/2 Chang li 長利 “Long-Term Benefits” 514
20/3 Zhi fen 知分 “Knowing Crucial Distinctions” 518
20/斗 Zhao lei 召類 N atural Attractions Between Things” 522
20/5 Da yu 達 • “Removing Blockages” 526
20/6 Xing Urn 行論 “Proper Conduct and Assessing the Situation” 531
20/7 Jiao zi 騎恣 “On Arrogance and Self-Indulgence” 536
20/8 Guan biao 觀表 “Observing Signs” 5斗o
P A R T I I I : T H E D IS C O U R S E S , B O O K S 2 1 - 2 6
B o o k 21 547
21/1 Kai chun 開春叮 he Opening of Spring55 548
21/2 Gha xian 察賢 “Inquiring into Worthiness” 552
21/3 Qi xian 期賢 “Awaiting Worthy Men” 554
21/4 Shen wei 審爲 “Being Attentive to the Purposesof Action” 556
21/5 Ai lei 愛類 “Loving One’s Own Kind” 559
21/6 Guei zu貴卒 ""Valuing Surprise” 562
Book 22 565
22/1 Shen xing 慎行 “Being Cautious in One’s Conduct” 566
22/2 Wu yi 無義“Lacking in MoralPrinciples” 569
CONTENTS
Yi si 疑似 “Confiising Similar Things” 572

Yi xing 壹行 “Unity of Conduct55 575
Qiu ren 求人 “Seeking Men” 578
Cha chuan 察傳 “Scrutinizing Hearsay55 582
585
Gui zhi 貴直 ^Valuing Straight Talk” 586
Zhi jian 直諫 “Forthright Remonstrance” 59〇
Zhi hua 知化 “Recognizing How Things Will Change” 593
Guo li 過理 “Beyond Reason” 595
Yong se 壅塞 “Shut Out and Obstructed” 598
Yuan luan 原亂 ‘The Source of Disorder55 6〇l
604
Bu gou 不苟 ^Nothing Indecorous” 605
Zan neng 贊能 “Praising Ability5’ 6〇8
Zi zhi 自知 “Recognizing OneselP 6n
Dang shang 當賞 “Fitting Rewards” 614
Bo zhi 博志 “Concentrating Aims” 616
Gui dang 貴當 “Prizing What Is Fitting55 620
623
Si shun 似順 “Apparent Accord” 624
Bie lei 別類 “Different Types” 627
You du 有度 “Having Standards” 630
Fen zhi 分職 “Distinguishing Proper Functions” 632
Chu fang 處方 “Keeping to One’s Lot in Life” 637
Shen xiao 慎小 “Being Mindfiil of Small Things” 640
643
Shi rong 士容 “The Comportment of the Scholar-Knight” 644
Wu da 務大 “Devotion to Greatness” 647
Shang nong ccThe Supreme Importance of Agriculture55 650
Ren di 任地 ccThe Requirements of the Land” 655
Bian tu 辯土 “Discriminating Types of Soil” 658
Shen shi 審時 “Examining the Season” 662
CONTENTS
A P P E N D IX E S
A. The Gao You Preface to the Lüshi chunqiu 671

B. Fragments of the Liishi chunqiu 673
C. The Ritual Calendar 683
D. School Affiliations of Individual Chapters
According to Chen Qiyou 693
E, Alphabetical Finding List of Chapters 699
REFEREN CE M ATTER
Textual Parallels 7〇 S
Additional Notes 711
Bibliography 741
Glossary 763
Index 815
XXII CONVENTIONS AND ABBREVIATIONS
ABBREVIATIONS
BTSC Beitang shuchao

DDL] Da Dai Liji
HFZ Hanfeizi
H NZ Huainanzi
HS Hanshu
HSW Z Hanshi waizhuan
LSCQ Liishi chunqiu
LY Lunyu
Edouard Chavannes, Les Mémoires Historiques de Se-ma Tsîen
Q SZT Qunshu zhiyao
SJ Shiji
sr Shuoyuan
Taiping yulan
Wenxuan
Tantielun
rw L j Tiwen leiju
rzcQ Tanzi chunqiu
ZGC Zhanguoce
Chunqiu Zuozhuan
Zhuangzi
In addition, the following editorial conventions are observed in the notes

to the Lüshi chunqiu:
(X) Enclosed graph (usually excrescent) should be deleted from the

text.
<X > Enclosed graph should be inserted into the text, usually from a
different place in the text.
{X} Enclosed graph should be inserted into the text on the basis of
the reading of a parallel text.
[X] Enclosed graph should be inserted into the text on the basis of
sense of text or parallelism. N o corroborative evidence is
available for emendation.
(X> Enclosed graph should be understexxi as the graph that follows.
In these instances, GE = graphic error, GV = graphic variant,
LC = loan character, SF = short form, TV = text variant, and
TA = taboo avoidance.
□ This symbol indicates a lacuna of one character in the text.
Introduction
T H E CA REER OF LÜ BUW EI
The Lüshi chunqiu^ or The Annals ofLii Buwei^ was produced under the
patronage o f Lii Buwei. Lii was prime m inister o f the state o f Q in on the
eve o f the founding o f the Q in dynasty and the unification o f China into
the largest and m ost powerful empire in Asia. In Annals^ Lii Buwei aimed
to encompass the w orld5s knowledge in a great encyclopedia, compiled in
239 b , c . by a group o f scholars retained by him. So delighted was Lii w ith
the finished w ork that he is said to have offered a fabulous prize o f gold to
anyone w ho could add or subtract so much as even a single word. TheAnnals
ofLii Buwei is an exceptionally rich and complete compendium that recounts
in engaging, straightforward, and readable prose the great variety o f beliefs
and customs o f its time, reveals the advanced state o f Chinese technical
knowledge, and sets forth a philosophy o f governm ent for the centralized
control that the Q in empire would subsequently establish. Tcxlay, with m ost
o f the works o f classical Chinese philosophy long lost. The Annals ofLii
Buwei is indispensable as a summa o f all essential wisdom and as a m icro
cosm o f the Chinese intellectual world o f the late third century b .c .
In the Chinese tradition, a work o f philosophy and the life o f the philos
opher had only a tenuous connection. A life o f thought was a private life,
the concern o f the individual who lived it, and o f no great m om ent to those
interested in understanding the ideas he expressed. The work enjoyed a
splendid autonom y as a thing apart, a universal construct whose ideas and
insights were independent o f any particular place, person, or time. The
proper interpretation o f a work consisted in the réanimation o f the spirit o f
[I]
its ideas and insights through the application o f their universal principles to
specific situations. A w ork w ould be shown to condem n, reprove, or re
monstrate against some contem porary examples o f ill-conceived policies,
stupidity, greed, or evil, or to comm end, encourage, or exhort m en to well-
considered policies, wisdom , and the good.
The private life became a m atter o f general interest only when it entered
the political sphere. An audience with a king or im portant minister, a m em o
rial that was adopted as policy, and appointm ent to office all entitled a philos
opher to the notice o f history. We know that Mencius m et three kings, that
Xun Kuang was appointed to office by the Lord o f Chunshen, and that
Shen Buhai and H ui Shi were im portant ministers. The political career o f
Lii Buwei was beyond anything that his immediate predecessors m ight have
imagined. Lii engineered the succession o f a m inor prince to the throne o f
Qin; and when that prince died after a few m onths on the throne, Lii became
regent for his young son, the future First Emperor o f Qin. Lii thus occupied
a central position in the events leading to the unification o f China by Qin.
Lii5s efforts in assembling the vast num ber o f scholars w ho labored to p ro
duce \visAnncUs brought the high culture and learning o f the Central States
to the frontier area o f Qin. In the West, we w ould regard Lii as a merchant-
prince, a patron o f culture and literature, an em inent statesman and wise
counselor, a kind o f Medici prince w ho influenced n o t merely Florence and
Italy, but all o f European civilization. But in China the facts o f Lii5s life,
together with the f a a that he was from the despised m erchant class, con
dem ned Lii in the eyes o f the H an literati. They considered Q in and its
unification o f China an unm itigated evil. So Lii was in their eyes a parvenu
and a fraud whose schemes had made possible Q in5s evil. H e was a baleful
figure, richly deserving o f condem nation and eminently w orthy o f ridicule
and calumny. The principal source o f our knowledge o f Lii5s biography, the
Shiji o f Sima Qian, w ritten about a century after Lii5s death, exemplifies
this tendency. It is, accordingly, a piece o f the H an propaganda campaign
to malign the Q in in every possible way, and is not to be taken at face value.
The basic facts o f Lii Buwei5s life—his background, beginnings as a
merchant, rise to the position o f chief minister, patronage o f learning, and
demise—are known reasonably well. We possess several near contemporary
sources that enable us to reconstruct his life w ith considerable confidence:
(i) the unflattering biography composed by Sima Qian, included in his Shiji^
Records of the Grand Historian^ (2) incidental references to Lii elsewhere in
INTRODUCTION 3
the Shiji^ m ost importantly in the ccBasic Annals o f Q in '5which paint a more
objective picture; and (3) anecdotes preserved in the Zhanguoce and
Shuoyuan^ two H an dynasty collections edited by Liu Xiang from m uch
earlier materials. N one o f these sources is entirely reliable, but a cautious
reading o f all the material enables us to construct an account o f Lii5s life
that, in the main, is probably close to historical truth. This can be done by
intercollating all the materials, by translating those passages that seem to
preserve accounts o f genuine events, even when they include obviously in
vented conversations, and by supplying connecting material reasonably in
ferred from the narrative.
Lii Buwei and Yiren, Prince Chu o f Qin
Lii Buwei, a native o f Puyang in Lesser Wey, the sources tell us, was a
:m erchant o f Yangdi w ho traveled about buying cheap and selling dear
he had amassed a fortune o f thousands o f measures o f gold. Merchants
were n o t held in high esteem and, had Lii n o t become politically prom i
nent, he w ould never have been accorded a biography in an official history.
Part o f the antipathy evident in the Shiji and other sources is due to the
traditional aristocratic disdain for merchants and craftsmen, who were often
quite wealthy, whereas learned knight-scholars, w ho regarded themselves
as gentlemen, were often poor. Lii was evidentiy ambitious and aspired to a
higher position than his wealth as a merchant could ever provide. This could
happen only by attaching him self to a person o f political importance. For
Lii the opportunity came when he m et Prince Yiren o f Qin, w ho came to be
know n as Prince Chu, gained his confidence, and successfully contrived to
have him adopted by the crown prince o f Q in w ith the promise that Prince
Yiren w ould ultimately become king. H is Shiji biography records:
In 267, the fortieth year of King Zhaoxiang of Qin, the crown prince
died. In 265, the forty-second year, the king made his second son, the Lord
of Anguo, crown prince. Though the Lord of Anguo had more than twenty
sons, he had established as his primary wife Lady Huayang, who had been
a concubine, whom he loved deeply but who had no children. One of the
Lord of Anguo5s middle-ranking sons was named Prince [Yiren]. Because
his mother, Concubine Xia, was not loved by the Lord of Anguo, Prince
[Yiren] had been sent as a hostage to Zhao. But because Qin had several
times attacked Zhao, the prince was not treated with much deference.
Further, since he was but one of many grandsons of the Qin royal fam>
ily serving as hostages in the courts of the feudal lords, his equipage was
poor and his stipend inadequate; therefore he lived in difficult conditions
that did not permit him to realize his ambitions. When Lii Buwci was trad
ing in Handan, he met Prince [Yircn] and, taking pity on his plight, said to
himself, ccThis is a rare piece of merchandise that should be saved for later.w
(5/ 85.2505-6)
We may assume that merchants and new landowners o f the day wished
to share in governmental power and acquire the social prestige such service
alone provided, and that Lii is representative o f a general development o f
his time. Changes in the economic conditions o f China that perm itted vast
accumulations o f wealth and the collapse o f the old social order under the
relentiess pressure o f Q in conspired to offer the newly rich the prospect o f
power and prestige. Handan, situated between the Zhang and Yellow rivers,
lay at the crossroads o f trade between Yan to the north and Zheng and Wei
to the south. It was one o f the m ost im portant commercial centers o f its
day as well as being the capital o f Zhao. Lii fixed his future course on govern
m ent service, rather than continuing to be a merchant. The rationale for
this decision is elaborated on in a conversation Lii is purported to have had
w ith his father after seeing Prince Yiren.
On returning home, he said to his father, aWhat is the profit on invest

ment that one can expect from plowing fields? 55
aTen times the investment,55 replied his father.
ccAnd the return on investment in pearls and jades is how much ? 55
“A hundredfold.”
ccAnd the return on investment from establishing a ruler and securing
the state would be how much? 55
“It would be incalculable •”
ccNow if I devoted my energies to laboring in the fields, I would hardly
get enough to clothe and feed myself; yet if I secure a state and establish its
lord, the benefits can be passed on to future generations. I propose to go
serve Prince Yiren of Qin who is hostage in Zhao and resides in the city of
Jiao.” （ZGC，no. 109, 7.275)
Merchant-princes were ridiculed as unscrupulous, though cunning, igno

ramuses, so the remark in the Shiji^ that the prince is a arare piece o f m er
chandise,55is intended to show that Lii5s interests involved no concern for
principles or ideals bu t were m otivated solely by his concern for personal
profit. The goals o f “securing a state” and “establishing a lord，’’ however ，
undeniably demonstrate Lii5s vision. Although the conversation is undoubt
edly invented to show his callousness, such goals, we may assume, probably
do reflect his actual views. H is biography grudgingly admits that Lii was
shrewd， and shows that he was also obviously educated, adept: in the politi-
cal art o f persuasion, a rhetorician o f considerable skill, and an astute judge
o f the political scene. Each o f these aspects o f Lii5s personality and character
is evinced in the plan he develops to take advantage o f the rare opportunity
he sees in the prince, in the way he convinces the prince to accept his plan,
and in the persuasions he uses to advance the princc5s cause.
He then went to call on Prince [Yiren] and offered him a persuasion:

aI can increase the influence of your gatc.^
Prince [Yiren] laughed, saying, wFor the time being, your lordship
should increase the influence of his own gate, and thereafter he can in
crease mine.55
Lii Buwei responded, ^ o u have not understood me. The influence of
my gate is dependent on yours becoming greater.55
Grasping his point. Prince [Yiren] drew closer, sat down, and the two
of them engaged in deep conversation. (SJ 85.2506)
The conversation w ould have been held in confidence, but the sources
provide us w ith a ^reconstruction55o f its purport, naturally varying w ith the
source. Lii Buwei, according to the Zhanguoce^ proposed:
aPrincc Xi is in line to succeed to the throne. Moreover, his mother resides

within the harem while your mother docs not, and you yourself arc a hos
tage in a foreign country, which places you in an untenable situation. If
one day the treaty to which you are hostage should be abrogated, your
dead body would be fertilizer for this stated soil. But now if you will heed
my plan and let me seek your return to Qin, it will become possible for you
to possess the state of Qin. On your behalf, I will make it so that Qin must
come and request you.55(ZGC, no. 109, 7 276)
According to the Shiji^ the conversation proceeded w ith Lii arguing:
^Thc king of Qin is old and the Lord of Anguo has been made crown
prince. I have heard that Anguo dotes on Lady Huayang, who is without
6 I NT R OD U CT IO N
child. The only person who will be able to establish the Lord of Anguo5s
heir is Lady Huayang. Now you have more than twenty older and younger
brothers, occupy a middling position among them, do not receive many
favors, and have long been a hostage in a foreign court. After the great king
dies and Anguo is enthroned as king, you will have no chance to become
crown prince in the struggle with your older and younger brothers who
are with him morning and cvening.w
“That is so，” agreed Prince [Yiren]. “What should be done about it?”
Lii Buwei continued: ^ o u arc poor and a stranger here. You have noth
ing you might present as gifts to relatives or use to bind retainers to you.
Though I am poor, I ask your leave to use a thousand measures of gold to
travel west on your behalf and, by serving the Lord of Anguo and Lady
Huayang, to have you established as their heir.55
Prince [Yiren] therewith bowed his head, saying, aIf things proceed
according to your lordship5s plan, I ask that I be permitted to divide the
state of Qin and share it with you.55(SJ 85.2506)
Lii Buwei thereafter presented Prince Yiren with five hundred measures
of gold to be used to improve his position and support retainers. He set
aside an additional five hundred measures for the purchase of exotic trinkets
and baubles which he would use as introductory presents in Qin (SJ 85.2507).
When he reached Qin, he persuaded the Lord of Yangquan, Lady Huayang^s
younger brother, saying:
wYour lordship is guilty of an offense for which the penalty is death. Is

your lordship aware of that? Everyone dependent on the influence of your
lordship^s gate lives in an exalted state and holds an honored position, but
not one of those dependent on the influence of Prince Xi has such prestige.
Your lordship5s treasuries and storehouses are filled with precious pearls
and valuable jades, your stables hold the finest steeds, and your inner apart-
ments are supplied with the most beautiful women. The king is of advanced
age and one day soon he will be placed in his burial mound. Then, when
Prince Xi is in power, your lordship5s position will be as precarious as a pile
of eggs and your life will not last out the day! I have a plan that will make
it possible for your lordship to retain his wealth and honor for a million
years and be as secure as the four ridges of Mount Tai, making it certain
that you will have no cause for anxiety over danger or loss.55
The Lord of Yangquan, leaving his mat in eager anticipation, asked to
hear the persuasion.
Lii Buwei continued: 叮 he king is advanced in years, Lady Huayang
has no son, Prince Xi is in line to succeed to the throne, and Shi Cang
INTRODUCTION 7
moreover will be assisting his cause. One day scx>n the king will be placed
in his burial mound. Prince Xi will be enthroned, Shi Cang will be in power,
and the threshold of the queen5s palace is certain to sprout weeds of ne
glect. Prince [Yircn] is worthy and talented, but he has been cast aside to
live in Zhao and his mother is not living within the palace. He cranes his
neck looking westward, wishing only to return home. If Lady Huayang
were sincerely to request that he be placed in line for the throne, then this
Prince [Yircn] who now has no country would have one and Lady Huayang,
who now has no son, would have one.55
Yangquan responded, uSo be it!55 and went to persuade the Lady
Huayang. (ZGC, no. 109, 7.277)
The Shiji biography offers another avenue o f approach, through an elder

sister. The conversations, however, are reconstructions, perhaps based on
later court gossip, since secrecy was necessary to the success o f Lii5s plan.
Subsequently， Lü Buwei sought an audience with Lady Huayang’s elder

sister and presented all his precious objects to Lady Huayang. He availed
himself of the opportunity this provided to speak of the worth and wis
dom of Prince [Yiren], of how the Prince had bound to him feudal lords
and retainers throughout the world, and of how the Prince constandy said
that ahe thought of Lady Huayang as Heaven, and day and night tearfully
longed for the crown prince and his lady.55Lady Huayang was gready pleased
by this. (SJ 85.2507)
The Lady was right to be pleased, for the reconstructed conversation alludes
to a passage in ûicMamuU on Etiquette 11.8b), which says that the
father is as Heaven to his son and the husband, as Heaven to his wife.
In consequence, through her elder sister, Lii caused Lady Huayang to be

persuaded, saying: W I have heard that in cases where one uses beauty to
attend a man, Svhcn beauty fades, love slackens.5Now your ladyship attends
the crown prince, who loves you deeply even though you have no son.
Should you not use this opportunity, while it is still early, to bind to you
one of his sons who is worthy and filial, recommend that son be established
as heir, and make him your son? Then while your man is still alive, your
honor will be redoubled, and when his hundred years are over and your
son has become king, you will still not lose power. This is known as cone
comment with benefits lasting a myriad of generations.5If one docs not use
the time of profuse flowering to establish the tree, then when the beauty
has faded and the love slackened, though you may desire to initiate the
cone comment,5could you still do so? Now Prince [Yiren] is worthy and
realizes that as a middle-ranking son he cannot succeed in being made heir.
Further, since his mother is not favored, he will attach himself to you. If
you truly take this opportunity to have him selected as heir, your ladyship
will enjoy esteem in Qin to the end of your life.55(SJ 85.2507-8)
Having completed the first phase of his design through his several per-
suasions, Lü now faced two problems: arranging the adoption of Prince
Yiren by the crown prince; and cementing the relationship between Prince
Yiren and his adoptive parents. The first step was taken by Lady Huayang.
Lady Huayang believed that Lii was right. Catching the crown prince at
leisure, she would casually mention that Prince [Yiren], who was a hostage
in Zhao, was a man of uncommon worth and that all who came from there
were filled with praise for him. Sometime thereafter, with tears streaming
down her face, she said, aI have had the good fortune to occupy a place in
the harem but have not been blessed with a son. I hope Prince [Yiren] will
be established as your heir so that I might entrust him with my well-being•”
The Lord of Anguo consented to this and had a jade tally carved which he
shared with Lady Huayang, pledging that Prince [Yiren] would be made
his heir. (SJ 85.2508)
An unforeseen problem complicated the next step, the actual meeting be
tween Yiren and his adoptive parents, the crown prince and Lady Huayang.
Lady Huayang arranged that Zhao be asked to allow Prince Yiren to return
home to Qin. For reasons that are understandable, Zhao was disinclined to
release the prince whose presence guaranteed treaty relations with Qin. Lii,
therefore, had to offer another persuasion.
"Tiren is the favored son of Qin. He has no mother within the palace and
the queen herself desires to make him her son. Were Qin desirous of butch
ering Zhao, it would not allow concern for a single son to delay its plans.
You are holding fast to a worthless hostage. Suppose that you return the
prince and that he is placed in line for the throne: Zhao5s generosity in
allowing him to return would beget a debt of gratitude that the prince
could never forswear; it would constitute an act of kindness which he could
not reject; and it would be a moral obligation that he must always con
sider. The king of Qin is old, and one day sœ n he will pass away. Then,
though you still hold the prince， it will not be enough to bind Qin to your
interests. (ZGC, no. 109, 7.279)
The persuasion evidently succeeded, for Zhao returned the prince to Qin.
Lii then tcx>k special steps to assure that the new relationship would prosper.
When Yiren returned, for instance, Lii Buwei had him dress in the native
costume of Chu for his audience with Lady Huayang.
She was delighted with his appearance and thought highly of his intel
ligence, saying, aI am a native of Chu, and I will make him my son .55 She
had his name changed to Chu. (ZGC, no. 109, 7.279)
After this. Prince Chu was apparently returned to Zhao. The Lord of A n ^ o
and Lady Huayang sent valuable presents to the prince and asked that Lii
Buwei tutor him. Because of this, his name and reputation flourished among
the feudal lords. It is significant that Lii was asked to be his tutor, for this
implies that Lü himself, far from being a cunning but ignorant merchant，
was learned.
Lii Buwei and the Marriage o f Prince Chu
The second part of Lü5s Sbiji biography concerns the marriage of Prince
Yiren， now known as Prince Chu, to a “dancing girl” in Lü’s household,
over Lii5s objection. Interest in this period hinges on two questions: was Lii
the real father of the First Emperor, having impregnated the ^dancing girl55
before her marriage to the prince; and did Lii and the girl continue their
sexual relations illicitly after she married? Sima Qian makes Lii both the
natural father and illicit lover, assertions central to his biography and pri
marily responsible for Lii5s frequent caricature as an unscrupulous merchant
and moral reprobate. We believe that the first assertion is patently false,
meant both to libel Lii and to cast aspersions on the First Emperor. The
second is equally false, for the ^dancing girl55was not a slave, but the daugh
ter of a prominent family of Handan. Her family connections would later
serve to save her life and that of her son during Qin5s bitter siege of Handan.
As the story goes, Lii Buwei had taken one of the most beautiful and skilled
dancers among the courtesans of Handan into his household. Prince Chu
was drinking with Lii when he saw her, and he was so taken with her that he
IO I N T R O D U CT IO N
rose, proposed a toast for long life, and asked for her. Lii was filled w ith
resentment, but remembering that he had already ruined his family on Prince
C hu5s behalf and desiring to whook som ething rare,55he presented the con
cubine. She bore the future First Em peror in H andan in 259, in the first
m onth o f the forty-eighth year o f King Zhaoxiang o f Qin. There was appar-
endy some obvious, though now unknown, inconsistency between the date
o f birth and the theory that Lii was the real father, for the Shiji^ in the view
o f some scholars, suggests that the length o f the pregnancy was irregular ，
lasting a full year. This is, o f course, absurd and points to the scurrilous
falsity o f the rumor. The child was given the personal name Zheng, after the
m onth o f his birth, and the family name Zhao, after the place o f his birth
(SJ 6.223). After the birth o f the son. Prince C hu established his m other as
his wife (SJ 85.2508).
Just as Lii5s plan for the advance o f his and the Princess positions ap
peared to be working perfectly, one o f the m ost im portant events o f the
century almost destroyed it: the siege o f the Zhao capital, H andan.
In 257, the fiftieth year of his reign, King Zhaoxiang of Qin sent Wang Yi
to lay siege to the Zhao capital, Handan. Faced with an urgent situation,
Zhao wanted to kill Prince Chu. Prince Chu and Lii Buwei consulted to
gether and had their jailers presented with six hundred catties of gold to
arrange their escape. They fled to the Qin army and consequently were
able to effect their return to Qin. Zhao wanted to kill Prince Chu5s wife
and son, but since Prince Chu's wife was the daughter of a prominent family,
she was able to go into hiding, and in the end both mother and son sur
vived. (SJ 85.2509)
Six years later, in 251, after a long reign o f 56 years, King Zhaoxiang o f
Q in died. H aving completed the m ourning period, the Lord o f Anguo, the
crown prince, was installed as king on the dzy jihai^ in the tenth m onth o f
the year 250, and Lady Huayang was made his queen. In addition, Zhao
sent Prince C hu5s wife and son, Zheng, back to Qin. But because the new
king o f Q in died on the àzyxinchou^ having formally ruled only three days,
Crown Prince Chu now succeeded to the throne and would be known post
hum ously as King Zhuangxiang. H is adopted m other. Q ueen Huayang,
was made Queen D owager H uayang; and his real m other, Concubine Xia,
was honored as Queen Dowager Xia. H is stepfather, the Lord o f Anguo,
was given the posthum ous title KingXiaowen (SJ 5.219, 85.2509).
IN T R O D U C T I O N il
The Triumph o f Lü Buwei
The third pericxi in Lü5s career now begins. With the accession of Prince
Chu, in 250, Lii became the de facto ruler of Qin; unfortunately, the events
of this period are only briefly recorded in the historical sources.
In 250, the first year of his reign. King Zhuangxiang made Lii Buwei Chan
cellor and enfeoffed him as Marquis of Wenxin with an income of a hundred
thousand households in Luoyang， in Henan. (V 85.2509; c£ ZGC，
no. 109,
7.281)
Lii evidently consolidated his power quickly. Popular opinion had it that
his control of Qin surpassed even that of the great minister Fan Sui, who
had been chancellor during the reign of King Zhaoxiang (ZGC, no.no,
7.283). It should be noted that Lii Buwei5s going from being a successful
merchant to regent of more than half of all China was an absolutely unprec-
edented event. It must have offended the traditional aristocracy of Qin as
mightily as it offended conservative scholars of the day.
D uring Lii5s period o f prominence, a string o f stunning defeats was dealt
the Six States—Han, Wei, Zhao, Chu, Yan, and Q i—whose continued existence
stcxxl in the way o f Q in5s unification o f China. These battles paved the way
for the final victory that enabled the First Em peror to declare the founding
o f the Q in dynasty in 221. In 249, when the Lord o f Eastern Z hou plotted
w ith the feudal lords against Qin, Lii orchestrated the first o f three extended
campaigns through which Q in not only destroyed Zhou, but effectively
ruined the Three Jin —H an, Wei, and Z h ao —cutting off comm unication
between them and establishing a com m on border w ith the easternmost state
o f Qi. In the first o f these campaigns, trewps personally led by Lii Buwei
attacked the last rem nant o f the royal Zhou, destroyed its ruler, annexed the
kingdom, and dealt the death blow to the dynasty. Under Lii's guidance, Qin
did n o t p u t an end to the Z hou ancestral sacrifices but allowed the princes
o f Z hou the small territory o f Yangren in which to conduct their ceremonies
(SJ 5.219). The dynasty that had ruled eight hundred years was gone. It was
a dramatic blow, like the fall o f Rom e, a blow from which the enemies o f
Q in in the cast would no t recover. In the second campaign, undertaken in
248/7 Zhao, Han, and Wei were attacked, many cities seized, and two new
provinces created out o f the territory annexed (SJ 5.219). In 244/3, Q in deci
m ated H an, taking thirteen cities and further weakening Zhao and Wei.
Reviewing these events, the modern scholar Yang Kuan suggests that
Lii5s diplomatic skills are demonstrated in his acœpcrating with Yan in attack
ing common enemies,55and in his arranging for one of his own retainers to
become a minister in Yan (ZGC, no. no, 7.282). Yang further notes that the
practice of measuring bravery in terms of the number of heads taken was
ended as a result of Lii5s policies. He thus concludes that the military doc
trines opposing the killing of innocent people and advocating the practice
of "'righteous warfare,55 incorporated in the military chapters of the Liishi
chunqiu^ derive from the actual military strategy employed by Lii (Yang
Kuan， “Lü Buwei,” pp. 32ff).
O n the day bingxrn^ in the fifth m onth, 247, w hen King Zhuangxiang
had been on the throne for only three years, he died, and Crow n Prince
Zheng, w ho was only thirteen, was installed as king (SJ 5.220). Because o f
his youth, adm inistration o f the internal affairs o f the country was in the
hands o f the great ministers (SJ 6.223). The new king therefore honored Lii
Buwei as state counselor and called him cTJncle,55bestowing on him the tide
that Duke H u an o f Qi, the first lord-protector, had given his great m inister
Guan Z hong (从 85.2510; c£ 79.2416). Lii served the young ruler as ably as
he had his father.
D uring Lii5s tenure as state counselor, the First Em peror ordered that
common people w ho by enterprise had amassed enorm ous riches be granted
the same prestige and the same tides as the nobility —one o f many innovative
policies that contributed to the wealth o f the state. Two figures illustrate
the results o f these policies: W uzhi Luo, a trader in silks and animals with
the R ong barbarians, was given the honors o f a feudal lord and allowed to
join the ministers in audiences at court; the w idow Q ing, w ho carried on
her family's cinnabar business after her husband5s death, was celebrated for
her virtue by the Em peror who treated her as his guest and built the Niihuai-
qing Terrace in her honor (SJ 129.3260).
The Com position o f the Liishi chunqiu
The third century witnessed a great florescence o f patronage o f learning

in the feudal courts o f the time.
At this time in the courts of the feudal lords there were many scholars who
engaged in discriminations, such as the followers of Xun Kuang, who wrote
books that were disseminated throughout the whole world. (SJ 85.2510)
IN TR O D U CT IO N 13
In Wei there was the Lord o f Xinling, in C hu the Lord o f Chunshen, in

Zhao the Lord o f Pingyuan, and in Qi the Lord o f Mengchang. According
to the Shiji^
All of them treated scholars with deference and delighted in entertaining

guests who would test each others abilities. Lii Buwci was ashamed that
Qin, for all its power, was not the equal of the other states in this; therefore
he too recruited scholars, treating them generously so that his retainers
came to number three thousand. (SJ 85.2510)
The num ber three thousand was the customary way o f indicating extrava
gant patronage and should n o t be taken literally. Lii Buwei had been in
H andan when the court o f the Lord o f Pingyuan was the intellectual center
o f China and thus witnessed personally the enorm ous prestige such patron
age brought. It also m ade evident to Lii, as the Lord o f Pingyuan himself
adm itted, that the tongue o f a gifted scholar was c<m ightier than an army o f
a million m en55 (SJ 76.2368).
Lii saw that his fortune was linked to the emergence o f a new class, the
scholar-knights, w ho w ould be his advocates and whose goals w ould be
incorporated into his work. Originally, many o f the scholar-knights were
am en o f good birth w ho lacked titles o f nobility, w ho served as warriors,
officials, and supervisors in the state governments and noble households,
or w ho lived on the land, which in some cases they may even have culti
vated themselves55(Bodde, Cambridge History I, p. 28). They had once been
the lowest order o f aristocrats, ranking behind the ministers and grand
officers. Confucius himself had been ccleader o f the knights55in Lu and may
subsequentiy have held the ministerial office o f director o f crime. But by his
tim e， and largely due to his efforts， the w ord 咖士，“knight,” was coming
to mean ^scholar,55since the knights were gaining a greater reputation for
their learning than their skill w ith sword or bow and arrow.
M o Di is generally thought to have been a commoner, perhaps even a
craftsman, but certainly not an aristocrat. Both Confucius and M o Di, by
becoming famous teachers, attracted the scholar-knights o f their day. Two
centuries later, in the time o f Lii Buwei, men o f plebeian birth, such as
merchants, whose wealth enabled them to acquire land and power, could
be taught by the best teachers and join the emerging class o f landlords and
officeholders, thus becoming ttthc direct ancestors o f that class o f scholar-
gentry which was to continue as the dom inant elite throughout Chinese
imperial history55 (Bodde, Cambridge History^ I, pp. 28-29). T hroughout
xht Annals the concerns, interests, and sense o f integrity, honor, and loyalty
that distinguished the scholar：knights arc prom inentiy represented, praised,
and advocated.
Lii5s Shiji biography notes that in 247, the year King Zhuangxiang died,
Li Si left his studies w ith Xun Kuang to seek his fortune in Q in under the
patronage o f Lü (SJ 87.2539; 6.223). It seems probable that Lii had begun to
gather m en o f learning under his patronage while still in H andan, for the
funds he provided Prince C hu included m oney for the m aintenance o f a
body o f scholars to advise the prince. H e seems to have issued a further,
general invitation for scholars to come under his patronage after his enfeofF-
m ent as M arquis o f Wénxin in 250. Finally， he may have extended an even
broader invitation in 247, w hen he became regent for the thirteen-year-old
future First Emperor.
To place Qin, and himself, firmly in the intellectual center o f China, Lii
Buwei
therefore ordered that his retainers write down all that they had learned
and assemble their theses into a work consisting of eight “Examinations，”
six ^Discourses，” and twelve “Almanacs,” totaling more then 2〇〇,〇〇〇words.
(SJ 85.2510)
The work was to "'encompass the totality o f the affairs o f Heaven and Earth,
o f the myriad things, and o f the past and present.55Once completed, it was
displayed at the market gate in the Q in capital, Xianyang, w ith a thousand
measures o f gold hung above it. Traveling scholars and retainers from the
courts o f the feudal lords were told that if any o f them could aadd or sub
tract even a single character,55he m ight have the thousand measures o f gold.
The w ork was nam ed the Liishi chunqiu^ The Armais ofLii Buwei.
In the official biography o f an individual, Sima Qian sometimes presents
a picture that differs markedly from the way he is portrayed in the various
records o f a persons activities scattered through the remainder o f the Shiji.
It is n o t surprising, then， that in his introduction to 叮 able o f the Twelve
Feudal Lords,55Sima Qian offers a more flattering description o f the character
and value oflM^sAnnah. Here Sima Qian presents the work as one in a series
o f im portant efforts to interpret Chinese history. Lam enting the decline o f
the Z hou dynasty, Sima Qian gives the standard account o f Confucius com
posing his Chunqiu^ TheAnnaisofthe State ofLu^ as a warning to future ages:
IN T R O D U C T I O N 15
On account [of the decline of the Zhou dynasty following the reign of
King Li], Confucius elucidated the Dao of true kingship and sought out
more than seventy lords, none of whom was capable of employing him.
Thus, he traveled to the west to observe the house of Zhou, assessing its
historical documents and recording its old traditions. He initiated his work
with Lu, putting in order The A n n a ls o f the S ta te o f L u . Its records begin
with Duke Yan of Lu and extend down to the capture of the lin unicorn in
the reign of Duke Ai. He condensed its style, eliminating convolution and
repetition in order to legislate moral rules, to develop fully the Dao of true
kingship, and to show the influence of both in human affairs. The follow
ers of his seventy disciples orally passed down his meaning in passages
where he blamed, criticized, praised, passed over in silence, transposed, or
abridged， although it was not possible to see this in the text itself. (V I 斗.5〇9)
Sima Qian û s to the development o f a standard interpretation

o f the message o dus:
A gendeman from the state of Lu, Zuo Qiuming, feared that the various
disciples might adopt divergent principles and that though each might be
content with his own interpretation, they would all miss the true meaning
of the text. Accordingly basing himself on the historical records of Confu
cius, he discussed the meaning of every phrase and thus completed his Zuoshi
chunqiuy The Z u o In terp reta tio n o f the A n n a ls o f L u . (SJ i4.5〇s>-io)
A nd he concludes w ith a discussion o f three m ore recent works that con-

tinuc this noble tradition, xhcDuoshi wei the Tushi ebunqiu
and the Lüshi chunqiu.
Duo Jiao was the tutor to King Wei of Chu. Because the king was inca
pable of inspecting The A n n a ls o f the S ta te o f L u in its entirety, he selected
examples of success and failure, totaling forty sections that constitute The
Subtleties o f D uo Jiao, In the time of King Xiaochcng of Zhao, the prime
minister, Yu Qing, also first made selections from The A n n a ls o f the State o f
L u and then surveyed recent events, writing the eight books that consti
tute The A n n a ls o f T u Q tn ß . (SJ 14.510)
In the aBiography o f Yu Qing,55 Sima Qian repeats that in composing

his books Yu selected past events from The Annals of the State of Lu and
more recent events from personal observations. H e records the tides o f some
o f them: "The Restraints o f Duty,55 "Titles and Privileges,55 ''Searches and
i6 I NT R OD U CT IO N
Explorations，” and “Statecraft and Diplomacy•” These books contained such

trenchant and sardonic observations on the successes and failures o f states
that collectively they came to be known as Yu Q in ^ s Annals. <cW hat an
artist was M aster Yu,55 exclaims Sima Qian in his eulogy, c<in his shrewd
judgm ents o f affairs and searching examinations o f circumstances and in
the way he laid o u t a strategy to m eet Zhao’s difficulties!” The book， Sima
Qian believed, was a personal testam ent that could n o t have been com
posed had Yu ccn o t know n the depths o f sorrow.55 (SJ 76.2375).
The successor to the w ork o f Yu Q ing is that o f Lii Buwei.
Lii Buwei, who was prime minister of Qin under King Zhuangxiang, also
first surveyed high antiquity, then selected and collected passages from The
Annals of Lu^ and ordered the events of the period of the Six States to
produce his eight “Examinations,” six “Discourses，” and twelve “Almanacs”
that together formed The Annals ofLii Buwei.
Lü’s w ork is the last com pendium cited, for
When we come to the followers of such writers as Xun Kuang，Mencius，

Gongsun Gu, and Han Fei, we find they frequendy sorted and arranged
passages from The Annals ofLu^ but they were unable to master the text.
(SJ 14.510)
Given this context, then, Sima Qian clearly suggests that the w ork o f
Lii Buwei was n o t a hodgepodge o f passages as implied in the Sbiji biogra
phy, but rather a political testam ent in the tradition o f his predecessors.
Sima Qian reaffirms this view in his intensely personal letter to Ren An
justifying his willingness to endure the humiliation o f castration in order to
finish his history: when a man is moved by higher principles, there are things
he m ust do; each man m ust take his ow n path (HS 62.2733). In his letter,
Sima Qian likens his ow n work to that o f Lii Buwei, w ho ccwas banished to
Shu55but whose w ork cchas been handed dow n through later ages.55H e lists
Lii among a succession o f noble m en—King Wen, Confucius, Q u Yuan,
Z uo Q ium ing—whose works express ccthe rankling all these men had in
their hearts, for they were n o t able to accomplish w hat they had hoped.
They therefore w rote about past affairs to convey their thoughts to future
generations55{Hanshu 62.2733).
Lii Buwei aimed for even more. H e hoped to create a philosophy for
the unification o f the whole world, a philosophy for empire. A true empire,
IN TR O D U C TI O N 17
the Chinese believed, m ust embrace the whole w orld, all that is under
Heaven. ^Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things are like the body o f one
person; they are called the cGreat Identity5” （ I/S C ß 13/1.1斗)• T hus， there
could be only one true ruler, w ho coordinates the affairs o f Heaven, Earth,
and M an. C oordination requires that the true emperor, w ho was the uni
versal ruler and the Son o f Heaven, possess a Dao, or Way, which enables
him to keep everything in harm ony and balance. This had been true, in the
view o f Chinese thinkers and rulers o f the third century b . c . , from the dawn
o f civilization w hen the Yellow Sovereign became the patriarch o f the C hi
nese people and brought culture to humanity. Successive sages like Yao and
Shun, w ho also ruled the whole world, each had their ow n D ao that was
embraced by Mencius. The next sage, Great Yu, w ho stem m ed the Deluge
and founded the Xia dynasty, had his ow n Dao which was embraced by M o
Di. The Later Kings—Tang, w ho founded the Shang dynasty, and King
Wen, w ho founded the Z hou dynasty—each also possessed a D ao and a
m odel that defined the institutions o f their governments.
By the third century, the Z hou dynasty, which had been founded in the
eleventh century, had long since ceased to rule and everyone recognized
that a new ruler and a new Way should be anticipated. By the tim e o f Lii
Buwei, the house o f Z hou had been annihilated, and the line o f the Son o f
Heaven cut off. Lii observes that ccN o disorder is worse than lacking a Son
o f Heaven, for when there is no Son o f Heaven, there is no end to the
strong conquering the weak, the many tyrannizing the few, and armies de
stroying people55 (LSCQ 13/5.3). H istory recorded that Heaven and Earth
displayed extraordinary signs when ä ruler w ith ä universal Way lived， was
w orthy o f the M andate o f Heaven, and deserved to be the Son o f Heaven
(L5 〇2 aPostface55; 13/2.1). Pious Ru thinkers believed that Confucius had
been an “uncrow ned” or unrecognized sage ruler who, if the opportunity
had presented itself, should have been a universal ruler. The celestial sign, a
m ajor planetary conjunction， was known to occur about every 500 years. So
the date o f Confucius5s birth was later calculated to have been the year when
scholars believed that the planetary conjunction had been m anifested.
^Confucius drifted through all the lands w ithin the seas seeking one ruler
after another. Traveling from Qi to Wey, he saw m ore than eighty lords.
Three thousand men offered gifts to become his disciples, seventy o f w hom
became accomplished followers. O f these seventy, only one was employed
by a ruler o f a state o f ten thousand chariots to be his tutor. It is not because
there were no men. W ith this wandering search, Confucius was only able to
i8 IN TR O D U CT IO N
reach the position o f m inister o f crime in Lu. This is why the age o f the Son
o f Heaven has ended and the feudal lords are in such great disorder55(LSCQ
14/7.1).
In the fourth century, Mencius remarked that the tim e for a universal
empire and ruler was already two centuries late. O ther philosophers like
7 j〇 u Yan speculated on the cosmological conditions o f Yin and Yang and
the Five Processes that should characterize the new rule. c<W henever an em
peror or universal king is about to arise. Heaven is certain first to manifest
good omens to the people below .. . . The successor to Fire is certain to be
Water. Heaven has again first given signs that the ethers o f W ater are in
ascendance. Since the ethers o f Water are ascendant, the ruler should honor
the color black and m odel his affairs on Water. I f the ethers o f Water culmi
nate and no one grasps that fact, the pcricxl w hen it is effective will come to
an end, and the cycle will shift; to Earth55 (LSCQ 13/2.1).
In 288, the rulers o f Q i and Q in proclaimed themselves “Sovereigns,”
like Yao and Shun, over the east and west respectively, but were shamed
into renouncing the tides because they so obviously lacked the D ao and the
moral character required to be a ruler even o f half the universe. Dozens o f
philosophers whose views are scarcely known today theorized about the
proper D ao for the dawning era. M ost sought to recover the Dao o f some
ancient worthy who had been dead for two or more millennia. It was evident
that n o t m uch was known or could be know n about such Early Kings. Xun
Kuang criticized the practice and argued that one m ust follow w hat was
best known and best docum ented, the D ao o f the Later Kings. H is student
H an Fei rejected all arguments from ancient rulers and their various Ways,
boldly declaring that a new D ao was required. Like Xun Kuang and H an
Fei, Lii Buwei rejected adopting the D ao and laws o f the Early Kings which
cchave been discredited55because
to govern the state without having laws results in anarchy; to preserve the
laws without modifying them with the times results in rebellion and anar
chy. And anarchy and rebellion cannot maintain the state. As generations
change and the seasons replace one another, it is fitting that one reforms
the laws. It is like being a good doctor. If he is to treat a disease that under
goes a myriad of transformations, he must have a drug that also undergoes
a myriad of transformations. If the disease transforms but the drug docs
not, then those who lived long lives in the past will now die young. Hence,
as a general principle, proposals and undertakings must comply with the
IN TR O D U C T I O N 19
law in order to be executed. In reforming the law, one relies on the times
to make the modifications. If you follow this thesis， then you will not err in
what you strive to accomplish. (L S C Q 15/8.2)
W hat w as lacking, w hat m ust be m issin g, and w hat L ii B uw ei grasped

m ore clearly than anyone else, w as a new D ao that w as appropriate to the
con d ition s o f the w orld o f his day. I f this w ere supplied, then the nature o f
th e n ew dynasty^s rule, the character o f its in stitu tion s, and the form o f its
law s w ou ld all naturally follow . H e therefore set h im self the task o f creating
a p h ilosop h y for a universal em pire. To answ er the need for a new D ao, L ii
B uw ei proudly proclaim ed that he had ^succeeded in stu dying w hat the
Y ellow Sovereign used to instruct the Zhuanxu Sovereign” （
IaSC ^ “Post-
face55). T his w as the unique in sigh t that inform ed all his actions, from the
day he m et a prince o f Q in , to the day he w as forced to com m it suicide in
disgrace by the First Em peror. H is vision is recorded in The Annals of Lü
Buwei.
In Sim a Q ian5s view , L ii B uw ei develop ed a p olitical p h ilosop h y that
flow ed naturally from the form o f his w ork, the events selected, and their
ju xtap osition w ith in the text. In contrast, th ose w h o follow ed L ii, th ou gh
students o f m ajor figures in ph ilosophy, proved unable to m aster the text.
It is im portant to n ote that w h en a ttg o o d m an 55 asks about the "Twelve
A lm anacs，’’ Lü B uw ei replies (in the “Postface” at the end o f the “A lm anac”
section o f the Liishi chunqiu) that the "'Almanacs55
record the principles that lead to order and anarchy， to survival and destruc-
tion, as well as the knowledge that leads to understanding what determines
old age or premature death, gcxxi fortune or calamity. They ascertain indi
cations in Heaven above, conforming signs on Earth below, and what to
look for among men, in the middle. (L S C Q aPostfacc>,)
T his description o f the w ork closely m atches Sim a Q ian5s and su ggests that
the ccAlm anacs,w if n o t the w h ole w ork, arc to be view ed as a unity.
T he “Postface” gives the date o f com p letion o f the “A lm anac” section as
ain the eigh th year o f Q in , w hen the year-star w as in Tuntan, in autum n, a
jiazi day being the first day o f the season .>5 T he first q u estion is, naturally,
h ow d ocs on e calculate w hat is the eigh th year o f Q in; the secon d , d ocs the
text refer to the year-star Jupiter or to the im aginary C ounter-Jupiter em
ployed in C hinese calcndrics? T he traditional and ob viou s answ er to the
20 INTR OD U CT IO N
first question is that the cceighth year55is the eighth year o f the First Em peror,
or 239. B ut C ounter-Jupiter was n o t in Tuntan that year, given the tradi
tional equation o f Tuntan w ith the m ore fam iliar year term s (shen). D avid
N iv iso n (in a private com m unication o f M arch 10, 1989) argues that the
year-star in this text is the planet Jupiter itself， that Tuntan is n o t a “chrono-
gram atic term [= shen\ but rather the lon gitu d in al band in the zodiac
w here . . . Jupiter norm ally is in a Tuntan year, that is, the [lunar] lod ges Yi
and Z h en .55 T he first day o f autum n, by C hinese calculation, w o u ld have
been A ugust n , so th e Âlmanac55 section o f the Lüshi chunqiu w as com
pleted o n that day in 239, the eigh th year o f the First Em peror.
The Lao Ai Affair, Disgrace, and Suicide
The last part o f Lü5s biography concerns his fall from power and suicide.
Having become chancellor and regent in 247, Lii dom inated the govern
m ent until 240. That year the First Em peror turned twenty, the age at which
he m ight normally be expected to take on the full responsibilities o f rule. It
is entirely reasonable to assume, therefore, that the First Em peror was a
party to tiie events that followed on his coming o f age. At the very tim e Lii
was exerting his greatest influence and his m agnum opus was nearing
completion, the seeds o f his demise were sown. The Shiji records that in
2斗o a comet appeared first in the east， then in the north, then， in the fifth
m onth, in the west, and finally, tow ard the end o f the year, again in the
west. The appearance o f comets in the annals o f the First Emperor is intended
to portend the disasters about to occur, and the lcxation o f the com et is
suggestive o f the succession o f events. In 239 the Lord o f C hanân, the
kin^s younger brother, led an army eastward to Zhao, where he rebelled
against the king; he died in the north, at Tunliu. All the military officers
involved were beheaded and the people deported to Lintao, to the west, in
Gansu. Finally the history records that ccfish moved upstream 55(possibly an
om en o f rebels) and that the people along the Yellow River were forced to
go to the river for food (从 6.224).
A t this very tim e, the Shiji biography o f Lii B uw ei tells us, the queen
dow ager becam e less cautious in her pursuit o f illicit sexual activities. She
was undeniably in volved in an illicit affair w ith Lao A i, a rival o f L ii B uw ei.
B ut Sim a Q ian repeats the libel that she had also been having sex w ith L ii
B uw ei, w h o, it w as also claim ed, had previously im pregnated her w ith the
I NT R OD U CT IO N 21
future First Emperor. The second libel is dependent on the first and, as we
have seen, the relation between the future queen and Lii is chronologically
plausible only if her pregnancy lasted a year, which is clearly impossible.
H ence we concluded that it was a H an libel and Sima Qian knew it. The
libel o f Lii5s continuing a sexual relation with the queen dowager is necessarily
based on the truth o f his having been the natural father o f the First Emperor.
In the Shiji version, as the queen dow agers lechery did n o t cease, Lii
Buwei,
fearing that discovery would cause disaster to befall him, sccrcdy sought a
man with a large penis, Lao Ai, whom he made his retainer. Sometimes he
would have music performed and order Lao Ai to put his penis through a
wheel of paulownia wcx>d and walk about, making certain that the queen
dowager would hear about it to entice her. The queen dowager did hear
about it and consequently sccrcdy desired to obtain him. Lii Buwei there
upon introduced Lao Ai to her. Deviously ordering someone to accuse
Lao Ai of a crime punishable by castration, Lii also privately told the queen
dowager, “If we can fake the castration， we can make him ä servant in the
haremr The queen dowager therewith covertly gave a generous bribe to
the officer charged with castrations to falsely sentence him and to pluck
out his eyebrows and beard to make him appear a eunuch. As a result, he
was made a servant of the queen dowager.
This part o f the narrative reveals itself to be a deliberate and n o t very

skilled fake. Persons castrated after puberty continue to have beards; the
ruse would have been idle and unconvincing. It is surprising that Sima Qian,
w ho had himself suffered castration in adulthcxxi and thus knew this, should
chcx>se to include so evidentiy false an assertion. Further, the queen dowa
ger may have known Lao Ai in H andan when she was only the wife o f a
m inor Q in prince, and the reason for her attraction to him is, perhaps,
accurately reflected in the libelous story. It is also w orth noting that ai ^ is
not, properly speaking, a name, but an appellation for cca gentieman w ho
acts improperly55(Wang Shumin, Shiji^ 6.194). In a manner no longer known,
the queen dowager did become reacquainted w ith Lao Ai as a courtier in
Qin. It is possible that Lii Buwei assisted in the ruse to enter Lao Ai into
the harem as a eunuch. H ow ever it was accomplished, the queen dowager
did secredy have intercourse w ith Lao Ai and came to love him very much
(5T 9.280).
22 IN TR O D U C T I O N
Perhaps at the instigation o f the queen dowager, in the aftermath o f the

revolt o f the king^s younger brother, the Lord o f C hanân, Lao Ai came to
enjoy great influence and power, which can only have diminished the power
and influence o f Lii. But as the First E m peror was now twenty, affairs o f
state cannot have rested solely in the hands o f the queen dowager. The pro
m otion o f Lao Ai, certainly n o t prom pted by Lii, may well have been engi
neered by the First Em peror to diminish the pow er o f Lii, n o t yet realizing
the true nature o f the relation between Lao Ai and the queen dowager. In
239, the eighth year,
Lao Ai was enfeoffed as the Marquis of Changxin, was given Shanyang,

and was ordered to reside there. Ai observed no restraint in his palaces and
buildings, his dogs and horses, his clothing and robes, his gardens and
parks, his hunts and chases. Affairs, whether great or minor, came to be
decided by Ai himself. Further, he used the territories of the Hcxi and
Taiyuan Commandarics to create the kingdom of Ai. (SJ 6.227)
T he preferm ents accorded Lao A i are significantiy greater than those received
by L ii him self. T his to o w as likely the w ork o f th e First Em peror.
B ut the liaison cou ld n o t last un detected , and as the influence o f L ao A i
peaked， disaster loom ed:
Having gotten pregnant, the queen dowager became alarmed that others
might find out. She falsified a divination which said that she should retire
for the season and move from the palace to reside in Yong. Lao Ai was her
constant attendant， receiving extremely generous gifts and presents. Every
affair came to be decided by Lao Ai. In his household were several thou
sand slaves and the guest scholars seeking appointments as retainers came
to number more than a thousand. (SJ 8J.2511)
T he drama o f the Shiji biography requires collaboration betw een Lao

A i and L ii as w ell as the ignorance o f the First Em peror, but the facts w ere
quite different. T he reality o f the conflict betw een the court faction favoring
L ii and that favoring Lao is attested in a persuasion from the Zhanguou:
Qin attacked Wei. When the situation had become desperate, someone spoke
to the king of Wei, saying: abandon it is not as easy as using it; to die
for it is not as easy as abandoning it. Being able only to abandon it, but not
able to use it; being able only to die for it, but not able to abandon it—
these are the greatest errors men can make. Now your majesty has lost
hundreds of It in land and dozens of cities, yet has failed to extricate your
state from its peril because your majesty has abandoned the land as a bribe
[to your enemy] and not used it for your own defense. Today Qin5s might
has no peer in the whole world and Wei?s weakness is extreme, yet your
majesty uses this occasion to confront Qin. Your majesty has shown him
self capable of dying for land but not able to abandon it as a bribe. This is
a grave error.
^Now, if your majesty is capable of using his servants snatagem, the loss
of land will not be enough to harm the state, nor will the indignity you snflFer
be suflScient to make your position unbearable; but it will suffice to extricate
you from the present peril and to repay your grudge [against Lii Buwci].w
This grudge probably dates back to 242, when Q in attacked Wei during the
first year o f when King Jingmen w ould have been in mourning. The king o f
Wei blamed Lii w ho held full pow er then.
aWithin the four borders of Qin，” the persuader continued， “from those
who hold power down to those who guide wheelbarrows, everyone asks
the same question: cAre you with the Lao Ai party or with the Lii Buwei
party?5Whether by the gate of the lowliest village or outside the exalted
corridors of the audience hall, it is always the same question.
aNow, when your majesty cedes land to bribe Qin, let it be seen as the
accomplishment of Lao Ai; and when you humble yourself to honor Qin,
let: it be seen to be because of Lao Ai. If your majesty uses the state to aid
Lao Ai， he will be victorious; the debt of gratitude that the queen dowager
feels toward your majesty will penetrate deeply, to the very marrow of her
bones; and your majesty's relations with Qin will be the best in the world.
In the hundred times Qin and Wei have had mutual relations, they have
cheated each other a hundred times. Now, as a consequence of the Lao Ai
part/s gaining favor in Qin and your relations with Qin being the best,
who in the world would not abandon the party of Lii Buwei to join that of
Lao Ai》 When the whole world must cast Lii aside and follow Lao, then
your majesty^ grudge will have been repaid.” （ ZGC，no. 380, 25.920)
A s L ao A i becam e dom inant in the governm ent he behaved ever m ore

arrogantly and recklessly. A ccording to the Shuoyuan^
Lao Ai had sole power over the affairs of state and grew increasingly arrogant
and extravagant. The high officials and honored ministers of government
all drank and gambled with him. Once when he got drunk, he began to
speak belligerently. In a provocative fashion, eyes glaring with anger, he
2斗 INTR OD U CT IO N
bellowed: WI am the stepfather of the emperor. How dare some wretch

oppose me!wOne of those with whom he had quarreled ran to report this
to the emperor, who was outraged. (ST 9.280)
T his occurred in 238, the ninth year o f the First Em peror^ reign. In the
fourth m onth o f that year， the First Em peror， n o w tw enty-tw o years o ld ，
was capped， as a sign o f his m ajority， and he put o n the sw ord o f rulership.
A t the b egin n in g o f the year a com et again appeared, this tim e w ith its tail
spanning the sky. A t the end o f the year, it reappeared first in the w est and
then in the north, w ith its tail p oin tin g southw ard from th e D ipper for
eighty days (SJ 5.227). In this porten tous atm osphere, the First E m peror
received a report that
Lao Ai was in truth not a real eunuch, that he was constandy having illicit
relations with the queen dowager， who had borne him two sons whom
they had hidden, and that they had plotted together, saying: <cWhen the
king dies, we will make our son his successor.55 On hearing this, the king
sent investigators who established the true circumstances of the affair. (SJ
85.2512)
Lao A i, fearing execu tion , p lotted a revolt that w as discovered.
He forged the royal seal and that of the queen dowager in order to call out
the capital militia, the palace guard, the officers' cavalry, and the dukes and
lords of the Rong and Di barbarians, as well as his own retainers, intend
ing to attack Qinian Palace as a way to create anarchy. The king, knowing
about his plan, ordered the state ministers, the Lords of Changping and
Changwen, to call out troops and attack Ai. They fought at Xianyang and
beheaded several hundred rebels. Both generals were awarded preferments,
and all those eunuchs of the palace who had participated in the battle were
advanced one degree in the official hierarchy of honors. Ai and his followers,
being defeated, fled. The king immediately commanded that throughout
the country a reward of a million cash be offered for the capture of Lao Ai
alive and half a million for him dead (SJ 6.227). In the ninth month, Lao Ai
and three classes of his relations were executed (SJ 85.2512). His accom
plices—Commandant Jie, Historiographer of the Interior Si, Assistant
Gamester Jie and Associate Magistrate Qi, among others, twenty men in
all—were caught and beheaded, their bodies tom apart by chariots and
their families extirpated. Those of Lao Ai5s retainers who were less culpable
were to be made wood gatherers for the ghosts, to be stripped of all official
I N T R OD U CT IO N 25
titles and preferments, and to be exiled to Shu. More than forty thousand
families were established at Fangiing. (SJ 6.227)
Lao ATs tw o son s by the queen dow ager w ere seized , pu t in sacks， and
beaten to death. T he queen dow ager h erself was seized and exiled to Yong.
T he enraged First E m peror sen t d ow n a decree, saying:
aAnyonc who dares remonstrate with me concerning the matter of the dowa
ger will be executed forthwith. Their flesh will be removed from their bones
with the calthrop, and their limbs piled around the city gates like a curb
around a wcU.wTwenty-seven men remonstrated and were put to such a
death. (ST 9.280)
State M inister L ii B uw ei had been im plicated in the m atter, possibly

because he had facilitated the d ecep tion that m ade Lao A i a eunuch. T he
First E m peror w anted to execute L ii, but in view o f the great m erit o f his
services to the previous kings, and because the traveling scholars and debaters
w h o had becom e his personal guests w ere so num erous, the First Em peror
forbore applying the full extent o f the law (SJ 85.2512). B ut a year later, in
237, in the tenth m onth o f the ten th year, he dism issed State M inister L ii
B uw ei. Subsequently, a m an from Q i, on e M ao Jiao, offered a persuasion
that convinced the First Em peror to w elcom e the queen dow ager back to
X ianyang from her exile in Yong. A t the sam e tim e he sent L ii, the M arquis
o f W enxin, o u t from the capital to his fie f in H enan (SJ 85.2512-3; ST 9.280).
But the removal o f Lü from office did not eradicate his influence. Lü
had created a tradition o f scholarly culture that resided in the many officials
he had recruited, in the scholars he had patronized, and in the conceptual
framework that the com position o f the Lüshi chunqiu had created. uFor
m ore than a year,55 according to the Shiji biography (85.2513), ccwhen the
guests and envoys o f the feudal lords saw each other on the road, they asked
about Lii Buwei.55The First Emperor, displaying the suspicion that would
prove his own undoing, feared that Lii, like Lao Ai, m ight revolt, and he
sent the M arquis o f Wenxin a letter that said:
What was your lordship^s meritorious accomplishment for Qin that it should
have enfeoffed you in Henan with an income from 1 0 0 ,0 0 0 families? How
were you related to Qin that it should call you “Uncle” ？丁ake your family
and possessions and move your residence to Shu! (SJ 85.2J13)
26 IN TR O D U CT IO N
Lü B uw ei determ ined that banishm ent to Shu w as just the b egin n in g and
that the First Em peror w ou ld m ake him suffer ever-greater insult and injury.
A nd so , fearing execution, he drank p oison and died. Since both L ii B uw ei
and Lao A i w ere n ow dead, the king then perm itted the retainers o f Lao A i
to return from their banishm ent in Shu (SJ 85.2513):
In 235, the twelfth year, Lii Buwei, the Marquis of Wenxin, died and was
buried in secret. Those of his retainers who attended the funeral were
deported if they were from Jin. Those who were from Qin and were above
the rank of six hundred piculs were degraded and exiled. Those who were
of the rank of five hundred piculs and below and did not attend, were
banished, but did not lose their rank. From this day forward, anyone who
managed affairs of state so wrongly as Lao Ai and Lii Buwei would have all
his possessions confiscated. In autumn he permitted the return of Lao Ai's
retainers who had been banished to Shu. (SJ 6.231)
T he First Em peror un dou btedly sin gled o u t the retainers from Jin, that
is from the states o f H an, W ei, and Z hao, because these scholar-knights
likely w ou ld have been loyal follow ers o f L ii5s w h o had been w ith him since
his days in H andan or w h o had answ ered his call o f 247 to com e to Q in .
Further, as exem plars o f the cod e o f con d u ct praised in xhcAnmds^ he n o
d ou b t believed that they represented a threat to his personal safety. T he
m ost significant ou tcom e o f the Lao A i affair w as an intense xen op h ob ic
reaction that jeopardized the p osition s o f th e m any gifted foreigners at the
Q in court. T he First Em peror even decreed that all m inisters o f foreign
origin be expelled, because they w ere "'acting on behalf o f their ow n rulers
and traveled to <în m erely to sow dissension ” （
从 87.25斗I). Yet it was through
the efforts o f on e o f the m ost brilliant o f L ii B uw ei5s retainers, Li S i, that
this edict w as rescinded. H e argued that if Q in had earlier rejected and
ignored foreign scholars instead o f accepting them and using them , it w ou ld
have never gained its reputation for m igh t and greatness (5/ 87.25斗2). T he
ten sion betw een the new ruler and his party and L ii B uw ei and his follow ers
was based on conflicts betw een the o ld hereditary officeholders, largely the
Q in aristocracy, w h o had been displaced by L ii and the m en he patronized
w h o w ere largely o f foreign origin. Stories o f L ii5s personal failings served
the interests o f the Q in aristocracy and its n ew ruler in discrediting L ii, his
ideas, and his advisors, just as they w ou ld later serve the interests o f the
H an in discrediting the Q in and all its accom plishm ents.
T H E L Ü S H I C H U N Q IU
T he nature o f the Lüshi chunqiu\ com p osition has been the subject o f co n
siderable dispu te. W hat, if any, role did L ii B uw ei play in its com p osition
beyond providing the financial support and inspiration? T he recruitm ent o f
the scholars w h o assisted in its preparation, as w e have seen, m ust have
occurred in stages. From the fact that the Lord o f A n gu o becam e crow n
prince on ly in 265 (SJ 5.213), w e can infer that L ii probably first provided the
m on ey for retainers o f Prince C hu after that date. H e then develop ed the
plan to have the prince m ade the heir o f the L ord o f A n gu o, although it is
entirely plausible that he had retainers o f his o w n even before then. Since
L ü’s aim w as to “secure the state” and “establish its lord，” it is conceivable
that he had already begun to consider w hat factors w ere essential to produce
the universal order o f peace and stability that m ost scholars o f his day believed
had accom panied the founding o f the great ruling houses o f distant antiquity.
Further, the presence o f m any scholars from H an, W ei, and Z hao am ong
his retainers strongly suggests that th ey had served him since his days in
H andan, the capital o f Z hao. By 250, w h en he becam e effective ruler and
w as en feoffed as M arquis o f W enxin w ith a huge incom e, L ii had acquired
the m eans o f recruiting the range o f scholars w h ose op in ion s and expertise
w o u ld have been necessary for him to create a w ork as m assive as the Lüshi
chunqiu. W e have seen that, in answ er to an earlier call, Li Si left: his studies
w ith X un K uang to g o serve L ii B uw ei. W e m ay assum e that w ork o n the
Lüshi chunqiu began by 250, although its con cep tion m ay date to as early as
265. T he “Postface” declares the com p letion o f the “A lm anacs” on A ugust
ii, 239. W hen L ii died in 235, leaving the w ork in its present, incom plete
state, it had been perhaps thirty years since its original con cep tion .
In the “Postface，” the “g o o d m an” asks on ly about the tw elve “Alm anacs，”
w h ich im plies, in the view o f Z hang X uechcng (Wenshi tongyi^ p. 22), that
they constituted the entire w ork, the rem ainder having n ot yet been w ritten.
T he op p osite p o sitio n is taken by Yang Shuda (aD u Liishi^ p. 245) w h o
su ggests that the "Tostface 55sh ould com e at the end o f the w ork rather than
in its m iddle, and that Sim a Q ian tw ice gives the order o f the w ork as cceigh t
'E xam inations ,5 six d is c o u r se s ,5and tw elve cA lm anacs5W(SJ 12.510; 85.2510).
Taken together, these facts su ggest that Sim a Q ian describes the original
order o f the w ork, w hich is n ow disturbed. To buttress this claim , Yang
n otes that the Chunqiuy The Annals of the State ofLu^ begin w ith the w ord
yuan j t ''first55 and the Erya Lexicon begins w ith shi ''b eginning .55 T hus,
28 INT R OD U CT IO N
since the tide o f the first chapter o f Book 13 is ‘T o u shi” 有始 “O n Having

a Beginning,55it m ust originally have been intended as the opening chapter
o f Lüshi chunqiu. Yan^s argum ent has rightly been rejected as inadequate
by such m odem scholars as D. C. Lau ('Textual Problems,55p. 53) w ho points
o ut that the beginning o f the c<Postface55makes it clear that \h t Annals m ust
have begun w ith the “Almanacs.”
Unfortunately, it is evident that the present text o f the ^Postface55 is
damaged. The last third o f the text is a story concerning Viscount Xiang o f
Zhao, which is related to the final part o f Book 12; and there is a transitional
sentence that seems to be fragmentary. Thus Zhang^s argum ent that the
w ording o f the "Postface55shows that only the Âlmanacs55were completed
by 239 cannot be taken as proven, but the preponderance o f evidence none
theless favors Zhang^s view. Further, N aitö Torazirö (ccShösho,55p. 2) cites a
num ber o f events recorded in the Êxaminations55 and "'Discourses55 that
occurred after Lii5s death in 235, proving that these sections were completed
only later. Finally, the observance o f taboo characters in passages w ith parai-
Ids in the “Almanacs” and “Examinations” “points to a separate transmission,”
one that was continued dow n to Gao You, w ho provided the standard com
mentary to the received text (Lau, ^Textual Problems,55p. 85).
By 239 Lii5s power was already declining and Q in was confronted by the
revolt o f the Lord o f Changân. Li Ao, Lii5s rival, gained pow er about the
time the “Postface” proclaims the “Almanacs” complete. While w ork on the
Lüshi chunqiu probably continued during the turm oil that followed, it can
hardly have been the central concern o f Lii, w ho m ust have been anxious
about his very survival. In the tenth m onth o f 237, Lü was removed from
office, but his influence continued through his supporters. This sufficientiy
alarmed the First Em peror that in 235 Lii was further degraded and subse
quently com m itted suicide. T hat he had to be given a secret burial by his
loyal retainers testifies to the constrained circumstances that followed his
dismissal, so it is unlikely that m uch work could have been done after the
announcem ent o f the com pletion o f the “Almanacs.”
Nonetheless, there is internal evidence that at least the first book o f the
“Examinations” was begun. W hen we look at the character count o f each o f
the books that compose the text, we see that the num ber o f characters in
each book within the “Almanacs,” “Examinations，” and “Discourses” is about
the same (see table). O ne book stands out as an obvious exception: Book
13, the first o f the “Exam inations，” has only seven rather than the expected
eight chapters {pian M ) and is noticeably shorter than any o f the other
Character C ou n t o f Individual B ooks
Book Number of
Number Title Characters
ALMANACS
I “M engchun ji” 2,632
2 “Z ho n g ch u n ji” 2,830
3 “Jic h u n ji” 2,75斗
斗 “M engxia ji” 2,732
5 “Zhongxia ji” 2,726
6 “Jix iaji” 2,699
7 “M engqiu ji” 2,598
8 “Z h o n g q iu ji” 2,557
9 “Jiqiu ji” 2,649
IO “M en g d o n g ji” 2,86 i
ii “Z h o n g d o n g ji” 2,848
12 “Jidong ji” 2,820
EXAMINATIONS
13 “Youshi lan” 3,797
I斗 “Xiaozing lan” 6,339
15 “Shenda lan” 6,317
16 “Xianzhi lan” 6,157
17 “Shenfen lan” 5,792
18 “Shenying lan” 6,3〇5
19 “Lisu lan” 6,397
20 aShijun lan,5 6,269
DISCOURSES
21 aK aichun hrn” 3,176
22 “Shenxing lu n ” 3,426
23 “G uizhi lun” 3,2i6
24 “B ugou lu n ” 3,327
25 “Sishun lun” 3,383
26 “Shirong lu n ” 3,359
S o u r c e ：H e L ingxu, p. 30 .
3 〇 IN T R O D U C T I O N
books o f aE xam inations .55 B ut the lack o f on e chapter is insufficient to ac

cou n t for the difference in size.
It is obvious that the structure o f Book 13 is unique am ong the aExami-
nations,55that it undoubtedly reflects the original plan for this section o f the
work, and that it is crucial for studying the original plan o f xhtLiishi chunqiu
beyond the Âlmanac55 books. In each o f the seven chapters o f this book,
the particular usage o f the phrase ccthe explanation is to be found in55(jie zai
hu & indicates that a further explanation, usually a story about an
event o r person, is to be found elsewhere in the text. At least Book 13, and
possibly other books o f the ""Examinations,55were originally conceived to
consist o f ä “canon” followed by an “explanation” which w ould elaborate
o n the significance o f the canon. This form at is familiar from such works as
the Hanfeizi and Guanzi and from such archaeologically rediscovered works
as the M awangdui Wuxingpian S f r M - The plan suggested by the phrase
ccthe explanation is to be found in55is n o t realized in the present work, how
ever, for nowhere in the text are books to be found containing the expected
explanations. While there arc no books devoted to explanation, the follow
ing list, collected from D. C. Lau ("Textual Problems55) and Kusuyama
H aruki {^Ryoshi sbunjiT)^ shows that apart from the ^Youshi Ian,55there are
êxplanations55for other chapters elsewhere in the text.
“You sh i” 13/1.13
What gives Heaven and Earth shape no explanation

In what produces thunder and lightning no explanation
In the vital essences by which Yin and
Yang create things no explanation
In what comforts and pacifies humans
and wild beasts no explanation
“Ying tong5513/2.4
Scribe Mo and Viscount Jian of Zhao explanation in “Zhao lei” 20/4.5
“Q u you” 13/3.5
Man of Qi desiring gold explanation in “Qu you” 16/7.3B

Qin Mohists explanation in aQu youw16/7.1
Lao Dan no explanation
I N T R OD U CT IO N 3i
叮 in g y a n ” 13/4.3
Bai Gui criticizing Hui Shi explanation in “Bu qu” 18/6•
斗
Gongson Long persuading King Zhao
of Yan explanation in "Ting yanÄ18/7.2
Gongsun Longes response to the
encounter at Kongluo explanation in ^Yin ci5518/5.2
Kong Chuan debating Gongson Long explanation in ^Yin ci5518/5.3
Di Jian refuting Hui Shi explanation in ^Yin ci” 18/5.7
“Jin d in g "5 13/5.4
Shcng Shu persuading the Duke of Zhou explanation in aZhong yan^ 18/3.3
Duke Huan of Qi and lesser minister Ji explanation in aXia xian5515/3.4
Marquis Wen of Wei and Tian Zifang explanation in aXia xianw15/3.6
[Duangan Mu instead of Tian
Zifang]
«W u ben” 13/6.4
Lord of Zheng and Bei Zhan explanation in ^Wu daw26/2.4

Bo Yi and Lord Si of Wey explanation in “Shen ying” 18/1.6
<cYuda” i3/7•斗
BoYiand Lord Si of Wey explanation in ^Wu da” 26/2.3A
Duo He and Lord Zhaowen of Zhou explanation in aWu da5526/2.3B
Kuang Zhang refuting Hui Shi explanation in “Ai lei” 21/5.4
Furtherm ore, in a significant num ber o f these passages, the parallels

betw een this b ook and other parts o f thcLüshi chunqiu have com m onalities
that g o beyond ä “canon” and “explanation” relation. D. C Lau and Kusuyama
H aruki have collected the fo llo w in g parallels:
13/2 Ying tong 20/4 Zhao lei

13/3 Qu you 16/7 Qu you
13/5 Jin ting 16/2 Guan shi
13/6 Wu ben 26/2 Wu da
13/7 Yu da 26/2 Wu da
32 I NT RO DU CTI O N
The close textual relationship between the individual paragraphs o f these

chapters is dem onstrated by the fact that their differences consist solely o f
cci) variant readings, 2) omissions, and 3) occasionally m inor reversal in w ord
order o f no special significance55which means that the parallels are merely
"Variants o f the same text55 (Lau, ^Textual Problems,55pp. 6ifF). Kusuyama
suggests that part o f ccYing tong5513/2 and part o f wZhao lei5520/4 originally
constituted a single w ork that was later divided in the course o f editing.
Both Lau and Kusuyama note that the titles o f chapters 13/3 and 16/7 are
graphic variants o f one another, synonymous in meaning. Chen Q iyou
(LSCQ p. 1707), Lau, and Kusuyama concur that ^Wu da5526/2 is a com pi
lation o f materials from ccW u ben5513/6 and cT u da5513/7, which Kusuyama
attributes to ahasty production55intended to afill in the gaps that existed in
the overall design o f the text.55
In summary, the Liishi chunqiu in its present state is whole in term s o f
its actual execution by Lii5s death, but incomplete in terms o f the execution
o f its original design. By 239 the Almanac sections were com pleted and Lü
Buwei prepared an introduction for them that stated the intent o f the whole
work. B œ k 13, which was by then partiy completed, contains im portant
clues for the original design o f the Êxaminations55; but the remaining books
o f the "Examinations55 consist o f materials assembled w ithout following
the original design for the Êxaminations.55They do n o t represent a simple
compilation o f materials culled from other works, however, reflecting, as
they do, elements o f the original design and containing im portant state-
ments o f Lü’s philosophical positions. Less complete still is the “Discourses,”
whose numerological base and general them e are recognizable, but whose
original design is unclear. Kusuyama is probably correct in suggesting that
after 237 the difficulty o f Lii5s circumstances required that the unfinished
portions o f the w ork be produced in haste. The resulting incompleteness o f
the Êxaminations55and ccDiscourseswhas contributed to the com m on per
ception that the Liishi chunqiu is simply a compilation o f preexisting texts,
thrown together with little thought given to connecting them into a coherent
whole.
The Layout and Order o f the Text
The received text is divided into three parts: 12 “Almanacs ” ；8 “Exami-

nations ” ；and 6 “Discourses.” The design o f the text provides each o f the 12
uAlmanacs55with 5 chapters {pian)^ for a total o f 60; each o f the 8 ccExamina-
IN TR O D U CT IO N 33
tions55w ith 8 chapters (except cT o u shi55w ith only 7), for a total o f 64 (with
one missing in the received text); and each o f the 6 “Discourses” w ith 6
chapters, for a total o f 36, for a total o f 160 chapters. Significantiy, the struc
ture o f ûicLüshi chunqiu refers to the cosmological thinking that underlies
its philosophy: the tripartite division o f the text into Âlmanacs,55c<Exam-
inationsf and ^Discourses55corresponds to the cosmological Triad o f Heaven,
Earth, and Man; the twelve "'Almanacs55books mirror the twelve solar months
o f Heaven, and the five chapters in each book symbolize the Five Processes
that control each season^ workings; the eight Êxaminations55o f eight chap
ters each reflect the sixty-four Hexagrams o f the Changes and represent the
affairs o f Earth; and the six ^Discourses55o f six sections each are based on
the num ber corresponding to M an and concern hum an affairs. The treatise
portion o f the ‘"Wuxing，” book 斗I o f the G 撕卿， explains the numerical
basis o f the organization o f the ''Examinations55 and "'Discourses55 in the
Liishi chunqiu: aIn the sixth m onth the sun reaches its solstice, and this is
why humans have the s\xyao lines o f the hexagram s.. . . The Dao o f Heaven
uses the num ber nine to rule, the principle o f order (li) o f E arth uses eight,
and the Dao o f H um anity uses six.55In the "Tostface,55Lii Buwei says:
Heaven is called âccordant.55This accord is the guiding rope of the net of

life. Earth is called ^steadfast.55This steadfastness is the guiding principle
that leads to tranquillity. Man is called ^trusting.55This trust is the guiding
force that leads to obedience. When these three are properly combined,
everything proceeds with no assertive action. (LSCQ ccPostfacew)
The twelve books o f the ccAlmanacswprovide the overall intellectual struc

ture o f the work, based on Heaven, arrange topics according to seasonal
associations, and present the design o f imperial activities perform ed in
response to the requirements o f Heaven and Earth. In the words o f the
“Postface,” “they ascertain indications in Heaven above， conform ing signs
on Earth below， and w hat to look for am ong men in the middle.” H ow this
is accomplished is discussed below.
The “Examinations” are based on the “organizing principle” (“ ） o f Earth.
丁hey elaborate on the topics introduced in the “Almanacs，” offering more
details about ruling and governm ent. The first o f the ''Examinations,55Book
13, "Tou shi,55 m entions that the sage examines all things and orders them
according to w hat he secs. The uPostfacewmakes a similar point, perhaps in
anticipation o f the topics o f the “Examinations ” ：
3斗 IN TR O D U C TI O N
""Proceeding according to the proper methods55consists in complying with

principles of rational order and in normalizing individual biases. Biased
vision will cause the eye to go blind; biased hearing, the car to become
deaf; and biased thinking, the mind to be deranged. If all three of these arc
applied in a biased fashion, then knowledge cannot be impartial. If knowl
edge is not impartial, then good fortune will each day decline and the threat
of calamity will each day increase. This principle may be seen in the fact
that once the sun's rays slant, it will inevitably set in the west. (LSCQ
“Postface” ）
Lii Yi (p, 68) suggests that the design o f the "Examinations55is prefigured in
the topics o f individual chapters. The first, cT h e Beginning55 (13/1), pro
vides the macrocosmic overview : the shaping o f Heaven and Earth, whose
harm onious union produces all things, so that wthe myriad things are like
the body o f one person,55 and in this way are all similar to one another.
ccHeaven arrays the myriad things, and the sage observes them closely to
discover their proper category55 (13/1.14). Each o f the subsequent chapters
o f Book 13 prefigures one o f the rem aining books o f the ""Examinations55:
13/2 “Resonating with the Identical” Book 14 “Filial Conduct^

13/3 “Getting Rid of Prejudice” Book 16 “Foreknowledge”
13/斗“Judging Advice” Book 18 “Examining Responses”
13/5 aCarefully Listening^ Book 17 “On Examining Divisions
of Responsibility55
13/6 “Devotion to the Fundamentals” Book 20 “Relying on Rulers”
13/7 “Illustrating the Great” Book 19 “Departing from
Conventional Conduct55
Presumably, the now lost—or never com pleted—chapter 13/8 prefigured

Book 15 ccBeing Careful W hen the State is Larged
L ii Yi further suggests that the con ten t o f the Ê xam inations55 is based
on the idea o f the five affairs o f governm ent in the Documents:
The Five Modes of Conduct: The first mode of conduct is called demeanor;
the second, speech; the third，looking; the fourth, listening; the fifth, think-
ing. “Demeanor^ designates behaving respectfully; speech， according with
nature; l<x>king, seeing clearly; listening, hearing perceptively; and thinking,
considering pcrspicaciously. Rcspcctfiilncss produces gravity in the person;
according with nature, orderliness; seeing dearly, wisdom; pcrccptiveness
in hearing, deliberation; and perspicacity, sagacity. (aHongfan,wpar. 6)
^Looking55refers to the far-sightedness that allows the sage to recognize trends
and see changes before they take place. In the m ore ordinary ruler, it means
recognizing talent and ability when chcx>sing m inisters—the topic o f books
16 and 18 in Lii Yi5s view. Book 15 is concerned w ith demeanor, respectful
behavior, and the personal gravity that follows from them . M aintaining the
proper dem eanor allows the ruler to associate w ith talented ministers and to
use his ow n pow er but rarely. Book 17 is concerned w ith listening, which is
illustrated by the portrait o f the ruler who weighs his ministers5recommenda
tions before adopting particular policies. Book 20 is concerned with thinking,
as exemplified in the ruler w ho allows criticism for the good o f the state.
Book 14 is concerned w ith self-cultivation as a means o f strengthening integ-
rity and enlarging am bition. Book 19 is concerned w ith the relation o f per-
sonal purity and nobility to public justice and morality (Lü Yi，pp. 65-68).
T he uD iscou rses 55w ere originally conceived o f as a system atic presenta
tio n o f the elem ents o f governm ent, representing the D ao o f M an. As m ight
be expected from th e circum stances o f their com p ilation , the “D iscourses”
seem to be the m ost m iscellaneous o f the three major divisions o f xhcAnnals.
T he failure to carry o u t th e original design o f the ^D iscourses ,55and perhaps
other factors, has resulted in a som ew hat awkward w ork, marred by repeti-
tiou sn ess and incom pleteness. T he level o f repetitiousness is perhaps n o
greater than in oth er w orks o f the classical pericxi, but the very structure o f
the w ork leads us to n otice it m ore than w e m ight. T he incom pleteness is
also a function o f the structure, but here the division o f m aterials, abrogating
perhaps the original d esign , leaves the develop m en t o f ideas fragmentary.
The Almanacs
A s w e have seen , on ly the books o f the uA lm anacs 55 realize the original

d esign o f xhc Annals in their present form . T he first section o f each o f the
aA lm anacs 55 records the activities to be undertaken in that m onth. T hese
activities are defined cosm ologically by the celestial coordinates o f the sun,
and the zodiacal con stellation s that culm inate at daw n and dusk. T hey are
refined by the Five Processes correlates， including the signs o f the sexagenary
cycle， the 必帝 Sovereigns, their assisting spirits, anim als， m usical ton es,
pitch-standards, num bers, tastes, sm ells, sacrifices, and bod ily organs. Som e
o f these vary w i ± the m on th , m ost arc defined by the season , but all reflect
the influence o f H eaven5s operations through the m ovem ent o f its celestial
bodies and the influences o f the Five Processes.
There then follow s a list o f the earthly signs that mark th e m onth s and
seasons. T he p h en ology—that is, the record o f periodic phenom ena such as
flow ering, breeding, and m igration —contained in the "'Almanacs55 is com
m on to folk w isdom the w orld over and survives in farmers5alm anacs, w hich
advise people even today about w eather and agriculture. T he essential o b
servations o f each m onth concern the w eather, as w ell as the plants, birds,
and anim als that are reasonably reliable indicators o f w eather and therefore
em blem atic o f the changes in th e Yin and Yang qi ^ ethers that account for
seasonal variations in clim ate.
T hese elem ents define the norm al conditions o f H eaven and Earth w hich
the em peror, the ritual assessor o f H eaven and Earth as the S on o f H eaven,
is expected to m aintain through carefully coordinated activities, condu cted
in response to the elem ents o f the cosm ological schem e. T hese activities
determ ine w here he sh ou ld ritually take his p o sitio n in the H all o f L ight
tang). Instead o f a tem ple devoted to ancestor w orship, the "'Almanacs55
make the H all o f L ight a residence laid o u t so as to assure cœ rd in a tio n
betw een the spheres o f M an, H eaven, and Earth, in accordance w ith the
Five Processes. T his is a significant inn ovation , on e that stresses the central
im portance o f the sacerdotal fun ctions o f the di^ or em peror, as S on o f
H eaven. T he text also specifies in conjun ction w ith w here he resides, w hat
kind o f vehicle the em peror sh ou ld ride in, w hat kind o f horses sh ou ld pull
it, and w hat kind o f decorations it sh ould have; h ow he sh ou ld dress and
adorn him self; w hat he sh ou ld eat and w hat ritual vessels he sh ou ld use.
T his m aterial is n oted con sisten tiy for each season. For each m on th , the
text also designates the activities appropriate to that m on th , activities in
tended to mark the b egin n in g o f the year or the season, the b egin n in g o f
planting, silkw orm produ ction , prayer and ritual, and p olicies, ordinances,
and regulations. T hese vary w ith the m onth , som e m onths being m ore filled
w ith im perial activity and others less so. Finally, there are strictures w arn
in g o f the disasters that w ill befall hum anity if the w rong seasonal activities
are put in to effect.
Behind the celestial and terrestrial signs to be coordinated w ith hum an
activities lies an elaborate numerology. The ritual year, which contained
360 days, was divided into progressively more numerous and smaller periods:
2 periods o f 180 days each, one w ith the Yang ethers ascendant and
dom inant, one w ith Yin ethers ascendant and dom inant;
斗 seasons o f 9 〇days each, defined by the four possible relations
between the Yin and Yang ethers;
5 pericxis o f 72 days each, each dom inated by one o f the Five
Processes;
8 periods o f 45 days each, defined by the prevailing winds;
12 solar m onths o f 30 days each, defined by the position o f the sun;
2斗一氣 “fortnights” o f 15 days each， which helped coordinate the
solar and lunar calendars;
36 xun ^ "'weeks55o f 10 days each, which defined norm al court
activities; and
72 hou "'observations55o f 5 days each, which defined the slight
changes in nature that advised farmers and others w hat to do next.
A ll o f these pericxis existed before the books o f ûic Liishi chunqiu ccAlm anacs55
w ere com p osed , and other texts refer to som e o f these periods togeth er
w ith som e o f the defining activities o f the court; but in n on e o f them is
there the preoccupation w ith the proper role o f governm ent that w e find in
the Liishi chunqiu.
There are six other w orks, all antecedent to the Liishi chunqiu^ that contain
som e o f the celestial and terrestrial sign s recorded in the aA lm anacs .55 First,
th e Xia xitMzheng^ or Lesser Annuary According to the Xia Calendar^ n ow
B ook 47 o f the Da Dai liji^ con sists o f a cryptic ^canon 55 follow ed by an
""explanation” ：
Canon: The ringed pheasants shake and make a racket.

Explanation: Its shake is its cry. The racket is made by the drumming of its
wings.
Canon: In the first month there is certain to be thunder.
Explanation: It is not inevitable that the thunder will be perceptible. Only
the ringed pheasant is certain to hear it. Why is it called ''thunder55? The
excitement and racket of the pheasant is caused by its perception of the
thunder.
A lth ou gh Yin-Yang thinking is n o t im m ediately apparent in this passage,

these phenom ena w ere recorded for their significance to the change in the
relationship betw een the Yin and Yang at this p oin t in the yearly cycle. By
the first m onth o f the year, the Yang, weakest at the w inter solstice, has
developed considerably; this development is the pheasants shaking which
is associated w ith thunder. In the Tijing^ the hexagram Zhen^ "'Shake55(no.
51), consists o f thunder repeated, suggesting the terrifying sound that can
be heard over a hundred li; the shock o f the sound inspires fear and trem
bling in the gentleman, w ho accordingly engages in self-examination. But
such thunder is not always heard, despite the requirement o f Yin-Yang theory
that it should occur in this m onth. So the theorists explain the regularly
cxrcurring cries and drum m ing o f wings in the pheasant's m ating ritual,
which always occurs, as symbolic thunder: pheasants, like other animals,
are stirred by the m ovem ent o f the Yang deep w ithin the earth, as yet too
subtie to be detected by humans.
O ther observations are simply predictive signs o f the season and should
be understood as folk phenology o f indeterminate and probably very ancient
date. Two instances o f this are the blooming o f flag iris and chrysanthemums
and the emergence o f field rodents from their burrows (the latter perhaps
akin to G roundhog Day in America). Examples o f ordinary activities that
are defined by the climatic conditions o f the tim e w ould include the parti
tioning o f fields, the binding and repairing o f plows, and the cultivation o f
fields as far as snow and marshy conditions perm it. Ritual matters such as
the plowing ceremony and distribution o f rice are m entioned but are not
central to the text. Peculiar behavior o f animals is noted, w ith distinctly
anthropom orphic interpretations: otters offer up fish, young foxes plunder,
wolves sacrifice animals.
Certain recorded changes are clearly impossible: hawks becoming doves,
field rodents becom ing a kind o f quail, and small birds entering the sea to
become mollusks. These animal transformations are emblematic manifesta
tions o f the character o f the prevailing ethers, Yin or Yang. It is evident that
the author o f the “explanations” knows that these transform ations do not
really occur, for he says with regard to the small birds, ccProbably there are
instances o f this, but it is not the norm al occurrence for them to enter the
sea.” It is pointless to look for some hypothetical natural phenom enon, such
as the sandpipers whose behavior m ight be m isinterpreted as transform a
tion. The relation is symbolic o f the hidden influences o f the Yin and Yang
ethers and the far-reaching symmetries in things that share the same ethers.
The LesserAnnuary assumes that the Yin is the akilling55ether, causing plants
to set seeds and die; animals to prepare for hibernation and m igration; and
men to take appropriate military action and apply punishm ents, especially
the death penalty. The Yang ether is the cclife-giving55ether, causing plants
to germ inate and grow, animals to m ate and bear young, and men to make
appropriate bestowal o f rewards and perform acts o f generosity. There is no
obvious Five Processes theory recorded in the text, but examples relating to
color and the cardinal directions suggest that at least an early association
was being made. A lthough the date o f this w ork is disputed, there is no
reason to do u b t that the “canon” dates to pre-C onflidan tim es， the “expia-
nations55som ewhat later.
The Shixun^ Instructionsfor the Seasons^ now book 52 o f the Ti Zhoushu^
is built around the five-day hou observational periods and the fifteen-day qi
fortnights. The system o f using fortnight nodes and centers as a means o f
coordinating the solar and lunar calendars may be very ancient, possibly o f
Shang date. W ithin each fortnight there are characteristic signs which, while
undoubtedly based on observation, are selected not merely because they
regularly and reliably occur, but because they indicate the hidden, unobserv
able relation between the Yin and Yang ethers. Thus, the sight o f otters
offering up fish is confirm ation that the relation between Yin and Yang is
balanced: the wild geese will return as they should, and the plants and trees
will sprout. But if the otters do no t sacrifice fish, bandits will arise, and
distant people will not subm it to Chinese authority. N or is it is the peculiarity
o f the idea—otters offering up fish—that accounts for its selection as a sym
bol, for the following fortnight period is signified by the first blossoms o f
the peach, an indication that the Yang ethers have begun to circulate. I f the
peach does not bloom, the Yang ethers m ust be obstructed and, being unable
to circulate, will fail to produce the heat that stirs all life. A t the vernal
equinox swallows arrive; five days later the first thunder should occur, and
five days after that the first lightning. These are emblematic events, for they
symbolize, respectively, that wives will become pregnant, feudal lords will
keep the allegiance o f their people, and the majesty o f lords will inspire
awe. M any o f the predictive events—real like the peach blossoms or imagi
nary like the o tters offering o f fish—are comm on to both the LesserAnnuary
and the ccAlmanacs.55The Instructions differ from the LesserAnnuary in making
explicit use o f the words jym zndyang. The phenom ena enum erated in both
the LesserAnnuary and the Instructions arc overwhelmingly related to agricul
ture. The date o f the text is not evident, and there are no easy clues. It was
found in a . d . 281 am ong a group o f texts that included the Bamboo Annals.
It has been considered suspect by scholars, although on inadequate grounds.
We believe it to be a genuine docum ent, probably pre-Confucian in date.
The Sishi^ Four Seasons^ now book 40 o f the Guanzi^ contains an earlier
almanac set into a later discourse about the need to keep commands proper
to the season to ensure that life is not disrupted and that cosmic balance is
maintained. The use o f concepts like “principle o f order5’ （“ 理 )，‘Svarp”
() 多經 )， and “punishm ent and blessing” （於>^办幵 IJ德） suggests that the
discourse dates to the third century, but even though Yin and Yang are prom i
nent, there is no trace o f the highly developed third-century Five Prcx:esses
speculations. The earlier almanac contains correlations between the four
directions and the central region, the seasonal， celestial bodies (stars, sun ，
earth/Jupiter, planets, m oon), and the ether and the de ^ Power which
govern the period and determine the nature o f its activities; warnings about
the untow ard effects o f im plem enting the w rong seasonal regulations; and
a statem ent concerning ccfive regulations55 appropriate to the third m onth
o f the season, the days on which they are to be executed, and the promise o f
timely weather if they are properly implemented. The text is unfortunately
garbled, and the emendations o f scholars such as G uo M oruo have n o t suc
ceeded in unraveling all the issues involved. Further, the emendations sug
gested are based on thtLiishi chunqiu^ which makes a careful comparison o f
the two texts problematic. Nonetheless, it is clear that the texts have little in
com m on and belong to entirely different traditions.
T he Wuxing or <cFive Processes,55 com prising book 41 o f the Guanzi^
consists o f three parts: a treatise, w hich gives a num erological and ^historical55
account o f the factors that m ake it p ossib le to correlate correctly th e rela-
tion s am ong H eaven, Earth, and M an; an alm anac that un iquely divides
the year in to five 72-day periods during w h ich, successively, on e o f the Five
Processes is dom inant; and a con clu d in g section w arning against trans-
gressing the dom inant d em en t. T he num erology o f the treatise is, as w e
have seen, consonant w ith that underlying the Liishi chunqiu. T he treatise
relates Five Prcx:esses theory to divinational practices and Yin-Yang spec
ulations, but n o t in a w ay conson ant w ith the develop ed theories o f the
third century. T hé historical section o f the treatise offers an account o f the
Y ellow Sovereign^ establishing the basic correspondences, betw een region,
color, spirits, offices, and bells. T he alm anac provides indications o f the
beginn in g o f each season according to the sequence o f cyclical term s for the
days, starting w ith the firstjiazi day after the w inter solstice, the traditional
starting date for affairs o f all kinds. T his is n o t an agricultural alm anac, n o t
on ly because it speaks o f five seasons, ign orin g the farm ers reality o f four
seasons, but also because it focuses on the Son o f H eaven and his subor-
IN T R O D U C T I O N 斗 I
dinates. In this regard, it is closer to the "'Almanacs55 o f the Liisbi chunqiu

than the other texts. The c<Five Processes55shares w ith the other texts con
cluding warnings about the consequences o f transgressing the Process in
charge o f its 72-day ccseason.55Allyn Rickett notes that the yearly cycle and
seasonal activities presented in the concluding warnings are slightly differ
ent from those contained in the aFive Processes55almanac, which may mean
that these warnings belonged originally to an independent work {Guanzi^ I,
pp. 160-61).
A fifth almanac is contained in books 8 and 9 o f the Guanzi^ the Toußuan
or ^Dark Palace55and the Tougimn tu or aDark Palace Chart.55U nfortunately,
th e text is extrem ely corrupt, and G u o M oru o5s reconstruction, w h ile an
enorm ous im provem ent over earlier efforts, leaves m any passages problem -
atic. N on eth eless， the material show s that this work^ how ever reconstructed ，
resem bles the "'Almanacs55 o f the Liishi chunqiu qu ite closely, but w ith n u
m erous differences o f detail; it also contains som e correlates absent from
th e aA lm anacsw (con ven ien tly sum m arized by R ickett, Guanzi^ I, p. 161).
Furtherm ore, it divides the year in to thirty tw elve-day periods， spring and
autum n com prising eigh t each and sum m er and w inter com prising seven
each. T his ftm dam ental difference in nu m erological basis suggests that the
ttD ark Palace55 belongs to a tradition, otherw ise unrepresented in pre-H an
w orks but fou n d in the Sanshi shi or ccT he T hirty Periods,55 discovered at
Y inqueshan in 1972 in a H an tom b dated to 134 b . c .
Aside from m inor variations and the addition o f two items o f a dis-
tinedy Ru cast， the Tî^ /細 or “M onthly Ordinances,” comprising book 6 o f
the Liji^ is identical to the present text o f the "'Almanacs.55 It is generally
believed that in fact the Tueling and the ccAlmanacs55 are one and the same
work, though scholars dispute the relative priority o f the two texts. The
m atter is further complicated by the fact that there was a now lo stccYueling55
that comprised book 53 o f the Ti Zhoushu. Early quotations from this work
suggest that it differed from the “Almanacs.”
T he abundant variety o f texts dem onstrates the im portance that the
C hinese, like all ancient peoples, placed on coordinating their activities w ith
the seasons, thereby assuring the success o f the harvests on w hich their lives
depended:
Do not contravene the number indicated in the heavens,

The use of things must accord with their season.
(LSCQS/1.6)
But there is also a m ore profound, cosmological reason why ancient
peoples studied nature so assiduously, albeit in a way we now judge to be
superstitious. In The Order ofThinßs^ Michel Foucault notes that until the
end o f the sixteenth century, speculations about the "'resemblance55o f things
guided how texts were interpreted, knowledge o f the w orld became pos
sible, symbols were to be u n d e rstœ d , and things should be represented in
art. aThe universe was folded in upon itself: the earth echoing the sky, faces
seeing themselves reflected in the stars, and plants holding within their stems
the secrets that were o f use to m an” （ Foucault, p. 17).
The problem for humans confronting a world rich in symbols and hidden
connections lay in recognizing the signatures that were ultimately interprét
able. As the alchemist Paracelsus rem arked,a. . . even though [Gcxi] has hid
den certain things, he has allowed nothing to remain w ithout exterior and
visible signs in the form o f special marks55 [Die 9 Bücher der Natura Rerum
in SuhdorfF (ed), Works^ IX, p. 393, quoted in Foucault, p. 26]. Thus, any
kind o f resemblance, however fanciful it appears to us, was until m odem
times, in China as in the West, conceived o f as a secret affinity, a magical
sign, a profound connection w orthy o f intense speculation that m ight u n
cover the key to its hidden meaning. Renaissance writings share w ith these
Chinese texts an interest in “signatures，” the keys to unlocking the secrets o f
nature and discovering the invisible truth in the visible sign. W hat distin
guishes The Annals ofLii Buwei from earlier texts is that it is the m ost sys
tematic and the m ost sophisticated o f all these documents: it aims at a total
cosmological scheme, intertw ining the w orld o f m an w ith the course o f
Heaven and the sequences o f the seasons on Earth.
In the uAlm anacs,55the seasons determ ine the actions o f the Son o f H eaven
and o f the pop ulation at large. Spring is the tim e o f flow erin g, birth, and
beginning; sum m er o f grow th and m aturity; autum n o f harvest, collectin g,
and restraining; and w inter o f storin g, h id in g, and concealing. T he other
chapters in each o f the books o f the Âlmanacs55elaborate on the governm ent
policies and individual practices to be im plem ented during each season.
Spring m eant planting and birthing, m oderation o f desire, respect for life
(particularly you n g life), public-spiritedncss, and above all leniency and
benevolence. Sum m er m eant grow th; in hum an term s, this m eant educa
tio n -r e s p e c t for teachers, follo w in g the gcx>d exam ple o f others, practic
in g virtu e—and cultivation through m usic, w hich develop ed the m ind and
gave expression to the feelin gs. A utum n m eant harvesting the ycai^s work;
in governm ental term s, this im plied increasing severity in the application o f
the law, the im perial chase and h u n t, and the in itiation o f warfare. W inter
m eant storage and death; in governm ental term s, it was concerned w ith
burial and the m oderation o f excess therein, being ritually pure, and taking
the lo n g view .
The Syncretic Character o f the Lüshi chunqiu
The Liishi chunqiu is often characterized as a ^miscellaneous,55 that is,

“eclectic” or “syncretic，” text because the “Bibliographic Treatise” o f the
H anshu classifies it as belonging to the zajia or aMixed School.55Feng
Youlan states this position m ost clearly: ^The book was compiled by a vari-
ety o f hands, each recording w hat he knew; thus, while its layout is system-
atiq its thought does not represent the viewpoint o f any one school” （quoted
in Xu Weiyu, Liishi chunqiu jishi^ ccPreface55). The Hanshu classification zajia
does n o t mean a miscellaneous com pendium that collects diverse views
w ithout reconciling them , but rather a w ork that presents a blending o f
materials, representing previously d istin a positions. While û ït Liishi chunqiu
borrows from a variety o f philosophies, it resembles no one o f them exaetdy.
As the text itself says: “In the w orld there are no completely white foxes yet
there are completely white fox fur coats55 because only the white parts are
gathered together (^Yongzhongf 4/5.6). By the third century, philosophic
inquiry had developed to the state where “borrowing5’ from various predeces-
sors was all but universal: xh tX u n zi^ the Hanfeizi^ and the ""Huang-Lao55
texts all borrow from various sources w ithout losing their distinctive philo
sophic identities.
T he Hanshu aB ibliographic Treatise 55 lists ten w orks o f the Z h ou , Q in ,
and early H an pericxls related to the Liishi chunqiu that belong to this school:
孔甲盤盂，级 ;w / 力成，2ô books， now

lost. A work said, according to a tradition cited by xhtQtlue of Liu Xin, to
have included precautions and models and to have been authored by Kong
Jia, court historian under the Yellow Sovereign. TheMozi repeatedly notes
that the ancient kings, to make sure that their teachings would survive, had
them written on bamboo and silk, inscribed on bowls and basins, and en
graved on metal and stone.
Da 大禹，r/wr Gmif 仏， 37 books, now lost. Ä tradition says that it
was written by Sovereign Yu, but Ban Gu notes that its text appears to
have originated in a later period. A short passage from this work quoted by
Jia Yi in the early Han dynasty closely resembles passages quoted as
斗4 I NT R OD U CT IO N
from the Tî# 禹之禁 (in Tï 娜 j/w “Daju” 大聚） and as from the

“Xia zhen” 夏箴 (in Tï Z/wWw “Wen zhuan” 文傳 )•All these are probably
variant titles of the same work.
Wu Zixu The Wu Zixu^ 8 books, a questionable version of
which survives. The work is not the same as Wu Zixu^ but in io books,
listed in the Hanshu bibliographes section on military texts (HS 30.1761).
In his D 财 /w 卬《万/好讀書薇綠， Hong Yixuan lists the titles of eight books
a s: 叮 aibo” 太伯，“Jingping” 荆平 , “Wu” 吳，“Jini” 計倪，“Qingtiao” 請
糴，“Jiushu” 九術 , “Bingfa” 兵法 , and “Chenheng55陳恆 (cited in Gu Shi，
Hanshu^ p. 158).
Ziwanzi The Master Wcm^ 35 books, now lost. Ban Gu identi
fies the author as a native of Qi who was fond of debating military matters.
He notes that its contents resemble the Sf’wa 片司馬法 .
Tîw h 由余，77^ Tîi, 3 books， now lost. Ban Gu says that
the author was a Rong barbarian who was made a grand officer by Duke
Mu of Qin. Early texts give an account of the audience You Yu had with
Duke Mu during which You Yu contrasted the governmental philosophy
of the Yellow Sovereign with that of the Rong people (Zuo zhuan [Wen 2]
and Shiji [j.i92f]; cf. Hanfeizi^ 10 aShiguo^ pp. i86f).
Zi伽尉繚， PFörib 29 books. Wei Liao, a native of
Qi, is said to have studied the philosophy of Shang Yang and to have had
an audience with the First Emperor in 237, the year Lii Buwci was dis
missed from office and the government was placed in the hands of Li Si (SJ
6.230). There was a military treatise also named Wei Liao^ in 31 books (HS
30.1758), which was perhaps a related book, now possibly conflated with
this work, which survives. The 1972 discovery of a Weiliaozi at Yinqueshan
has not only proved that the surviving work is genuine but has also re
newed interest in this work (Yinqueshan, pp. 21-27).
«S办尸子， 20 books， reconstructed by the Qing scholar
Sun Xingyan ÎVJ. The Song critic Wang Yinglin wrote that Master Shi
was a native of Qin and a retainer of Shang Yang during the period Shang
was prime minister of Qin; his work then consisted of more than 60,000
words.
Lüshi chunqiu. The Annals ofLü Buwei、 26 books.
Huainatiy nei The Huainan^ Inner Books, 21 books, extant;
and Huainan wai The Huainan^ Outer Bcx)ks, 33 books, now
lost. The Huainan^ nei^ now known as the Htminanzi^ was composed by
Su Fei 蘇飛， Li Shang 李商， Zuo Wu 左吳， Tian You 田由， Lei Bei 雷被，
Mao Bei 毛被， Wu Bei 伍被， and Jin Chang 晉昌（called the eight dukes)，
with other Ru scholars, under the auspices of Liu An 劉安 , king of Huainan,
and was presented to Emperor Wu shortly after his accession in 139 B.c.
(HNZ^ Gao You, Preface; SJ 118.3082.) The Hanshu biography of Liu An
tells us that originally there were 21 Inner B<x>ks, many Outer Books, and
Middle Books consisting of eight scrolls (H S 44.2145). Gao You, the com
mentator of the extant text, says in his preface that there was another work
in 19 books called the “Outer Books.” Yan Shigu (//S 4 斗 .21斗5) notes that
the Inner Books “discussed the Dao” （論道） while the Outer Books con-
tained “general discussions” （雜說)•
W hat Ban G u tells us about the schcx)l argues against understanding
the w ord za in its usual sense o f "'miscellaneous.55Ban G u surmises that the
“Mixed School” developed o u t o f the Office o f Councilors 議官 )•
G u Shi (Hanshu^ p. 164) points o u t that in using the w ord yi^ ^counsel,
advise,55 Ban G u alludes to a discussion between Duke H uan and Guan
Z hong on the nature o f rem onstrance in antiquity:
aThc Yellow Sovereign established the office of councilor of the Bright

Tower to observe the worthy from above. Yao had the questioners of the
Crossroads Room listen to the people from below. Shun had flags to an
nounce the gcxxi, so that the ruler would not be obsessed. Yu established
remonstrating drums in the court to arrange for reports. Tang had the court
yard of Zong market in order to observe the criticisms of his subjects. King
Wu had the observers of the Magic Tower, so that the worthy would be
promoted.”
Duke Huan said, W I should like to emulate them in creating a special
office, so what should I call mine?”
cT hc name should be cCouncilor of the Tumultuous Room5and I urge
you to appoint Dongguo Ya to it.w(G u a n zi 56.883)
The strong points o f this “school,” in Ban G u5s view， were that it “com-
bined elements o f the Ru "Confucian5and M ohist thinking and conjoined
the concepts o f Logicians and "Legalists,5thereby to understand w hat was
needed for the proper form o f the state apparatus and to see that the gov
ernm ent o f a true king connected everything properly35 (HS 30.1742).
T h e sch o lars o f th e Jixia A c a d e m y in Q i h a d b e e n a p p o in te d n o t to ug o v -
e m ” b u t to “d e lib e ra te a n d assess” ( 5/ 斗6.1895)， th a t is， th e y w e re e m p lo y e d
to an aly ze th e g o a ls, fu n c tio n s , a n d s tr u c tu re o f a ccro y al g o v e rn m e n t,55 th e
g o v e r n m e n t o f a Utr u c k in g 55 w h o w o u ld g o v e rn th e w h o le w o r ld ; t o d e
v e lo p a c o h e re n t p o litic a l p h ilo s o p h y ; to fo rm u la te a b r o a d e r p h ilo s o p h ic a l
fra m e w o rk fo r th e m o rality , e p is te m o lo g y a n d p s y c h o lo g y th a t w o u ld fo rm
th e basis fo r all k n o w le d g e a n d a c tio n ; a n d to e la b o ra te th e c o sm o lo g ic a l
c o n d itio n s w h ic h c o n tro lle d h u m a n affairs. T h e w o rk s o f th e “M ix e d S c h o o l”
th u s w e re n o t ''m isc e lla n e o u s,55 êclectic,55 o r Ccsy n c re tic w; th e y w e re n o t ill-
c o n s id e re d m ish -m a sh e s o f e x tra cts c u lle d fr o m o th e r w o rk s a n d d isp la y in g
little o rig in a lity o f th o u g h t. R a th e r, th e y b e lo n g e d t o a class o f p h ilo s o p h i
cal s p e c u la tio n th a t d e a lt esp ecially w ith th e r e la tio n o f th e h u m a n re a lm t o
th e c o s m o s , g o v e rn a n c e t o c o sm o lo g y , th e ru le r to H e a v e n a n d E a r th . W e
can see th is d ire c tly in th e tw o m o s t im p o r ta n t w o rk s o f th e “M ix e d S c h o o l，”
th e Lüshi chunqiu a n d th e Huainanzi.
The Major Points o f the Lüshi chunqiu
T h e p h ilo s o p h y o f a w o r k as lo n g as th e Lüshi chunqiu c a n n o t b e s u m

m a riz e d in a few p a ra g ra p h s , b u t its p rin c ip a l p o s itio n s c an b e in d ic a te d .
1. Affirmation ( f self-cultivation and impartiality. A sage b eco m es th e S o n

o f H e a v e n b e c a u se h e first c u ltiv a te s h im se lf, th e n b rin g s e q u a n im ity to h is
fam ily, o r d e r to h is s ta te , a n d finally tra n q u illity t o th e w h o le w o rld . cT h e s e
f o u r [self, fam ily, sta te , w o rld ] o c c u p y d iffe re n t p o s itio n s b u t sh a re a c o m
m o n f o u n d a tio n 55 (LSCQ 17/8.2). A g r e a t c o o k a d ju sts a n d b le n d s th e in g re
d ie n ts o f h is d ish e s, n o t p re s u m in g t o p a rta k e o f th e m h im se lf, w h ic h is
w h y h e is p ro p e rly c o n s id e re d th e c o o k . S o it s h o u ld b e w ith lo rd s , w h o
s h o u ld p u n is h th e v io le n t w ith o u t p a rtia lity a n d e n fe o ff th e w o r th y m e n o f
th e w o r ld (1/5.6). T h r o u g h im p a rtia lity , u n iv e rsa l p eac e w as e s ta b lis h e d b y
th e a n c ie n t sa g e -k in g s; it h as b e e n lo s t th r o u g h p a rtia lity (1/4.1).
2. Rejection of hereditary rule over the empire. I n th e v ie w o f L ii B u w e i,

b ec a u se th e d e v o te d k n ig h t c o n c e rn s h im s e lf w ith th e lo n g -te rm b e n e fit to
th e w h o le w o rld , h e n a tu ra lly sh o w s n o fa v o ritis m to w a r d h is o w n d escen -
d a n ts , n o r a n y p re fe re n c e fo r h is o w n ag e (20/2.1). W h e n H e a v e n e sta b -
lish e d th e p o s itio n o f lo rd , it cSvas n o t d o n e o u t o f p a rtia lity f o r lo rd s , n o r
th e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f S o n o f H e a v e n o u t o f p a rtia lity fo r th e S o n o f H e a v e n ,
n o r th e h e a d s o f office o u t o f p a rtia lity fo r h e a d s o f o ffice55 (20/1.3). R a th e r,
Yao a n d S h u n , th e w o r th ie s t o f ru le rs a n d th e first lo rd s , ccb o th m a d e o th e r
w o r th y m e n th e ir su ccesso rs, b e in g u n w illin g to giv e th e ir p o s itio n s to th e ir
o w n d e sc e n d a n ts.” T h is ， in L ü ’s view , e n ta ile d p recise ly “th e sa m e p rin c ip le
as e s ta b lis h in g offices a n d in v a ria b ly e s ta b lis h in g th e m a c c o rd in g to th e
s q u a re 55 (3/5.3. A ).
3 . Stupidity as the cause ofhereditary rule.
Despite the disastrous example
o f King Kuai o f Yan (r. 320-312) who, in im itation o f sage-king Yao, relin
quished his throne to the unscrupulous Zizhi, w hom he imagined to be a
w orthy m inister like Shun, the practice o f hereditary rule is based on stu-
pidity, grounded in selfishness, and reinforced by flatterers and sycophants.
"There is nothing m ore destructive than stupidity. The calamity o f the stupid
is that they insist on relying upon themselves. Since they rely on them-
selves, it is only the ignorant and backward w ho join them and congratulate
them . It w ould be better not to possess a state than to possess it in this
manner. It was because o f this that the ancient practice o f giving the state to
the w orthy was bom . It was n o t that those w ho did so disliked their ow n
offspring, o r th at they were seeking to magnify their reputations, they were
only responding to the realities o f the world” (26/1 •斗)• Only w ith the decline
o f Power and virtue did rule become hereditary; chaos and difficulty have
ensued ever since.
4. Needß)T£favemment to honor the concerns ofthepeople. The fundamental

principle on which all governm ent m ust rest is th at in all his undertakings
the ruler am ust first determine the wishes o f the people and only then act55
(9/2.5). "The Form er Kings took being in accord w ith their peopled hearts
as their first principle55 (9/2.1). There were ccm any kings in previous ages,
and w hat they did was not always the same, but all were the same in meeting
the crises o f their age, in being concerned about w hat benefited the people,
in elim inating w hat harmed the people,55and in doing w hat they could to
""improve the situation o f the people55(21/5.1). This is why when a sage begins
to rule, tthc keeps in m ind the goal o f loving and benefiting the people55
(9/5.1).
S，The central importance of learning and teachers. T h e Liishi chunqiu

sh ares w ith xhcXunzi th e v ie w th a t te a c h in g is c ru cial t o th e in d iv id u a l as
w ell as to b o th so c ie ty a n d g o v e rn m e n t. A s su c h , te a c h in g ccis th e m o s t
im p o r ta n t o f o u r m o ra l d u tie s , a n d le a rn in g is th e c u lm in a tio n o f w is d o m .
T h e g re a te s t o f m o ra l d u tie s is to b e n e fit o th e rs , a n d n o th in g is o f m o re
b e n e fit t o o th e rs th a n te a c h in g 35 (4/3.5.B ). cT h e in s tr u c tio n o f an a c c o m
p lish e d te a c h e r m a k es h is d iscip les feel se cu re, cau ses th e m d e lig h t, p u ts
th e m a t ease, m a k es th e m h a p p y , a n d a ffo rd s th e m s o le m n ity a n d d ig n ity .
W h e n th e se six th in g s re su lt fro m th e ir stu d ie s, th e w ays o f evil a n d d ep rav ity
arc o b s tru c te d , a n d th e m e th o d s o f re a s o n a n d m o ra lity tr iu m p h . W h e n
th e se six th in g s d o n o t re s u lt fr o m th e ir s tu d ie s , lo rd s c a n n o t c o m m a n d
th e m as th e ir m in is te rs , n o r fa th e rs as th e ir so n s, n o r te a c h e rs as th e ir fo l
lo w e rs 55 ( 4 / 4 .i.A ). B e c o m in g a sc h o la r o r sag e w as d e p e n d e n t o n in te n s e
study. " T h e re h as n e v e r b e e n a case o f s o m e o n e w h o d id n o t s tu d y in te n s e ly
a n d y e t w as ab le to b e c o m e a n e m in e n t sc h o la r a n d fa m o u s m a n 55 ( 4 /2 .i.C ).
6. Support and admiration for learning as the basis of rule. cT h e sag e

sy stem a tica lly c u ltiv a te s h im s e lf a n d so c o m p le te s th e p a tte r n in th e w o r ld 55
(3/3-3)- ccH e n c e , w h a t th e sag e d o c s , c o n s id e re d in te rm s o f its b r e a d th ,
reach es to th e e n d s o f th e u n iv e rs e , to th e v ery lim it o f w h e re th e s u n a n d
m o o n s h in e , b u t w h e n c o n s id e re d in te rm s o f its e ssen tials, it d o e s n o t g o
b e y o n d h is o w n p e r s o n 55 (17/8.2). cT h e c u lm in a tio n o f w is d o m is p e rfe c tin g
th e p e rs o n , a n d n o th in g p e rfe c ts th e p e rs o n m o r e th a n le a rn in g . W h e n th e
p e rs o n is p e rfe c te d , th e s o n is filial w ith o u t b e in g to ld , th e s u b je c t is lo y al
w ith o u t b e in g c o m m a n d e d , a n d th e ru le r b rin g s p eace w ith o u t r e s o r tin g to
fo rce. I f o n e h a d th e in flu e n c e o f a g re a t p o s itio n , o n e c o u ld u s e it t o rectify
th e w h o le w o r ld 55 (4 /3.5.B ). cT h e D a o o f ru lin g is sim p le . T h e lo r d w h o
sa fe g u a rd s it w ill fin d it n e a r a t h a n d . T h e s u p re m e ly im p o r ta n t first s te p is
t o fin d w h a t y o u seek in y o u rself. T h e n e x t s te p is t o seek it in o th e rs . T h e
fa rth e r aw ay y o u s e a rc h f o r it, th e m o r e y o u p u s h it aw ay. T h e m o r e e n e rg y
h e e x p e n d s in se e k in g it, th e m o r e it elu d e s h im 55 (3/4.1). uI n th e p a s t, th e
first sag e-k in g s p e rfe c te d th e ir p e rs o n s , a n d th e w o r ld w as m a d e c o m p le te .
T h e y g o v e rn e d th e m se lv e s, a n d th e w o r ld b e c a m e w ell o r d e r e d . T h u s , ju s t
as o n e w h o is g o o d a t p r o d u c in g ech o e s w o rk s n o t o n th e e c h o b u t o n h is
v o ice, a n d o n e w h o is g o o d a t p r o d u c in g s h a d o w s w o rk s n o t o n th e sh a d o w
b u t o n th e s h a p e th a t casts th e s h a d o w , o n e w h o exercises c o n tr o l o v e r th e
w o rld w o rk s n o t o n th e w o r ld b u t o n h is p e r s o n 55 (3/3.2.A ).
7. Non-assertion on the part of the ruler. T h e sag ely ru le r bases h im s e lf

o n th e m o d e l o f H e a v e n a n d E a rth . <cG re a t H e a v e n lacks sh a p e , y e t th r o u g h
it th e m y ria d th in g s ta k e fo rm ; th e m o s t s u b tie essen ce d o e s n o t act, y e t
th r o u g h it th e m y ria d th in g s are tra n s fo rm e d ; g re a t sag elin ess h as n o official
d u tie s , y e t th e th o u s a n d offices fu n c tio n fu lly 55 (17/2.i.C ). T h u s , th e ru le r
m u s t n o t actively p a rtic ip a te in g o v e r n m e n t; o n ly th e n w ill h e b e s t u se h is
officials. " T h e F o rm e r K in g s u s e d th in g s th a t th e y d id n o t th e m se lv e s o w n
as if th e y d id o w n th e m b eca u se th e y im derstcx> d th e D a o o f th e lo rd . T h e
tru e lo rd lives in a v o id , h o ld s fast to th e u n a d o r n e d , a n d a p p e a rs t o u n d e r-
s ta n d n o th in g ; th e re fo re h e is ab le t o e m p lo y th e k n o w le d g e o f th e m an y .
H e is k n o w le d g e a b le b u t u n a b le ; th e re fo re h e can e m p lo y th e a b ilities o f th e
m any. H e is able to h o ld fast to d o in g n o th in g ; th e re fo re h e is ab le to e m p lo y
th e a c tio n s o f th e m any. U n d e r s ta n d in g n o th in g , b e in g ab le a t n o th in g ,
a n d d o in g n o th in g a re p rin c ip le s to w h ic h a lo r d h o ld s firm 55 (25/4.1). ccT h e
tro u b le w ith th e w o r ld 5s ru le rs is th a t th e y a re a s h a m e d o f th e ir ig n o ra n c e
a n d s o w o r k a t b e in g self-relian t. T h e y a rc f o n d o f p e rs is tin g in th e ir e rro rs
a n d d islik e b e in g c o rre c te d ” (25/1•斗) • “A s t o th e tr u e k in g s o f a n tiq u ity ， / T h e
o c c a sio n s w h e n th e y a c te d o n th e ir o w n w e re few ， / A n d th o s e w h e n th e y
re lie d o n o th e rs , m an y . R e lia n c e o n o th e rs is th e te c h n iq u e o f th e lo rd ;
a c tio n is th e D a o o f th e m in is te r 55 (17/3.2 .D ).
8. Primary taskfor a ruler is to select his ministers.

aAn enlightened lord is
n o t one w ho universally sees all the myriad things o f the w orld, but one
w ho is enlightened w ith regard to w hat a ruler should manage. The ruler
w ho possesses techniques is n o t one w ho undertakes everything personally ，
but one who knows the essentials o f managing his officials. Because he knows
the essentials o f m anaging his officials, problems are few and his state is
well-ordered55 (17/5.1). aIt is a general principle that when a ruler knows
som ething， he does no t w ant to be the first to express it in words. ‘O thers
sing the lead, I provide the harm ony; others lead, I follow.5By w hat a m an
utters, you know w hat he will contribute; by w hat he advises, you deter
m ine the title he should bear; and by how he realizes w hat he has advised,
you test whether he has lived up to that tide. T hen persuaders will not dare
to make wild claims, and rulers will have a means to hold fast to w hat is
essential55(18/1.1). ccThe Son o f Heaven, therefore, docs no t try to deal w ith
things in their totality, nor to achieve perfection, nor to attain fullness. The
total invariably is missing something, the perfected invariably suffers reversal,
the full invariably begins to wane. Because the Ancient Kings understood
that one persons achieving greatness in two things at once is impossible,
they selected a task, and if it was suitable, they dealt with it55(24/5.2). ccThus,
it is said: cThe worthy ruler takes pains in seeking men but is at ease in
m anaging tasks555 (12/2.1). CCA ruler w ho possesses the Dao, therefore, relies
on others and docs not act, assigns duties but does not inform. H e discards
conceptualization and imagination, and awaits results in quiescence and
emptiness. H e docs not substitute his words for theirs, nor does he usurp
their tasks; but he inspects the names and examines the reality, and the
officials thereby manage things themselves55 (17/5.3).
ç. Needfor a ruler to trust the expertise ofhis advisors.
Therefore, a good ruler
Lacks responsibilities and,
After that, he lacks tasks.
He who has responsibilities may be unprepared;
He who has tasks may not fully meet them.
Unprepared for responsibilities, not fiilly meeting tasks—
This is when officers resort to guesswork;
This is the source from which evil comes.
Nowadays, even in constructing a chariot, one has to make use o f the ex
pertise o f several different specialists before it is completed. H o w can gov
erning a state be as simple as constructing a chariot? A state relies upon a
large num ber o f wise and able men. It cannot find security simply by using
a single thing o r a single m ethod55(17/2.1.D). aIn antiquity those w ho were
m ost adept at ruling, therefore, were painstaking in evaluating m en but lax
in exercising control over their offices. They thereby attained the essential
element. Those w ho are incapable o f being rulers wear ou t their bodies,
waste their spirits, tax their minds, and toil away w ith ear and eye, but tiieir
countries are placed in ever greater danger and they stand at ever greater
risk o f personal hum iliation because they do n o t recognize w hat is crucial55
(2/4.2.E).
10. Need for a ruler to practice quiescence. “O ne w ho has obtained the

D ao is invariably still. O ne w ho is still lacks knowledge. W hen knowledge
becomes the same as lacking knowledge, one can converse about the D ao
o f the ruler5’ （
I7/2.I.A). “‘Inventors suffer distress; those w ho rely on them
enjoy tranquillity555 (17/2.3). aAs a general principle, a lord should dwell in
tranquillity and quiescence and depend on the transform ing influence o f
his Power in order to hear w hat is essential. In this way, his bodily frame
and inborn nature will gather an ever greater harvest, and his ears and eyes
will have ever more energy. The hundred officials will all be careful in their
duties, and none will dare be lax or remiss. It is by doing his job that a man
satisfies the meaning o f his tide55 (17/4.3).
11. The attack on Q in praaices. A lthough m any o f the Liishi chunqiu

attacks on Q in practices have dem ents in com m on w ith the thinking o f Ru
and w ith other schools, the particular form ulation in the Liishi chunqiu is
directed against the schcx)l o f Shang Yang, which was dom inant in Qin. The
IN T R O D U C T IO N 5i
harshness o f Shang Yan^s governm ent, military practices, and penal sanc
tions is nowhere to be seen in the Liishi chunqiu. ^Jie and Z hou Xin used
the way o f repelling things to attract things. Their penalties were heavy and
their punishm ents severe, but w hat did it accomplish?55 (3/5.3). aSevere
punishm ents and generous rewards belong to ages whose governm ent is in
decline55(19/3.1). Thus, Qin, in resorting to severe punishm ent, showed that
it “lacked the proper D ao” when it merely “multiplied severity•” The more
severe such rulers5 punishm ents become, athc less the people can be em
ployed. The rulers o f perished states have frequently magnified the severity
o f governing their people. Therefore, while it is true that one cannot do
w ithout severity, in itself severity is insufficient if it is the sole technique on
which one relies55(1 9 /4 .7 ).
12. Just warfare. W e a p o n ry a n d u se o f th e m ilita ry is a n issu e o n w h ic h

th e re is a n u n c o m m o n ly w id e ra n g e o f o p in io n a m o n g th e early p h ilo s o -
p h e rs . I n th e v ie w o f xhtLaozi^ w e a p o n s a re ill-o m e n e d (par. 31) a n d in v ite
d is a s te r (par. 57, p ar. 76). M e n c iu s c o n te n d s th a t th o s e sk illed in w a rfa re
s h o u ld su ffe r th e m o s t sev ere p u n is h m e n ts , th a t a lack o f a rm s is n o d is a ste r
fo r th e state, a n d th a t th e e m p ire is n o t k e p t in aw e o f g o v e rn m e n ta l a u th o rity
b y fo rc e o f a rm s (Mencius 4A .15,2B .1). M o D i, w h o c o n d e m n s all o ffen siv e
w a rfa re , is k n o w n t o h a v e d e fe n d e d S o n g a g a in st a n a tta c k b y C h u a n d to
h av e d e v e lo p e d e q u ip m e n t a n d s tra te g ie s fo r th e d e fe n se o f cities a n d states.
G o n g s u n L o n g a n d H u i S h i b o th advcx:ated pacifism . B u t L ii B u w ei stresses
th e “rig h te o u s u s e o f a rm s ” a n d th e p ra c tic e o f “ju s t w arfare.” T h e g e n u in e ly
r ig h te o u s u s e o f w e a p o n s en ta ils '" p u n is h in g ty ra n n ic a l lo r d s 55 a n d ureliev-
in g s u ffe rin g p e o p le s ” （
7 /2 .4 .B ). “ O n ly th e u se o f w e a p o n s in a r ig h te o u s
cau se c a n b e c o n s id e re d p ro p e r. I f w e a p o n s arc ra ise d in a rig h te o u s cau se,
th e n b o th aggressiv e a n d d efen siv e w arfare are p r o p e r 55 (7 /4 .2 ). W h e n arm ies
arc p ro p e rly u s e d , th e ir c o m in g m e a n s th a t th e p e o p le w ill b e re sc u e d fro m
d e a th (7/5.3). uO n c m u s t h av e m o ra l r ig h t o n o n e 5s sid e , o n e m u s t b e w ise,
a n d o n e m u s t h av e c o u ra g e 55 (8/4.1).
W arfare is in e v ita b le b eca u se it arises fro m o u r in b o r n n a tu re , so w e
m u s t lo o k t o re s tra in a g g re ssio n th r o u g h m o rality . “A s a g e n e ra l ru le, w e a p -
o n s in s p ire fear, a n d th e y in s p ire fear b eca u se th e y arc p o w e rfu l. T h a t th e
p e o p le b e c o m e fearfu l w h e n c o n f r o n te d w ith p o w e r is d u e to th e ir essen tial
n a tu re as h u m a n s . O u r esse n tia l n a tu re is w h a t w e receiv e fro m H e a v e n . I t
is n o t s o m e th in g a m a n can co n triv e , a so ld ie r o v e rtu rn , o r an artisan c h a n g e 55
(7/2.1.B). T h e g o a l o f th e pacifists is im p ra c tic a l. ^ F ig h tin g a n d c o n flic t
52 IN T R O D U C T IO N
o rig in a te d lo n g a g o , so th e y c a n b e n e ith e r fo r b id d e n n o r h a lte d . T h u s , th e

sag e-k in g s o f a n tiq u ity h e ld t o th e d o c trin e o f th e rig h te o u s u s e o f w e a p o n s ,
a n d n o n e th o u g h t o f a b o lis h in g w e a p o n s 55(7/2.1). cT h e re a s o n w e a p o n s can-
n o t b e a b o lis h e d is a n a lo g o u s to th e re a s o n w h y w a te r a n d fire c a n n o t b e
a b o lish e d 55 (7 /2 .3 )— ev en th o u g h s o m e p e o p le g e t b u r n e d a n d o th e rs d ro w n .
13. Respect for civil arts. T h e m a n y d isc u ssio n s o f th e te a c h e rs o f th e

sages re c o rd e d in th e Lüshi chunqiu m a k es e v id e n t a p r o f o u n d re s p e c t f o r
c u ltu re , c iv iliM tio n , a n d le a rn in g . a K in g W u w o n th e w o r ld t h r o u g h m a r
tia l a rts b u t h e ld o n t o it th r o u g h civil arts. H e tu r n e d h is s p e a r p o in t d o w n
a n d u n s tr u n g h is b o w t o s h o w th e w o r ld th a t n o t u s in g w e a p o n s w as th e
m e a n s b y w h ic h h e w o u ld k e e p it55 (23/6.1). L ii B u w e i h im s e lf e n d e d th e
cru e l p ra c tic e s o f Q in w a rfa re , a n d h is w o r k ad v o c a te s ^ rig h te o u s w arfare.55
T h e Lüshi chunqiu s ta n d s a p a r t f ro m th e m ilita ry tre a tise s th a t d e a l w ith
s tra te g y a n d ta c tic s, b u t d o e s n o t ag re e w ith th e id e alistic v ie w s o f fig u res
s u c h as X u n K u a n g a n d M e n c iu s , w h o b e lie v e d th a t th e a rm ie s o f th e sag e-
k in g s h a d n o n e e d t o fig h t a t all.
14- Emphasis on agriculture. The last o f the ^Discourses55 o f the Lüshi

chunqiu contains a num ber o f works dealing w ith agriculture, technical
manuals as well as treatises on the importance o f agriculture to prosperity
o f the state and the livelihcx>d o f the people. A work attributed to H ouji is
quoted to explain that the reason effort is devoted to plowing and weaving
is because athey arc considered the fundam ental instructions55 (2 6 /3 .2 ). O f
all the m ethods used by the sage-kings o f antiquity to guide their people,
athe first in importance was devotion to farming. The people were made to
farm n o t only so that the earth w ould yield benefits, but also to ennoble
their goals55 (26/3.1).
iS. Facilitating trade and commerce. To attract merchants and traders,

goods and commcxlitics, to enter the markets and thereby facilitate the
peopled business, the Lüshi chunqiu calls for modifying the state policies
regarding frontier gates and markets.
When various kinds of traders come from the four quarters,

When merchants arrive from distant regions,
Resources and goods will not be deficient.
Superiors will not want for the commodities they need;
The hundred tasks of life will proceed accordingly. (8/1.6)
IN T R O D U C T IO N 53
i6. Encouraging economy and conserpation. T h e d o c trin e o f “k e e p in g life

in ta c t55 refers to tw o d iffe re n t k in d s o f p ractices: th e s e lf-p re se rv a tio n t o b e
p u r s u e d o n ly b y th e sag es a n d e m p e ro rs ; a n d p re s e rv in g th e liv e lih o o d o f
th e o r d in a ry p e o p le th r o u g h m a in ta in in g th e b alan ce o f th e n a tu ra l w o rld .
T h e m u ltitu d e o f re g u la tio n s c o n c e rn in g th e u se o f fo rests a n d m a rsh e s w as
in te n d e d t o p reserv e w ild a n im a ls a n d n a tu ra l re so u rc e s. T h e m o d e ra tio n
o f d e sire s, especially a m o n g th e aristo cracy , serv ed th e m u ltip le p u rp o s e s o f
k e e p in g in d iv id u a l lives in ta c t, re d u c in g th e la b o rs o f o r d in a ry p e o p le , a n d
c o n s e rv in g reso u rces. S u c h m o d e r a tio n w as esp ecially n e e d e d t o ch ec k th e
e x tra v a g a n t b u ria l p ra c tic e s o f th e ag e. ccT h e b u ria ls o f th e F o r m e r K in g s
w e re in v a ria b ly m o d e s t, in v a ria b ly fit in , a n d w e re in v a ria b ly in d is tin g u is h
ab le. W h a t d o e s it m e a n t o say t h a t th e y cfit in 5 a n d w e re " in d is tin g u is h
able?555I f o n e is b u rie d in th e hills o r fo re sts, th e b u ria l site s h o u ld fit in w ith
th e hills a n d fo re sts; i f o n e is b u r ie d in slo p e s a n d valleys, it s h o u ld b e in d is-
tin g u is h a b le fro m th e slo p e s a n d valleys. T h e s e p ractices are w h a t w e call
"loving o th e rs.5T h o s e w h o lo v e o th e rs a re n u m e ro u s , b u t th o s e w h o k n o w
th e r ig h t w a y to lo v e o th e rs are few 55 (1 0 /3 .4 ).
17. Li£ihtenin£f of taxes and duties. T h e c o n s ta n t w a rfa re o f th e la te W a r

r in g S ta te s p e rio d re s u lte d in a g r e a t e sc a la tio n o f d e m a n d s b y th e s ta te o n
its su b je c ts. a D u k e W en p re s e n te d g ifts, p r o m o te d th e d o w n c a s t, g av e a id
to th e im p o v e rish e d , rescu ed th o s e in tro u b le , ex p elled th e w ick ed , lig h te n e d
tax es, p a r d o n e d crim in a ls, w as m o d e ra te in th e u se o f re so u rc e s, e m p lo y e d
th e p e o p le o n ly in th e r ig h t se a so n , d e fe a te d th e C h u a rm y a t C h e n g p u ,
s e c u re d th e p o s itio n o f K in g X ia n g o f Z h o u , b ro k e C h u 5s sieg e o f th e S o n g
c a p ita l, ex p elled th e C h u so ld ie rs fr o m th e Q i to w n o f G u , b r o u g h t to s u b
m is s io n all th o s e w ith o u t a n d w ith in ; a fte r th e se th in g s h a d b e e n d o n e th e
d is o rd e rs in Jin cam e to a n e n d 55 (2 3 /6 .2 .A ). W h e n K in g Z h u a n g o f C h u
c o n te m p la te d a tta c k in g th e s ta te o f C h e n , h e s e n t o u t a sp y w h o r e tu r n e d
w ith th e w a rn in g th a t C h e n 5s su p p lie s w e re so a b u n d a n t a n d its d efen ses so
g o o d th a t it c o u ld n o t b e a tta c k e d , b u t N in g G u o a d v ised th e k in g o th e r
w ise: a C h e n , b e in g a sm all s ta te , can b e a tta c k e d . Its su p p lie s are p le n tifu l
b ec a u se its taxes are h e a v y — so its p e o p le re s e n t th e ir su p e rio rs . Its w alls are
h ig h a n d its m o a ts d e e p —s o its p e o p le are p h y sically e x h a u ste d . I f y o u raise
a n a rm y a n d atta c k , C h e n can b e ta k en .55 K in g Z h u a n g h e e d e d h is c o u n s e l
a n d th u s to o k C h e n (25/1.2). I n t h e L ü re c o m m e n d s th a t th e re b e a
a rc c k o n in g o f th e a m o u n t o f th e re g u la r tr ib u te d u e th e g o v e r n m e n t, fixed
b y re g u la tio n as a p p r o p r ia te to th e d is ta n c e a n d q u a lity o f th e la n d a n d
5 斗 IN T R O D U C T IO N
determ ined by the requirements o f the suburban sacrifices and the ancestral
tem ples, w ith n o place allow ed for private considerations 55 (9/1.4).
18• Emphasis on filial piety and loyalty • L ii places a n a lm o s t R u im p o r

ta n c e o n th e v irtu e s o f filial p ie ty a n d loyalty, m e a s u re d n o t b y u n c ritic a l
p e rs o n a l d e v o tio n b u t b y alleg ia n ce t o h ig h id eals. a O f th e te a c h in g s o f th e
F o rm e r K in g s, n o n e w as m o r e g lo rio u s th a n filial p ie ty a n d n o n e m o r e
e m in e n t th a n loyalty. L o y a lty a n d filial p ie ty a re w h a t ru le rs a n d p a re n ts
h o p e fo r m o s t. E m in e n c e a n d g lo ry are w h a t so n s a n d m in iste rs m o s t d esire.
D e s p ite th is , ru le rs a n d p a re n ts d o n o t g e t w h a t th e y h o p e fo r, a n d s o n s o r
m in is te rs c a n n o t g e t w h a t th e y desire.55R u le rs fail t o e m p lo y loyal m in is te rs
a n d p a re n ts t o raise filial s o n s b e c a u se th e ir id eals a rc n o t g r o u n d e d in a
p r o p e r u n d e r s ta n d in g o f re a s o n a n d m o ra lity , a n d ^ th e ir n o t k n o w in g rea-
s o n a n d m o ra lity is b o r n o f th e ir lack o f le a rn in g 5’ （
斗/2 .I.A ). “ I f th e ru le r is
filial, h is n a m e w ill b e illu s trio u s , th o s e b e lo w w ill o b e y h im , a n d th e w o r ld
w ill s in g h is p raises. I f a m in is te r is filial, h e w ill serv e h is lo r d loyally, m a n -
ag e h is official d u tie s h o n e s tly ， a n d c o n f r o n t d ifficu lties e v e n th o u g h th e y
m ig h t le a d t o h is d e a th . I f k n ig h ts a n d c o m m o n e rs a re filial, th e y w ill te n d
to a g ric u ltu re d ilig en tly , b e sta lw a rt in d e fe n d in g a n d d o in g b a ttle , a n d n ev er
r u n fro m d e fe a t. F ilial p ie ty is th e r o o t f u n d a m e n ta l t o w h ic h th e T h re e
A u g u s t O n e s a n d th e F iv e S o v e re ig n s d e v o te d th e m se lv e s; it is th e g u id in g
th re a d tiia t ru n s th r o u g h th e m y ria d u n d e r ta k in g s 55 (14/1.1).
T h e Liishi chunqiu is o n e o f th e g re a t m o n u m e n ts o f C h in e se th in k in g , a
w o rk o f o rig in a lity a n d c o h e s io n ， in s p ire d b y ä v is io n o f a u n iv e rsa l e m p ire ,
ru le d b y p rin c ip le s th a t a s s u re d h a r m o n y b e tw e e n m a n a n d n a tu re a n d p r o
te c te d life—h u m a n a n d a n im al, th a t e x to lled le a rn in g a n d c u ltu re , p r o m o te d
b e n e v o le n c e a n d k in d n e ss, a n d th a t w e re m o tiv a te d b y re a s o n a n d m o rality .
T h e w o rk tak es in to a c c o u n t ev ery p h ilo s o p h ic a l tr e n d o f its day, s o m e
tim e s a d a p tin g a n d s o m e tim e s c o m b in in g id eas th a t p re v io u s ly h a d n o t
b e e n asso c ia te d , s o m e tim e s re je c tin g a n d s o m e tim e s re fu tin g p o s itio n s th a t
w e re in c o n flic t w ith its basic v isio n . D e s p ite th e e v id e n t failu re to e x ec u te
th e g ra n d c o n c e p tio n o f th e w o r k 5s o rig in a l d e s ig n , th e co h esiv e n ess o f its
t h o u g h t is u n m is ta k a b le to th e carefu l read er. B ecau se L ii a im e d a t c o m p re
h e n siv e n e ss, h is w o r k p reserv es a n u m b e r o f p h ilo s o p h ic a l sy stem s th a t
w o u ld b e o th e rw is e u n k n o w n o r scarcely k n o w n — th e schcx>ls o f M a s te r Ji
a n d M a s te r H u a , a n d th e s c h œ l in s p ire d b y Yi Y in, n o w m u c h b e tte r k n o w n
since th e d isc o v e ry o f o rig in a l te x ts a t M a w a n g d u i. B u t w e s h o u ld n o t allo w
IN T R O D U C T IO N 55
the textes usefulness in reconstructing controversies o f the third century b .c .

to blind us to its ow n sometimes highly original philosophical positions.
Lii Buwei aimed to create an independent sch œ l. This he proclaims in his
“Postface” when he declares that he is transm itting the instructions that
Zhuanxu received from the Yellow Sovereign, thereby putting his philoso
phy in direct opposition to M o D i5s ccWay o f Yu,55M encius5s ccWay o f Yao
and Shun,55and Xun Kuang^s ccWay o f the Later Kings.55H e encourages us to
take the long view, to keep our vision and our tliinking clear and free o f
bias.
呂氏春秋
PART I
TH E ALM ANACS
BO O K S 1 -1 2
Book 1
The purpose of the aAlmanacswis to correlate the activities of man with those of
nature through the symbolic rituals performed by the Son of Heaven as the Asses
sor of Heaven and Earth. Spring is the season of renewal and rebirth, preserving
and nurturing of life is its fundamental task; it is therefore crucial that the indi
vidual and the government understand its task. The only way this task can be ac
complished is by exhibiting the same impartiality Heaven and Earth evince.
Performing unseasonal acts or issuing unseasonal commands that would inter
fere with Nature^ springtime work of germination and birth must be forbidden.
Works that will take the people from their duties of sowing, plowing, and planting
must not be undertaken. The remains of winters death, like bleached bones and
decaying bodies exposed by the spring thaw, should be disposed of immediately.
Spring is the time of the Wood process while summer is the time of Fire. Under the
influence of the Power of Wood, laws should be magnanimous and benevolent, for
if stricter summer ordinances, based on Fire, should be implemented, heat and
dryness will interfere with germination, impede birth and alarm the people. Au
tumn is the time of Metal. Metal is associated with death, while spring is benevo
lent and humane. If autumnal ordinances are implemented, then the qi M* ethers
will be so disrupted that the people will suffer illness. Metal produces water, to
which it is opposed, resulting therefore in severe storms and the luxuriant growth
of weeds that will stunt the development of the crops and may contaminate the
grains. Spring is Yang while winter is Yin, so if Yin ordinances arc implemented,
Yin will supplant Yang, and floods and other calamities will result that will inter
fere with harvesting the early crops.
The theme of individual “life” is the topic of chapters 2 and 3. “Making Life the
Foundationwstresses that only the individual can guarantee whether he will live
long by deriving benefits from material things and rejecting what is harmful. This
means not overindulging the senses, avoiding carriages and other conveniences
that decrease exercise, abstaining from rich foods, and above all eschewing the
[59]
6 〇 T H E A L M A N A C S
twin scductxcsscs, beautiful women and lascivious music. A real Son of Heaven is
true to the meaning of his title only if he can nurture life according to these prin
ciples. Because the rich and noble find it difficult to avoid such excess it is prefer
able, for the sake of living long, to be poor and lowly. ""Stressing the SclP opens by
reminding rulers that life is a treasure that must be protected because it is so easily
lost and because the benefits it alone provides are without equal. Rulers should
treasure their lives by acting in accord with the natural principles of life rather than
in contravention of them. These natural principles of life express themselves in the
spontaneous moderation we exercise when fulfilling our desires. A rulers destruc
tion is not something outside of his control and thus if there arc signs that it is
imminent, he should not merely study these signs, as diviners do, but realize that
the course he is following is mistaken.
The fundamental principles of fairness and impartiality upon which govcm-
ment should rest is the topic of chapters 斗 and 5. “Honoring Impartiality^ advo-
cates that the ruler make decisions on the basis of impartiality and public-spiritcdness
rather than personal preferences, asserting that the world docs not belong to the
king, but to everyone in the world. Thus, the ruler is obligated to see that the
interests of all arc served. aDispensing with Selfish Partiality55 argues that a king
who allows such family considerations as requiring an heir to interfere with adher
ence to these absolute standards is to be condemned. Rules and standards must
come before personal preferences.
一曰孟春
CHAPTER 1
A L M A N A C F O R T H E F IR S T M O N T H O F S P R IN G
i / i .i
孟春之月：日在營室，昏參中，旦尾中。
A . D u r in g th e first m o n th o f s p r in g th e s u n is lo c a te d in E n c a m p m e n t.
A t d u s k th e c o n s te lla tio n T ria d c u lm in a te s , a n d a t d a w n th e c o n s te lla tio n
T ail c u lm in a te s.
其曰甲乙。其帝太皞。其神句芒。其蟲鱗。其音角。律中太蔟。其數八。
其味酸。其臭羶。其祀戶。祭先脾。
B. T h e c o rre la te s o f th is m o n t h arc th e d a y s * a n d ， , th e S o v e re ig n
T a ih a o , his a ssistin g s p irit G o u m a n g , c re a tu re s th a t arc scaly, th e m u sic a l
note jue^ th e p itc h -s ta n d a rd n a m e d G re a t B u d d in g , th e n u m b e r e ig h t, ta stes
th a t are so u r, sm ells th a t are ra n k , a n d th e o ffe rin g a t th e d o o r. A t sacrifice,
th e s p le e n is g iv e n th e p re e m in e n t p o s itio n .
BOOK 1
東風解凍，蟄蟲始振，魚上冰，獺祭魚，候臈北。
C. The east w ind melts the ice, dorm ant creatures first begin to stir, fish
push up against the ice, otters sacrifice fish, and m igrating geese head north.
天子居青陽左個，乘鷺輅，駕蒼龍，載青旅，衣青衣，服青玉，食麥與
羊。其器疏以達。
D. The Son o f Heaven resides in the left: apartm ent o f the Green Yang
Brightness side o f the Hall o f Light. H e rides in a chariot w ith luan phoenix
bells, pulled by gray-green dragon-horses and bearing green streamers. H e
is clothed in green robes and wears green jade ornaments. H e eats millet
accompanied by m utton. H is vessels are carved w ith openwork and are thus
porous.
1/1.2
是月也，以立春。先立春三日，太史謁之天子曰：「某日立春，盛德在
木。』天子乃齋。立春之日，天子親率三公九卿諸侯大夫以迎春於東郊。
還，乃賞公卿諸侯大夫於朝。命相布德和 1令，行慶施惠，下及兆民。慶賜
遂行，無有不當。迺命太史，守典奉法，司天日月星辰之行，宿離不忒，無
失經紀，以初爲常。
I. Wang Niansun, Fan Gcngyan; read as
In this m onth cxcurs the period ''Establishing Spring.55Three days before

the ceremony marking the Establishing Spring, the grand historiographer
informs the Son o f Heaven, saying: ccO n such-and-such a day begins Estab
lishing Spring. The Power that is flourishing is Wood.55The Son o f Heaven
then begins his fast. O n the day beginning “Establishing Spring，” the Son
o f Heaven personally leads the Three Dukes, the N ine M inisters, the feudal
lords, and the grand officers in welcoming spring at the eastern suburban
altar. O n returning, he rewards the dukes, ministers, feudal lords, and grand
officers in the court. H e mandâtes that his assistants should make known
the moral authority o f his governm ent, propagate his ordinances o f instruc
tion, execute celebratory comm em orations, and bestow favors so that they
reach down even to the millions o f his subjects. Commendations and rewards
are openly distributed so that everyone has w hat he should. H e thereupon
mandates that the grand historiographer preserve the [Six Governmental]
Statutes, respectfully attend to the [Eight Bureaucratic] Laws, and preside
over the movements o f the sun, m oon, planets and constellations, so that
where they rest and w hat they pass through involve no transgression and so
62 T H E A L M A N A C S
that there be no omission in the records o f their movements in order that

the commencement o f the year be constant.
1/ 1.3
是月也，天子乃以元日祈穀于上帝。乃擇元辰，天子親載耒耜，措之參
( 于 0 £ > 乘2保介之御間，率三公九卿諸侯大夫躬耕帝籍田，天子三推，三
公五推，卿諸侯大夫九推。反，執爵于太寢，三公九卿諸侯大夫皆御，命
曰：「勞酒 j 。
2. XuWciyu.
In this m onth, on the first day, the Son o f Heaven prays to the Supreme
Sovereign for a good harvest. After the auspicious hour has been seleaed,
the Son o f Heaven personally carries a plow handle and plowshare, arranging
them between the man-at-arms and the driver w ho accompany him in his
chariot. H e leads the Three Dukes, N ine M inisters, feudal lords, and grand
officers personally to plow in the Divine Sovereign^ revenue field. The Son
o f Heaven pushes the plow three times, the Three Dukes each push the
plow five times, and the ministers, feudal lords, and grand officers each
push the plow nine times. W hen they return, the Son o f Heaven grasps the
pledge-cup in the Great Chamber, w ith the Three Dukes, N ine M inisters,
feudal lords, and grand officers in attendance. The ceremony is called Wine
Served for Labors.
1/ 1.4
是月也，天氣下降，地氣上騰，天地和同，草木繁動。王布農事：命田
舍東郊，皆修封疆，審端徑術，善相丘陵阪險原隰，土地所宜，五穀所
殖，以敎道民，心躬親之。田事既飭，先定準直，農乃不惑。
In this m onth,
Celestial ethers descend,

Terrestrial ethers ascend,
Heaven and Earth harmoniously unite,
And grasses and trees begin to sprout and grow.
The king distributes the tasks o f agriculture and commands that field in-
spectors lodge at the eastern suburban altar. They are to insure that every-
one keeps boundaries and borders in good repair and that care is taken as to
the straightness o f the small pathways between fields. They are skillfully to
survey the m ounds, slopes, ravines, plains, and marshes to determ ine which
BOOK 1 63
have soil and landforms suitable to grow each o f the five grains. In all this
they m ust instruct the people and personally participate in the work.
When before tasks in the fields arc announced.

The boundaries have all been fixed.
The farmers will harbor no suspicions.
I/I.5
是月也，命樂正入學習舞。乃修祭典，命祀山林川澤，犧牲無用牝。禁
止伐木，無覆巢，無殺孩蟲胎夭飛鳥，無麋無卵，無聚大眾，無置城郭，搶
骼霾鹺。
In this m onth he commands the rectifier o f music to enter the school to
rehearse the dances. Then the Son o f Heaven puts in order the statutes
regulating sacrifice, commands that in making offerings to the m ountains
and forests， streams and marshes no female animals be used as victims. H e
issues orders to prevent the felling o f trees; to prohibit the overturning o f
nests; to forbid the killing o f very young creatures, creatures still in the
w om b, just-bom creatures, fledgling birds, fawns, and eggs; to forbid the
conscripting o f large groups; to prohibit setting up inner and outer city
walls; and to cover up bleached bones and bury decaying bodies.
1/ 1.6
是月也，不可以稱兵，稱兵必有天殃。兵戎不起，不可以從我始。無變
天之道，無絕地之理，無亂人之紀。
In this m onth.
It is not appropriate to assemble military forces,

For when they arc assembled, natural calamities are certain to occur.
When armed forces arc not to be raised.
It is not appropriate for us to originate warfare.
Do not transgress the Dao of Heaven;
Do not contravene the pattern of order in Earth;
Do not disrupt the guiding principles of men.
1/ 1.7
孟春行夏令，則風雨不時，草木早槁，國乃有恐。行秋令，則民大疫，疾
風暴雨數至，藜莠蓬蒿並興。行冬令，則水潦爲敗，霜雪大摯，首種不入。
I f in the first m onth o f spring the ordinances for sum m er arc put into
6斗 T H E A L M A N A C S
effect, th e n w in d s a n d ra in s w ill n o t b e se a so n a b le , g rasses a n d tre e s w ill

w ith e r early, a n d th e s ta te w ill th e re u p o n b e c o m e ala rm e d . I f th e o rd in a n c e s
f o r a u tu m n are p u t in to effect, th e p e o p le w ill su ffer a g r e a t p la g u e , sev ere
w in d s a n d v io le n t rain s w ill fre q u e n tiy o ccu r, a n d b ria rs , d a rn e l, b ra m b le s ,
a n d a rte m isia w e e d s w ill flo u ris h to g e th e r w ith th e c ro p s. I f th e o rd in a n c e s
f o r w in te r are p u t in to effect, flo o d s a n d h eav y ra in s w ill cau se r u in , fro s t
a n d s n o w w ill d o g re a t d a m a g e , a n d th e first-so w n c ro p s w ill n o t m a tu r e so
th a t th e y can b e h a rv e ste d .
二曰本生
CHAPTER 2
M A K IN G L IF E T H E F O U N D A T IO N
1/2.1
始生之者，天也；養成之者，人也。能養天之所生而勿櫻之謂天子。天
子之動也，以全天爲故者也。此官之所自立也。立官者以全生也。今世之惑
主，多官而反以害生，則失所爲立之矣。譬之若修兵者，以備寇也，今修兵
而反以自攻，則亦失所爲修之矣。
H e a v e n is w h a t first e n g e n d e rs life in th in g s ; M a n is w h a t fulfills th a t
life b y n u r tu r in g it. T h e p e r s o n w h o is c a p a b le o f n u r tu r in g th e life th a t
H e a v e n has c re a te d w ith o u t d o in g v io len ce to it is called th e S o n o f H e a v e n .
T h e p u rp o s e o f all th e S o n o f H e a v e n 5s activ ity is to k e e p in ta c t th e life
H e a v e n o rig in a lly e n g e n d e re d . T h is is th e o rig in o f th e offices o f g o v e r n
m e n t. T h e p u rp o s e o f e s ta b lis h in g th e m w as to k eep life in ta c t. T h e d e lu d e d
lo rd s o f th e p re s e n t ag e h av e m u ltip lie d th e offices o f g o v e r n m e n t a n d are
u s in g th e m to h a rm life — th is is m iss in g th e p u rp o s e f o r e s ta b lis h in g th e m .
C o n s id e r th e ex a m p le o f tr a in in g so ld ie rs: so ld ie rs are tr a in e d t o p re p a re
a g a in st b a n d its ; b u t i f th e s o ld ie rs w h o h av e b e e n tr a in e d a tta c k eac h o th e r,
th e n th e o rig in a l re a s o n fo r th e ir tr a in in g h as b e e n lo st.
1/2.2
夫水之性清，土者桕之，故不得清。人之性壽，物者桕之，故不得
壽。物也者，所以養性也，非所以性養也。今世之人，惑者多以性養物，則
不知輕重也。不知輕重，則重者爲輕，輕者爲重矣。若此，則每動無不
敗。以此爲君悖，以此爲臣亂，以此爲子狂。三者國有一焉，無幸必亡。
BOOK 1 65
A lthough the true nature o f w ater is to be clear, dirt will disturb this
nature, and this is why it does n o t stay dear. A lthough it is the true nature
o f m an to live to an old age, material things disturb this nature, and this is
w hy people do n o t achieve longevity. M aterial things should be used to
nurture our natures; we should n o t use our own natures to nurture them .
T hat tcxlay m ost deluded m en use their ow n natures to nurture material
things shows that they do n o t understand insignificance and importance.
W hen the difference between insignificance and importance is n o t under-
stood, the im portant becomes insignificant and the insignificant im portant.
W hen this situation prevails, every action ends in failure. O n account o f
this, lords become perverse, ministers rebellious, and sons unrestrained. A
state that has even one o f these three, unless it has good luck, is certain to
perish.
1/2.3
今有聲於此，耳聽之必慊，已聽之則使人聾，必弗聽。有色於此，目視
之必慊，已視之則使人盲，必弗視。有味於此，口食之必慊，已食之則使人
瘠，必弗食。是故聖人之於聲色滋味也，利於性則取之，害於性則舍之，此
全性之道也。世之貴富者，其於聲色滋味也多惑者，日夜求，幸而得之則遁
焉。遁焉，性惡得不傷？
Were particular sounds certain to satisfy the ear but cause deafness when
heard, m en surely w ould n o t listen to them. Were particular colors certain
to please the eye but blind those w ho gaze at them , m en surely w ould not
look at them . Were particular flavors certain to satisfy the m outh but caused
those w ho tasted them to be struck dum b, men surely would no t taste them.
For these reasons, the sages selected those sounds, colors, and flavors that
w ould benefit o ur natures, and they rejected w hat m ight harm them . This
is the D ao that keeps our natures intact. The great majority o f honored and
wealthy people o f today are deluded in regard to sounds, colors, and rich
flavors. They seek these things every day and every night. I f by good for
tune they obtain them , they abandon themselves to them . If they abandon
themselves to these things, how can their natures not be damaged?
1 /2 •
斗
萬人操弓共射一招，招無不中。萬物章章，以害一生，生無不傷；以便
一生，生無不長。故聖人之制萬物也，以全其天也。天全則神和矣，目明
矣，耳聰矣，鼻臭矣，口敏矣，三百六十節皆通利矣。若此人者：不言而
信，不謀而當，不慮而得；精通乎天地，神覆乎宇宙；其於物無不受也，無
不裹也，若天地然；上爲天子而不驕，下爲匹夫而不惽；此之謂全德之人。
W hen a myriad o f m en take up their bows and aim their arrows at a
single target, then o f course the target will be hit in its bull5s-eyc.
When the myriad things splendid and beautiful.

Are used to injure a single life.
Life cannot but be harmed.
But when used to benefit a single life,
Life cannot but be prolonged.
T h u s , in re g u la tin g th e m y ria d m a te ria l th in g s th e sages u s e d th e m t o k e e p

in ta c t th e e n d o w m e n t H e a v e n g av e th e m . W h e n a personas n a tu ra l e n d o w
m e n t is k e p t in ta c t, th e s p irit is h a r m o n io u s , th e eyes d e a r, th e ears a c u te ,
th e n o s e k e e n , th e m o u th p e rc e p tiv e , a n d th e 360 jo in ts o f th e b o d y m o v e
sm o o th ly . S u c h a p e rs o n is tr u s te d w ith o u t sp e a k in g , acts ex actly as n e e d e d
w ith o u t d e v isin g sch em e s, a n d su ccee d s w ith o u t p la n n in g a h e a d . H is v ita l
essen ce c irc u lates th r o u g h H e a v e n a n d E a r th , a n d h is s p irit c o v ers th e c o s
m o s . O f m a te ria l th in g s , th e re are n o n e h e d o c s n o t a c c e p t a n d n o n e h e
d o c s n o t e n c o m p a s s — in th is h e is like H e a v e n a n d E a rth . I f h e rises t o th e
p o s itio n o f S o n o f H e a v e n h e is n o t a r r o g a n t. I f h e falls t o th e level o f a n
o rd in a ry s u b je c t h e is n o t re se n tfiil. S u c h a m a n m a y b e sa id t o k e e p h is
in n e r p o w e r in ta c t.
1/2.5
貴富而不知道，適足以爲患，不如貧賤。貧賤之致物也難，雖欲過之奚
由？出則以車，入則以輦，務以自佚，命之曰（
招 L C > 撓1蹶之機。肥肉厚
酒，務以自彊，命之曰爛腸之食。靡曼皓齒，鄭、衛之音，務以自樂，命之
曰伐性之斧。三患者，貴富之所致也。故古之人有不肯貴富者矣，由重生故
也，非夸以名也，爲其實也。則此論之不可不察也。
I. Chen Qiyou.
If one is honored and wealthy but does not know the Dao [of nurturing
life], this is tantam ount to creating calamity. It w ould be better to be poor
and hum ble, for it is difficult to acquire material things when one is poor
and humble. In this case, though one5s desires m ight lead one to excess,
how could they be fulfilled? ccGoing out, one uses a chariot; returning home,
one uses a sedan chair5—people love these for the com fort they provide,
b ut they should be called ^mechanisms that make one lamc.^ aFat m eat and
rich wine55—people are devoted to them for the strength they give one, but
BOOK 1 67
th e y s h o u ld b e called ccf o o d s th a t r o t th e in te s tin e s ^ ^ L a n g u id lim b s a n d

g le a m in g te e th 55a n d ath e tu n e s o f Z h e n g a n d W ey55—p e o p le a re d e v o te d to
th e s e f o r th e p le a su re th e y g iv e , b u t th e y s h o u ld b e called waxes th a t h a c k a t
o n e 5s in b o r n n a tu re .55 T h e s e th r e e calam itie s are b r o u g h t a b o u t b y h o n o r
a n d w ealth . S o m e m e n o f a n tiq u ity th e re fo re w e re u n w illin g to acc ep t h o n o r
a n d w e a lth b e c a u se th e y h e ld life t o b e m o r e im p o r ta n t. T h e y d id n o t p r e
te n d t o b e th is w a y f o r th e sak e o f a c q u irin g a r e p u ta tio n , th e y a ctu ally h e ld
th e se view s. T h u s , th e s e th e se s c a n n o t b u t b e e x a m in e d .
三曰重己
CHAPTER 3
S T R E S S IN G T H E S E L F
1/3.1
倕至巧也，人不愛倕之指，而愛己之指，有之利故也。人不愛崑山之
玉、江漢之珠，而愛己一蒼璧小璣，有之利故也。今吾生之爲我有，而利我
亦大矣。論其貴賤，爵爲天子，不足以比焉；論其輕重，富有天下，不可以
易之；論其安危，一曙失之，終身不復得。此三者，有道者之所慎也。
A . C h u i w as th e m o s t skillfiil o f c ra ftsm e n . Yet a m a n lo v es h is o w n
fin g ers m o re th a n h e w o u ld C h u i5s b eca u se a m a n b en efits fro m w h a t h e
h im s e lf po ssesses. A m a n loves h is o w n a z u re bi ja d e in s ig n ia a n d irre g u la r
p earls m o re th a n th e ja d e o f M o u n t K u n o r th e p earls o f th e H a n a n d Y angzi
R iv e rs b eca u se h e b e n e fits fr o m w h a t h e h im s e lf p o ssesses. N o w m y life is
s o m e th in g th a t I p o sse ss, a n d th e b e n e fits I e n jo y f ro m it a rc in d e e d s u
p re m e . W ere I to assess its n o b ility — ev en th e ra n k o f S o n o f H e a v e n w o u ld
b e in su ffic ie n t t o m a tc h it. W ere I to assess its v a lu e —I w o u ld n o t e x ch a n g e
it ev en fo r th e w e a lth o f th e w h o le w o rld . W ere I to assess th e rela tiv e s e c u
rity it affo rd s m e — it is su c h th a t w e re I to lo se it in a sin g le m o r n in g , I
c o u ld n e v e r a g a in re g a in it. T h e s e th r e e q u a litie s o f life are w h a t o n e w h o
p o ssesses th e D a o is esp ecially a tte n tiv e to .
有慎之而反害之者，不達乎性命之情也。不達乎性命之情，慎之何益？是師
者之愛子也，不免乎枕之以糠；是聾者之養嬰兒也，方雷而窺之于堂；有
殊弗知慎者。
B, A lth o u g h s o m e p e o p le try t o ta k e care o f life, th e y n o n e th e le s s d o
h a rm to life b ecau se th e y d o n o t c o m p re h e n d th e essen tial q u alities o f in b o rn
nature and natural endowm ents. I f they do n o t com prehend the essential
qualities o f inborn nature and natural endowm ents, w hat is gained by being
attentive? It is like the blind teachers love for his son that does not prevent
him from giving the child a pillow o f grain husks on which to sleep or like
the deaf m an5s effort to com fort his young child by taking him o u t o f the
house when it is thundering. Each m an has a defect tJiat makes him unable
to recognize w hat one should take care about.
夫弗知慎者，是死生存亡可不可，未始有別也。未始有別者，其所謂是未嘗
是，其所謂非未嘗非，是其所謂非，非其所謂是，此之謂大惑。若此人
者，天之所禍也。以此治身，必死必殃；以此治國，必殘必亡。
C. Those w ho do n o t recognize w hat one should be careful about have
n ot begun to make the distinction between those things that lead to death
and those that preserve life, w hat assures survival and w hat leads to destruc
tion, and w hat is permissible and w hat impermissible. N o t having begun to
make these distinctions, w hat they call "'right55is never right and w hat they
call "Svrong55is never wrong. R ight they call "'wrong55and w rong they call
^right.55This is called agreat delusion.55Such people are cursed by Heaven.
Trying to govern one5s ow n self this way invariably leads to death and ruin
ation. Trying to govern a country in this way invariably leads to its destruc
tion and annihilation.
夫死殃殘亡，非自至也，惑召之也。壽長至常亦然。故有道者，不察所
召，而察其召之者，則其至不可禁矣。此論不可不熟。
D. D eath and ruination, destruction and annihilation, do n o t just hap
pen. Delusion invites them . This is also true in regard to longevity. Thus, if
those w ho possess the D ä 〇do n o t examine w hat does the “inviting，” but
rather w hat is ccinvited,55the coming o f death and ruination cannot be pre
vented. This thesis cannot but be thoroughly considered.
1/ 3 .2
使烏獲疾引牛尾，尾絕力動，而牛不可行，逆也。使五尺豎子引其棬，
而牛恣所以之，順也。世之人主貴人，無賢不肖，莫不欲長生久視，而曰
逆其生，欲之何益？凡生之長也，順之也；使生不順者，欲也；故聖人必先
適欲。
Were the strongm an W uhuo to pull the tail o f an ox so hard that the tail
broke off and he exhausted all his strength, he w ould n o t be able to move
the ox because he w ould be contravening the natural direction o f the ox.
But were a lad a mere five cubits tall to pull the ox by its nose ring, the ox
BOOK 1 69
w ould follow where he led because he w ould be according w ith the natural
d irea io n o f the ox. The rulers and em inent m en o f the present age, whether
w orthy o r not, all desire to prolong life and to see many days, yet each day
they contravene the natural course o f their lives; how will w hat they do
increase w hat they desire? As a general principle, the prolongation o f life
results from one5s following its natural course and w hat causes one n o t to
follow the natural course o f life is desire. Thus, the sage is certain to give
priority to making his desires suitable.
1/3.3
室大則多陰，臺高則多陽，多陰則蹶，多陽則痿，此陰陽不適之患也。
是故先王不處大室，不爲高臺，味不眾珍，衣不輝熱。焊熱則理塞，理塞
則氣不達；味眾珍則胃充，胃充則中大鞔；中大鞔而氣不達，以此長生可
得乎？
A. I f the house is large, there is an excess o f Yin; if the tow er is high,
there is an excess o f Yang. Excess o f Yin causes lameness; excess o f Yang
causes paralysis. These are the harmful results o f no t m oderating the Yin
and Yang. This was why the Early Kings did n o t reside in large houses nor
build lofty towers. Flavors were n o t concentrated, and clothes were not
heavy and hot. I f clothes are heavy and hot, the veins will be stopped up. If
the veins are stopped up, the ethers will n o t circulate. If flavors are concen-
trated, then the stomach is stuffed. If the stomach is stuffed, one’s innards
will become greatiy distended. I f one5s innards are greatiy distended, the
ethers will n o t circulate. In these circumstances, how can one succeed in
one’s endeavor to prolong life?
昔先聖王之爲苑囿園池也，足以觀望勞形而已矣；其爲宮室臺榭也，足以
辟燥溼而已矣；其爲輿馬衣裘也，足以逸身煖骸而已矣；其爲飮食酏醴也，
足以適味充虛而已矣；其爲聲色音樂也，足以安性自娛而已矣。五者，聖
王之所以養性也，非好儉而惡費也，節乎性也。
B. In the past, the ancient sage-kings made animal parks and preserves,
gardens and ponds sufficiently large to observe the sights and to exercise
their bodies, but no more. They made palaces and chambers, towers and
archery pavilions sufficient to protect themselves from dampness and heat,
but no more. They made horse-drawn carriages, clothing, and furs sufficient
to give their bodies ease and to keep them warm and dry, but no more.
They made food and drink, millet spirits and sweet wine sufficient to m od
erate the flavors and fill the emptiness, but no more. They made spectacles
a n d m u s ic su fficie n t to g iv e re p o s e t o th e ir in b o r n n a tu re s a n d t o a m u se ,
b u t n o m o re . T h e sag e-k in g s u s e d th e s e five w ay s t o n u r tu r e th e ir in b o r n
n a tu re . T h e y d id n o t a c t in th is w a y b e c a u se th e y lo v e d fru g a lity a n d h a te d
w a s te , b u t b eca u se th e y w a n te d t o m o d e ra te th e ir in b o r n n a tu re .
四曰貴公
CH APTER 4
H O N O R I N G IM P A R T IA L IT Y
1/4.1
昔先聖王之治天下也，必先公，公則天下平矣。平得於公。嘗試觀於上
志，（
有 G E > 其得天下，〔失天下〕 1者眾矣，其得之以公，其失之（
必)2以
偏。凡主之立也，生於公。故《鴻範》曰：『無偏無黨，王道蕩蕩；無偏無
頗，遵王之義；無或作好，遵王之道；無或作惡，遵王之路。 j
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Sun Shuchcng.
I n th e p a st, w h e n th e a n c ie n t sag e-k in g s g o v e rn e d th e w o rld , th e y in v a ri

ab ly m a d e im p a rtia lity th e ir first p rio rity , b e c a u se i f th e y a c te d im p a rtia lly ,
th e w o r ld w o u ld b e a t p eace. T h is p e a c e w as a tta in e d b y a c tin g w ith im p a r
tiality. W h e n w e e x a m in e th e re c o rd s o f h ig h a n tiq u ity w e fin d a m u ltitu d e
o f ex am p les o f th e w o r ld s b e in g w o n a n d lo st. In v a ria b ly , th o s e w h o w o n
th e w o r ld d id so th r o u g h im p a rtia lity , a n d th o s e w h o lo s t it d id so th r o u g h
p artiality . A s a g e n e ra l p rin c ip le , th e e s ta b lis h m e n t o f a ru le r d e v e lo p s o u t
o f h is im p artiality . T h u s th e Hongfan says:
Be neither partial nor partisan;

The way of the king is all encompassing.
Be neither partial nor biased;
Adhere to the king’s rules.
Be not on good terms just with some;
Cleave to the king^s way.
Be not on bad terms just with some;
Keep to the king's road.
1/4.2
天下非一人之天下也，天下之天下也。陰陽之和，不長一類；甘露時
雨，不私一物；萬民之主，不阿一人。
BOOK 1
A. The w orld does n o t belong to one person; it belongs to the whole

world. The harm ony o f the Yin and Yang forces docs n o t favor grow th in
only one species o f thing, the sweet dews and seasonable rains are n o t par
tial to one thing, and so the ruler o f the myriad people does n o t show favor
itism tow ard a single individual.
伯禽將行，請所以治魯，周公曰：「利而勿利也。 j
B. W hen Boqin was about to leave, he inquired w hat principles he should
employ in governing Lu. The Duke o f Zhou said, ^Benefit, but do not
benefit•”
( 荆 T A > 楚人有遺弓者，而不肯索，曰：「（荆丁人> 楚人遺之，（荆 TA>

楚人得之，又何索焉？』孔子聞之曰：『去其「（荆 T A > 楚」而可矣。 j
老聃聞之曰：「去其「人」而可矣。』故老聃則至公矣。
C. A m an o f C hu w ho had lost his bow and was unwilling to search for
it, said: aA m an o f C hu lost it and a man o f Chu will find it, so why should
I search for it?”
W hen Confucius learned o f this, he said, aO m it cC hu5and the com m ent
will be proper•”
W hen Lao D an learned o f this, he said, aO m it ca m an5 and it will be
proper.55Thus, it was Lao D an w ho attained perfect impartiality.
天地大矣，生而弗子，成而弗有，萬物皆被其澤、得其利，而莫知其所由
始，此三皇、五帝之德也。
D. Heaven and Earth arc so great that while they give life they do not
raise anything as their ow n, and while they bring things to completion they
do not possess them. The myriad things all receive their blessings and obtain
their benefits, but no one knows whence they first arose. So it is w ith the
Power o f the Three August Ones and the Five Sovereigns.
1/4.3
管仲有病，桓公往問之，曰： M中父之病矣，漬甚，國人弗諱，寡人將
誰屬國？』管仲對曰：「昔者臣盡力竭智，猶未足以知之也，今病在於朝
夕之中，臣奚能言 ? 《
I 桓公曰：「此大事也，願仲父之敎寡人也。』管仲敬
諾，曰：「公誰欲相？』公曰：「鮑叔牙可乎？j 管仲對曰：「不可。夷
吾善鮑叔牙，鮑叔牙之爲人也：清廉潔直，視不己若者，不比於人：一聞
人之過，終身不忘。』「勿已，則隰朋其可乎？』「隰朋之爲人也：上志而
下求，醜不若黃帝，而哀不己若者；其於國也，有不聞也；其於物也，有
不知也：其於人也，有不見也。勿已乎，則隰朋可也。 j
A. W hen Guan Z hong was ill, Duke H uan w ent to inquire after him,
saying, aUncle, your illness has worsened and has become so grave that the
people o f our nation cannot observe the taboo against m entioning it. The
U nw orthy O ne m ust know to w hom he should entrust the state.55
Guan Z hong responded, '"Earlier, if I had exhausted all my strength and
depleted all my knowledge, I still w ould not know w ho it should be. N ow
that I am sick, clying between m orning and evening,5 how can I offer any
such advice?”
Duke H uan said, "This is such a m om entous m atter; I hope. Uncle,
that you will offer the U nw orthy O ne some instruction.55
Guan Z hong respectfully consented, saying, uW hom does your grace
w ant to make his prim e minister?55
The duke replied, ccW ould Bao Shuya be suitable?55
Guan Zhong said, ccN o, he w ould not be suitable. I am well acquainted
w ith Bao Shuya. H e is the kind o f m an w ho is pure, incorruptible, honest,
and upright. H e will n o t associate w ith anyone he sees is n o t the equal o f
himself. I f he hears o f another^ transgressions， he docs n o t forget it to the
end o f his life.55
<cI f he will n o t do, w ould n o t Xi Peng be suitable?55
uXi Peng is the kind o f m an w ho "remembers the high bu t seeks from
the low.5H e is ashamed that he is no t the equal o f the Yellow Sovereign, but
shows compassion for those w ho are n o t as good as he. There are affairs o f
state he has n ot inquired about; there are issues he docs n o t understand;
and there are things about people he docs not perceive. I f you insist that I
give an answer, Xi Peng is suitable.55
夫相，大官也。處大官者，不欲小察，不欲小智，故曰：大匠不斲，大庖
不豆，大勇不鬥，大兵不寇。桓公行公去私惡，用管子而爲五伯長；行私
阿所愛，用豎刀而蟲出於戶。
B. Prime minister is the greatest office. Those w ho occupy the greatest
office should not w ant to pursue inconsequential investigations nor acquire
petty wisdom. Thus, it is said:
The great carpenter does not carve the wcx>d;

The great chef docs not carve the meat;
The bravest hero docs not provoke a fight;
The great army does not engage in brigandage.
W hen Duke H uan acted w ith impartiality, set aside selfish interests and
private aversions, and used M aster Guan, he became the m ost im portant o f
BOOK 1 73
the Five Lords-Protector. W hen he acted in pursuit o f selfish interests,

show ed favoritism to those he loved, and used Shudao, m aggots crawled
o u t from under his door.
人之少也愚，其長也智。故智而用私，不若愚而用公。日醉而飾服，私利
而立公，貪戾而求王，舜弗能爲。
C. W hen people are young they may be foolish, but as they m ature they
should grow wise. Thus, a wise m an w ho employs selfish principles is not
the equal o f a stupid m an w ho employs impartial principles. D runk every
day while dressed in m ourning garm ents; acting for selfish benefit while
establishing impartial principles; greedy and perverse while seeking to be
come a universal king—no t even a Shun could do this.
五曰去私
CH A PTER 5
D I S P E N S IN G W IT H S E L F IS H P A R T IA L IT Y
1/5.1
天無私覆也，地無私載也，日月無私燭也，四時無私行也，行其德而萬
物得遂長焉。
Heaven covers all w ithout partiality; Earth bears all up w ithout partiality;
the sun and m oon shine on all w ithout partiality; the four seasons alternate
w ithout partiality. Each bestows its Power, and the myriad things attain
thereby m ature form.
1/5.2
黃帝言曰：『聲禁重，色禁重，衣禁重，香禁重，味禁重，室禁重。 j
The Tcachirig of the Tellow Sovereign says:
In sounds, prohibit excess;

In sex, forbid excess;
In clothing, prohibit excess;
In fragrances, forbid excess;
In flavors, prohibit excess;
In dwellings, forbid excess.
1/5-3
堯有子十人，不與其子而授舜；舜有子九人，不與其子而授禹；至公
也。
W hen Yao, w ho had ten sons, did no t share the empire w ith them but
passed it to Shun and w hen Shun, w ho had nine sons, did n o t share the
empire w ith them but passed it to Yu, both acted w ith perfect impartiality.
1/5.4
晉平公問於祁黃羊曰：『南陽無令，其誰可而爲之？』祁黃羊對曰：
「解狐可。』平公曰：「解狐非子之讎邪? 』對曰：『君問可，非問臣之讎
也。』平公曰：「善。』遂用之。國人稱善焉。居有閒，平公又問祁黃羊
曰： r 國無尉，其誰可而爲之？j 對曰： T 午可。』平公曰： T 午非子之子
邪？』對曰： r 君問可，非問臣之子也。』平公曰： T 善。』又遂用之。國
人稱善焉。孔子聞之曰：「善哉 ! 祁黃羊之論也，外舉不避讎，內舉不避
子。』祁黃羊可謂公矣。
Duke Ping o f Jin questioned Q i Huangyang, saying, H a n y a n g is w ith
o u t a comm andant. W hom should I appoint?55
Qi H uangyang replied, “Xie H u w ould be suitable.”
Duke Ping said, aIs n o t Xie H u an enemy o f yours, sir?55
aYour grace asked w ho w ould be appropriate for the office no t w hether
he was the enemy o f your servant.55
Duke Ping declared this Êxcellent!55and as a result employed Xie H u.
All the people praised the excellence o f the decision.
Sometime later Duke Ping again asked Cÿ H uangyang， "The state lacks
a military guardian. W hom should I appoint?55
Qi Huangyang replied, ccW u w ould be appropriate.55
Duke Ping said， “Is not Wu your ow n son ，sir?”
cT o u r grace asked w ho w ould be appropriate for the office not w hether
he was my son.55
Duke Ping declared this ccExcellent!55and as a result employed Wu. All
the people praised the excellence o f the decision.
W hen Confucius learned o f it, he said, "'Excellent indeed were the as
sessments o f Qi Huangyang. W hen recom mending those from w ithout, he
did not avoid even personal enemies, and when recommending from within,
he did not avoid even his ow n son.55
Qi Huangyang may properly be called impartial.
BOOK 1 75
1/5.5
墨者有鉅子腹 i f ，居秦，其子殺人，秦惠王曰： r 先生之年長矣，非有
它子也，寡人已令吏弗誅矣，先生之以此聽寡人也。』腹藓對曰： F墨者
之法曰：「殺人者死，傷人者刑」，此所以禁殺傷人也。夫禁殺傷人者，天
下之大義也。王雖爲之賜，而令吏弗誅，腹臶不可不行墨者之法。』不許
惠王，而遂殺之。子，人之所私也，忍所私以行大義，鉅子可謂公矣。
The M ohist leader Fu Tun resided in Qin. H is son m urdered a man.
King H u i o f Q in said ，‘T o u ，sir， are too old to have another son, so the
U nw orthy O ne has already ordered that the officials n o t execute him. I
hope, sir, that you will abide by the U nw orthy O ne5s judgm ent in this
m atter•”
Fu Tun replied, "The law o f the M ohist order says: ^He w ho kills another
person shall die; he w ho injures another shall be punished.’ The purpose o f
this is to prevent the injuring and killing o f other people. To prevent the
injuring and killing o f other people is the m ost im portant m oral principle
in the world. T hough your majesty ou t o f kindness has ordered that the
officials n o t execute my son, I cannot but implement the law o f the M ohist
order.” H e w ould no t assent to King H u i’s request and proceeded to kill his
ow n son.
A son is w hat a man is m ost partial to. Yet Fu Tun endured the loss o f
w hat he was m ost partial to in order to observe his m ost im portant moral
principle. T he M ohist leader may properly be called impartial.
1/5.6
庖人調和而弗敢食，故可以爲庖。若使庖人調和而食之，則不可以爲庖
矣。王伯之君亦然，誅暴而不私，以封天下之賢者，故可以爲王伯；若使
王伯之君誅暴而私之，則亦不可以爲王伯矣。
T hat a cook adjusts and blends the dishes, not presum ing to partake o f
them himself, is the reason he may properly be considered a c œ k . Were a
cook to adjust and blend the dishes and partake o f them himself, it would
n ot be proper to consider him a real cook. The same is also true o f rulers
w ho are kings and lords-protector. T hat they punish the violent w ithout
partiality, enfeoffing the worthy men o f the world, is the reason they may
properly be considered kings and lords-protector. Were they to punish the
violent in partial manner, it w ould not be proper to consider them real kings
or lords-protector.
Book 2
In the second month the waxing Yang achieves equality with the waning Yin. Their
equality was anciently conceived of as their mating and that consequently dictated
the performance of the marriage rites as the human activity appropriate to the
season (Zheng Xuan, Zhouli^ i4.6b-7a). In winter, the Yin, being supreme, com
pletely blocks all influence of the Yang which lies prostrate under its power. But in
the second month of spring the Yang becomes ascendant. The Yang ether is excited
and, aroused, thunders and flashes lightning. In the second month, as in the first,
the main task is to value and preserve life. What allows us to accomplish this is
making sure each thing has the environment proper to it.
As in Book i, the second and third chapters stress the importance of life. Ac
cording to chapter 2, wc esteem life by keeping it intact and making it complete.
Chapter 3 extends the argument to moderating and limiting the desires. Though
when stirred, desires must be given expression, if wc hold to the principle of es
teeming life and observe the natural limits of the desires, life can be lived to its
allotted span and the body can be given contentment.
Chapters 4 and 5 assert that people and things are influenced profoundly by
their environments. The text takes as its metaphor the dyeing of fabric: The indigo
plant has a blue color, yet silk dyed with it is bluer than the indigo plant; earth has
a yellowish color, yet silk dyed with it is yellower than the earth. The skilled ruler
ensures that those nearby arc pleased with his government and those faraway are
drawn to him by providing the proper environment. This he accomplishes through
fairness and impartiality: when government and punishments arc equitable, the
Hundred Clans will make their homes in his state, because the nation is the natural
habitat of knights and the people.
[76]
B O O K 2 77
一曰仲春
CH A PTER 1
A L M A N A C F O R T H E S E C O N D M O N T H O F S P R IN G
2/1 •I
仲春之月：日在奎，昏弧中，旦建星中。
A. D uring the second m onth o f spring the sun is located in Legs. A t dusk
the constellation Bow ciilminatcs and at dawn the constellation Foundation
Star culminates.
其曰甲乙。其帝太皞。其神句芒。其蟲鱗。其音角。律中夾鐘。其數八。
其味酸。其臭羶。其祀戶。祭先脾。
B. The correlates o f this m onth are: the dzys jia andj^, the Sovereign
Taihao, his assisting spirit G oum ang, creatures that are scaly, the musical
notejW , the pitch-standard nam ed Pressing Bell, the num ber eight, tastes
that are sour, smells that are rank, and the offering at the door. A t sacrifice,
the spleen is given the preem inent position.
始雨水。桃李華。蒼庚鳴。鹰化爲鳩。
C. The rains begin, the peach and plum trees blossom, the golden oriole
sings, and the hawk is transform ed into a dove.
天子居青陽太廟，乘鸞輅，駕蒼龍，載青旅，衣青衣，服青玉，食麥與羊，
其器疏以達。
D. The Son o f Heaven resides in the Great Temple apartm ent o f the
Green Yang Brightness side o f the Hall o f Light. H e rides in a chariot w ith
luan phoenix bells, pulled by gray-green dragon-horses and bearing green
streamers. H e is clothed in green robes and wears green jade ornaments.
H e eats millet accompanied by m utton. His vessels are carved with openwork
and are thus porous.
2/1.2
是月也，安萌牙，養幼少，存諸孤。擇元日，命人社。命有司，省囹
圄，去桎梏，無肆掠，止獄訟。
In this m onth,
Protect sprouting shoots,
Nurture the delicate young,
And preserve all orphaned things.
Select the great day

And command your subjects worship the spirits of the soil.
C om m and the several directors to inspect the jails and prisons, dispense
w ith shackles and manacles, allow no executions or floggings, and pu t an
end to litigation and lawsuits.
2 /1 .3
是月也，玄鳥至。至之日，以太牢祀于高謀。天子親往。后妃率九嬪
御，乃禮天子所御，帶以弓鐲，授以弓矢于高祿之前。
In this m onth, the swallows return. O n the day they arrive the Great
Pcnncd-Animal Sacrifice is offered to the H igh Matchmaker. The Son o f
Heaven goes in person. The queen and royal ladies lead the nine royal concu
bines. There those with whom the Son o f Heaven has had congress are treated
w ith great courtesy, w ith bow cases being placed about their waists, and
bows and arrows conferred on them before the altar to the H igh MatcJimaker.
2/1.4
是月也，日夜分。雷乃發聲，始電。蟄蟲咸動，開戶始出。先雷三曰，
奮鐸以令于兆民曰：「雷且發聲，有不戒其容止者，生子不備，必有凶
災。 j
A. In this m onth, day and night are equal in length. T hunder therefore
sends forth its sounds and the lightning first flashes. H ibernating creatures
all stir, opening up their burrows, and making their first appearance. Three
days before the first thunder, a bell w ith a w ooden clapper is sounded to
issue an order to the million subjects, saying: "T hunder is about to send
forth its sounds. Those w ho pay no heed to their conduct [and have sexual
relations when the thunder sounds] will bear imperfect children and are
certain to suffer evils and calamities.55
日夜分，則同度量，鈞衡石，角斗桶，正權槪。
B. W hen day and night are equal in length, standardize weights and
measures, calibrate the balances and weights, adjust the measures for the
peck and bushel, and rectify the steelyard and leveling instrum ent.
2/1.5
是月也，耕者少舍，乃修闔扇，寢廟必備。無作大事，以妨農功。
In this m onth, plowm en are seldom at hom e, but still they repair gates
B O O K 2 79
and doors. The apartm ent at the back o f the ancestral temple m ust be made
ready. D o n o t initiate large-scale undertakings that may hinder agricultural
labors.
2/1.6
是月也，無竭川澤，無漉陂池，無焚山林。天子乃獻羔開冰，先薦寢
廟0
A. In this m onth, do n o t dry up streams and marshes, do n o t drain
dam m ed-up ponds, and do n o t bum m ountain forests. The Son o f Heaven
at this tim e offers a lamb to the spirit o f the cold and opens the icehouse,
first offering a portion o f the ice to his ancestors in the inner temple rooms.
上丁，命樂正，入舞舍采，天子乃率三公九卿諸侯親往視之。中丁，又命
樂正，入學習樂。
B. O n the first cyclical day, he commands the rectifier o f music to
enter the school and to give instruction on dancing and set ou t colored silks
as offerings. T hen the Son o f Heaven, at the head o f the Three Dukes, N ine
M inisters, and feudal lords, personally goes to observe the ceremony. O n
the second ding cyclical day, he again commands the rectifier o f music to
enter tlie school to rehearse music.
2/1.7
是月也，祀不用犧牲，用圭璧，更皮幣。
In this m onth, sacrificial offerings do not make use o f sacrificial animals,
but em ploy^«/ and bi jade insignia, or substitute for them skins and silks.
2/1.8
仲春行秋令，則其國大水，寒氣總至，寇戎來征。行冬令，則陽氣不
勝，麥乃不熟，民多相掠。行夏令，則國乃大旱，煖氣早來，蟲螟爲害。
If in the second m onth o f spring the ordinances for autum n are put into
eflfcct, the state will experience a great flcxxl, cold weather will come unex-
pcaedly, and bandit armies will come in attack. If the ordinances for winter
are p u t into effect, the Yang ethers will no t overcome, the millet will not
ripen, and the people will frequently steal from one other. If the ordinances
for sum m er arc p u t into effect, the state will experience great droughts,
warm weather will come too early, and insects and caterpillars will cause
damage to the crops.
8 o T H E A L M A N A C S
二曰貴生
CH A PTER 2
V A L U IN G L IF E
2/2.1
聖人深慮天下，莫貴於生。夫耳目鼻口，生之役也。耳雖欲聲，目雖欲
色，鼻雖欲芬香，口雖欲滋味，害於生則止。在四官者不欲，利於生者則
( 弗 Y 爲。由此觀之，耳目鼻口，不得擅行，必有所制。譬之若官職，不得
擅爲，必有所制。此貴生之術也。
I. Chen Qiyou.
The sages, having deeply contem plated the nature o f the world, found
nothing m ore w orthy o f esteem than life. The ears, eyes, nose, and m outh
are the servants o f life. Even though the ear desires sounds, the eye colors,
the nose fragrant aromas, and the m outh delicate flavors, if these cause harm
to life, they should be prohibited. Even though the four senses do not desire
that a particular thing be done, if doing it w ould nonetheless benefit life,
one should do it. Looked at in this way, since the ears, eyes, nose, and
m outh are unable to act on their ow n initiative, they m ust be under some
other agency that controls them . This is analogous to a governm ent office
that lacks the pow er to act on its ow n initiative and m ust be controlled by
some o ther agency. Such is the m ethod o f esteeming life.
2/2.2
堯以天下讓於子州支父。子州支父對曰：「以我爲天子猶可也。雖然，
我適有幽憂之病，方將治之，未暇在天下也。』天下，重物也，而不以害其
生，又況於它物乎 ? 惟不以天下害其生者也，可以託天下。
Yao w anted to abdicate the w orld in favor o f Zi Z hou Zhifu. Zi
Z hou Zhifu responded: UI suppose that one could regard me as the
Son o f Heaven. Nonetheless, I suffer from a deep melancholia which
I am just on the point o f curing, so I have no leisure to devote to the
world.”
The w orld is the weightiest o f all things yet he w ould no t allow it to

harm his life. H o w m uch less, then, w ould he allow anything else to harm
it? Only a man w ho will not allow the w orld to harm his life can be en
trusted with the world.
B O O K 2 8i
2/ 2.3
越人三世殺其君，王子搜患之，逃乎丹穴。越國無君，求王子捜而不
得，從之丹穴。王子搜不肯出，越人薰之以艾，乘之以王輿。王子捜援綏
登車，仰天而呼曰：『君乎，獨不可以舍我乎！』王子搜非惡爲君也，惡
爲君之患也。若王子捜者，可謂不以國傷其生矣，此固越人之所欲得而爲
君也。
For three generations, the people o f Yue killed their lords. Prince Sou,
troubled by the peril to his life thus posed, fled to Cinnabar Cave. The
people o f Yue, being left w ithout any lord, searched for Prince Sou and, not
finding him, trailed him to Cinnabar Cave, but the Prince was unwilling to
come out. The people o f Yue smoked him ou t w ith m ugw ort and rode him
back in the royal carriage. As Prince Sou took hold o f the strap and m ounted
the carriage, he l<3〇ked up tow ard Heaven and exclaimed: C C
A lord alas! Why
w ould they n o t let me be?55It was n o t that Prince Sou disliked being made
a lord, but rather that he hated the perils o f being a lord. A m an like Prince
Sou could properly be called one w ho w ould n o t allow the state to do in
jury to his life: this is the reason the people w anted to make him their lord.
2/2.4
魯君聞顏闔得道之人也，使人以幣先焉。顏闔守閭，鹿布之衣，而自飯
牛。魯君之使者至，顏闔自對之。使者曰：「此顏闔之家邪？』顏闔對曰：
「此闔之家也。j 使者致幣，顏闔對曰：「恐聽繆而遺使者罪，不若審
之。《
I 使者還反審之，復來求之，則不得已。
A. The lord o f Lu had heard that Yan H e was a m an w ho had attained
the Dao, so he sent a messenger w ith gifts o f introduction. Yan H e was
attending to matters in his humble hom e, dressed in coarse clothes and
feeding the oxen himself. W hen the messenger from the lord o f Lu arrived,
he answered the door himself. The messenger asked, ccIs this the home o f
Yan He?55Yan H e replied that it was. The messenger began to present the
gifts o f introduction, but Yan H e said, CCI fear that you heard the w rong
name and that if you present me w ith these gifts you will be punished. It
would be better for you to check on this.55The messenger returned to court
and checked his instructions, but when he came back in search o f Yan He,
he could n ot find him.
故若顏闔者，非惡富貴也，由重生惡之也。世之人主，多以富貴驕得道之
人，其不相知，豈不悲哉！
B. It is n o t that m en like Yan H e despise wealth and honor in and o f

themselves; rather, they despise wealth and honor because they value life.
W ith proud self-confidence, rulers o f the present age often try to use wealth
and h onor to impress m en w ho have attained the Dao, revealing that they
do n ot understand them at all. Is no t their attem pt pitiable indeed?
2/2.5
故曰：道之眞，以持身；其緖餘，以爲國家；其土苴，以治天下。由此
觀之，帝王之功，聖人之餘事也，非所以完身養生之道也。今世俗之君子，
危身棄生以徇物，彼且奚以此之也？彼且奚以此爲也？
Thus, it is said:
The authentic nature of the Dao

consists in safeguarding one's own person.
Its fringes and leftovers
are used for the nation.
Its shards and weeck
arc used to govern the world.
From this it can be seen that the accomplishments o f sovereigns and kings
are the leftover undertakings o f sages; they are n o t ä D ao to be used for
keeping the body whole and for nurturing life. Yet gentlemen o f the present
vulgar age endanger their bodies and throw away their lives in the pursuit
o f material things! H o w indeed could the one result in the other? H ow
indeed could the one create the other?
2/2.6
凡聖人之動作也，必察其所以之與其所以爲。今有人於此，以隨侯之珠
彈千仞之雀，世必笑之，是何也？所用重，所要輕也。夫生豈特隨侯珠之
重也哉？
As a general principle, whenever a sage is about to initiate anything, he
is certain to consider carefully how his means relate to w hat he hopes to
achieve. N ow if a m an were to use the pearl o f the M arquis o f Sui as a pellet
to shoot at a sparrow a thousand yards up in the air, the w orld w ould surely
ridicule him. W hy is that? Because w hat he used as shot was so valuable,
while w hat he w anted was so trifling. And, surely, life is m uch m ore valu
able than the pearl o f the M arquis o f Sui!
B O O K 2 83
2/2.7
子華子曰：「全生爲上，虧生次之，死次之，迫生爲下。 j
故所謂尊生者，全生之謂。所謂全生者，六欲皆得其宜也。所謂虧生
者，六欲分得其宜也。虧生則於其尊之者薄矣。其虧彌甚者也，其尊彌薄。
所謂死者，無有所以知，復其未生也。所謂迫生者，六欲莫得其宜也，皆
獲其所甚惡者，服是也，辱是也。辱莫大於不義，故不義，迫生也，而迫生
非獨不義也，故曰迫生不若死。奚以知其然也？耳聞所惡，不若無聞；目
見所惡，不若無見。故雷則搶耳，電則搶目，此其比也。凡六欲者，皆知其
所甚惡，而必不得免，不若無有所以知，無有所以知者，死之謂也，故迫
生不若死。嗜肉者，非腐鼠之謂也；嗜酒者，非敗酒之謂也；尊生者，非迫
生之謂也。
O u r M aster H uazi said: An intact life is best; a diminished life is

next; death is lower still; a torm ented life is the worst.
Accordingly, w hat is called an ""honored life55refers to an intact life. In

an aintact life55 each o f the six desires obtains w hat is proper to it. In a
adim inished life55only half o f the six desires attain satisfaction. W hen life is
so diminished, its value is lessened. The m ore life is diminished, the less it is
valued. W hat is called "death55consists in the lack o f any capacity for aware-
ness， and a return to the state before birth. In a “torm ented life” none o f the
six desires obtains its proper satisfaction; rather, each desire obtains only
w hat it has a natural aversion to. Servitude and disgrace are instances o f
this. N o disgrace is greater than that o f being treated contrary to your code
o f conduct. Thus, to lead a torm ented life means being treated immorally.
But ä torm ented life docs no t consist merely in being treated immorally;
therefore, it is said that a torm ented life is worse than death. H ow do we
know this is so?
The ear^s hearing only w hat it hates is worse than not hearing at all. The
cye5s seeing only w hat it hates is worse than n o t seeing at all. Thus, when it
thunders we cover our cars, and when it lightnings wc cover our eyes: this
comparison shows that we try to stay unaware o f w hat we hate. As a gen
eral principle it certainly w ould be better to be incapable o f any kind o f
awareness than to have all six desires know only w hat they hate. ccThe lack
o f any capacity for awareness^ is how wc define death. Thus, a torm ented
life is worse than death.
To delight in the taste o f meat docs not mean eating Uputrid rats.55To
delight in the taste o f wine does not refer to drinking “spoiled swill•” A nd ，
to lead an “honored life” docs not mean leading a “torm ented life.”
三曰情欲
CH A PTER 3
O N T H E D E S IR E S A N D N A T U R A L E M O T IO N S
2 / 3.1
天生人而使有貪有欲。欲有情，情有節。聖人修節以止欲，故不過行其
情也。故耳之欲五聲，目之欲五色，口之欲五味，情也。此三者，貴賤愚智
賢不肖欲之若一，雖神農、黃帝其與桀、紂同。聖人之所以異者，得其情
也。由貴生動則得其情矣，不由貴生動則失其情矣。此二者，死生存亡之
本也。
W hen Heaven gave life to hum ans it caused them to have appetites and
desires. Certain desires belong to the essential nature o f hum ans, and those
that are essential to their nature are inherently self-limiting. The sage keeps
these limits in good repair to make the desires stop at the right place; this is
why w hen he acts he docs no t transgress the limits belonging to his essen
tial nature. Thus, the desire o f the ear for the five sounds, o f the eye for the
five colors, and o f the m outh for the five flavors, belongs to our essential
nature. In regard to these three, the desires o f the noble and base, the wise
and stupid, the w orthy and unw orthy are as one. Even Shennong and the
Yellow Sovereign arc exactiy the same as Jie and Z hou Xin. W hat differen
tiates the sage is that he maintains the limits on the desires inherent in his
essential nature. I f a personas actions are grounded on valuing life, he will
satisfy the desires that belong to his essential nature. If his actions are n o t so
grounded, he will fail to do so. G rounding o r n o t grounding action on
valuing life is the root o f life and death, survival and destruction.
2 / 3 .2
俗主虧情，故每動爲亡敗。耳不可贍，目不可厭，口不可滿，身盡府
種，筋骨沈滯，血脈壅塞，九竅寥寥，曲失其宜，雖有彭祖，猶不能爲
也。其於物也，不可得之爲欲，不可足之爲求，大失生本。
A. Because the ordinary ruler neglects w hat is essential in his nature, his
every action results in loss and defeat. H is ears cannot be satiated, his eyes
satisfied, or his m outh filled. His body is consum ed by aches and pains, his
sinews and bones become heavy and stiff, and his blcx>d congeals, obstruct
ing his veins. H is nine orifices are em ptied, and even the smallest parts o f
his body fail to function properly. Patriarch Peng him self w ould be inca-
B O O K 2 85
pable o f doing anything in this situation. A m ong material things, the ordi-
nary ruler desires w hat cannot be obtained and seeks w hat cannot be sup-
plied, so he utterly fails w ith w hat is fundam ental to life.
民人怨謗，又樹大讎；意氣易動，蹢然不固；矜勢好智，胸中欺詐；德義
之緩，邪利之急。身以困窮，雖後悔之，尙將奚及？巧佞之近，（
端 TA > 正
直之遠，國家大危，悔前之過，猶不可反。聞言而驚，不得所由。百病怒
起，亂難時至。以此君人，爲身大憂。耳不樂聲，目不樂色，口不甘味，
與死無擇。
B. The people resent and revile him and even set him up as their greatest
adversary. H is inclinations and m œ d s are easily influenced, so he is u n
settled and lacking in steadfastness. H e brags about the pow er o f his posi-
tion and is enam ored o f his cleverness， so he harbors in his breast false and
deceptive schemes. Dilatory w ith regard to virtue and morality, he is quick
w hen it comes to depravity and gain. W hen he is personally beset w ith
adversity and hardship, though he truly regrets these things afterwards, what
will it all am ount to? Close to the crafty and far from the upright, w hen the
ry is faced w ith great peril, he regrets his previous transgressions but
t turn away from them . W hen warned, he is terrified but is unable to
heed the warning. The hundred illnesses arise w ith angry fierceness; rebel
lion and troubles regularly arrive. O n account o f this, such a lord o f m en
causes himself considerable grief. W hen his ears do no t enjoy music, his
eyes find no pleasure in beauty, and his m outh finds no taste sweet, there is
nothing that distinguishes him from the dead.
2/ 3.3
古人得道者，生以壽長，聲色滋味，能久樂之，奚故？論早定也。論早
定則知早嗇，知早嗇則精不竭。
A. But w hat then enabled the ancients w ho attained the D ao to live to
an advanced old age and yet enjoy sounds, colors, and flavors for such a
long time? They first determ ined the assessment o f things. W hen the as
sessment o f things is determ ined first, their awareness o f things is used
sparingly from the first. If awareness is used sparingly, the vital essence is
n ot exhausted.
秋早寒則冬必煖矣，春多雨則夏必旱矣，天地不能兩，而況於人類乎？人與天
地也同，萬物之形雖異，其情一體也。故古之治身與天下者，必法天地也。
B. If autum n brings early cold, winter is certain to be unseasonably warm.
I f spring brings excessive rain, sum m er is certain to be to o dry. Heaven and

Earth are incapable o f operating according to two principles; how m uch
less then can humans! H um ans arc the same as Heaven and E arth in this
regard. T hough the external shapes o f the myriad things are diverse, their
essential natures have a single structure. Thus, the ancients, in governing
both themselves and the world, were sure to model themselves after Heaven
and Earth.
尊酌者眾則速盡。萬物之酌大貴之生者眾矣，故大貴之生常速盡。非徒萬
物酌之也，又損其生以資天下之人，而終不自知。功雖成乎外，而生虧乎
內。耳不可以聽，目不可以視，口不可以食，胸中大擾，妄言想見，臨死
之上，顚倒驚懼，不知所爲，用心如此，豈不悲哉！
C. A winecup from which many drink is quickly emptied. The myriad
things that drink from the life o f the m ost honored person are legion. Thus,
the greatiy honored life is always quickly emptied. It is n o t only because the
myriad things partake o f it, but also because the ordinary ruler diminishes
his ow n life to supply the m en o f the world, and in the end he is unaware
that he has done this. A lthough he may have achieved great things w ithout,
w ithin, his life has been depleted. Thus, his ears cannot hear, his eyes can
n o t see, and his m outh cannot eat. W ithin his bosom there is profound
agitation; his speech is delirious and his m ind hallucinates. N ear death, he
tosses and turns w ith terror and apprehension, n o t know ing why he has
come to this. To have used one's m ind in such a fashion, is this n o t som e
thing to be pitied indeed!
2/ 3.4
世人之事君者，皆以孫叔敖之遇 ( 荆 T A > 楚莊王爲幸，自有道者論之則
不然，此 ( 荆 T A > 楚國之幸。（
荆 T A > 楚莊王好周遊田獵，馳騁弋射，歡樂
無遺，盡傳其境內之勞與諸侯之憂於孫叔敖，孫叔敖日夜不息，不得以便
生爲故，故使莊王功跡著乎竹帛，傳乎後世。
Those o f the present age w ho serve lords all consider Sunshu Ao5s chance
encounter w ith King Zhuang o f C hu to be his good fortune. W hen those
w ho themselves possess the D ao assess the encounter, they find this no t to
be so, but it was fortunate for Chu. King Zhuang o f C hu was fond o f travel
ing everywhere hunting, and he galloped to and fro, shooting game. There
were no delights or pleasures that he forwent. H e delegated all the w ork
concerning matters within his borders and deputed to Sunshu Ao the aggra
vations o f dealing w ith the feudal lords. Sunshu Ao rested neither day nor
B O O K 2 87
night, nor did he concern him self w ith benefiting his ow n life. Thus, he
caused the achievements and legacy o f King Zhuang o f C hu to be recorded
on bam boo and silk and to be transm itted to posterity.
四曰當染
CHA PTER 4
O N T H E P R O P E R K IN D O F D Y E IN G
2/4.1
墨子見染素絲者而歎曰：『染於蒼則蒼，染於黃則黃，所以入者變，其
色亦變，五入而以爲五色矣。』故染不可不慎也。
W hile watching a dyer o f silk at work, M aster M o sighed aloud and
said, ccW hat is dyed in azure becomes azure, and w hat is dyed in yellow
becomes yellow. W hen the dye into which som ething is clipped is changed,
so too docs the resultant color change. W hen it is dipped into five different
dyes, it takes on all five colors.” O ne cannot be careless, therefore， in using
dyes.
2/4.2
非獨染絲然也，（國 Y 〈帝王 >2亦有染。舜染於許由、伯陽，禹染於皋
陶、伯益，湯染於伊尹、仲虺，武王染於太公望、周公旦，此四王者所染
當，故王天下，立爲天子，功名蔽天地，舉天下之仁義顯人必稱此四王
者。
I. Moved to 2/4.2.C. 2. Moved from2/4 E.
A. It is n o t only to the dyeing o f silk that this applies, for Sovereigns

and Kings as well can be influenced as if by dyes. Shun came under the
influence o f Xu You and Bo Yang; Yu came under the influence o f Gaoyao
and Boyi; Tang came under the influence o f Yi Yin and Z hong H ui; and
King Wu came under the influence o f the Grand Duke Wang and Duke
Dan o f Zhou. W hat influenced each o f these four kings was the proper kind
o f ttdyew; therefore, they ruled as universal kings and were established as
Sons o f Heaven, and their fame and accomplishment overshadowed the
glory o f Heaven and Earth. W henever men preem inent for their hum anity
and morality are recommended, the examples o f these four kings are certain
to be cited.
夏桀染於干辛、岐踵戎，殷紂染於崇侯、惡來，周厲王染於虢公長父榮夷
( 終 G E > 公 3 ，幽王染於虢公鼓、祭公敦，此四王者所染不當，故國殘身死，
爲天下僇，舉天下之不義辱人必稱此四王者。
3- This name is dcfccrivc. Here we have followed the alternate text tradition cited by Bi Yuan in his
commentary to th e M o zi parallel.
B. Jie o f the Xia dynasty came under the influence o f G an Xin and
Q izhong the R ong barbarian; Z hou Xin o f the Yin dynasty came under the
influence o f the M arquis o f Chong and Wulai; King Li o f the Z hou dynasty
came under the influence o f the Zhangfu, the duke o f G uo, and Yizhong o f
Rong; and King You o f the Z hou dynasty came under the influence o f Duke
G u o f G uo and Duke D un o f Zhai. W hat influenced each o f these four
kings was an im proper kind o f ccdye55; therefore, their states were destroyed,
they lost their ow n lives, and they are held in contem pt by the whole world.
W henever m en are scorned for gross immorality and u tter disgrace, the
examples o f these four kings are certain to be cited.
〔
非獨帝王也，〕
4〈國 >5〈亦 ( 有 ) 染 >6 。齊桓公染於管仲、鮑叔，晉文公染於
咎犯、（
郤 G E > 郭偃，荆 T A > 楚莊王染於孫叔敖、沈尹蒸，吳王闔廬染於
伍員、文之儀，越王句踐染於范蠡、大夫種，此五君者所染當，故霸諸侯，
功名傳於後世。〔
舉天下之 □ □ 口 □ ，必稱此五君者。〕 7
4. Reconstructed on the basis of parallelism. 5. Moved from2/4.2.A.
6. Moved from2/4.2.E. 7. Reconstructed on the basis of parallelism.
C. It is n o t only to sovereigns and kings that this applies, for states as

well can be influenced as if by dyes. Duke H uan o f Q i came under the influ
ence o f Guan Zhong and Bao Shu; Duke Wen o f Jin came under the influence
o f Jiufan and G uo Yan; King Zhuang o f C hu came under the influence o f
Sunshu Ao and M agistrate Zheng o f Yin; King H elu o f W u came under the
influence o f Wu Yun and Wen Zhiyi; and King Goujian o f Yue came under
the influence o f Fan Li and Grand Officer Zhong. W hat influenced each o f
these five lords was the proper kind o f c<dye55; therefore, they became lords-
protector over the feudal lords, and their accomplishments and reputations
have been transm itted to later ages. W henever m en are held up f o r , the
examples o f these five lords are certain to t>e cited.
范吉射染於張柳朔、王生，中行寅染於黃籍秦、高彊，吳王夫差染於王孫
( 雄 G E > 雒 8 、太宰嚭，智伯瑤染於智國、張武，中山尙染於魏義、樞長，
宋康王染於唐鞅、田不禋，此六君者所染不當，故國皆殘亡，身或死辱，
宗廟不血食，絕其後類，君臣離散，民人流亡，舉天下之貪暴可羞人必稱
此六君者。
8. Bi Yuan.
B O O K 2 89
D. Fan Jiyi came under the influence o f Zhang Liushuo and Wang Sheng;
Z honghang Yin under that o f H uang Jiqin and Gao Jiang; King Fuchai o f
W u came under the influence o f Prince Luo and G rand Steward Pi; Earl
Yao o f Zhi came under the influence o f Zhi G uo and Z hang W u; Shang o f
Zhongshan came under the influence o f Wei Yi and Yan Zhang; King Kang
o f Song came under the influence o f Tang Yang and Tian Buyin. W hat in
fluenced each o f these six lords was an im proper kind o f udyc55; therefore
their states were annihilated, some o f them died while others were disgraced,
their ancestral temples no longer enjoyed sacrifices o f blood and f œ d , their
lines were cut short, these lords and their ministers were alienated and scat
tered abroad, and their people fled to escape destruction. W henever men
arc held up for extreme greed, violent cruelty, and despicable conduct, the
examples o f these six lords are certain to be cited.
凡爲君非爲君而因榮也，非爲君而因安也，以爲行理也。行理生於當染，
故古之善爲君者，勞於論人，而佚於官事，得其經也。不能爲君者，傷形
費神，愁心勞耳目，國愈危，身愈辱，不知要故也。不知要故則所染不當，
所染不當，理奚由至？六君者是已。六君者，非不重其國、愛其身也，所
染不當也。存亡故不獨是也。（帝王）( 亦然）
E. As a general principle, one serves as a lord not for the glory o f it or for
the com fort it affords, but because serving allows one to p u t into practice
the principles o f order. The principles o f order are p u t into practice as the
outcom e o f the proper kind o f influences. In antiquity those w ho were m ost
adept at ruling ，therefore, were “painstaking in evaluating m en but lax in
exercising control over their offices.55 They attained thereby the essential
clement. Those w ho are incapable o f being rulers wear o u t their bodies,
waste their spirit, tax their m inds, and toil away w ith ear and eye, but their
countries are placed in ever greater danger and they stand ever greater risk
o f personal hum iliation because they do not recognize w hat is crucial. And
they are unaware o f the crucial elements because they have been influenced
by the w rong things. Having been influenced by the w rong things, how
could they ever attain the principles o f order? So it was w ith these six lords.
It was n ot that they did n o t value their countries or love themselves; it was
that w hat influenced each o f them was an im proper kind o f ccdye.55Survival
and destruction are not caused solely by this.
9〇 T H E A L M A N A C S
2/4.3
非獨國有染也。{士亦有染 }9 。孔子學於老聃、孟蘇夔、靖叔。魯惠公使
宰讓請郊廟之禮於天子，（桓 G E > 平 1()王使史角往，惠公止之，其後在於
魯，墨子學焉。此二士者，無爵位以顯人，無賞祿以利人，舉天下之顯榮
者必稱此二士也。皆死久矣，從屬彌眾，弟子彌豐，充滿天下，王公大人
從而顯之，有愛子弟者隨而學焉，無時乏絕。子貢、子夏、曾子學於孔子，
田子方學於子貢，段干木學於子夏，吳起學於曾子。禽滑漦學於墨子，許
犯學於禽滑漦，田繫學於許犯。孔、墨之後學顯榮於天下者眾矣，不可勝
數，皆所染者得當也。
9. Restored fromth c M o zi parallel. 10. Liang Yusheng.
It is n o t only the state that is subject to influences, for scholar-knights as

well arc subject to influences. Confucius studied under Lao Dan, M eng
Sukui, and Jingshu. Duke H ui o f Lu sent Intendant Rang to inquire o f the
Son o f Heaven the proper rites for sacrifices at the suburban altar and in the
ancestral temple. King H uan sent Shi Q ue away, and Duke H ui detained
him; his posterity thus lived in Lu, and M o Di studied under them . These
two scholar-knights did no t hold exalted positions by which they could
bring eminence to others, nor did they have generous stipends that they
could use to benefit others. Yet whenever men are held up for eminence and
glory, the examples o f these two scholar-knights are certain to be cited.
Though both died long ago, their followers are still growing in num ber and
their disciples have flourished so abundantly that they fill the whole world.
Kings, dukes, and great m en follow their teachings and make them illus
trious. They send their beloved sons and younger brothers to become their
students. T here has never been a tim e w hen their doctrines were n o t
transmitted.
Z igong ，Zixia， and Zcngzi studied under Conflicius. Tian Zifang stud-
ied under Zigong, D uangan M u under Zixia, and Wu Qi under Zcngzi.
Q in Guli studied under M o Di; Xu Fan under Q in Guli, and Tian Xi under
Xu Fan. The heirs o f the learning o f Confucius and M ozi w ho have attained
eminence and glory in the eyes o f the w orld are m ultitudinous. The num
ber is so great as to be uncountable, for everything that influenced them
attained the proper standard.
B O O K 2 9i
五曰功名
CHA PTER 5
O F M E R IT A N D F A M E
2/5.1
由其道，功名之不可得逃，猶表之與影，若呼之與響。善釣者出魚乎十
仞之下，餌香也；善弋者下鳥乎百仞之上，弓良也；善爲君者，蠻夷反舌殊
俗異習皆服之，德厚也。水泉深則魚鱉歸之，樹木盛則飛鳥歸之，庶草茂
則禽獸歸之，人主賢則豪桀歸之。故聖王不務歸之者，而務其所以歸。
W hen one follows the D ao, m erit and fame cannot be avoided, just as
the gnom on and its shadow or the shout and its echo. A skilled fisherman
can bring up fish from a depth o f ten yards because his bait is fragrant. A
skilled marksman can bring dow n a bird from a height o f a hundred yards
because his bow is excellent. A skilled lord can cause the backward-tongued
M an and Yi barbarians, for all their extraordinary customs and exotic prac
tices, to offer submission because his inner pow er is substantial.
I f water is deep, fish and tortoises will be attracted to it. If trees are
luxuriant, flying birds will be attracted to them . If grasses are thick,
birds and beasts will be attracted to them . I f the ruler o f men is w or
thy, the brave and heroic will be attracted to him.
T hus， the sage king devotes his attention, n o t to the m en w ho are attracted
to him, but to w hat causes them to be attracted.
2 /5 .2
彊令之笑不樂，張令之哭不悲。彊令之爲道也，可以成小，而不可以成
大0
A m an can be compelled to laugh but not to fed joy, and to wail but not
to feel sadness. A m an can be compelled to practice the Dao; but w hat he
accomplishes can only be trivial, never great.
2/ 5.3
缶醯黃，蚋聚之，有酸。徒水則必不可。以貍致鼠，以冰致蠅，雖工不
能。以茹魚去蠅，蠅愈至，不可禁，以致之之道去之也。桀、紂以去之之道
致之也，罰雖重，刑雖嚴，何益？
ccGnats congregate around a jar o f yellowed vinegar because o f its sour
ness.55I f the jar merely contained water, this certainly w ould n o t happen. If
one tried to use a raccoon-dog to attract rodents, or ice to attract flies, how
ever hard one worked at it, he could not succeed. If one used decaying fish
to repel flies, even m ore flies w ould come and nothing could be done to
stop them. This is using the way o f attracting things to repel them . Jie and
Z hou Xin used the way o f repelling things to attract them . T heir penalties
were heavy and their punishm ents severe, but w hat did it accomplish?
2/5.4
大寒既致，民煖是利；大熱在上，民清是走。是故民無常處，見利之
聚，無之去。欲爲天子，民之所走，不可不察。今之世，至寒矣，至熱
矣，而民無走者，取則行鈞也。欲爲天子，所以示民，不可不異也。行不
異，亂雖信 ( 今 GE > 令 1 ，民猶無走。民無走，則王者廢矣，暴君幸矣，民
絕望矣。故當今之世，有仁人在焉，不可而不此務，有賢主不可而不此事。
I. Chen Changqi.
W hen cold weather becomes severe, people find it to their benefit to be

in warm places; when great heat is at its height, people run to where it is
cool. This is the reason the people do n o t stay perm anently in one place.
W hen they perceive benefit, they congregate about it; and w hen it is gone,
they leave. I f one desires to be made Son o f Heaven, one m ust not fail to
examine w hat attracts the people. T hough the present age is one o f severe
cold and great heat, the people go nowhere, because anywhere they m ight
choose w ould offer the same prospects. I f one desires to be made Son o f
Heaven, w hat one displays to the people m ust present an alternative to
this. I f no alternative is offered, then, given the anarchy o f our times, the
people will not come though given direct orders. If the people will not
come, then any prospect for a universal kingship is destroyed, the tyranni
cal lord is fortunate, and the people lose all hope. Thus, if in the present age
there were to be a hum ane man, he w ould have to devote all his energies to
this task, and if there were to be a w orthy ruler, he m ust make this his task.
2/5.5
賢不肖不可以不相分，若命之不可易，若美惡之不可移。桀、紂貴爲天
子，富有天下，能盡害天下之民，而不能得賢名之。關龍逢、王子比干能
以要領之死，爭其上之過，而不能與之賢名。名固不可以相分，必由其理。
B O O K 2 93
The w orthy and the unw orthy cannot but be distinguished from each
other, just as one5s allotted fate cannot be altered and one5s beauty or ugli
ness cannot be modified. Jie and Z hou Xin had the nobility o f being Sons
o f Heaven, the wealth o f possessing the whole world, and the pow er to
harm everyone; nonetheless, they could not obtain reputations for w orthi
ness. Guan Longpeng and Prince Bigan had the capacity to endure crael
deaths for rem onstrating against the excesses o f their superiors, yet they
could not present them w ith reputations for worthiness. O ne5s reputation
assuredly cannot be granted by som eone else, for it m ust follow from ratio
nal principles.
Book 3
The last month of spring is harmonious with tasks involving earth; the director of
public works, the chief official of the Êarthly Offices,55should therefore repair any
damage done during winter so as to protect against the coming rains and floexis
and the harm they can do to agriculture. Because growth has begun, the ruler must
take particular care with regard to instruments of death, ensuring that these baleful
objects arc removed through the city gates.
The renewal and nurturing of life is the fundamental charaaeristic of spring.
Accordingly chapter 2 discusses techniques for nurturing life, to attain the full
number of years allotted by Heaven (traditionally three score and ten years). The
Dao of nurturing life entails obtaining proper food and drink, which allows the
seminal essences and ethers to circulate freely through the body and thereby pre
vent disease. We arc given a fixed amount of ethers; if we worry, scurry about,
become frantic, engage in excess, these ethers arc exhausted and death results. The
underlying concern of chapter 2 is not, however, merely a matter of personal pres
ervation, for as chapter 3 argues, power over the world cannot be seized unless one
first gains control over oneself. The medical background of theories about seminal
essences and ethers is to be found in the medical texts discovered at Mawangdui in
1974.
Chapter 4 shifts the focus to the necessity of starting with onc5s self and, only
when the self has been mastered, dealing with the world. Since the Dao of ruling
is narrow, the supremely important first step is to wrevert into oneself,55 which
entails self-restraint and rejection of worldly wisdom and falseness. The funda
mental error consists in asceking the goal in others55without having first reverted
into oneself.
Attempting to define the macrocosm of Heaven and Earth and the microcosm
of mankind and its government, chapter 5 discusses the Dao of Heaven and Earth,
the movements of the sun, moon, planets, and stars, the drifting of clouds and the
water cycle, and how all of these are to be symbolically related to the succession of
life and death in the myriad things, to the uses of the four limbs and nine orifices of
[94]
B O O K 3 95
the human body, and to the functions of the five notes of the scale. From these
phenomena and their interrelations one can infer the essentials of governance.
一曰季春
CH A PTER 1
A L M A N A C F O R T H E T H I R D M O N T H O F S P R IN G
3 /i.i
季春之月：日在胃，昏七星中，旦牽牛中。
A. D uring the third m onth o f spring, the sun is in Stomach. At dusk the
constellation Seven Stars culminates and at dawn the constellation H erdboy
culminates.
其曰甲乙。其帝太皞。其神句芒。其蟲鱗。其音角。律中姑洗。其數八。其
味酸。其臭羶。其祀戶。祭先脾。
B. The correlates o f this m onth are the àzys jia andjy/, the Sovereign
Taihao, his assisting spirit Goum ang, creatures that are scaly, the musical
note the pitch-standard nam ed M aid Purity, the num ber eight, tastes
that are sour, smells that are rank, and the offering at the door. A t sacrifice,
the spleen is given the preem inent position.
桐始華。田鼠化爲絮。虹始見。萍始生。
C. The paulownia trees begin to bloom , the mole is transform ed into a
quail, rainbows begin to appear, and the duckweed starts to grow.
天子居青陽右個，乘鸞輅，駕蒼龍，載青旅，衣青衣，服青玉。食麥與羊。
其器疏以達。
D. The Son o f Heaven resides in the right apartm ent o f the Green Yang
Brightness side o f the Hall o f Light. H e rides in a chariot w ith Umn phoenix
bells, pulled by gray-green dragon-horses and bearing green streamers. H e
is clothed in green robes and wears green jade ornaments. H e eats millet
accompanied by m utton. His vessels are carved w ith openwork and are thus
porous.
3/ 1.2
是月也，天子乃薦鞠衣于先帝。命舟牧覆舟，五覆五反，乃吿舟備具于
天子焉，天子焉始乘舟。薦鮪于寢廟，乃爲麥祈實。
In this m onth, the Son o f Heaven offers robes o f mulberry-leaf yellow
to the Founding Sovereign. H e orders that the caretaker o f boats turn the
boats over to inspect them. The caretaker, after having turned the boat over
five times and turned it back five times, reports to the Son o f Heaven that
the boat is fiilly prepared• 丁he Son o f Heaven therew ith takes the first boat
ride o f the year. H e offers a long-snouted sturgeon to the ancestors in the
apartm ent at the back o f the ancestral r<x>ms, praying for the wheat to ripen.
3 / 1 . 3
是月也，生氣方盛，陽氣發泄，（
生 G E > 牙 G E > 身 L C > 伸 1者畢出，萌
者盡達，不可以內。天子布德行惠，命有司，發倉茆，賜貧窮，振乏絕，
開府庫，出幣帛，周天下，勉諸侯，聘名士，禮賢者 .
I. Chen Qiyou; emended text based on an old collation reading 3 1for 4 ..
In this m onth, the ethers o f life just begin to flourish,
The Yang ether rises up and flows out.

All the sprouts issue forth.
And the buds completely open up.
One should not keep things enclosed within.
The Son o f Heaven displays his moral power and performs acts o f generosity.
H e commands that the several d ireao rs open up the square granaries and
the vaults excavated in the earth, to bestow their contents on the poor and
destitute and to relieve those w ho are alone and cutoff; that they unlock the
treasuries and armories， to bring o u t their valuable silks and cloths therein,
distributing them as presents for the whole world, thereby to encourage
the feudal lords, to extend invitations to famous scholar-knights, and to
treat w ith ritual courtesy men w ho are worthy.
3/1.4
是月也，命司空曰：「時雨將降，下水上騰；循行國邑，周視原野；修
利隄防，導達溝潰，開通道路，無有障塞；田獵蓽弋，罝罘羅網，餒獸之
藥，無出九門。 j
In this m onth, he issues a m andate to the director o f works, saying:
cT h e seasonable rains are about to fall， so the groundw ater will be rising.
Make tours o f inspection through the capital and walled cities, com prehen
sively examining the plains and fields. Put dams and dikes in gocxl repair;
clear o u t the ditches and channels; open up to com m unication the thor-
B O O K 3 97
oughfares and roadways, allowing no obstacle or obstruction to remain.

Allow o u t o f the N ine Gates no one w ith barbs and hand nets for hunting,
o r rabbit snares and nets, or gauze netting for birds, or poisoned focxi to
feed to animals.55
3/1.5
是月也，命野虞，無伐桑柘。鳴鳩拂其羽，載任降于桑。具扶曲箴筐，
后妃齋戒，親東鄕躬桑，禁婦女無觀。省婦使，勸蠶事，蠶事既登，分繭稱
絲效功，以共郊廟之服，無有敢墮。
In this m onth, the Son o f Heaven orders that foresters not allow the
mulberry and silkworm oak to be felled. The rock pigeons flap their wings
and the hoopoes alight on the mulberries. Stands for the small silkworm
baskets are made ready. After fasting and keeping vigil, the queen and prin
ciple concubines go in person to the eastern district to inspect the mulberry
trees. There is a prohibition against wives and younger wom en moving idly
about. They reduce the wom en5s chores in order to encourage w ork w ith
the silkworms. W hen the w ork on the silkworms has been finished, the
cocoons arc divided am ong the wom en, the silk the wom en have reeled is
weighed, and their accomplishments assessed. Since they supply the silk for
the robes used in the suburban and ancestral sacrifices, no one dares be idle.
3/1.6
是月也，命工師，令百工，審五庫之量，金鐵、皮革筋、角齒、羽箭
幹、脂膠丹漆，無或不良。百工咸理，監工日號，無悖於時；無或作爲淫
巧，以蕩上心。
In this m onth, the Son o f Heaven mandates that the leader o f the crafts
m en should order the hundred craftsmen to examine carefully the am ount
o f goods in the Five Storehouses: the bronze and iron goods; the articles
made from skins, hides, and sinews; those made from horn and ivory; those
made from feathers, arrow bam boo, and stem w ood; and those made from
fat, grease, cinnabar, and lacquer. They are to remove any that are no longer
gcxxl. The hundred craftsmen are to work collectively to put things in order,
their overseers each day instructing: aD o nothing that is ou t o f keeping
w ith the season. Create no object that, by its artifice and your uncanny skill,
unsettles the minds o f your superiors.55
3/1.7
是月之末，擇吉日，大合樂，天子乃率三公九卿諸侯大夫親往視之。
At the end o f this m onth, an auspicious day is selected for the great
assembled musical event. The Son o f Heaven, leading the Three Dukes, the
N ine Ministers, the feudal lords, and the grand officers, goes in person to
attend it.
3/1.8
是月也，乃合縈牛騰馬游牝于牧，犧牲駒犢，舉書其數。國人儺，九門
磔禳，以畢春氣。
In this m onth, breeding bulls and stallions are allowed to roam the pas
tures w ith the cows and mares. The calves and foals to be used as sacrificial
animals are selected, and their num ber recorded. The people o f the state
perform the Rites o f Exorcism, and at each o f the nine gates sacrificial ani
mals are torn apart and offerings made [to drive off evil emanations], in
order to complete the ethers o f spring.
3/1.9
行之是令，而甘雨至三旬。季春行冬令，則寒氣時發，草木皆肅，國有
大恐。行夏令，則民多疾疫，時雨不降，山陵不收。行秋令，則天多沈陰，
淫雨早降，兵革並起。
W hen these m onthly ordinances have been carried out, w ithin three
decades o f days, the sweet rains arrive. I f in the last m onth o f spring the
ordinances for w inter are put into effect, the cold ethers will frequentiy rise
up, all the grasses and trees will wither, and the state will be beset w ith great
fear. I f the ordinances for sum m er are adopted, the people will endure fre-
quent diseases and plagues, seasonal rains will no t fall， and the m ountains
and hills will yield no harvest. If the ordinances for autum n are implemented,
the heavens will frequently be heavy w ith m oisture and clouds， excessive
rains will come too early, and everywhere weapons and armaments will be
raised.
B O O K 3 99
二曰盡數
CH A PTER 2
F U L F IL L T H E N U M B E R
3/ 2.1
天生陰陽寒暑燥溼，四時之化，萬物之變，莫不爲利，莫不爲害。聖人
察陰陽之宜，辨萬物之利以便生，故精神安乎形，而年壽得長焉。長也者，
非短而續之也，畢其數也。畢數之務，在乎去害。何謂去害？大甘、大酸、
大苦、大辛、大鹹，五者充形則生害矣。大喜、大怒、大憂、大恐、大哀，
五者接神則生害矣。大寒、大熱、大燥、大溼、大風、大霖、大霧，七者動
精則生害矣。故凡養生，莫若知本，知本則疾無由至矣。
N ature produced the Yin and Yang principles, cold and heat, w et and
dry, the transformations o f the four seasons, and the metam orphoses o f the
myriad things. Each o f these can produce benefit, or it can cause harm. The
sage scrutinizes w hat is appropriate to the Yin and Yang and discriminates
w hat is beneficial in the myriad things in order to enhance life. Thus, the
vital essence and the spirit being secure within the bodily frame, the persons
life span is extended. This extension is not a m atter o f lengthening a short
life, but o f fulfilling an allotted span. The task o f fulfilling an allotted span
entails warding off harmful things. W hat is m eant by ccw arding off harmful
things ”？Excessive sweetness ，sourness ，bittem ess ，acridness， or saltiness—
if these five fill up the bodily frame, then life is harmed. Extremes o f joy,
anger, anxiety，fear， or grief—if these five become part o f the spirit, then life
is harmed. Excessive cold, heat, dryness, wetness, w ind, excessive and con
tinuous rains, or fog—if these seven influence the vital essence, then life is
harmed. Thus, as a general principle for nurturing life, nothing is preferable
to knowing the root cause. If the root cause is known^ sickness will never arise.
3/ 2 .2
精氣之集也，必有入也。集於羽鳥與爲飛揚，集於走獸與爲流行，集於
珠玉與爲精朗，集於樹木與爲茂長，集於聖人與爲奠明。精氣之來也，因
輕而揚之，因走而行之，因美而良之，因長而養之，因智而明之。
For the ethers to collect there m ust be som ething which they enter.
When the ethers collca in feathered birds,

They can fly and hover.
When the ethers collect in fcx)tcd animals.
IOO T H E A L M A N A C S
They can support their weight and walk.

When the ethers collect in pearls and jades,
They become faultless and glowing.
When the ethers collect in trees and shrubs,
They flourish and grow.
When the ethers collect in the sage,
He becomes exceedingly brilliant.
Thus is the appearance o f the ethers: W hen they avail themselves o f w hat is
light, they make it fly. W hen they avail themselves o f w hat has feet, they
make it walk. W hen they avail themselves o f w hat has beauty, they make it
excellent. W hen they avail themselves o f w hat grows, they make it flourish.
W hen they avail themselves o f w hat has awareness, they make it brilliantly
intelligent.
3/2.3
流水不腐，戶樞不螻，動也。形氣亦然，形不動則精不流，精不流則氣
鬱。鬱處頭則爲腫爲風，處耳則爲振爲聾，處目則爲鸱爲盲，處鼻則爲鼽
爲室 ’ 處腹則爲張爲狩’ 處足則爲凄爲厥。
Flowing waters do not stagnate and door hinges do not get mole crickets,
because they move. The ethers and bodily frame are also like this. I f the
bodily frame docs no t move, the vital essence docs not circulate; and if it
does n o t circulate, the ethers will coagulate. If they coagulate in the head,
they will produce fevers and delirium; if in the ear, they will make one hard
o f hearing or deaf; if in the eye, they will produce cataracts and blindness; if
in the nose, they will prcxluce head colds and nasal blockages; if in the stom
ach, they will prcxluce bloating and spasms; if in the feet, they will produce
lameness and paralysis.
3/2.4
輕水所多禿與瘿人，重水所多 m 與蹵人，甘水所多好與美人，辛水所多
疽與痤人，苦水所多跬與偃人。
In regions where the water is brackish, the people frequentiy are bald
and have swellings on the neck. W here it is filled w ith sediment, the people
frequently are swollen footed and lame. W here it is sweet, the people are
usually handsome and beautiful. W here it is alkaline, the people usually
have ulcers and boils. W here it is bitter, the people frequently arc sway-
backed and hunchbacked.
B O O K 3 IOI
3/2.5
凡食無彊厚，（味無以 ) 烈味重酒，是 ( 以 G E > 之謂 (之 V 疾首。食能以

時，身必無災。凡食之道，無飢無飽，是之謂五藏之葆。口必甘味，和精
端容，將之以神氣。百節虞歡，咸進受氣。飮必小咽，端直無戾。
I. Tao Hongqing.
As a general rule.
Do not consume rich and fatty foods,

Nor heavily spiced foods nor strong wines—
These arc said to cause the start of illness.
When one can eat at regular intervals,
The body will be certain not to suffer calamitous sickness.
As a general rule,
The Dao of eating entails

Neither going hungry nor engaging in gluttony—
This is called “comforting the Five Viscera.”
The mouth must find the taste sweet.

Keep the vital essence in harmony and the demeanor correct;
Guide them with the spirit and the ethers;
Make the hundred parts of the body relaxed and comfortable,
So that they receive the nourishment of the ethers.
When drinking, be certain to take small swallows;
Hold yourself upright; avoid abrupt movements.
3/ 2.6
今世上卜筮禱祠，故疾病愈來。譬之若射者，射而不中，反修于招，何
益於中？夫以湯止沸，沸愈不止，去其火則止矣。故巫醫毒藥，逐除治之，
故古之人賤之也，爲其末也。
The reason disease and illness become ever worse is that superiors o f the
present generation divine and pray. Consider the case o f archery. If when an
archer shoots and misses the bull5s-eye, he resets the target, how will he improve
his ability to hit the target? If you use hot water to keep a pot from boiling
over, n o t only will the boiling not stop, the pot will boil more vigorously.
But pu t the fire o u t and the boiling will stop. Sorcerers and their purgative
drugs treat sicknesses by expelling baleftil influences. This is why the ancients
held them in contempt. They treated the symptoms but not the causes o f illness.
i 〇 2 T H E A L M A N A C S
三曰先己
CHA PTER 3
P L A C IN G T H E S E L F F IR S T
3/3.1
湯問於伊尹曰：「欲取天下若何？』伊尹對曰：「欲取天下，天下不可
取。可取，身將先取。」凡事之本，必先治身，嗇其大寶。用其新，棄其
陳，腠理遂通。精氣日新，邪氣盡去，及其天年。此之謂眞人。
Tang interrogated Yi Yin: aI desire to seize control o f the world.

H o w shall I proceed?”
Yi Yin replied， ‘T h o u g h you may desire to seize control o f the
world, the world cannot be taken. Before it can, you m ust first gain
control over your ow n person.”
As a general principle, the foundation o f all undertakings rests in the

necessity o f first governing your person and being sparing o f your agreat
treasure.55 Use the new and expel the stale, so that the circulation w ithin
your veins remains free-flowing. T hen the vital essence and the ethers will
be renewed each day, and evil ethers will be completely expelled, and you
will reach your natural life span. I f you attain this, you will be called a ^True
Man.”
3/3.2
昔者先聖王，成其身而天下成，治其身而天下治。故善響者不於響於
聲，善影者不於影於形，爲天下者不於天下於身。《詩 > 曰：1■淑人君子，
其儀不忒。其儀不忒，正是四國。』言正諸身也。
A. In the past, the first sage-kings perfected their persons, and the w orld
was made complete. They governed themselves, and the world became well-
ordered. Thus, just as one w ho is good at prcxlucing echoes works n o t on
the echo but on his voice, and one w ho is gcxxi at producing shadows works
not on the shadow but on the shape that casts the shadow, one w ho exercises
control over the world works no t on the w orld but on his person. An O de
says:
The good man, the gentleman,

His demeanor docs not err.
B O O K 3 103
His demeanor docs not err,

He sets the example for the states of the four quarters.
[ÄW，
“Caofeng，”“Shijiu，”Mao 152]
This means he sets the example o f rectitude in his ow n person.
故反其道而身善矣；行義則人善矣；樂備君道，而百官已治矣，萬民已利
矣。三者之成也，在於無爲。無爲之道曰勝天，義曰利身，君曰勿身。勿
身督聽，利身平靜，勝天順性。順性則聰明壽長，平靜則業進樂鄕，督聽
則姦塞不 ( 皇 5 ? > 徨1。
I. YuYuc, Chen Qiyou.
B. Thus, when the ruler reverts to the proper Dao, his person becomes
goexi. I f his conduct accords w ith his code o f duty, then other m en will
approve o f him. W hen he joyfully perfects the Way o f the lord, all the hun-
dred offices become orderly and the myriad people are benefited. The sue-
cessful com pletion o f these three principles depends upon n o t acting on
behalf o f some purpose. The D ao o f not acting on behalf o f some purpose
is said to comply w ith natural endowm ent. A code o f duty that does not
entail acting on behalf o f some purpose is said to benefit the person. The
lord w ho does n o t act on behalf o f some purpose is said to do nothing
himself.
Not doing anything himsdf， he listens neutrally.

Benefiting his own person, he is imperturbable and serene.
Complying with his natural endowment, he accords with his essential
nature.
If he accords with his essential nature,

His hearing will be sharp, his vision dear, and his old age prolonged.
If he is imperturbable and serene,
Tasks will be advanced and the people will happily turn to him.
If he listens neutrally,
The evil will be arrested and prcxiuce no misgivings.
故上失其道則邊侵於敵，內失其行，名聲墮於外。是故百仞之松，本傷於
下，而末槁於上：商、周之國，謀失於胸，令困於彼。故心得而聽得，聽得
而事得，事得而功名得。
C. Thus, if a superior neglects the proper Dao, his enemies will encroach
upon his borders. If w ithin his dom ain he neglects his proper activities,
then his reputation will be diminished in other realms. This is why when
i 〇 4 T H E A L M A N A C S
the roots o f a pine that is a hundred yards tall are damaged, its branches will
wither. The counselors o f the states o f the Shang and Z hou erred w ithin
their breasts, so they had difficulty com m anding others. Thus, when the
succeed. When attairs succeed, a m eritorious reputation is acquired.

五帝先道而後德，故德莫盛焉；三王先 (敎 G E > 德而後 (殺 G E > 事，故(事
G E > 功莫 (功 G E > 大2焉；五伯先事而後兵，故兵莫彊焉。
2. YuYuc, Sun Shuchcng; on basis ofB TSC y TFTL^ andT W L J quotations.
D. The Five Sovereigns put the Way first and Power second; thns^ no
Power exceeded theirs. The Three Kings put Power first and official under
takings second; therefore, no undertaking accomplished m ore than theirs.
The Five Lords-Protcctor p u t accomplishments first and military m ight sec
ond; thus, no army was stronger than theirs.
當今之世，巧謀並行，詐術遞用，攻戰不休，亡國辱主愈眾，所事者末也。
E. In the present age, devious strategies are everywhere carried o u t and
deceptive methcxls are constantly used. Offensive wars do no t cease and
ruined states and disgraced rulers grow ever m ore num erous, because they
are concerned w ith effects and no t w ith causes.
3/ 3.3
夏后〔相 G E > 啓3與有扈戰於甘澤而不勝，六卿請復之，夏后 (相 GE>

啓曰： T不可。吾地不淺，吾民不寡，戰而不勝，是吾德薄而敎不善也。 j
於是乎處不重席，食不貳味，琴瑟不張，鍾鼓不修，子女不飭，親親長長，
尊賢使能，期年而有扈氏服。故欲勝人者必先自勝，欲論人者必先自論，
欲知人者必先自知。
3. Bi Yuan.
Boqi, the Xia sovereign, did battle w ith the Youhu at Ganze but was not
victorious. The six ministers entreated him to attack again, but Boqi re
plied, ccIt w ould n ot be proper. M y lands arc o f no t inconsequential size,
my subjects are n ot few; if I have fought and not been victorious, it is bc-
Y moral power is slight and my teaching unappealing for lack o f
s.55Thereafter, in his residence he rested upon a single m at and ate
foods w ith simple seasonings. The lutes and zithers were no t strung, the
bells and drums were not arrayed, and the wom en did no t adorn them
selves. H e treated his relatives w ith the kindness due relatives, and his elders
with the respect due the old. H e honored the w orthy and employed the
able. After one year, the ruling clan o f Youhu offered their submission.
Hence, a ruler w ho wishes to conquer others m ust first conquer himself;
one w ho wishes to judge others m ust first judge himself; one w ho wishes to
know others m ust first know himself.
3/ 3.4
《詩 > 曰：『執害如組。』孔子曰：『審此言也可以爲天下。』子貢曰：

W可其躁也？』孔子曰：『非謂其躁也，謂其爲之於此，而成文於彼也，聖
人組修其身，而成文於天下矣。』故子華子曰：「丘陵成而穴者安矣，大水
深淵成而魚鱉安矣，松柏成而塗之人已蔭矣。 j
An O de says:
He holds the reins as if he were plaiting silk cords.

[从 1，
“Beifcng，” “Jianxi，” Mao 38]
Confucius said, Êxamine these words carefully, for they can be used to
govern the w orld•”
Zigong exclaimed, “H ow urgent his movements are!”
Confucius replied, "The poem docs no t describe the urgency o f his
movements. It describes how he works on w hat is close at hand and the
pattern is completed farther away. The sage cultivates himself and his grand
design is completed in the world.55
Hence, our M aster H uazi said, aW here hills and m ounds are abundant,
those w ho live in their caves are secure. W here waters in chasms and gorges
are abundant, fish and turtles are secure. W here pines and poplars are abun
dant, the wayfarer is shaded.55
3/ 3.5
孔子見魯哀公，哀公曰：「有語寡人曰：「爲國家者，爲之堂上而已
矣。」寡人以爲迂言也。』孔子曰：「此非迂言也。丘聞之：「得之於身者
得之人，失之於身者失之人。」不出於門戶而天下治者，其唯知反於己身
者乎！j
W hen Confucius had an audience w ith Duke Ai o f Lu, the duke said, aA
m an told me that cthose w ho govern the state should do no more than
perform their duties from the head o f the hall.51 consider this a bizarre
doctrine.”
Confucius responded, ccIt is not a bizarre doctrine. I was taught that "he
w ho attains it in himself attains it in others, whereas he w ho loses it in
himself loses it in othcrs.î T hough he docs not go ou t o f his gate, the world
is well-ordered—this I fear can be done only by one w ho understands revert
ing to his ow n person.55
四曰論人
CH A PTER 4
A S S E S S IN G O T H E R S
3/+.I
主道約，君守近。太上反諸己，其次求諸人。其索之彌遠者，其推之彌
疏；其求之彌疆者，失之彌遠。
The D ao o f ruling is simple. The lord w ho safeguards it will find

it near at hand. The supremely im portant first step is to find w hat
you seek in yourself. The next step is to seek it in others. The farther
away you search for it, the m ore you push it away. The m ore energy
you expend in seeking it, the m ore it eludes you.
3/4.2
何謂反諸己也？適耳目，節嗜欲，釋智謀，去巧故，而游意乎無窮之
次，事心乎自然之塗，若此則無以害其天矣。無以害其天則知精，知精則
知神，知神之謂得一。
A. W hat does it mean to “seek it in yourselP? It means to m oderate the
cars and eyes, restrict appetites and desires, reject ^wisdom55 and uplans,w
and abjure the “clever55and “established，” so that you can let your thoughts
roam through the abode o f the limitless and allow your heart to follow the
path o f spontaneity. I f you become like this, then nothing can harm your
natural endowm ent. If nothing can harm your natural endow m ent, you
know the vital essence. I f you understand the vital essence, you know the
spirit. To “know the spirit5’ means to “attain the one.”
凡彼萬形，得一後成。故知〔知〕 1一，則應物變化，闊大淵深，不可測也。
德行昭美，比於日月，不可 ( 息 S F > 媳 2也。豪士時之，遠方來賓，不可塞
也。意氣宣通，無所束縛，不可 ( 收 G E > 牧 3也。故知知一，則復歸於樸，
嗜欲易足，取養節薄，不可得也。離世自樂，中情潔白，不可 ( 量 G E > S 4
也。威不能懼，嚴不能恐，不可服也。故知知一，則 ( 可 )5動作當務，與時
周旋，不可極也。舉錯以數，取與遵理，不可惑也。言無遺者，集〔
於〕6肌
BOOK 3 107
虜，不可革6也。讒人困窮，賢者遂興，不可匿也。故知知一，則若天地然，
則何事之不勝，何物之不應？譬之若御者，反諸己，則車輕馬利，致遠復
食而不倦。昔上世之亡主，以罪爲在人，故日殺僇而不止，以至於亡而不
悟。三代之興王，以罪爲在己，故日功而不衰，以至於王。
I. Wang Niansun, XuWciyu, Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou. 3. Bi Yuan, rhyme.
4. Chen Changqi, rhyme. 5. Chen Changqi, Chen Qiyou. 6. XuWciyu, Chen Qiyou.
B. As a general principle, the myriad forms come to completion only

after they have attained the one. Thus, if you understand aknowing the
O ne，”
Your responses to the metamorphoses and transformations

of things
Will be so broad and so profound
That they cannot be fathomed.
Your Power will be so dazzlingly beautiful
That, like the sun and moon.
It cannot be extinguished.
Brave scholar-knights will regularly arrive.
Coming from such distant quarters to serve you
That they cannot be stopped.
Your ambitions and vital energies will be broadcast so widely.
With nothing to restrain them,
That they cannot be shepherded.
Thus, if you understand aknowing the O n e f you will be able to return to

the state o f original simplicity,
Where appetites and desires are so easily satisfied,

What you need to nurture yourself is so moderate and meager
That you cannot be controlled by others.
You will renounce the world and enjoy yourself,
Your innermost feelings will be so pure and unblemished.
That you cannot be corrupted.
Majesty will be so unable to intimidate you.
And severity to make you tremble.
That you cannot be made to submit.
Therefore, if you understand ^knowing the One,55then
Your actions and initiatives will be suitable,

According with the cycle of the seasons.
You cannot be surpassed.
Promoting and dismissing according to method,
Taking and giving according to rational principles,
You will not be confused.
Your words lacking anything that is careless,
Being as closely knit as muscle and skin.
You will not be deceived.
Slanderers, reduced to poverty and unemployed,
The worthy, given free reign and flourishing,
They will not be hidden from you.
Thus, if you understand aknow the One,55 you will be like Heaven and
E arth —how could there be any task to which you w ould n o t be equal, or
anything to which you could not respond? You will be like the driver whose
carriage, when he reverts to himself, becomes so light and his horses so
keen， that he traverses great distances w ithout hunger or fatigue.
In the past, the doom ed rulers o f previous ages blamed others when
there was crime. Thus, each day they executed m ore and never stopped, so
that to the very end, even as they themselves perished, they never grasped
the reason. The ascendant kings o f the Three Dynasties blamed themselves
when there was crime. Thus, each day they accomplished m ore and suf
fered no reversals, so that in the end they become universal kings.
3/4-3
何謂求諸人？人同類而智殊，賢不肖異，皆巧言辯辭，以自防禦，此不
肖主之所以亂也。凡論人，通則觀其所禮，貴則觀其所進，富則觀其所養，
聽則觀其所行，止則觀其所好，習則觀其所言，窮則觀其所不受，賤則觀
其所不爲，喜之以驗其守，樂之以驗其僻，怒之以驗其節，懼之以驗其特，
哀之以驗其人，苦之以驗其志，八觀六驗，此賢主之所以論人也。論人者，
又必以六戚四隱。何謂六戚？父母兄弟妻子。何爲四隱？交友故舊邑里門
(郭 G E > 郎 S F > 廊7 。內則用六戚四隱，外則用八觀六驗，人之情僞貪鄙美
惡無所失矣，譬之若逃雨，汙無之而非是。此先聖王之所以知人也。
7. Sun Yirang.
W hat is meant by "'seeking it in others?55 T hough men belong to the
same species they differ in regard to their wisdom. The worthy and unworthy
are different even though both use artifices o f speech, discriminations, and
propositions to defend themselves against their opponents. This is how
incom petent rulers are bewildered.
As ä general rule， there arc eight examinations and six tests for evaluating
men. The eight examinations are: when they are successful, examine w hom
they treat w ith ritual courtesy; when they are noble, examine w hom they
B O O K 3 109
recom mend; when they are rich, examine w hom they support; when they
hear advice, examine how they implement it; when they are in retirem ent,
examine w hat gives them pleasure; when they are well versed in a matter,
examine w hat they teach; when they are poor, examine w hat they will not
tolerate; and when they are lowly, examine w hat they will no t do. The six
tests are: make them d a ted in order to test their self-control; make them
happy in order to test their tendency to wantonness; make them angry in
order to test their self-restraint; make them apprehensive in order to test
their unique features; make them sad in order to test their em pathy for
others; and oppress them in order to test their resolve. These eight exami-
nations and six tests are how a w orthy ruler assesses the qualities o f men.
In assessing other men, one m ust also employ the six family relations
and the four confidential relationships. W hat are the six family relations?
They are father, mother, older brother, younger brother, wife, and son. W hat
are the four confidential relationships? Friends, old acquaintances, fellow
villagers， and colleagues. W hen the family is involved, use the six family
relations and the four confidential relationships. W hen the outside w orld is
involved, use the eight examinations and the six tests. Then one will never
err about whether a man is being truthful o r deceitful, greedy or honest,
good or evil—error will be precluded. Running through the rain w ithout
getting wet is utterly impossible. This is how the sage-king comes to under
stand men.
五曰圜道
CH A PTER 5
T H E C IR C U L A R IT Y O F T H E D A O
3 / 5 . 1
天道圜，地道方，聖王法之，所以立上下。何以說天道之園也？精氣一
上一下，圜周復雜，無所稽留，故曰天道圜。何以說地道之方也？萬物殊
類殊形，皆有分職，不能相爲，故曰地道方。主執圜，臣處方，方圜不易，
其國乃昌。
The Dao o f Heaven is circular and the D ao o f Earth is square. The

sage-king models himself after them to establish the high and the
low.
n o T H E A L M A N A C S
W hat is the explanation o f the circularity o f Heaven? The vital essence and
ethers alternately rise and fall, revolving in a complex cycle that is never
interrupted or impeded. Thus, we say the D ao o f Heaven is circular.
W hat is the explanation for the squareness o f the Dao o f Earth? Though
the myriad things are distinct in category and forms, each has its ow n place
and function, and these cannot be interchanged. Thus, we say the D ao o f
Earth is square.
The ruler holds to the circular;

The ministers take their places in the square.
When the square and the circular are not interchanged.
The state flourishes.
3/5.2
曰夜一周，園道也。月躔二十八宿，轸與角屬，圜道也。精行四時，一
上一下各與遇，圜道也。物動則萌，萌而生，生而長，長而大，大而成，成
乃衰，衰乃殺，殺乃藏，圜道也。雲氣西行，云云然冬夏不綴；水泉東流，
日夜不休；上不竭，下不滿；小爲大，重爲輕；園道也。
A. The complete cycle o f day following night is an example o f the circu
larity o f the Dao. T hat am ong the 28 lodges o f the zodiac through which
the mcxDn travels. Chariot Platform and H o rn arc connected is an example
o f the circularity o f the Dao. The circulation o f the vital essences during the
four seasons, one rising, the other falling, each joining w ith the other, is an
example o f the circularity o f the Dao. W hen things are stirred, they sprout;
having sprouted, they grow; growing, they develop; developing, they reach
their full size; reaching their full size, they complete their m aturation; fully
m atured, they begin to wither; w ithering they die; and dying leads to their
lying hidden—all this is an example o f the circularity o f the Dao. Clouds
and vapors move to the west in great abundance, stopping neither in w inter
n o r in summer; rivers and streams flow to the east resting neither day nor
night; their source never drying up and their m ouths never filling up; the
small becoming large, and the heavy becom ing light—all these arc examples
o f the circularity o f the Dao.
黃帝曰：「帝無常處也，有處者乃無處也。』以言不刑蹇 1 ，園道也。人之
窮九，一有所居則八虛，八虛甚久則身斃。故唯而聽，唯止；聽而視，聽
止。以言說一，一不欲留，留運爲敗，圜道也，一也齊至貴，莫知其原，莫
知其端，莫知其始，莫知其終，而萬物以爲宗。聖王法之，以 (令 G E > 全 1
B O O K 3 in
其性，以定其 ( 正 G E > 生2 ，以出號令。令出於主口，官職受而行之，日夜
不休，宣通下究，谶於民心，遂於四方，還周復歸，至於主所，園道也。
令圜則可不可善不善無所壅矣。無所壅者，主道通也。故令者，人主之所
以爲命也，賢不肖安危之所定也。
I. Chen Qiyou: 蹇 LC勉. 2. Following old collation.
B. The Yellow Sovereign said: CC

A Sovereign has no constant position.
By taking a position, he w ould lose that position.55
This passage advocates ccno t obstructing the bcxly.55This is an example o f

the circularity o f the Dao.
It is characteristic o f the nine orifices o f the body that when a person

concentrates on one o f them , the other eight m ust stay empty. I f
they stay empty too long, the body will atrophy. Thus, if you start to
listen while talking， you will have to stop talking; if you start to look
at som ething while listening, you will have to stop listening.
This passage describes “concentrating on the One.” The O ne had no desire

to be detained. If detained, the circularity o f its m otion would be destroyed—
this is an example o f the circularity o f the Dao.
The O ne is the m ost valued o f all things. N o one knows its source.
N o one knows its first manifestations. N o one knows where it starts
or where it ends. Yet the myriad things take it to be their progenitor.
The sage-king imitates it to keep his nature intact， to fix his life span,
and to issue orders.
W hen orders issue from the rulers m outh, officers receive and enact them.
Day and night they do no t rest, com m unicating them to the lowest reaches
o f the bureaucracy, im buing the peopled hearts w ith them , and extending
them to the four quarters o f the world, until they come full circle and return
to the ruler—such is the circularity o f the Dao. I f orders come full circle,
then, they make the im proper proper and the bad good; nothing impedes
them. N othing impedes them because the way o f the ruler penetrates ev
erywhere. Thus, the ruler devotes his life to his orders, for they determine
his w orth as well as his security.
人之有形體四枝，其能使之也，爲其感而必知也，感而不知，則形體四枝
不使矣。人臣亦然，號令不感，則不得而使矣。有之而不使，不若無有。
主也者，使非有者也，舜、禹、湯、武皆然。
C. A man has a body w ith four limbs. H is ability to control them rests
on his always being aware o f when they arc stimulated. I f he were unaware
o f stimulation, he could n o t control his body and limbs. The role o f minis
ters is like that o f the four limbs. I f the rulers orders do n o t stimulate them ,
he will n ot be able to control them . To have ministers w ho cannot be con
trolled is worse than having no ministers at all. A trae ruler controls w hat
docs n o t belong to his ow n person. This was true o f Shun, Yu, Tang, and
Wu.
3/5.3
先王之立 ( 高 )3官也，必使之方。方則分定，分定則下不相隱。堯、舜，
賢主也，皆以賢者爲後，不肯與其子孫，猶若立官必使之方。
3. Jiang Wciqiao, Chen Qiyou; following BTSC.
A. W hen the Founding Kings established their bureaucracy, they invari
ably established it according to the square. I f things are square, then the
divisions have been fixed. I f the divisions have been fixed, then subordi
nates will n o t conceal things from their rulers. Yao and Shun, w ho were the
worthiest o f rulers, both made other w orthy m en their successors, being
unwilling to give their positions to their ow n descendants. This is exactly
the same principle as establishing offices and invariably establishing them
according to the square.
今世之人主，皆欲世勿失矣，而與其子孫，立官不能使之方，以私欲亂之
也，何哉？其所欲者之遠，而所知者之近也。
B. Rulers o f the present age all desire that their posterity should no t lose
their positions， so they bequeath them to their descendants. Because o f
this, they cannot establish their offices according to the square, and their
selfish desires create chaos in their states. Why is this? Because those they
need are distant and those they know are near at hand.
今五音之無不應也，其分審也。宮徵商羽角，各處其處，音皆調均，不可
以相違，此所以無不 ( 受 G E > 侵 4也，賢主之立官，有似於此。百官各處其
職、治其事以待主，主無不安矣。以此治國，國無不利矣；以此備患，患無
由至矣。
4 . Chen Qiyou.
C. N o t one o f the five tones o f the pentatonic scale fails to respond
when its division has been carefully determined. The£[〇n£[^ zhi^ shanß^ yu^
znàjue notes each occupy a unique place in the scale. T heir sounds can all
B O O K 3 II3
be blended and harm onized but cannot intrude on one another; in this way
they do n ot encroach on each other. The way the w orthy ruler establishes
the offices o f his governm ent resembles this. Each o f the 100 offices has
particular responsibilities and tends to particular duties in serving the ruler.
W hen this principle is used to serve the ruler, he never fails to be at ease;
when it is used to govern the state, it never fails to benefit; when it is used
to prepare against calamities, they never occur.
Book 4
The aAlmanacwof the first month of summer lists natural phenomena that mark the
beginning of summer. Since in this month the Yin ethers arc roused in the depths of
the earth, creatures belonging to the Yang croak and earthworms emerge from the
earth. The aAlmanacwprohibits anything that might take the farmers from their
hoeing and weeding, interfere with the cultivation of crops, or damage the crops.
If the ordinances of autumn, which arc bom of the process Metal and associ
ated with killing, are implemented in the first month of summer, the time when the
Yang reaches its apogee, the process Water, which is produced by the prexess Metal,
will come in great floods, killing the grains and wiping out the harvest. The border
regions will be troubled by roving bands of brigands and robbers, causing the
people to seek safety within the walls of cities and towns. If the ordinances of
winter, the season of confinement and imprisonment, are implemented, grasses
and shrubs will wither early and floods will undermine city walls, giving evidence
of the errors of uscasonablcncss and misplaced praaices. This is the month when
everything grows larger and taller, so if the ordinances appropriate to spring arc
implemented, rousing insects from their torpidity, locusts will become a plague.
Spring is the time of the ether Wood, which magnifies the winds. If the ordinances
of spring are implemented, there will be violent storms that damage plants, pre
venting them from prcxiucing seeds.
Education, the topic of chapters 2 and 3, belongs to the summer season, be
cause the purpose of education—apcrfccting the person55—is analogous to ensuring
that crops grow to their fiill maturity, the principal activity of summer. Teaching is
the most important of our moral duties, and learning is the fulfillment of wisdom.
Chapter 3 supplements this argument， listing the various teachers whom sagely
rulers of the past honored, and pointing out that the failure of their descendants to
honor their teachers was responsible for the collapse of the historical dynasties.
Confucius and Mo Di both accepted as students men whose social background
was undistinguished or who were personally suspect.
[114]
B O O K 4 US
Chapter 4 aFalsc Followers^ develops the theme, common in the L üshi chunqiu^
that learning must be grounded in human nature, men must be exhorted to study,
study cannot be pursued without steadfastness and constancy, and one cannot learn
without following one’s teacher exactly. These ideas are fixrther developed in chap-
ter 5, which has the alternate title， “On Being a Good Learner.”
一曰孟夏
CH A PTER 1
A L M A N A C F O R T H E F IR S T M O N T H O F S U M M E R
4/1.1
孟夏之月：日在畢，昏翼中，旦婺女中。
Ä. D uring the first m onth o f sum m er the sun is located in N et. At dusk
the constellation Wings culminates, and at dawn the constellation Serving
M aid culminates.
其曰丙丁。其帝炎帝。其神祝融。其蟲羽。其音徵。律中仲呂。其數七。
( 其性禮。其事視。）i 其味苦。其臭焦。其祀竃。祭先肺。
I. Mao Panlin, Chen Qiyou; excrescent addition fromL ijiy ^Yucling"parallel, confirmed by absence
of Gao Youcommentary.
B. The correlates o f this m onth arc the days bing and din£f^ the Sovereign
Yan, his assisting spirit Zhurong, creatures that are feathered, the musical
note zhi^ the pitch-standard Regulator o f the M ean, the num ber seven (the
clement o f hum an nature ritual propriety, the faculty vision), acrid tastes,
burning smells, and the offering at the furnace. A t sacrifice, the lungs are
given the preem inent position.
螻蟈鳴。丘蚓出。王菩生。苦菜秀。
C. The small green frogs croak, the earthworm s come out, the royal
vine develops, and the sow-thistle flowers.
天子居明堂左個，乘朱輅，駕赤騮，載赤旃，衣赤衣，服赤玉，食菽與雞。
其器高以桷。
D. The Son o f Heaven resides in the left: apartm ent o f the Hall o f Light.
H e rides in a chariot o f cinnabar-red, pulled by vermilion horses w ith black
tails and bearing vermilion streamers. H e is clothed in vermilion robes and
wears vermilion jade ornaments. H e cats beans accompanied by fowl. His
vessels are tall and large.
Il6 T H E A L M A N A C S
4 / 1 .2
是月也，以立夏。先立夏三日，太史謁之天子曰：「某日立夏，盛德在
火。j 天子乃齋。立夏之日，天子親率三公九卿大夫以迎夏於南郊，還，乃
行賞，封侯慶賜，無不欣說。乃命樂師習合禮樂。命太尉，贊傑俊，遂賢
良，舉長大。行爵出祿，必當其位。
In this m onth occurs Establishing Summer. Three days before the cer
emony marking Establishing Summer, the grand historiographer informs
the Son o f Heaven, saying: ccO n such-and-such a day begins Establishing
Summer. The Power that is flourishing is Fire.55The Son o f Heaven then
begins his fast. O n the day beginning Establishing Summer, the Son o f
Heaven personally leads the Three Dukes, the N ine M inisters, the feudal
lords, and the grand officers in welcoming sum m er at the southern subur
ban altar. O n returning, rewards are distributed, fiefs are given out, con
gratulations and gifts are offered, and everyone is joyful and pleased. H e
then mandates that the music master should supervise the rehearsal for and
the combined performance o f ritual ceremonies and music works, that the
grand pacifier make know n outstanding and remarkable persons, and rec
om m end the unusually w orthy and good and those o f exceptional stature
and size. The conferral o f rank and the dispensation o f em olum ent m ust
coincide w ith the position held.
4/1.3
是月也，繼長增高，無有壞隳。無起土功，無發大眾，無伐大樹。
In this m onth, things should be encouraged to continue to grow taller
and to mature. D o nothing that will cause spoilage or injury. D o not initiate
projects involving constructions o f earth. D o not send forth large bodies o f
troops. D o not fell large trees.
4 /1.4
是月也，天子始綈。命野虞，出行田原，勞農勸民，無或失時。命司
徒，循行縣鄙，命農勉作，無伏于都。
In this m onth, the Son o f Heaven begins to dress in thin hemp clothes.
H e mandates that the foresters go ou t into the fields and plains to encour
age the farmers and exhort the people; they should n o t allow anything to
miss the season. H e m andates that the director o f education make a tour o f
B O O K 4 117
inspection through the counties and border district towns, charging the
farmers to exert all efforts and n o t to evade them by hiding in the cities.
4/1.5
是月也，驅獸無害五穀。無大田獵。農乃升麥。天子乃以彘嘗麥，先薦
寢廟。
In this m onth, to prevent injury to the five grains, wild animals are chased
away; but there should not be any great hunting expeditions. The farmers then
present the new wheat, which the Son o f Heaven samples w ith pork, hav
ing first offered a portion in the apartment at the back o f the ancestral temple.
4/1.6
是月也，聚蓄百藥。糜草死。麥秋至。斷薄刑，決小罪，出輕繫。蠶事
既畢，后妃獻繭。乃收繭稅，以桑爲均，貴賤少長如一，以給郊廟之祭服。
In this m onth, they collca and store the hundred medicinal herbs. Deli
cate grasses die, and the wheat matures. They decide cases involving light
punishments and determine sentences for m inor infractions, and they release
those incarcerated for slight offenses. W hen w ork w ith the silkworms has
been completed, the queen and principal concubines present their cocœ ns.
Then the tithe on cocoons is collected in proportion to the num ber o f m ul
berry trees. The tithe is one and the same for noble and mean, young and
old, in order that materials m ight be provided for the robes used in sacri
fices at the suburban altars and in the ancestral temple.
4 /1 .7
是月也，天子飮酎，用禮樂。
In this m onth, the Son o f Heaven drinks new spirits that have been
made to ferment by older spirits, and he observes the ritual ceremonies and
musical performances.
4/1.8
行之是令，而甘雨至三旬。孟夏行秋令，則苦雨數來，五穀不滋，四鄙
入保。行冬令，則草木早枯，後乃大水，敗其城郭。行春令，則蟲蝗爲敗，
暴風來格，秀草不實。
W ith the im plem entation o f these ordinances, t±ie sweet rains arrive in
each o f the three decades o f days. If the ordinances o f autum n are imple
m ented in the first m onth o f summer, pitiless rains will repeatedly occur,
the Five Foods will not mature, and the inhabitants o f the four border regions
will have to enter fortified areas to seek protection from bandits. If the
ordinances o f w inter are implemented, then the grasses and shrabs will
wither early and afterwards there will be great floods that will underm ine
the inner and outer city walls. I f the ordinances o f spring are implemented,
then locusts will become a plague, violent winds will come in attack, and
flowering plants will n o t bear seeds.
二曰勸學
CHA PTER 2
A N E X H O R T A T IO N T O L E A R N IN G
4 /2.1
先王之敎，莫榮於孝，莫顯於忠。忠孝，人君人親之所甚欲也。顯榮，
人子人臣之所甚願也。然而人君人親不得其所欲，人子人臣不得其所願，
此生於不知理義。不知理義，生於不學。
A. O f the teachings o f the Form er Kings, none was m ore glorious than
filial piety and none m ore em inent than loyalty. Loyalty and filial piety are
w hat rulers and parents hope for most. Eminence and glory are w hat sons
and ministers m ost desire. Despite this, rulers and parents do n o t get w hat
they hope for， and sons or ministers cannot get w hat they desire• 丁his de-
velops from their not knowing reason and morality. Their no t knowing
reason and morality is born o f their lack o f learning.
學者師達而有材，吾未知其不爲聖人。聖人之所在，則天下理焉。在右則
右重，在左則左重，是故古之聖王未有不尊師者也。尊師則不論其貴賤貧
富矣。若此則名號顯矣，德行彰矣。
B. A student whose teacher is widely learned and w ho him self has tal
en t—I have never know n o f such a personas n o t becoming a sage. W here
there is a sage, the world is provided w ith principles o f rational order. If he
is at the right, then the right becomes im portant; if he is at the left, then the
left becomes im portant. For these reasons, all o f the sage-kings o f antiquity
honored teachers. W hen the sages honored teachers, they did n o t assess
w hether they were o f noble or base origins, poor or rich. In this way, the
reputations o f the sage-kings became em inent and their virtuous acts were
made well-known.
故師之敎也，不爭輕重尊卑貧富，而爭於道。其人苟可，其事無不可，所
求盡得，所欲盡成，此生於得聖人。聖人生於疾學。不疾學而能爲魁士名
人者，未之嘗有也。
C. Thus in offering instruction, teachers did not question w hether a
student was o f slight im portance or great, honored or lowly, rich or poor,
rather they questioned w hether the student could achieve the Dao. I f the
man himself is acceptable, instruction cannot but succeed. Whatever he seeks,
he obtains, and whatever he desires is accomplished. This results from his
becoming a sage, and becoming a sage is the product o f intense study. There
has never been a case o f som eone w ho did n o t study intensely and yet was
able to become an em inent scholar-knight and famous man.
疾學在於尊師，師尊則言信矣，道論矣。故往敎者不化，召師者不化，自
卑者不聽，卑師者不聽。師操不化不聽之術而以彊敎之，欲道之行，身之
尊也、不亦遠乎？學者處不化不聽之勢，而以自行〔
之〕1 ，欲名之顯、身之
安也，是懷腐而欲香也，是入水而惡濡也。
I. Xu Wciyu; parallelism.
D. Intense study depends on honoring teachers. W hen teachers are

honored, their doctrines are accepted on faith and their way is advocated.
Therefore,
a teacher w ho instructs in response to a summons does not transform

the person w ho sum m oned him, and the person w ho sum m ons the
teacher is n o t transformed by his teachings. Those who debase them
selves are n o t heeded, and those w ho debase teachers do not heed
their teachings.
I f the teacher upholds m ethods that do no t transform and are not heeded,
yet insists that others be instructed in them , is this not far indeed from his
desire to have his Dao practiced and his person honored! If the student
lives in a situation where he can neither be transformed nor heed instruc
tions, but docs whatever suits him, then his hope o f making his name em i
nent and his person secure is like ""holding som ething rotten but wanting to
smell perfum e55or ahating to get w et and yet going in the water.55
4/2.2
凡說者，（
兌 S F > 銳 2之也，非 ( 說之也。今世之說者，多弗能
( 兌 S F > 銳，而反 ( 說 G V > 悅之。夫弗能 ( 兌 S F > 銳而反 ( 說 G V > 悅，是拯
溺而睡之以石也，是救病而飮之以董也。使世益亂；不肖主重惑者，從此
生矣。
2. Chen Qiyou. 3- Gao Heng.
A. As a general principle, those w ho offer persuasions should be shaq>ly

critical and n o t merely try to please their listeners. In the present age, those
w ho offer persuasions, frequentiy being incapable o f being sharply critical,
try instead merely to please people. To be incapable o f being sharply critical
and try instead to please is like trying <cto save a drow ning m an by sinking
him w ith a rock” or “to cure a sick m an by giving him poison•” Such
persuaders make the age ever m ore chaotic; and yet incom petent rulers,
being doubly confused, follow these masters.
故爲師之務，在於勝理，在於行義。理勝義立則位尊矣，王公大人弗敢驕
也，上至於天子，朝之而不慙。
B. Thus, the task o f real teachers consists in prom oting reason and prac
ticing morality. W hen reason is prom oted and morality established, their
positions will be honored. Kings, dukes, and great m en will n o t presume to
treat them w ith contem pt. M en w ith positions as high as the Son o f Heaven
will be unashamed to welcome them at their courts.
凡遇合也，合不可必，遺理釋義以要不可必，而欲人之尊之也，不亦難乎？
故師必勝理行義然後尊。
C. As a general principle, in chance encounters and formal meetings,
agreement cannot be guaranteed. But if you forswear reason and repudiate
morality in search o f an outcom e that cannot be guaranteed, then will it not
be difficult to realize your desire that others honor you? Thus, the teacher
m ust prom ote reason and put moral principles into practice, for only then
will he be honored.
4/2.3
曾子曰：「君子行於道路，其有父者可知也，其有師者可知也。夫無父
而無師者，餘若夫何哉！』此言事師之猶事父也。曾點使曾參，過期而不
至，人皆見曾點曰：「無乃畏邪？』曾點曰：r 彼雖畏，我存，夫安敢畏？ j
孔子畏於匡，顏淵後，孔子曰：「吾以汝爲死矣。』顏淵曰：『子在，回何
B O O K 4 121
敢死？j 顏回之於孔子也，猶曾參之事父也。古之賢者，與其尊師若此，
故師盡智竭道以敎。
M aster Zcng said, "^When gentlem en are walking on the road, it

can be know n which o f them has a father and which has a teacher.
W hat remains for those w ho lack both a father and a teacher to do?”
This teaches that serving your teacher is like serving your father.
»•參
Zeng Dian sent his son Z eng Can on ä mission. The deadline
passed, but he did n o t return. Everyone w ho saw Zcng D ian said,
aHave you no fear that he has perished?55
Zeng Dian replied, cT h o u g h he may be in m ortal danger, so long
as I still survive how w ould he dare perish?55
W hen he was endangered in Kuang, and Yan Yuan fell behind,

Confucius said, aI thought you m ight be dead.55
Yan Yuan replied, ccWhile the M aster is alive, how w ould I dare
to die.”
Yan H u i’s relationship to Confiicius was the same as Zcng Can’s serving his
father. These are examples o f the way w orthy m en o f antiquity honored
their teachers. Thus, their teachers taught them all their wisdom and every
thing they knew o f the Dao.
三曰尊師
CH A PTER 3
O N H O N O R IN G T E A C H E R S
4/ 3.1
神農師悉諸，黃帝師大撓，帝顓頊師伯夷父，帝嚳師伯招，帝堯師子州
支父，帝舜師許由，禹師大成贄，湯師小臣，文王、武王師呂望、周公旦，
齊桓公師管夷吾，晉文公師咎犯、隨會，秦穆公師百里奚、公孫枝，楚莊王
師孫叔敖、沈尹巫，吳王闔閭師伍子胥、文之儀，越王句踐師范蠡、大夫
種。此十聖人六賢者，未有不尊師者也。今尊不至於帝，智不至於聖，而欲
無尊師，奚由至哉？此五帝之所以絕，三代之所以滅。
Shennong took Xizhu as his teacher; the Yellow Sovereign, D a N ao;
Sovereign Zhuanxu, Boyi Fu; Sovereign Ku, Bozhao; Sovereign Yao, Zi
Z hou Zhifu; and Sovereign Shun, Xuyu. Yu took Dacheng Zhi; Tang, his
lesser m inister [Yi Yin] ; and Kings Wen and Wu, Lü Wang and Duke Dan
o f Zhou.
Duke H uan o f Q i took Guan Yiwu; Duke Wen o f Jin, Jiufan and Sui
H ui; Duke M u o f Q in, Boli Xi and Gongsun Zhi; King Zhuang o f Chu,
Sunshu Ao and Shen Yinwu; King H clu o f Wu, W u Zixu and Wen Zhiyi;
and King Goujian o f Yuc, Fan Li and G rand Officer Zhong.
These ten sages and six worthies all honored teachers. Today, m en whose
honor does n o t equal that o f a Sovereign and whose wisdom is no t the
equal o f a sage prefer n o t to honor teachers. H ow , then, will they advance?
This is why the houses o f the Five Sovereigns did n o t continue, and why
the Three Dynasties were destroyed.
4 / 3.2
且天生人也，而使其耳可以聞，不學，其聞不若聾；使其目可以見，不
學，其見不若盲；使其口可以言，不學，其言不若爽；使其心可以知，不
學，其知不若狂。故凡學，非能益也，達天性也。能全天之所生而勿敗之，
是謂善學。
A. Further, according to the nature w ith which Heaven has endowed
him, a norm al man uses his ears that he m ight hear; but if he does not
study, he m ight as well be deaf. H e uses his eyes that he m ight see; but if he
does not study, he m ight as well be blind. H e uses his m outh that he m ight
speak; but if he does not study, he m ight as well be dum b. H e uses his m ind
to think; but if he does not study, he m ight as well be dem ented. Thus, as a
general principle, learning does not enable one to augm ent, but to enhance
the nature w ith which Heaven has endowed one. To be able to keep intact
w hat Heaven has begotten and not to destroy it—this is called ""excellence
in learning.”
子張，魯之鄙家也；顏涿聚，梁父之大盜也：學於孔子。段干木，晉國
之大駔也，學於子夏。高何、縣子石，齊國之暴者也，指於鄕曲，學於子墨
子。索盧參，東方之鉅狡也，學於禽滑黎。此六人者，刑戮死辱之人也，
今非徒免於刑戮死辱也，由此爲天下名士顯人，以終其壽，王公大人從而
禮之，此得之於學也。
B O O K 4 123
B. B oth Zizhang, w ho was from a m inor family in Lu, and Yan Zhuoju,
w ho was a m ajor criminal from M t. Liangfu, studied w ith Confucius.
D uangan M u, w ho was an im portant horse trader from Jin, studied w ith
Zixia. Gao H e and Xian Zishi, w ho were violent m en o f Qi, accused by
m en o f their village, studied w ith M aster M o Di. Suolu Can, w ho was a
famous swindler from the east, studied w ith Q in Guli. These six m en were
the sort w ho should be punished or die in disgrace. But n o t only did they
avoid this fate, they became the m ost famous scholar-knights and the m ost
em inent m en in the w orld and were able to live out their full lives. Kings,
dukes, and great m en became their students and treated them with full ritual
politeness. This is w hat they achieved from learning,
4/3.3
凡學，必務進業，心則無營，疾諷誦，謹司聞，觀驩愉，問書意，順耳
目，不逆志，退思慮，求所謂，時辨說，以論道，不苟辨，必中法，得之無
矜，失之無慙，必反其本。
As a general principle, in learning you m ust w ork to progress in your
studies; then your heart will n o t suffer any perplexity. Be intent on reciting
and chanting your lessons. Be respectful when waiting to receive instruc-
tion. W hen you observe that your teacher is happy and pleased， ask about
the meaning o f the passage. Be responsive to his ears and eyes, and do n ot
disobey his will. W ithdraw to think and contemplate; pursue w hat he says.
From tim e to time offer discriminations and persuasions in order to ex
plain what you understand o f the Dao. D o not oflfer careless discriminations,
for you m ust follow the paradigm precisely. Boast n o t o f your accomplish
m ents nor lam ent your errors. You m ust revert to your ow n fundamental
nature.
4/3 •
斗
生則謹養，謹養之道，養心爲貴；死則敬祭，敬祭之術，時節爲務；此
所以尊師也。治唐圃，疾灌寖，務種樹；織葩屨，結罝網，捆蒲葦；之田
野，力耕耘，事五穀；如山林，入川澤，取魚鱉，求鳥獸：此所以尊師也。
視輿馬，慎駕御；適衣服，務輕煖；臨飮食，必蠲絜；善調和，務甘肥；必
恭敬；和顏色，審辭令；疾趨翔，必嚴肅；此所以尊師也。
I f your teacher is alive, then you should nurture him attentively. The
D ao o f attentive nurturing dictates that nurturing the heart is the m ost
noble o f tasks. W hen he is dead, make offerings respectfully. The m ethod o f
T H E A L M A N A C S
making respectfül offerings requires foithfiil observance o f the regulations

o f the four seasons. This is how one honors teachers.
Tend to the gardens and orchards, work at the pipes and drains, and see
to seeding and planting. Weave straw sandals, knot traps and nets, and plait
rushes and grasses. W hen you go to the fields and open spaces, w ork at
plowing and weeding, and tend to the five kinds o f grains. W hen you go to
the m ountains and forests or enter the streams and marshes, take fish and
turtles and seek birds and beasts. This is how one honors teachers.
Inspect the carriages and horses, being mindful o f the teams and drivers.
Select suitable robes and uniforms, striving to keep them light yet warm.
W hen offering drink and fcx)d, be sure they are choice and clean. Become
accomplished at blending flavors, paying particular care to the sweets and
fats. Be certain you are respectful and reverent, keep the expressions on
your face harm onious, examine your language and comm ands, be quick in
leaping forward and jum ping back, and be certain you are serious and deco
rous. This is how one honors teachers.
4/3.5
君子之學也，說 ( 義 S F > 議 1必稱師以論道，聽從必盡力以光明，聽從不
盡力，命之曰背；說 ( 義 S F > 議不稱師，命之曰叛；背叛之人，賢主弗內之
於朝，君子不與交友。
I. Gao Heng, Chen Qiyou.
The Learning o f the Gentleman:

A. W hen persuading and debating, the gendem an is certain to cite his
teacher in order to explain the Dao. W hen listening to his teacher and imple
m enting his teachings, the gentleman is certain to exert all his energy so as
to make them glorious and brilliant. N o t exerting all one5s energy when
listening and implementing teachings is term ed '"forsaking55; and n o t citing
one’s teacher when persuading and debating is term ed “rebelling.” A man
w ho “forsakes” or “rebels” should not be accepted at the court o f a w orthy
ruler nor befriended by a gentleman.
故敎也者，義之大者也；學也者，知之盛者也。義之大者，莫大於利人，利
人莫大於敎。知之盛者，莫大於成身，成身莫大於學。身成則爲人子弗使
而孝矣，爲人臣弗令而忠矣，爲人君弗彊而平矣，有大勢可以爲天下正矣。
B. Thus, teaching is the m ost im portant o f our moral duties, and learn
ing is the culm ination o f wisdom. The greatest o f moral duties is to benefit
B O O K 4 125
others, and notliing is o f m ore benefit to others than teaching. The culmi
nation o f wisdom is perfecting the person, and nothing perfects the person
m ore than learning. W hen the person is perfected, the son is filial w ithout
being told, the subject is loyal w ithout being comm anded, and the ruler
brings peace w ithout resorting to force. I f one had the influence o f a great
position, one could use it to rectify the whole world.
故子貢問孔子曰：「後世將何以稱夫子？』孔子曰：「吾何足以稱哉？勿
已者，則好學而不厭，好敎而不倦，其惟此邪。』天子入太學，祭先聖，則
齒嘗爲師者弗臣，所以見敬學與尊師也。
C. Zigong asked Confucius, wH ow will later ages speak o f you.

Master?”
Confucius replied, c<W hat have I done that w ould be w orthy o f
praise? Say nothing m ore about this. Rather, love learning w ithout
tiring, and love teaching w ithout exhaustion. This alone matters.55
W hen the Son o f Heaven enters the University to make offerings to the
first sages, he docs not treat teachers as though they were mere subjects.
This is how he shows respect for learning and honor for teachers.
四曰誣徒
CH A PTER 4
FA LSE FO L L O W E R S
4 /4 .1
達師知敎也，使弟子安焉、樂焉、休焉、游焉、肅焉、嚴焉，此六者得
於學，則邪辟之道塞矣，理義之術勝矣。此六者不得於學，則君不能令於
臣，父不能令於子，師不能令於徒。
A. The instruction o f an accomplished teacher makes his disciples

feel secure, causes them delight, puts them at ease, makes them happy,
and affords them solemnity and dignity. W hen these six things result
from their studies, the ways o f evil and depravity are obstructed, and
the m ethods o f reason and morality trium ph. W hen these six things
do not result from their studies, lords cannot command them as their
ministers, nor fathers as their sons, nor teachers as their followers.
人之情，不能樂其所不安，不能得於其所不樂。爲之而樂矣，奚待賢者？
雖不肖猶若勸之。爲之而苦矣，奚待不肖者？雖賢者猶不能久，反諸人情，
則得所以勸學矣。
B. It is the essential nature o f m en that they cannot enjoy w hat makes
them insecure and that they cannot derive anything from w hat they do no t
enjoy. W hat need is there to be w orthy to do w hat makes one happy? Even
the unw orthy will strive to do it. W hat docs doing w hat is painful have to
do w ith being unworthy? Even the w orthy cannot long persist in doing it.
It is by returning to the essential nature o f m en that we find the means by
which to exhort them to learning.
子華子曰：「王者樂其所以王，亡者亦樂其所以亡，故烹獸不足以盡獸，
嗜其脯則幾矣。』然則王者有嗜乎理義也，亡者亦有嗜乎暴慢也。所嗜不
同，故其禍福亦不同。
C. M aster H uazi said: aA true king loves the things that m ade him
king. In the same way, the d œ m e d man loves the very things that
doom him. Thus, w hen you ccx>k an animal, you w ould n o t devour
the whole thing. It is enough to eat the m eat for which you have a
special taste.”
This being the case, the true king has a taste for reason and morality whereas
the doom ed m an has a taste for violence and indolence. W hat they had a
taste for was n o t the same and this is why their fates were n o t the same.
4/4.2
不能敎者：志氣不和，取舍數變，固無恆心，若晏陰喜怒無處；言談曰
易，以恣自行，失之在己，不肯自非，愎過自用，不可證移；見權 ( 親)勢
及 ( 有 V 富厚者，不論其材，不察其行，毆而敎之，阿而諂之，若恐弗及；
I. Excrescent.
A. Those Unable to Teach:

Those whose wishes and m oods lack balance, whose preferences fre
quently change, who utterly lack a constant heart, and who, like clearing or
cloudiness in the weather, become joyful or angry w ithout reason.
Those whose discourse and talk change each day in order to excuse their
ow n conduct; those w ho, having flaws w ithin, are unwilling to criticize
themselves; and those w ho, having been unorthodox and excessive, insist
on the rightness o f w hat they do and cannot be reproved or swayed.
B O O K 4 127
Those who, upon perceiving a personas power and influence or his wealth
and advantage, do no t evaluate that personas talent nor examine his con
duct, but immediately seek to teach him and curry favor w ith flattery, as if
they feared they were not his equal.
弟子居處修潔，身狀出倫，聞識疏達，就學敏疾，本業幾終者，則從而抑
之，難而懸之，妒而惡之；弟子去則冀終，居則不安，歸則愧於父母兄弟，
出則慙於知友邑里；此學者之所悲也，此師徒相與異心也。人之情，惡異
於己者，此師徒相與造怨尤也。人之情，不能親其所怨，不能譽其所惡，
學業之敗也，道術之廢也，從此生矣。
B. I f a disciple has m editated and purified himself, distinguished him
self from his cohort, attained knowledge that is far-reaching, been intent on
and diligent in his studies, and thus nears the end o f his program o f study,
the incapable teacher will repress and repudiate him, keep him at a distance,
and treat him w ith jealousy and disgust. The disciple will w ant to depart
even while he wishes to complete his studies. I f he remains, he will be dis
satisfied. I f he returns hom e, he will be ashamed before his parents and
brothers. A nd if he goes out, he will be embarrassed before acquaintances
and neighbors. This is som ething that affects the student m ost deeply. It
happens because teacher and disciple are o f different minds, and it is an
essential a sp ea o f hum an nature to loathe w hat is different from oneself. It
happens because animosity builds between teacher and follower, and it is
part o f the essential nature o f people that they cannot feel close to w hat
they resent and cannot praise w hat they loathe. The m in o f scholarly en-
deavor and the renunciation o f the arts o f the D ao follow from this.
善敎者則不然，視徒如己。反己以敎，則得敎之情也。所加於人，必可行
於己，若此則師徒同體。人之情，愛同於己者，譽同於己者，助同於己者，
學業之章明也，道術之大行也，從此生矣。
C. A gcxxl teacher does not act in such a fashion. H e regards his followers
as akin to himself, puts himself in their place as he teaches them , and thus
grasps the true nature o f instruction. W hat he applies to others, he m ust
have implemented in himself. W hen this is so, teacher and follower share
the same body. It is an essential aspect o f hum an nature to love those who
are the same as oneself, to praise those w ho are the same as oneself, and to
help those w ho arc the same as oneself. The glorification o f scholarly en
deavor and the grand implementation o f the arts o f the Dao arc caused by
this.
4/4.3
不能學者 : 從師 ( 苦 G V > 鹽2而欲學之功也，從師淺而欲學之深也。草木

雞狗牛馬，不可譙詬遇之，譙詬遇之，則亦譙詬報人，又況乎達師與道術
之言乎？故不能學者：遇師則不中，用心則不專，好之則不深，就業則不
疾，辯論則不審，敎人則不精；（
於師慍 G E > 慍於師 3 ，懷於俗，羈 ( 神 GV>
申4於世；矜勢好尤，故湛於巧智，昏於小利，惑於嗜欲；問事則前後相
悖，以章則有異心，以簡則有相反；離則不能合，合則弗能離，事至則不能
受，此不能學者之患也。
2. Gao You. 3*Wang Niansun, Chen Qiyou. 4. Chen Qiyou.
Those Unable to Learn :

Those w ho study w ith an inefFective teacher yet desire to achieve distinc
tion in learning; those who study with a shallow teacher, yet desire profundity
in learning.
O ne cannot scold and shame grasses and trees, chickens and dogs, or
oxen and horses upon meeting them . I f one does txy to scold and shame
them , they will repay in kind. H ow m uch less may one act so tow ard an
accomplished teacher and his teachings about the arts o f the Dao.
Thus, one w ho cannot learn is disloyal in his treatm ent o f his teacher.
W hen he uses his m ind, he does n o t concentrate. W hen his m ind displays
some inclination tow ard learning, he does n o t pursue it deeply. W hen he
tries to follow through in his studies, he does n o t exert all his energy. W hen
he makes discriminations and assessments, he is no t conscientious. W hen
he attem pts to imitate others, he lacks adroitness. H e is resentful o f his
teacher, embraces vulgar practices, and is fettered by his age. H e brags about
his pow er and is addicted to excess. Hence, he is steeped in deception and
wiliness, blinded by petty advantage, and deluded by appetite and desire. If
he inquires into things, beginnings and ends are confused. If som ething is
explained flilly， he interprets the meaning wrongly. If something is explained
elliptically, he interprets it backwards. H e can neither synthesize distinct
elements into a unified whole nor dissect a unified whole into its parts.
H ow ever hard he may w ork at the problem , he cannot resolve it. These are
the calamities that befall those w ho cannot learn.
B O O K 4 129
五曰用眾
CH A PTER 5
E M P L O Y IN G T H E M A SS E S
4/5.1
善學者若齊王之食雞也，必食其跖數千而後足，雖不足，猶若有跖。
O ne adept at learning is like the king o f Qi w ho, w hen eating chicken,
was satisfied only after he had eaten a thousand feet: if he were still unsatis
fied, there would always be another chicken foot to eat.
4/5.2
物固莫不有長，莫不有短。人亦然。故善學者，假人之長以補其短。故
假人者遂有天下。
Assuredly， just as each thing has strengths and shortcom ings， so too is it
w ith men. Thus, the adept student borrows from the strengths o f others to
overcome his shortcomings. Those w ho borrow from others, therefore will
ultimately possess the world.
4/5.3
無醜不能，無惡不知。醜不能、惡不知病矣，不醜不能、不惡不知尙
矣。雖桀、紂猶有可畏可取者，而況於賢者乎？
D o n o t revile the incapable nor loathe the ignorant. Reviling the inca
pable and loathing the ignorant is a kind o f sickness. N either reviling the
incapable nor loathing the ignorant is to be honored. Even Jie and Zhou
Xin possessed some qualities that could inspire awe and others that could
be emulated. H o w m uch m ore is this the case w ith the worthy!
4/5.4
故學士曰：「辯議不可（
不 Y 爲。』辯議而苟可爲，是敎也。敎，大
議也。辯議而不可爲，是被褐而出，衣錦而入。
I. Chen Changqi.
Thus, a learned scholar-knight said: ccYou should not engage in discrimi

nations and dclibcrationsr But, in teaching, you may engage in discrimina
tions and learned debates. Teaching is a great deliberation. To engage in
discriminations and deliberations when one should not is a case o f ccwear-

ing coarse garments when going o u t and wearing em broidered silks at
hom e•”
4/5-5
戎人生乎戎、長乎戎而戎言，不知其所受之；楚人生乎楚，長乎楚而楚
言，不知其所受之。今使楚人長乎戎，戎人長乎楚，則楚人戎言，戎人楚
言矣。由是觀之，吾未知亡國之主不可以爲賢主也，其所生長者不可耳。
故所生長不可不察也。
A R ong m an w ho is b om and raised am ong the Rong barbarians speaks
the R ong language, although he is unaware o f how he learned it. A m an o f
C hu w ho is bom and raised in C hu speaks the Chu language, although he is
unaware o f how he learned it. N ow if a m an o f Chu were to grow up am ong
Rong, or a R ong m an were to grow up in Chu, then the C hu m an w ould
speak the R ong language and the R ong m an, the Chu language. From this
perspective, one cannot know w ith certainty w hether a ruler w ho had
brought about the ruination o f his state m ight not have become a w orthy
ruler had he been bom in different circumstances. Thus, one cannot fail to
examine carefully the circumstances in which someone was bom and raised.
4/5.6
天下無粹白之狐，而有粹白之裘，取之眾白也。夫取於眾，此三皇、五
帝之所以大立功名也。凡君之所以立，出乎眾也。
A. In the w orld there are no completely white foxes, yet there are com
pletely white fox fur coats. These are made by selecting the w hite parts
from a large num ber o f pelts. N ow the principle o f uselcaing from a m ul
titude55 was used by the Three August Ones and the Five Sovereigns to
establish their enduring accomplishments and reputations in a grand manner.
As a general principle, everything that a lord establishes derives from the
m ultitude.
立已定而舍其眾，是得其末而失其本。得其末而失其本，不聞安居。故以
眾勇無畏乎孟賁矣，以眾力無畏乎烏獲矣，以眾視無畏乎離婁矣，以眾知
無畏乎堯、舜矣。夫以眾者，此君人之大寶也。
B. To try establishing oneself securely while ignoring the m ultitude is
to “obtain the twig but lose the root.” I have never heard that “obtaining
the twig but losing the root0 allowed one to live in peace. Thus, if a m an
B O O K 4 131
uses the courage o f the m ultitude, he need n o t be in awe o f M eng Ben. If

he uses the strength o f the m ultitude, he need n o t be in awe o f W u H uo. If
he uses the vision o f the m ultitude, he need no t be in awe o f Lilou. A nd if he
uses the wisdom o f the m ultitude, he need n o t be in awe o f Yao and Shun.
Such use o f the m ultitude is the greatest treasure o f the ruler.
田駢謂齊王曰： f 孟賁庶乎患術，而邊境弗患。』楚、魏之王，辭言不說，
而境內已修備矣，兵士已修用矣；得之眾也。
C. Tian Pian said to the king o f Qi: “Even a strongm an like M eng
Ben had cause to worry, but the borders o f Q i have no cause for
alarm.55
The kings o f C hu and Wei did not take pleasure in propositions and
theories, but w ithin their borders preparations had already been made and
the soldiers drilled. This came about because o f relying on the m ultitude.
Book 5
In this month, the influence of the Yang ether reaches its culmination, and the Yin
ether first begins to stir. Many of the various measures undertaken in this month
arc to protect against premature diminution or excessive increase of the trium
phant Yang ether or untimely invigoration of the Yin ether. Thus, one docs not
light fires in the southern regions, for they might overcharge the force of the Yang;
but it is acceptable to climb towers and pavilions to observe sights in the distance
since the Yang is about to begin its decline. Other measures are purely practical:
prematurely harvested indigo will not produce blue dye and cloth bleached in the
midsummer sun will be damaged. Still others are intended to encourage goexi
health, by avoiding activities that might be dangerous in the summer heat.
Winter is the season of cold and ice and of closing and storing. If its ordinances
are put into effect, hail and cold will damage the crops, and roads and highways
will become impassable. Spring is when the process Wood rules. If its ordinances
arc implemented, the grains will ripen late, insects will consume the crops, famine
will result. If the ordinances of autumn are adopted, then pestilence will result
from the premature ripening of fruit and falling of leaves.
Chapters 2 through 5are concerned with music. Although in the prc-Qin pcricxi,
it was the Ru philosophers, particularly Xun Kuang, who most stressed the impor
tance of music, discussions of music in the Zuo zhuany some long antedating
Confucius, indicate that music was held to be of cosmic significance. There was an
office of music in the courts of the king and the feudal lords which was associated
with the ancestral cult and various court ceremonies. It was headed by learned
music masters who could discourse on music in abstract, philosophical terms.
Chapter 2 discusses the relation of music to human nature. What is inborn is done
naturally and spontaneously and requires no cultivation. Music is bom of man's
nature, so the condemnation of music by scholars such as the Mohists is misguided.
Nonetheless, music can be damaging to one's inborn nature.
[1 3 2 ]
B O O K 5 133
Chapter 3, “Extravagant Music,” discusses musical instruments; chapter 斗，“Bal-

anced Tones，” discusses musical tones; and chapter 5, “Music of the Ancients,” the
dances which were often part of ancient Chinese music performances. Instruments
induce mexieration or extravagance; tones rectify or corrupt character.
一曰仲夏
CHA PTER 1
ALM ANAC FO R T H E SEC O N D M O N T H OF SU M M ER
5/1.1
仲夏之月：日在東并，昏亢中，旦危中。
A. D uring the second m onth o f sum m er the sun is located in the con
stellation Eastern Well. A t dusk the constellation Neck culminates, and at
dawn the constellation R œ fto p culminates.
其曰丙丁。其帝炎帝。其神祝融。其蟲羽。其音徵。律中蕤賓。其數七。其
味苦。其臭焦。其祀灶。祭先肺。
B. The correlates o f this m onth are the days bin£f and ding^ the Sovereign
Yan, his assisting spirit Zhurong, creatures that are feathered, the musical
note zbi^ the pitch-standard named Luxuriant, the num ber seven, acrid tastes,
burning smells, and the offering at the furnace. At sacrifice, the lungs arc
小暑至。螳蜋生。鷄始鳴。反舌無聲。
C. Slight heat arrives, the praying mantis is produced, the shrikes begin
to cry, and the mocking bird ceases to sing.
天子居明堂太廟，乘朱輅，駕赤騮，載赤旃，衣朱衣，服赤玉，食菽與雞。
其器高以桷。（
養壯狡Y
1. Chen Qiyou. Parallel passages in the ttAlmanacswfor the second months of spring, autumn, and
winter indicate that this is a fragment of a sentence that probably began paragraph 5/1.2.
Hall o f Light. H e rides in a chariot o f cinnabar-red, drawn by vermilion
horses w ith black tails and bearing vermilion streamers. H e is clothed in
vermilion robes and wears vermilion jade ornaments. H e eats beans accom
panied by fowl. H is vessels are tall and large.
5/ 1.2
是月也，〈
養壯狡〉，命樂師，修鞀鞞鼓，均琴瑟管蕭，執干戚戈羽，調
竽笙壎篪，飭鍾磬柷敔。命有司，爲民祈祀山川百原，大雩帝，用盛樂。
乃命百縣，雩祭祀百辟卿士有益於民者，以祈穀實。農乃登黍。
In this m onth, he nurtures the strong and handsome. H e mandates that
the music master put the hand, small, and large drums in good repair, should
adjust the lutes and zithers， the double-reed flutes, and the panpipes, con-
struct the shields, poleaxes, lances, and plumes, tune the large reed organs,
the reed organs, ocarinas, and seven-holed bam boo flutes, and p u t the bells,
musical stones, sounding boxes and the tiger-box in order. H e mandates
that the several directors offer prayers on behalf o f the people at sacrifices to
the spirits o f the m ountains, streams, and all the hundred springs; perform
the great sum m er sacrifice for rain to the Sovereigns; and make use o f ritual
ceremonies and musical performances. H e then orders that in all the hun
dred prefectures sacrifices be perform ed for all the hundred leaders and he
reditary officers w ho have benefited his subjects, praying for the grain har-
vest. The farmers thereupon present their panicled millet.
5/1.3
是月也，天子以雛嘗黍，羞以含桃，先薦寢廟。令民無刈藍以染，無燒
炭，無暴布。門閭無閉，關市無索。挺重囚，益其食。游牝別其群，則繁騰
駒，班馬 ( 正 5 ? > 政 2。
2. Wang Niansun, Chen Qiyou.
In this m onth, the Son o f Heaven tastes the millet accompanied by young
fowl, w ith cherries, having first offered a portion in the apartm ent at the
back o f the ancestral temple. H e commands his subjeas n o t to harvest the
indigo plants to be used for dyeing, n o t to bum wexxi for charcoal, and not
to bleach cloth in the sun. The city gates should not be shut, nor should
duties be levied at the barrier gates and marketplaces. Leniency should be
shown tow ard prisoners charged w ith serious crimes, and their food allow
ance increased. Pregnant mares should be separated out into their own herd,
and fiery stallions should be tied up, and the regulations concerning horses
should be published.
5/1.4
是月也，日長至。陰陽爭，死生分。
B O O K 5 135
A. In this m onth, the longest day occurs, the Yin and Yang forces con
tend, and the realms o f the dead and living are separated.
( 君子齋戒，處必搶，身欲靜無躁，止聲色，無或進，薄滋味，無致和，退
嗜慾，定心氣，百官靜，事無刑，以定晏陰之所成。）
3
3. The discussion of the gentleman is entirely out of keeping with the aAlmanacswand is an interpolation
of 斗3 characters displaced firom elsewhere in the text.
B. A gentleman fasts and observes vigils, makes sure to stay deep inside
his house, and keeps his body utterly still. H e refrains from music and sex,
eschews association w ith his wife, maintains a sparse diet， and avoids use o f
piquant condiments. H e settles the vital energies o f his m ind, maintains
quietude w ithin his various bodily organs, and engages in no rash under
taking. H e does all these things in order to assure the completion o f the first
traces o f the Yin.
鹿角解。蟬始鳴。半夏生，木堇榮。
C. Deer shed their horns, cicadas begin to sing, the m idsum m er herbs
begin to grow, and the tree hibiscus blooms.
5/1.5
是月也，無用火南方。可以居高明，可以遠眺望，可以登山陵，可以處
臺榭。
In this m onth, fires should n o t be lighted in the southern regions. It is
permissible to reside in high and sacred places, to observe the sights in the
distance, to climb up m ounds and m ountains, and to occupy towers and
lofty pavilions.
/
5 1 .6
仲夏行冬令，則雹霰傷穀，道路不通，暴兵來至。行春令，則五穀晚
熟，百塍時起，其國乃饑。行秋令，則草木零落，果實早成，民殃於疫。
I f in the second m onth o f sum m er the ordinances for w inter are put
into effect, hail and cold will damage the crops, the roads and highways
w ould n o t be passable, and predatory armies will arrive. If the ordinances
for spring are implemented, the Five Foods will ripen late, all kinds o f locusts
will continually appear, and the state will thereby be reduced to famine. If
the ordinances for autum n arc adopted, the grasses and trees will drop their
leaves, their fruits will ripen prematurely, and the people will be afflicted
w ith pestilence.
二曰大樂
CH A PTER 2
G R E A T M U S IC
5/2.1
( 音 P 樂之所由來者遠矣，生於度量，本於太一。太一出兩儀，兩儀出陰
陽。陰陽變化，一上一下，合而成章。渾渾沌沌，離則復合，合則復離，
是謂天常。天地車輪，終則復始，極則復反，莫不咸當。日月星辰，或疾
或徐，（日月不同 )2 ，以盡其行。四時代興，或暑或寒，或短或長。〔
陰陽變
化，或上或下〕
3，或柔或剛。萬物所出，造於太一，化於陰陽。萌芽始震，
凝濘以形，形體有 (處 G E > 虛4 ，莫不有聲。聲出於和，和出於適。（
和適)5
先王定樂，由此而生。
1. Chen Qiyou; confirmed b y Q S Z T quotation.
2. Chen Qiyou; delete, interrupts the pattem of the poem.
3. Chen Qiyou observes that the double rhyme breaks the pattern of the poem. It appears that
two four-character lines arc missing. This follows Chen^ reconstruction of the two lines.
4. Chen Qiyou. 5. Bi Yuan.
The origins of music

Lie in the distant past:
Born of measurement.
Founded by Grand One,
Grand One brought forth the Dyadic Couple;
The Dyadic Couple brought forth Yin and Yang.
Yin and Yang metamorphize and transform.
The one rising, the other falling.
Joined together in a perfect pattern.
Spinning and pulsing.
If dispersed, they rejoin,
And joined, disperse again.
This is called the “Invariable Principle of Nature.”
Heaven and Earth turn like the wheel of a carriage.
Reaching the end, it begins again;
Reaching its limit, it reverts again.
Everything fitting the overall scheme.
Sun, mcx)n, planets, and constellations:
Some move fast, others slow.
In the completion of their movements.
The four seasons alternately arise,
Some hot, others cold;
In some, the days are short; in others, long;
B O O K 5 137
Yin and Yang mctamorphizc and transform,

Sometimes rising, sometimes falling,
Sometimes are soft, the other times hard.
The myriad things that emerged
Were created by Grand One
And transformed by Yin and Yang.
When the youngest sprouts were first stimulated.

They were given shape through coagulation.
Shapes and forms had their hollow places.
So none was without its sound.
Sound was produced by harmonious union.
Harmonious union by agreement;
When the First Kings fixed their music.
They started from these principles.
5/2.2
天下太平，萬物安寧，皆化其上，樂乃可成。成樂有具，必節嗜慾。嗜
慾不 (辟 S F > 僻6 ，樂乃可務。務樂有術，必由平出。平出於公，公出於道
。故惟得道之人，其可與言樂乎！
ô.YuYuc.
A. When the world was in Great Tranquillity,

The myriad things were peaceful and secure.
When all were in agreement with the proper standard.
Music could be perfect.
The technique for perfecting music
Lies in limiting appetites and desires.
When appetites and desires are not licentious,
Music can be developed.
The method for developing music
Must be emergence out of equilibrium.
Equilibrium emerges from impartiality,
Impartiality from the Dao.
Thus, only a man w ho has attained the D ao can discourse on music!
亡國戮民，非無樂也，其樂不樂。溺者非不笑也，罪人非不歌也，狂者非
不 ( 武 L C > 舞 7也。亂世之樂，有似於此。君臣失位，父子失處，夫婦失宜，
民人呻吟，其以爲樂也，若之何哉？
7. Jiang Wciqiao.
B. It is n ot that doom ed states and disgraced peoples lack music, but

rather that their music does not convey joy. It is n o t a that cca drow ning
m an docs not laugh，’’ “a condem ned m an does n o t sing,” or “a crazy man
does n ot dance.55The music o f a disordered age is like these. W hen ruler and
minister fail to keep their proper places, father and son fail in their proper
duties, and husband and wife fail to maintain their proper relationship, the
people groan and sigh; but can this be considered to be music?
5/2.3
凡樂，天地之和，陰陽之調也。始生人者天也，人無事焉。天使人有
欲，人弗得不求。天使人有惡，人弗得不辟。欲與惡所受於天也，人不得
興焉，不可變，不可易。世之學者，有非樂者矣，安由出哉？
As a general principle, music is the harm ony between Heaven and Earth,
and the perfect blend o f Yin and Yang. W hat is present in a person from
birth is the result o f nature and requires no effort for a person to master.
W hat nature causes a m an to desire, he cannot but seek after. W hat it causes
a m an to hate, he cannot but seek to avoid. Both his desires and aversions
are received from nature, and the person plays no part in creating them , nor
can he mexlify or alter them . Yet some scholars o f the present age condem n
music. W hat is the reason for this?
5/2.4
大樂，君臣父子長少之所歡欣而說也。歡欣生於平，平生於道。道也
者，視之不見，聽之不聞，不可爲狀。有知不見之見、不聞之聞，無狀之狀
者，則幾於知之矣。道也者，至精也，不可爲形，不可爲名，彊爲之〔
名〕8
謂之太一。
8. Bi Yuan, Xu Wciyu, Chen Qiyou.
A. Great music brings delight, enjoyment, and pleasure to ruler and
subject, father and son, and old and young alike. Delight and enjoym ent
are born o f equilibrium, and equilibrium is bom o f the Dao. It is the nature
o f the Dao that when we look for it, it is invisible, and when wc listen for it,
it is inaudible, for it cannot be given material form. W hoever is aware o f the
visible in the invisible, the audible in the inaudible, and the form o f the
formless almost knows it. The Dao is the supreme instance o f the seminal
essence, for it cannot be given shape or name. ^Forced to give it a name, I
w ould call it "Grand One.555
B O O K 5 139
故一也者制令，兩也者從聽。先聖擇兩法一，是以知萬物之情。故能以一
聽政者，樂君臣，和遠近，說黔首，合宗親。能以一治其身者，免於災，
終其壽，全其天。能以一治其國者，姦邪去，賢者至，（
成大化 G E > 大化
成9。能以一治天下者，寒暑適，風雨時，爲聖人。故知一則明，明兩則
狂0
9. Wang Niansun, Chen Qiyou.
B. Accordingly,
The One orders and commands;

The dual follows and listens.
The First Sages, rejecting the dual, took the One as their model
To understand the true nature of the myriad of things.
Thus, a man capable o f employing the O ne to decide governmental matters
Brings joy to ruler and subject,

Harmony to the distant and near.
Pleasure to the black-headed people,
Concord to relatives.
A m an capable o f employing the O ne to govern his ow n person
Avoids calamity,
Lives out the full span of his life,
Keeps his natural endowment intact.
A m an capable o f employing the O ne to govern his state
Expels the evil and treacherous,

Causes the worthy to come.
Achieves the “great transformation•”
A man capable o f employing the O ne to govern the w orld
Keeps cold and heat balanced,

Wind and rain seasonal,
And he becomes a sage.
Thus,
He who understands the One is enlightened,

But he who glorifies the dual is demented.
i4 〇 T H E A L M A N A C S
三曰侈樂
CHA PTER 3
EXTRAVAGANT M U S IC
5/3-1
人莫不以其生生，而不知其所以生。人莫不以其知知，而不知其所以
知。知其所以知之謂「知道』。不知其所以知之謂『棄寶』。棄寶者必離
其咎。世之人主，多以珠玉戈劍爲寶，〔
寶 P 愈多而民愈怨，國 ( 人 )2愈危，
身愈 ( 危 )2累，則失寶之情矣。
1. Chen Changqi, Tao Hongqing, Jiang Wciqiao; on basis o fT W L J , TFTL quotations.
2. Chen Changqi, Yu Yue, Fan Gengyan, parallelism.
A. All men use their lives to live, yet they do not know w hat makes them
live. All men use their faculty o f understanding to know, yet they do no t
understand what makes them know. To understand how one comes to know
is called "'knowing the Dao.55N o t to understand how one comes to know is
called ^discarding the treasure.55Anyone w ho discards the treasure is certain
to meet w ith disaster. M any rulers o f the present age regard pearls, jade,
lances, and swords as treasures. The m ore they possess o f these, the m ore
their people resent them , the m ore their state is endangered, and the m ore
uneasy is the person o f the ruler. As a consequence, he will miss the true
nature o f “treasure.”
亂世之樂與此同。爲木革之聲則若雷，爲金石之聲則若霆，爲絲竹歌舞之
聲則若譟。以此駭心氣、動耳目、搖蕩生則可矣，以此爲樂則不樂。故樂
愈侈，而民愈鬱，國愈亂，主愈卑，則亦失樂之情矣。
B. The music o f a disordered age corresponds to this. I f its tones are
made by instruments o f w ood and skin, their sound is like the sound o f
rum bling thunder. If its tones are made by instruments o f metal and stone,
their sound is like the sound o f claps o f thunder. If its tones are made by
instruments o f string and bam boo or by singers and dancers, their sound is
like the loud shouting o f a crowd. I f these sounds are employed to shock
the mental energies, startle the ears and eyes, and agitate the inborn nature,
it is permissible. If they are used to create music, there will be no pleasure
from it. Thus, the more extravagant is the music, the gloomier are the people,
the more disordered the state, and the m ore debased its ruler. As a conse
quence, he will also miss the true nature o f music.
B O O K 5 I斗 I
5/ 3.2
凡古聖王之所爲貴樂者，爲其樂也。夏桀、殷紂作爲侈樂，大鼓鐘磬管
蕭之音，以鉅爲美，以眾爲觀，俶詭殊瑰，耳所未嘗聞，目所未嘗見，務以
相過，不用度量。宋之衰也，作爲千鍾。齊之衰也，作爲大呂。楚之衰也，
作爲巫音。侈則侈矣，自有道者觀之，則失樂之情。失樂之情，其樂不樂。
樂不樂者，其民必怨，其生必傷。其生之與樂也，若冰之於炎日，反以自
兵。此生乎不知樂之情，而以侈爲務故也。
As a general rule, what the ancient sage-kings esteemed in music was
the pleasure it created. But Jie of the Xia and Zhou Xin of the Yin created
extravagant music. In the sounds of gigantic drums, bells, lithophones, flutes
and pipes, they regarded the large to be beautiful and the many to be won
derful. They first created strange and exotic things that ears had never before
heard and eyes never before seen. They strove after ever greater effect, em
ploying neither rule nor measure. When Song was in decline, the Thousand
Bell set was cast; when Qi was in decline， the Great Regulator bell was cast;
when Chu was in decline, the aShamanka Tones55were created. Extravagance
produced flirther extravagance. When those who themselves possess the
Dao examine such music, they see that it is missing the true nature of mu
sic. ^Missing the true nature of music55means that their music did not pro
duce pleasure. When music does not produce pleasure, subjects are certain
to be resentful, and this is certain to produce injury. The relationship be
tween their lives and their music is like that of ice to the blazing sun: in
stead of using it properly, they use it to attack themselves. This is the result
of not knowing the true nature of music and thus striving for extravagance.
5/ 3.3
樂之有情，譬之若肌虜形體之有情性也，有情性則必有性養矣。寒溫勞
逸饑飽，此六者非適也。凡養也者，（
瞻 G V > 詹 3非適而以之適者也。能以
久處其適，則生長矣。生也者，其身固靜，（
或 G E > 感4而後知，（
或 G E>
感4使之也。遂而不返，制乎嗜欲，制乎嗜欲 ( 無窮 ) 5則必失其天矣。且夫嗜
欲無窮，則必有貪鄙悖亂之心，淫佚姦詐之事矣。故彊者劫弱，眾者暴寡，
勇者凌怯，壯者傲幼，從此生矣。
3. Chen Qiyou 4. This follows Bi Yuan and Xu Wciyu, rather than Chen Qiyou.
5. Wang Niansun, Tao Hongqing.
Music possessing a true nature is analogous to the coqx>rcal body^s pos

sessing an inborn and essential nature. Where there is such an inborn and
I 斗2 T H E A L M A N A C S
essential nature, it is imperative that it be nurtured. Cold and heat, work

and ease, hunger and satiation—these six are not of themselves in balance.
As a general principle, nurturing involves overseeing which of the six is not
in balance and then to put it into balance. If over the long term one can
maintain balance, then life will be prolonged. It is characteristic of living
that the body of itself is absolutely quiescent; only after there has been some
stimulus is there awareness, awareness that has been occasioned by the stim
ulus. If this continues and if there is no reversal, then one comes to be
governed by onc5s appetites and desires. If one is governed by one5s appe
tites and desires, one is certain to lose one5s natural endowment. Moreover,
if onc5s appetites and desires know no limit, then it is inevitable that greed,
pettiness， sedition and rebellion will come to characterize one’s thought
and that wantonness, debauchery, profligacy, and wickedness will come to
characterize one5s undertakings. Thus,
the strong will plunder the weak, the many tyrannize the few, the
bold violate the timid, and the vigorous bully the frail.
All of these are the product of this.
四曰適音
CHAPTER 4
BALANCED T O N E S
5/4.1
耳之情欲聲，心不樂，五音在前弗聽。目之情欲色，心弗樂，五色在前
弗視。鼻之情欲芬香，心弗樂，芬香在前弗嗅。口之情欲滋味，心弗樂，五
味在前弗食。欲之者，耳目鼻口也；樂之弗樂者，心也。心必和平然後樂，
心 ( 必 V 樂然後耳目鼻口有以欲之，故樂之務在於和心，和心在於行適。
I. Chen Qiyou; excrescent, dittography.
It is the essential nature of the ear to desire sounds; but if the mind finds
no pleasure in them, the ears will not listen even to the Five Tones. It is the
essential nature of the eye to desire colors; but if the mind finds no pleasure
in them, the eye will not gaze even on the Five Colors. It is the essential
nature of the nose to desire perfumed fragrances; but if the mind finds no
pleasure in them, the nose will not smell them. It is the essential nature of
B O O K 5 143
the mouth to desire rich flavors; but if the mind finds no pleasure in them,
the mouth will not taste even the Five Tastes. The locus of the desire is the
ears, eyes, nose, or mouth, but the locus of pleasure or displeasure is the
mind. Only when the mind has first attained harmony and equilibrium does
it find pleasure in such things. Only after the mind has found pleasure in
them do the ears, eyes, nose, and mouth come to possess the means to
attain their desires. Thus, the task of finding pleasure in things consists in
making the mind harmonious; and making the mind harmonious consists
in effecting balance between things.
5/4.2
夫樂有適，心亦有適。人之情，欲壽而惡夭，欲安而惡危，欲榮而惡
辱，欲逸而惡勞。四欲得，四惡除，則心適矣。四欲之得也，在於勝理。勝
理以治身則生全 ( 以 ) 2 ，生全則壽長矣。勝理以治國則法立，法立則天下服
矣。故適心之務在於勝理。
2. Chen Changqi, YuYuc, FanGcngyan.
Just as in pleasures there arc balances to be kept, so are there balances to

be kept in the mind. It belongs to the essential nature of man that he desires
longevity and hates the prospect of dying young, desires security and hates
danger, desires glory and hates disgrace, desires ease and hates toil. When
these four desires arc attained and the four aversions eliminated, the mind
is kept in balance. Success in attaining the four desires consists in complying
with the ordering principle of things. If one governs his person by comply
ing with the ordering principle of things, life will be kept intact. When life
is kept intact, the span of life will be prolonged. If one governs the state by
complying with the ordering principle of things, the model for law will be
established. When the model for law is established, the whole world sub
mits. Thus, the task of keeping the mind in balance consists in complying
with the ordering principle of things.
5/ 4.3
夫音亦有適。太鉅則志蕩，以蕩聽鉅則耳不容，不容則橫塞，橫塞則
振。太小則志嫌，以嫌聽小則耳不充，不充則不詹，不詹則窕。太清則志
危，以危聽清則耳谿極，谿極則不鑒，不鑒則竭。太濁則志下，以下聽濁則
耳不收，不收則不特，不特則怒。故太鉅、太小、太清、太濁皆非適也。
In musical tones as well there are balances that should be kept. If they
I斗 4 T H E A L M A N A C S
are too grand and large, the inner mind is unsettled. If while unsettled one
listens to the large, the ear will be unable to accommodate it. If the ear
cannot accommodate the sounds, it will become filled and blocked. If it is
filled and blocked， it will be aroused. If a tone is too small， the mind will
feel cheated. If while feeling cheated one listens to the small, then the car
will not be filled. If the ear is not filled, then it will be dissatisfied. If it is
dissatisfied, then it will dismiss the sounds. If musical tones are too dear,
the inner mind will fed threatened. If while feeling threatened one listens
to the clear, then the ear will be pained. If the ear is pained, then it will be
unable to hear distinctly. If it is unable to not hear distinctly, it will be
strained. If musical tones are too muddy, the inner mind will be depressed.
If while depressed one listens to the muddy, the ear will be unable to gather
it all in. If the ear is unable to gather it all in, it will be unable to determine
its distinctive character. If it is unable to determine its distinctive character,
it will become frustrated. Thus, musical tones that are too grandiose, too
small， too clear， or too muddy are all not kept in balance.
5/ 4 .4
何謂適？衷音之適也。何謂衷？大不出鈞，重不過石，小大輕重之衷
也。黃鐘之宮，音之本也，清濁之衷也。衷也者適也，以適聽適則和矣。樂
無太，平和者是也。
A. What docs cckept in balance55mean? It means that the sounds are kept
at the Mean. What is meant by akcpt at the Mean?55
The amplitude of its pitch should not exceed that produced by the
string of the seven-foot tuner. The weight of the bell should not
exceed the 120-catty stone.
This defines how amplitude of its pitch and weight of the bell are kept in
check. The notc£[〇 ng[ of ^Yellow Bell55is the standard for tones and the basis
for determining clarity and muddiness. Whatever is consistent with this
standard is ukept in balance.55If one listens to what is kept in balance while
one5s self has been kept in balance, the result will be harmony. When musi
cal instruments commit no excess, this is the correct standard of balance
and harmony.
故治世之音安以樂，其政平也；亂世之音怨以怒，其政乖也；亡國之音悲
以哀，其政險也。凡音樂通乎政，而 ( 移 ) 風 ( 平 G E > 乎3俗者也，俗定而音
B O O K 5 14 5
樂化之矣。故有道之世，觀其音而知其俗矣，〔
觀其俗而知其政矣〕
4 ，觀其
政而知其主矣。故先王必託於音樂以論其敎。
3. WangNiansun, Sun Shuchcng.
4. Wang Niansun, Sun Shuchcng, Jiang Wciqiao, XuWciyu, Chen Qiyou; fromQ S Z T parallel.
B. Thus, the tones of an orderly age are peaceful and joyous because its
policies are stable. The tones of a chaotic age are resentful and angry be
cause its policies are perverse. The tones of a dœ m ed state are sad and
mournful because its policies are dangerous. It is a general principle that
music is influenced by government and affected by customs. When cus
toms arc fixed, music adjusts itself to them. Thus, in an age that possesses
the Dao one has only to observe its music to know its customs, to observe
its customs to know its government, and observe its government to know
its ruler. The First Kings were, therefore, certain to rely on music as a means
of professing their teachings.
〈清廟 > 之瑟，朱弦而疏越，一唱而三歎，有 ( 進 G E > 遺 5乎音者矣。大饗
之禮，上玄尊而俎生魚，大羹不和，有 ( 進 G E > 遺 5乎味者也。故先王之制
禮樂也，非特以歡耳目、極口腹之欲也，將以敎民、平好惡、行理義也。
5. Chen Qiyou; following reading of the aYucji.w
C. In the performances of the aPure Temple55ode, the zithers have ver

milion strings and penetrating sound holes, and one singer intones while
three others hum in harmony, because the significance transcends the sounds
themselves.
In the ceremonies of the Grand Xiang sacrifice, the dark liquid is offered
up in the goblet, raw fish is placed on the offering table, and the grand
broth is not seasoned, because the significance of the sacrifice transcends
the flavors themselves.
Thus, when the First Kings instituted ritual practices and music, they
did so not solely to please the ear and eye or to satisfy the desires of the
mouth and belly; rather, they intended thereby to instruct the people in
how to maintain equilibrium between their likes and dislikes and how to
conduct themselves with reason and morality.
五曰古樂
CHAPTER 5
M U S IC OF T H E A N C IE N T S
5/5.1
樂所由來者尙也，必不可廢。有節有侈，有正有淫矣。賢者以昌，不肖
者以亡。
Since music originated in high antiquity, of necessity it would be utterly
wrong to discard it. Music can induce self-limiting or extravagance; it can
rectify or corrupt.
The worthy have flourished on account o f it;
The incompetent have failed because o f it.
5/5.2
昔古朱襄氏之治天下也，多風而陽氣畜積，萬物散解，果實不成，故士
達作爲五弦瑟，以來陰氣，以定群生。
In the past, when the ancient Zhuxiang clan ruled the world, there was
an excess of wind that caused the Yang ether to gather and accumulate, the
myriad things to disperse and scatter, and the fruits and nuts not to ripen.
Knight Da therefore invented a five-string zither with which to attract the
Yin ether and arrange the survival of the various living things.
5/5.3
昔葛天氏之樂，三人操牛尾投足以歌八闋：一曰《載民》，二曰〈玄
鳥》，三曰《遂草木〉，四曰〈奮五穀 > ，五曰 <敬天常 > ，六曰《建帝
功》，七曰《
依地德》，八曰《總 ( 禽獸 T V > 萬物 1之極》。
I. Following Chen. Qiyou; XuWciyu prefers the alternate reading.
In the past, in the music performances of the Getian clan three men
waved ox-tails and stomped their feet while singing the Eight Stanzas, which
were named “Supporting the People,” “The Dusky Bird，” “Cultivating
Grasses and Trees，’’ “Invigorating the Five Grains，” “Strictly Observing
Heaven’s Norms，” “Discerning the Accomplishments of the Sovereigns,”
“Relying on Earth’s Power，” and “Summarizing the Ultimate Development
of the Myriad Things.55
B O O K 5 I斗 7
5/ 5.4
昔 ( 陶唐 G E > 陰康 2氏之始，陰多滯伏而湛積，水道壅塞，不行其原，民
氣鬱閼而滯著，筋骨瑟縮不達，故作爲舞以宣導之。
2. Sun Yirang, Bi Yuan, Chen Qiyou.
In the past, at the inception of the Yinkang clan, the Yin had coagulated
in great amounts and accumulated excessively. The watercourses were
blocked and obstructed, and water could not flow out from springs. The
ethers of the people became thick and clogged up, and their muscles and
bones tight and constricted. They therefore invented a dance with which to
spread and guide the Yin.
5/5.5
昔黃帝令伶倫作爲律。伶倫自大夏之西，乃之 ( 阮腧 G E > 崑崙 3之陰，取
竹於蠏谿之谷，以生空竅厚鈞者，斷兩節間、其長三寸九分而吹之，以爲
黃鐘之宮，吹曰：「舍少 j 。次制十二筒，以之 ( 阮喻 G E > 崑崙 3之下，聽鳳
皇之鳴，以別十二律。其雄鳴爲六，雌鳴亦六，以比黃鍾之宮，適合。黃
鍾之宮，皆可以生之，故曰黃鍾之宮，律呂之本。
3. Wang Niansun.
A. In the past, the Yellow Sovereign commanded Ling Lun to create

pitch-standards. Ling Lun, having passed through the western regions of
Daxia, then went to the shady northern slopes of the Kunlun Mountains.
He seleaed bambex) from the valley of Xiexi which had hollows and walls
of uniform thickness. Cutting it between two nodes to a length of 3.9 inches,
he blew on it and fixed its sound as the notc£f〇 n£f for the Yellow Bell pitch-
standard. The sound it made was stya^-rhya^f. He then made the twelve
bamboo tubes, one after the other. Carrying these to the foot of the Kunlun
Mountains he heard the calls of the male and female phoenixes, which he
used to divide the twelve pitch-standards; six corresponding to the calls of
male, and six to the female. These he harmonized with the fundamental
notegong of Yellow Bell. The nox^gong of Yellow Bell can be used to gener
ate all the other notes. Hence, it is said that the wox^gong of Yellow Bell is
the r<x>t of the male and the female pitch-standards.
黃帝又命伶倫與榮將鑄十二鐘，以和五音，以施〈英韶》，以仲春之月，
乙卯之日，日在奎，始奏之，命之曰《咸池》。
B. The Yellow Sovereign subsequently commanded that Ling Lun, to
gether with Rong Jiang, cast twelve bells with which to harmonize the five
basic notes and perform the "Tingshao55 music. In the second month of
spring, on the dzyyimao^ when the sun was in the lunar mansion Legs, they
first played them. The Yellow Sovereign named the music ccXianchi.55
5/5.6
帝顓頊生自（若 L C > 弱4水，實處空桑，乃登爲帝。惟天之合，正風乃

行，其音若熙熙淒淒鏘鏘。帝顓頊好其音，乃令飛龍作〔樂〕 s效八風之
音，命之曰《承雲》，以祭上帝。乃令鼉先爲樂倡，鼉乃偃寢，以其尾鼓
其腹，其音 ( 英英 L C > 蓬蓬6。
4. Jiang Wciqiao, TPYL quotation. 5. XuWciyu, Chen Qiyou. 6. Chen Qiyou.
The Sovereign Zhuanxu was born at Ruo River and lived at Kongsang.
Then he ascended to become a Sovereign who was truly a match for Heaven.
When the winds true to the eight directions circulated, they made sounds
like hya-hya^ tsied-tsied^ and tsyang-tsyang. The Sovereign Zhuanxu, being
fond of these sounds, ordered Fcilong to compose music in imitation of the
Eight Winds, naming them ^Supporting the Clouds55and using them in the
worship of the Supreme Sovereign. He then ordered the water-lizard to
lead them as singing master, so the water-lizard reclined and, using his tail
to beat his belly, made the sound bung-bunß.
5/ 5.7
帝嚳命咸黑作爲《( 聲 ^ > 唐 1 ^ > 康 7歌 > _ 《九招》、〈六列> 、 < 六

英》。有倕作爲鼙鼓鐘磬 ( 吹 )8( 苓 G V > 答9管壎篪 ( 鞀椎鍾，。帝嚳乃令人
拃 ( 或，鼓鼙，擊鐘磬，吹 ( 苓 G V > 答9〈
管，展 ( 管 ) 12〔
壎〕13篪，〈
椎紹鍾 >14
。因令鳳鳥、天翟舞之。帝嚳大喜，乃以康帝德。
7. Chen Qiyou. 8. YuYuc. 9. Wang Yinzhi, Zhang Binglin.
10. Chen Qiyou; deleted here, inserted later (n. 13). 11. Chen Qiyou.
12. Text scrambled, reconstruct to earlier order. 13. Inserted to preserve earlier reading.
14. Inserted fromnote 9, reordered.
The Sovereign Ku ordered Xianhei to compose the ""Kang55songs, which

included the “Nine Shao，” “Six Lie,” and “Six Ying•” Chui then made hand
drums, drums, bells, stone chimes, mouth organs, pipes, cx:arinas, and bam
boo flutes. Thereupon, the Sovereign Ku ordered men to clap the drums
and hand drums, strike the bells and chimes, blow the mouth organs and
pipes, sound the ocarinas and bamboo flutes, and hammer the peddler's
drum and the zhon£f vessel. On the basis of this, he commanded that the
ttMale and Female Phoenixes55and the aSky Pheasant55be danced. The Sov-
B O O K 5 149
ereign Ku was overjoyed and therewith used these to celebrate the Power of
the Supreme Sovereign.
5/5-8
帝堯立，乃命 ( 質 G E > 夔 15爲樂。（
質 G E > 夔 15乃效山林谿谷之音以歌，
乃以麋辂置缶而鼓之，乃拊石擊石，以象上帝玉磬之音，以致舞百獸。瞽
叟乃拌五弦之瑟，（
作 )16以爲十五弦之瑟。命之曰《大章》，以祭上帝。
15. Gao You. i6. XuWciyu.
When the Sovereign Yao ascended the throne he commanded Kui to

create musical performances. Kui thereupon made songs in imitation of the
sounds of the forests and valleys, he covered earthenware tubs with fresh
hides and beat on them， and he slapped stones and hit rocks to imitate the
sounds of the jade stone chimes of the Supreme Sovereign, with which he
made the hundred wild beasts dance.
Gusou, the Blind Old Man, took apart the five-string zither and made a
fifteen-string zither， named “Great Emblem，’’ which was to be used in the
worship of the Supreme Sovereign.
5/ 5.9
舜立，（
命 T V > 仰 17延乃拌瞽叟之所爲瑟，益之八弦，以爲二十三弦之
瑟。帝舜乃令 ( 質〇 £ > 夔 18修《九招》、 { 六列》、《六英》，以明帝德。
17. Chen Qiyou. 18. Gao You.
When Shun ascended, Yang Yan took apart the zither made by Gusou
and augmented it with eight strings, making a twenty-thrcc-string zither.
The Sovereign Shun then ordered Kui to perform ^Nine Summonings,55
“Six Orderings,” and “Six Flowers，” through which he illuminated the Power
of the Sovereign.
5/5.10
禹立，勤勞天下，日夜不懈，通大川，決壅塞，鑿龍門，（降 )19通谬水
以導河，疏三江五湖，注之東海，以利黔首。於是命皋陶作爲《夏籥》九
成，以昭其功。
19- Chen Qiyou; excrescent.
When Yu ascended the throne he toiled and labored on behalf of the
world. He rested neither day nor night, opening up the great streams, cut
ting through obstructions and blockages, boring out the Dragon Gate, and
i 5〇 T H E A L M A N A C S
circulating the flowing waters by guiding them to the Yellow River. He

dredged the Three Rivers and the Five Lakes and made their waters flow to
the Eastern Sea, to benefit the black-headed people. At this, Yu commanded
Gaoyao to compose all nine movements of the ccXia Flute55in order to cel
ebrate his achievement.
5/ 5.11
殷湯即位，夏爲無道，暴虐萬民，侵削諸侯，不用軌度，天下患之。湯
於是率六州以討桀罪，功名大成，黔首安寧。湯乃命伊尹作爲《大護》，
歌《晨露》，修《九招》、《六列》，〔《六英》〕
20 ，以見其善。
20. Sun Shuchcng; TFTL quotation.
When Tang of the Yin dynasty ascended the throne, the Xia dynasty,
having lost the Dao, cruelly oppressed the myriad people, appropriated lands
from tiie feudal lords, and did not observe accepted practices and rules. The
entire world was troubled. Tang thereupon led the armies of six provinces
to punish the crimes of Jie. His achievements and fame having been grandly
completed, the black-headed people were secure and tranquil, so Tang com
manded Yi Yin to compose ccGreat Hunt,55to sing ccMoming Dew,55and to
perform "^Nine Summonings,55aSix Orderings,55[and uSix Flowers55] thereby
to display his goodness.
/
5 5 .1 2
周文王處岐，諸侯去殷 (三 G E > 之21淫而翼文王。散宜生曰：「殷可伐

也。』文王弗許。周公旦乃作詩曰：「文王在上，於昭于天，周雖舊邦，其
命維新』，以繩文王之德。
2i. Chen Qiyou.
When King Wen of the Zhou lived in Qi, the feudal lords fled from the
sins of the Yin dynasty and congregated about him. Master Sanyi said, aIt
would be proper to attack Yin,55but King Wen would not agree to it. Dan,
Duke of Zhou, then composed a song:
King Wen rests on high.
Oh, he shines in Heaven.
Although Zhou is an old state,
Its mandate is new
[Shi, ttDa Ya,w^Wenwang,"Mao 235]
Thus did he praise the Power of King Wen.

B O O K 5
5/5.13
武王即位，以六師伐殷，六師未至，以銳兵克之於牧野。歸，乃薦俘馘
于京太室，乃命周公 (爲作 G E > 作爲 2 2 《大武》。
22. Sun Shuchcng.
When King Wu ascended the throne, he attacked the Yin with the Six
Armies. Before the Six Armies had reached the Yin capital, he used his crack
troops to vanquish the enemy at Muye. When he returned, he displayed the
heads of the captives in the Great Chamber in the capital. Then he com
manded the Duke of Zhou to compose the ccGrand Martial.55
5 / 5 . 1 4
成王立，殷民反，王命周公 ( 踐 L C > 戢 ( 伐严之。商人服象，爲虐于東
夷，周公遂以師逐之，至于江南，乃爲《三象 > ，以嘉其德。
Z3. Chen Qiyou.
When King Cheng was established, the Yin populace revolted. The king
ordered the Duke of Zhou to crush the rebellion. The men of Shang had
trained elephants, with which they maltreated the Eastern Yi. The Duke of
Zhou consequently chased them with his armies to the area south of the
Yangzi where he composed the ^Three Elephants55in order to commemo
rate his Power.
5 / 5 .1 5
故樂之所由來者尙矣，非獨爲一世之所造也。
Thus it is that amusic comes from high antiquity55and is not merely the
product of a single age.
Book 6
This aAlmanacwis distinctive because the Five Processes theory requires that there
be five, not four, seasons; thus, at the end of summer, a special fifth season is created,
corresponding to the process Soil and to the Center.
In spring the process Wood is king. Wcxxlen things tend to fall, so if the ordi
nances of spring are implemented in summer, the frequent rains that result from
the manifestation of the Yang will cause seed grain to scatter or fall prematurely.
The people will become ill with coughs, because the rising ethers cause shortness
of breath; and they will go elsewhere, because the Yang of spring promotes scatter
ing. Autumn is subjea to the Metal ether, so if its ordinances are adopted, high
places will floexi and crops will be killed before they ripen. The process Fire is
opposed to the process Water; thus, women will frequently miscarry. In winter the
Yin closes everything tightly and its ether is murderous, so if its ordinances arc put
into effect, the cold winds will be cruel, and the people, dreading them, will seek
protection.
Chapter 2 elaborates on the relation between pitch-standards and the theory of
the cosmic ethers. Winds are generated by the combination of the ethers of Heaven
and Earth. These winds in turn cause the bell and pitch-pipe whose pitch corre
sponded to that month to resonate. When all the pitch-standards resonate in the
appropriate month, the winds and ethers indicate that Heaven and Earth are in
proper balance.
Chapter 3 recounts the legends concerning the emergence of distinctive musical
styles in the various regions of China.
Chapter 4 argues that perfect music is possible only where there is perfect order.
Where order is general, music—and the pleasure it gives—is abundant; where order
is lacking, music and pleasure are correspondingly meager.
Chapter 5 is related to a text excavated at Mawangdui and assigned the title
天文氣象雜占（see Anon.， “Xi Han boshu”). The first
part of this text consists of six registers of illustration, complete with identifications
[ 152]
B O O K 6 153
and written prognostications based on cloud forms, the mcx)n, the sun, comets,
rainbows, and the Big Dipper. The second part consists o f three registers o f text,
without illustrations.
一曰季夏
CHAPTER 1
ALM ANAC F O R T H E
T H IR D M O N T H OF S U M M E R
6 /i.i
季夏之月：日在柳，昏心中，旦奎中。
A. During the third month of summer the sun is lcxated in Willow. At
dusk the constellation Heart culminates, and at dawn the constellation Legs
culminates.
其曰丙丁。其帝炎帝。其神祝融。其蟲羽。其音徵。律中林鐘。其數七。
其味苦。其臭焦。其祀竃。祭先肺。
B. The correlates for this month arc the days binß and the Sovereign
Yan, his assisting spirit Zhurong, creatures that are feathered， the musical
note zhi^ the pitch-standard named Forest Bell, the number seven, acrid
tastes, burning smells, and the offering is at the furnace. At sacrifice, the
lungs are given the preeminent position.
涼風始至。蟋蟀居宇。鹰乃學習。腐草化爲姘。
C. Gende winds begin to blow. Crickets take up residence in wails, young
hawks learn the ways of their species, decaying grasses are transmuted into
fireflies.
天子居明堂右個，乘朱輅，駕赤騮，載赤旃，衣朱衣，服赤玉，食菽與雞。
其器高以桷。
D. The Son of Heaven resides in the right apartment of the Bright Hall.
He rides in a chariot of cinnabar-red, drawn by vermilion horses with black
tails and bearing vermilion streamers. He is clothed in vermilion robes and
wears vermilion jade ornaments. He eats beans accompanied by fowl. His
vessels arc tall and large.
6/1.2
是月也，令漁師伐蚊取鼉，升龜取鼂。乃命虞人入材葦。
In this month, he orders that the master of the fish dismember the alli
gator, seize the gavial, present the tortoise, and seize the great turtle. He
then mandates that the wardens of the meres present usable rushes.
6/ 1.3
是月也，令四監大夫合百縣之秩芻，以養犧牲。令民無不咸出其力，以
供皇天上帝、名山大川、四方之神，以祀宗廟社稷之靈，爲民祈福。
In this month, he orders that the four supervisory grand officers collect the
fodder from the hundred prefectures that is due the court in order to pro-
vide fcx>d for the various sacrificial victims.
He orders that the people not stint in their efforts, to contribute to
sacrifices on behalf of the people praying for the blessings of August Heaven
and the Supreme Sovereign; the spirits of the famous mountains, the great
rivers, and the four directions; and of the magical powers of the ancestral
temples and the altars of soil and grain.
6/1.4
是月也，命婦官染采，黼黻文章，必以法故，無或差忒，黃黑蒼赤，莫
不質良，勿敢僞詐，以給郊廟祭祀之服，以爲旗章，以別貴賤等級之度。
In this month, he mandates that bureaus concerned with women5s work
be certain that in dyeing, gathering dyestuffs, and embroidering the ax fig
ure in white and black, the notched stripe in azure and black, the stripe
design in azure and crimson, and the blazonry in white and crimson.
The model o f antiquity is observed.
N othing is done in error or by mistake;
. In the yellow, black, azure, and vermilion.
N othing lacks high quality,
N one presume to use anything fake or imitation.
All of this is done in order to provide proper robes for the sacrifices at the
suburban altars and ancestral temples, to make flags and emblems, and to
provide the sumptuary standards that
Distinguish noble and mean, and differentiate rank and merit.
B O O K 6 155
6/ 1.5
是月也，樹木方盛，乃命虞人入山行木，無或斬伐。不可以興土功，不
可以合諸侯，不可以起兵動眾。無舉大事，以搖蕩於氣。無發令而干時，
以妨神農之事。水潦盛昌，命神農，將巡功。舉大事則有天殃。
In this m onth, shrubs and trees flourish. Thus, the Son o f Heaven m an
dates that the foresters enter the m ountains and make a tour o f inspection
to see that the trees have n o t been felled or trim m ed.
It is not permissible to undertake any construction involving earth.

N or to assemble the feudal lords.
N or to raise armies or cause agitation among the populace.
參 ##
D o not initiate the great undertaking.

Disturbing the nurturing ethers.
D o not issue any order that anticipates the proper season.
Interfering with the affairs o f the Divine Farmer
When the abundant waters overflow the roads.

The Divine Farmer is ordered
To patrol and inspect the results.
If great undertakings arc initiated, they will be cursed by Heaven.
6/1.6
是月也，土潤溽 ( 暑 V ，大雨時行，燒薙行水，利以殺草，如以熱湯，可
以糞田疇，可以美土疆。
I. YuYuc, Sun Shuchcng, Chen Qiyou.
In this m onth, the soil is steaming wet, and great rains arrive regularly.
They burn the cut grasses on the ground, flooding it w ith water that kills
the plants as effectively as boiling water. The grass can then be used as a
green m anure for the fields and pastures and as a fertilizer to enrich the
ground that has been marked off for cultivation.
6/1.7
行之是令，是月甘雨三至，三旬二日。季夏行春令，則穀實解落，國多
風欸，人乃遷徙。行秋令，則邱隰水潦，禾稼不熟，乃多女災。行冬令，則
寒氣不時，鹰隼早鷲，四鄙入保。
I f such orders are put into efFea during this m onth, the sweet rains will
arrive on tw o days during each o f the three decades o f days. I f during the
last m onth o f sum m er the ordinances for spring are p u t into effect, the fruit
o f the grains will scatter or fall prematurely, the state will suffer generally
from colds and coughs, and the people will proceed to other places. If the
ordinances for autum n are adopted, even high ground will be covered by
the flcxxling waters, the grain will no t ripen, and thus many w om en will
miscarry. I f the ordinances for w inter are implemented, there will be unsea
sonably cold weather, hawks and falcons will prem aturely attack their prey,
and along the four borders people will run to their places o f shelter.
6/1.8
中央土 : 其日戊己。其帝黃帝。其神后土。其蟲倮。其音宮。律中黃鐘
之宮。其數五。其味甘。其臭香。其祀中霤。祭先心。天子居太廟太室，乘
大輅，駕黃騮，載黃旅，衣黃衣，服黃玉，食稷與牛。其器園以搶。
The Central Region Occupied by Soil:
The correlates o f this season are the days wu and//, the Yellow Sovereign,
his assisting spirit H o u tu , creatures w ith skins, the musical note ß 〇nß^ the
pitch-standard nam ed Yellow Bell which sets the standard for the note gong^
the num ber five, tastes that are sweet, smells that are flagrant, and the offering
at the middle court. A t sacrifice, the heart is given the preem inent position.
The Son o f Heaven occupies the Great Cham ber o f the Great Temple in
the Bright Hall. H e rides in the great carriage, drawn by yellow horses with
black tails and bearing yellow streamers. H e is clothed in yellow robes and
wears yellow jade ornam ents. H e eats panicled millet accompanied by beef.
His vessels are round and covered.
二曰音律
CH A PTER 2
N O T E S A N D P IT C H -S T A N D A R D S
6/2.1
黃鐘生林鐘，林鐘生太蔟，太蔟生南呂，南呂生姑洗，姑洗生應鐘，應
鐘生蕤賓，蕤賓生大呂，大呂生夷則，夷則生夾鐘，夾鐘生無射，無射生
仲呂。三分所生，益之一分以上生；三分所生，去其一分以下生。黃鐘、大
呂、太蔟、夾鐘、姑洗、仲呂、蕤賓爲上，林鐘、夷則、南呂、無射、應鐘
爲下。
Yellow Bell generates Forest Bell. Forest Bell generates Great Budding.
G reat Budding generates Southern Regulator. Southern Regulator gener
ates M aid Purity. M aid Purity generates Resonating Bell. Resonating Bell
generates Luxuriant. Luxuriant generates Great Regulator. Great Regulator
generates Equalizing Rule. Equalizing Rule generates Compressed Bell.
Com pressed Bell generates Tireless. Tireless generates M ean Regulator.
A ugm enting a tone by one-third produces the superior generation; dim in
ishing a tone by one-third produces the inferior generation. The superior
generation is formed by the pitch-standards Yellow Bell, Great Regulator,
G reat Budding, Mean Regulator, and Luxuriant. The inferior generation is
form ed by the pitch-standards Forest Bell, Equalizing Rule, Southern Regu
lator, Tireless, and Resonating Bell.
6/2.2
大聖至 ( 理 T A > 治之世，天地之氣，合而生風，日至則月鐘其風，以生
十二律。仲冬日短至，則生黃鐘。季冬生大呂。孟春生太蔟。仲春生夾鐘。
季春生姑洗。孟夏生仲呂。仲夏日長至，則生蕤賓。季夏生林鐘。孟秋生
夷則。仲秋生南呂。季秋生無射。孟冬生應鐘。天地之風氣正，則十二律
定矣。
In the age o f the great sages and perfect order, the ethers o f Heaven and
Earth com bined to generate the winds. A t the sum m er solstice， the m oon
gathered the m onthly winds in order to generate the twelve pitch-standards.
In the second m onth o f winter, the shortest day, the winter solstice, the
pitch-standard Yellow Bell was generated. The third m onth o f winter gen
erated Great Regulator. The first m onth o f spring generated Great Bud
ding. The second m onth o f spring generated Compressed Bell. The third
m onth o f spring generated M aid Purity. The first m onth o f sum m er gener
ated M ean Regulator. In the second m onth o f sum m er on the longest day,
the sum m er solstice, was generated Luxuriant. The third m onth o f summer
generated Forest Bell. The first m onth o f autum n generated Equalizing Rule.
The middle m onth o f autum n generated Southern Regulator. The third
m onth o f autum n generated Tireless. The first m onth o f winter generated
Resonating Bell. Since the winds and ethers o f Heaven and Earth were
correct the twelve pitch-standards were fixed.
6/2.3
黃鐘之月，土事無作，慎無發蓋，以固天閉地，陽氣且泄。
A. In the m onth o f Yellow Bell,
D o not start earthen constructions;

Take care not to open the scaled.
Thus, keep Heaven sealed and Earth shut.
For the Yang ether is about to seep out.
大呂之月，數將幾終，歲且更起，〔
專〕1而農民，無有所使。
1. TanJiefli, Chen Qiyou; following reading of ^Yucling^parallel.
B. In the m onth o f Great Regulator,
The full term o f the year is nearly completed,

A new year will soon begin.
Devote yourself to your farmers
That they be given no other task.
太蔟之月，陽氣始生，草木繁動，令農發土，無或失 (時 G E > 貢2。
2. Chen Qiyou; rhyme.
C. In the m onth o f Great Budding,
The Yang ether is first generated.

Grasses and trees multiply and propagate.
Order the farmers to open the soil;
Let not its tribute be lost.
夾鐘之月，寬裕和平，行德去刑，無或作事，以害群生。
D. In the m onth o f Compressed Bell,
Be lenient, generous, harmonious, tranquil;

Practice kindness, discard punishment.
D o not undertake any project
That may harm the living.
姑洗之月，達道通路，溝潰修利，申之此令，嘉氣趣至。
E. In the m onth o f M aid Purity,
Extend the roads and open the paths;

Put ditches and channels in good repair.
To those who follow these orders,
Lucky ethers will come quickly.
B O O K 6 159
仲呂之月，無聚大眾，巡勸農事，草木方長，無攜民 (心 S F > 志3。
3. Chen Changqi, Wang Niansun, Chen Qiyou; rhyme.
R In the m onth o f M ean Regulator,
Gather not great multitudes.

But lead and exhort them in their fanning.
Grasses and trees are about to mature.
D o not cause the people to be distracted.
蕤賓之月，陽氣在上，安壯養 (俠 G E > 佼 4 ，本朝不靜，草木早槁。
4. Bi Yuan, Wang Niansun, MouTing, Chen Qiyou; rhyme.
G. In the m onth o f Luxuriant,
When the Yang ether is at its peak.

Comfort the strong, nurture the brave.
If your court is disquieted.
Grasses and trees will wither early.
林鐘之月，草木盛滿，陰將始刑，無發大事，以將陽氣。
H . In the m onth o f Forest Bell,
Grasses and trees arc ripe and fiill;

The Yin is about to start punishing.
D o not begin the great undertaking
To nourish the Yang ether.
夷則之月，修法 (飭 G V > 飾刑，選士厲兵，詰誅不義，以懷遠方。
I. In the m onth o f Equalizing Rule,
Revise the laws and order punishments;

Select the knights and sharpen weapons.
Inquire about and punish the unrighteous,
To embrace those in distant quarters.
南呂之月，蟄蟲入穴，趣農收聚，無敢懈怠，以多爲務。
J. In the m onth o f Southern Regulator,
When hibernating species enter their holes,

Urge farmers to collect and gather.
Let them not be lazy or lax.
But work at getting even more.
i6 o T H E A L M A N A C S
無射之月，疾斷有罪，當法勿赦，無留獄訟，以亟以故。
K. In the m onth o f Tireless,
Judge the guilty decisively;

Pardon not those who offend the law.
Delay not in sentencing;
Make quickness your rule.
應鐘之月，陰陽不通，閉而爲冬，修別喪紀，審民所終。
L. In the m onth o f Resonating Bell,
The Yin and Yang have no intercourse;

They arc sealed off for the winter.
Repair and refine the rules for mourning.
Taking care that all funerary arrangements arc proper.
三曰音初
CH A PTER 3
T H E O R IG IN S O F T U N E S
6/ 3.1
夏后氏孔甲田于東陽莨山，天大風晦盲，孔甲迷惑，入于民室，主人方
乳，或曰：「后來是良日也，之子是必大吉。』或曰：「不勝也，之子是必
有殃。』后乃取其子以歸，曰：「以爲余子，誰敢殃之？』子長成人，幕動
坼撩，斧斫 ( 斬 G E > ， 1其足，遂爲守門者。孔甲曰：「嗚呼！有疾，命矣
夫！』乃作爲《
破斧》之歌。實始〔
作〕2爲東音。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. XuWciyu, Chen Qiyou; parallelism.
Once when Kongjia, ä sovereign o f the house o f Xia, was hunting at

M ount Fu in Dongyang, there was a great wind and the sky darkened.
Kongjia, lost and confused, entered the house o f a commoner. A t that very
m om ent the wom an o f the house was giving birth. Someone said, ccW hen
the sovereign comes, it is a lucky day. Your son is certain to enjoy extraordi
narily gcxxl fortune.55A nother person said, ccH e is not equal to it. Your son
is certain to suffer some catastrophe.55The sovereign thereupon seized the
child and returned home w ith him, saying, aI f I make him my son, w ho will
dare harm him?55W hen the boy grew to maturity, it happened that a tent
shifted, causing its supporting post to split, and a falling ax chopped off his
B O O K 6 l6l
foot. The boy was fit only to become a gatekeeper. Kongjia cried, uAlas!
Suffering affliction is a m atter o f fate after all!55H e then composed the song
entitled, "'Grinding an Ax.55This marked the beginning o f the tunes in the
eastern style.
6/3.2
禹行功，見塗山之女，禹未之遇而巡省南土。塗山氏之女乃令其妾待禹
于塗山之陽，女乃作歌，歌曰「
候人兮猗』，實始作爲南音。周公及召公取
風焉，以爲〈周南》、《召南》。
While inspecting his w ork for controlling the flexxis, Yu saw a girl at
M ount Tu; but before he could formally propose to her, he left to make a
to u r o f inspeaion o f the southern lands. The girl ordered a slave to spy on
Yu at the southern slopes o f M ount Tu. The girl then com posed a song that
went, ""Spying on a man, ah!55This marked the beginning o f the tunes in the
southern style. The Dukes o f Z hou and o f Shao selected from these tunes
the airs that came to be known as “Z hou nan” and “Shao nan.”
6/3.3
周昭王親將征 (荆 G V > 楚，辛餘靡長且多力，爲王右。還反涉漢，梁
敗，王及蔡公坛於漢中。辛餘靡振王北濟，又反振蔡公。周公乃侯之于西
翟，（
實 G E > 賞 3爲長公。殷整甲徙宅西河，猶思故處，實始作爲西音，長
公繼是音以處西山，秦繆公取風焉，實始作爲秦音。
3. Chen Qiyou; based on Gao You commentary.
King Zhao o f Z hou personally led an attack o f chastisement against

Chu. Xin Yumi, w ho was both tall and very strong, was on the kin^s right.
O n the way back, while they were crossing the H an River, the bridge col
lapsed. Both the king and the Duke o f Cai were tossed into the river. Pulling
the king, Xin Yumi crossed to the north bank. Then he w ent back to pull
out the Duke o f Cai. The Duke o f Z hou then enfeoffed Xin Yumi as a marquis
in the region o f the West Di barbarians and thus he became senior duke
am ong the feudal lords. W hen Zhengjia o f the Yin dynasty moved to West
o f the River, he still missed his old home, and as a result created tunes in the
western style. The senior duke continued to write these tunes when he resided
in the western m ountains. W hen Duke M u o f Q in collected these airs, it
marked the beginning o f the tunes o f Qin.
IÔ2 T H E A L M A N A C S
6/ 3.4
有娀氏有二佚女，爲（
之 )4九成之臺〔
以處之〕
5 ，飮食必以鼓。帝令燕往
視之，鳴若謚隘。二女愛而爭搏之，覆以玉筐，少 ( 選 L C > 眨 6 ，發而視之，
燕遺二卵，北飛，遂不反，二女作歌一終，曰「燕燕往飛』，實始作爲北
音0
4. Sun Shuchcng, Chen Qiyou; quotations inYWLJ and TFTL. 5. Chen Qiyou.
6. Chen Qiyou.
The head o f the Song barbarians had two lovely daughters and built the
Terrace o f N ine Tiers for them to live in. They had to have music played
whenever they ate or drank. The Supreme Sovereign ordered ä swallow to
spy on them. Its cry sounded like ujik-rikr Loving this, the two girls struggled
to catch the swallow. Putting it in a jade canister, they w ould take it o u t to
look at it for a short time. The swallow, having laid two eggs, flew off to the
north, never to return. The two girls w rote a song, with a refrain that went,
CCSwallow, swallow, flew away.55This marked the beginning o f the tunes in
the northern style.
6/ 3.5
凡音者，產乎人心者也。感於心則蕩乎音，音成於外而化乎內。是故聞
其聲而知其風，察其風而知其志，觀其志而知其德。盛衰、賢不肖、君子小
人皆形於樂，不可隱匿，故曰樂之爲觀也深矣。土弊則草木不長，水煩則
魚鱉不大，世濁則禮煩而樂淫。鄭衛之聲，桑間之音，此亂國之所好，衰
德之所說。流辟跳越滔濫之音出，則滔蕩之氣、邪慢之心感矣；感則百姦眾
辟從此產矣。故君子反道以修德，正德以出樂，和樂以成順。樂和而民鄕
方矣。
As a general rule, tunes are products o f the heart and m ind o f man.
W hen feelings are aroused in the heart, they are expressed in melody. Melcxly
that takes shape w ithout is a transform ation o f w hat is within •丁his explains
how one knows the customs o f a people from hearing their music. By exam
ining their customs, one knows their intentions. By observing their inten
tions, one knows their Powers. W hether a person is ascending or declining,
w orthy or unworthy, a gentieman or a petty man is given visible form in
music and cannot be hidden. H ence, it is said, ccW hat is visible in music is
profound indeed!55
Just as when the soil is poor, trees and grasses will not grow tall, and
when water is stirred up, fish and turtles will n o t grow large, when the age
is befouled, its rituals are in disarray and its music debauched. The music o f
B O O K 6 163
Zheng and Wey and the tunes o f Sangjian are w hat chaotic states prefer,
w hat pleases rulers whose Power is in decline. W hen drifting, frivolous, and
reckless tunes develop, wild ethers and depraved thoughts become contami
nating influences. W hen they become contam inating influences, a hundred
evils and a host o f perversities are produced thereby. Hence, the gentleman
reverts to the Dao to cultivate his Power; he corrects his Power in order to
give expression to his music; and he makes his music harm onious in order
to become perfectiy in accord w ith nature. People will face toward the source
o f harm onious music.
四曰制樂
CH A PTER 4
G O V E R N IN G P L E A S U R E
6/4.1
欲觀至樂，必於至治。其治厚者其樂治厚，其治薄者其樂治薄，亂世則
慢以樂矣。今窒閉戶牖，動天地，一室也。
A. I f one wishes to observe perfect music, then one m ust go where there
is perfect order. In ages when order is abundant, pleasures are ample. In
ages when order is scant, pleasures are meager. I f the age is chaotic, then its
music becomes languid. Now, even though the doors and windows are
sealed, from w ithin a single r<x>m Heaven and E arth can be stirred.
故成湯之時，有穀生於庭，昏而生，比旦而大拱，其吏請卜其故。湯退卜
者曰：「吾聞祥者福之先者也，見祥而爲不善則福不至；妖者禍之先者也，
見妖而爲善則禍不至。』於是早朝晏退，問疾弔喪，（
務 ) { 赦過賬窮 }1，鎭
撫百姓，三日而穀亡。故禍兮福之所倚，福兮禍之所伏，聖人所獨見，眾
人焉知其極。
I. Chen Qiyou; H S W Z parallel.
B. In the time o f Tang the Successful, a \sang\ßu plant grew in the court
yard. It sprouted at dusk and by dawn it was as big around as clasped hands.
H is officers requested that there be a divination to determine the cause.
Tang withdrew and the diviner said, aI have heard that auspicious signs
precede gocxl fortune; but if upon seeing such signs, one commits evil,
then no gcxxl fortune will come o f them . Inauspicious signs precede disas
ters; but, if upon seeing such signs, one performs good deeds, then disaster
will n o t come.55In consequence o f this interpretation, Tang w ent to court

early and retired late, he inquired after the sick and commiserated w ith
m ourners, pardoned crimes and gave alms to the poor, and protected and
tended to the lives o f the H undred Clans. After three days, the sanggu plant
disappeared. Disaster is w hat good fortune depends on; gcxxi fortune is
where disaster hides. The sage alone perceives this truth; ordinary m en rec
ognize this outcom e only after it has occurred.
6/4.2
周文王立國八年，歲六月，文王寢疾五日而地動，東西南北，不出國
郊，百吏皆請曰：r 臣聞地之動，爲人主也。今王寢疾五日而地動，四面不
出周郊，群臣皆恐，曰「請移之。」』文王曰：「若何其移之也？j 對
曰：『興事動眾，以增國城，其可以移之乎。』文王曰：「不可。夫天之見
妖也，以罰有罪也。我必有罪，故天以此罰我也。今故興事動眾以增國城，
是重吾罪也。不可。』〔
對曰：「行重善以移之。〕
2〈其可以免乎！>3』文王
曰：「昌也請改行重善以移之，（
其可以免乎。）
3』於是謹其禮秩皮革，以
交諸侯；飭其辭令，〔
多其〕
4幣帛，以禮豪士；頒其爵列等級田疇，以賞 {有
功 P ，{遂與 P 群臣 {行此 P 無幾何，疾乃止。文王即位八年而地動，已動之
後四十三年，凡文王立國五十一年而終，此文王之所以止殃翦妖也。
2. Chen Qiyou; the present text conflates the secondproposal of the ministers with KingWcn^reply.
3. Chen Qiyou; moved fromKing Wcn^ reply to ministers statement. 4. Chen Qiyou.
5. Chen Qiyou; restoredfromH S W Z parallel.
In the sixth m onth o f the eighth year o f his reign, King Wen o f the
Z hou dynasty was taken to his bed w ith illness. After five days, there was an
earthquake that did not extend in any direction beyond the outskirts o f the
capital. His various officers all entreated him, saying, “We, your servants,
have heard that the quaking o f the earth occurs because o f the ruler o f men.
N ow five days after your majesty has taken to his bed because o f illness,
there has been an earthquake. In none o f the four directions has it extended
beyond the capital. Because all o f your assembled ministers arc afraid, wc
entreat you to take steps to avert further disaster.55
King Wen asked, ccW hat steps do you suggest that I take to avert it?55
They replied, in itia te projects and encourage the m ultitude to enlarge
the city walls. Surely this could avert it!55
King Wen said, ""No, I cannot perm it that. Heaven exhibits inauspi
cious signs when it intends to punish the guilty. I m ust certainly be guilty o f
something, and that is why Heaven has done this—to punish me. Now,
B O O K 6 165
were I to initiate projects and encourage the m ultitude to enlarge the city
walls, that would simply m ultiply my guilt. N o, I cannot perm it it!55
They replied， “Alter your conduct and multiply your good deeds in order
to avert it. Surely this could evade such consequences.55
King Wen replied, aI, Chang, am requested to alter my conduct and
m ultiply my gcxxl deeds in order to avert it.55
After this, paying carefiil attention to ritual precedence, he presented
the feudal lords with gifts o f skins and fiirs as tokens o f friendship. Observing
utter refinement in his form ulations and commands, he increased the gifts
o f jade insignia and silk to be presented to his m ost eminent scholar-knights
in accord w ith protocol. Prom ulgating his various titles and the distinc
tions am ong the various ranks, he had fields measured ou t as rewards for
those w ith m eritorious accomplishments. W hen he and his ministers had
done this, it was n o t long before the king^s illness was cured.
W hen King Wen had been on the throne for eight years the earth quaked;
after this happened, he ruled for another 43 years. King Wen had ruled his
state a total o f 51 years when he died. This is how King Wen halted further
calamity and drove off inauspicious signs.
6/4.3
宋景公之時，熒惑在心，公懼，召子韋而問焉，曰：「熒惑在心，何
也？』子韋曰：「熒惑者，天罰也；心者，宋之分野也；禍當於君。雖然，
可移於宰相。』公曰：『宰相所與治國家也，而移死焉，不祥。』子韋曰：
r 可移於民。』公曰： 1■民死，寡人將誰爲君乎？寧獨死。』子韋曰： r 可
移於歲。』公曰：「歲害則 ( 民 )6饑，民饑必死。爲人君而 {欲}7殺其民以自
活也，其誰以我爲君乎？是寡人之命固盡已，子無復言矣。』子韋還走，
北面載拜曰：「臣敢賀君。天之處高而聽卑。君有至德之言三，天必三賞
君。今夕熒惑其徙三舍，君延年二十一歲。』公曰：『子何以知之？j 對
曰：「有三善言，必有三賞。熒惑有三徙舍，舍行七星，星一徙當一年，
三七二十一，臣故曰君延年二十一歲矣。臣請伏於陛下以伺 ( 候 )8之。熒惑
不徙，臣請死。』公曰：『可。j 是夕熒惑果徙三舍。
6. Chen Qiyou. 7. Sun Shuchcng; H N Z z n d X inxu parallels. 8. Wang Niansun; excrescent.
D uring the reign o f Duke Jing o f Song, when Mars, the Dazzling
Dcluder, rested in the zodiacal constellation H eart, the duke, becoming
fearful, sum m oned Prince Wei and questioned him: ccW hat does it mean
when the Dazzling Dcludcr rests in Heart?55
Prince Wei replied， “Dazzling D d u d er is Heaven’s executioner. H eart is
the portion o f the heavens that corresponds to Song. Some catastrophe

awaits your lordship. Nonetheless, it is possible to shift the blame to your
intendant minister.”
The duke replied, ccBut it is the intendant m inister to w hom I have en
trusted the governing o f the state. If by shifting the blame I bring about his
death, it w ould be unlucky.55
Prince Wei said, aWell then, you can shift it to the people.55
The duke replied, ccIf the people die, then over w hom w ould the U n
w orthy O ne be lord? Better it w ould be that I alone die.55
Prince Wei said, “Well then， you it to the harvest•”
The duke replied, aIf the harvest h , the people will suffer famine
and will certainly die. I am my people's lord; but if I m urder my people to
assure my ow n survival, w ho will consider me a real lord? This means that
the fated life span assigned the U nw orthy O ne is exhausted. But you, sir,
repeat this to no one.55
Prince Wei turned to go. T hen facing north, he bowed twice and said,
cT o u r servant dares congratulate his lord. T hough Heaven occupies a lofty
position, it listens to those dow n below. Your lordship has said three things
o f supreme virtue. Heaven is certain thrice to reward your lordship. This
very night Dazzling Deluder should move through three constellations, and
my lord’s lifetime should be extended by 2i years•”
The duke asked, aH ow , sir, do you know th a t?55
Prince Wei replied, aIf you say three good things, you m ust be thrice
rewarded. Thus, Dazzling Deluder m ust move through three lcxlgcs. Each
constellation is composed o f seven stars, w ith each star corresponding to
one year. Three sevens are 21. This is why your servant says that your
lordship’s life will be extended by 21 years. Your servant requests permission
to lie prostrate at the foot o f the stairs to observe it. I f Dazzling Deluder
docs n o t move, your subject requests deaths
The duke consented and on that night Dazzling Deluder did, in fact,
move through three constellations.
B O O K 6 167
五曰明理
CHA PTER 5
E L U C ID A T IN G P A T T E R N S
6/5.1
五帝三王之於樂盡之矣。亂國之主，未嘗知樂者，是常主也。夫有天賞
得爲主，而未嘗得主之實，此之謂大悲。是正坐於夕室也，其所謂正，乃
不正矣。
The Five Sovereigns and the Three Kings enjoyed every kind o f music.
Rulers o f disordered states never know anything o f music because they are
commonplace rulers. To have received from Heaven the reward o f being
made ruler, but never to have experienced the fruits o f being a ruler, may be
described as utterly pathetic. Such a person asits correcdy upright in a slanted
room,” so w hat he thinks is straight is n o t straight at all.
6/5.2
凡生非一氣之化也，長非一物之任也，成非一形之功也。故眾正之所
積，其福無不及也；眾邪之所積，其禍無不逮也。其風雨則不適，其甘雨
則不降，其霜雪則不時，〔
其〕1寒暑則不當，陰陽失次，四時易節，人民(淫
L C > 孕 2爍不固，禽獸胎消不殖，草木庳小不滋，五穀萎敗不成，其以爲樂
也，若之何哉？故至亂之化，君臣相賊，長少相殺，父子相忍，弟兄相誣，
知交相倒，夫妻相（冒 S F > 媢 3 ，日以相危，失人之紀，心若禽獸，長邪苟
利，不知義理。
I. YuYuc; parallelism. 2. Chen Qiyou. 3. Yang Shuda.
As a general principle, life is not the result o f the transform ation o f a

single ether, grow th does not occur from just one thing carrying o u t its
tasks, and m aturation is n o t the accomplishment o f just one material form.
Thus, where all that is upright collects, blessings cannot but come; where
all that is evil gathers, disasters cannot but arrive. Storms will be unseason
able, the sweet dew will no t fall, frost and snow will be untimely, and cold
and heat will be excessive. The Yin and Yang will lose their order, and the
four seasons will exchange their positions. The people will suffer miscarriages
and impotence. Wild birds and beasts will be barren and infertile. The grasses
and trees will have stunted buds and will not propagate. The Five Fcx>ds
will w ither and n o t ripen.
H o w could a situation such as this produce music? Thus, in the trans
form ation o f extreme disorder, lord and minister rob one another, old and
young m urder one another, father and son forsake each other, younger and
older brothers dupe one another, acquaintances and friends deceive one
another, and husband and wife cheat one another. As they become more
suspicious w ith each day, they unloosen the ties that bind m en together. In
their hearts they become like wild beasts. They dwell in evil and seek profit
at any cost, for they lack awareness o f morality and reason.
6/5.3
其雲狀：有若犬、若馬、若白鵠、若眾車；有其狀若人，蒼衣赤首，不
動，其名曰天衡；有其狀若懸釜而赤，其名曰雲旖；有其狀若眾馬以鬥，其
名曰滑馬；有其狀若眾植 ( 華 GE/TV> 萑 S F > 藿4以長，黃上白下，其名蚩尤
之旗。
4. Sun Shucheng.
The Shapes o f Clouds:
A. There are some shaped like dogs, others like horses, some like white
geese, and others like assembled chariots. There is another that will not
move, shaped like a m an w ith a cerulean cloak and a vermilion head. Its
name is Heaven’s Steelyard. A nother is shaped like ä dangling red pennant.
Its name is Cloudy Pennant. There is another shaped like a herd o f horses
that are fighting. Its name is Shining Horses. A nother is shaped like a d um p
o f tree m ushroom s, w ith a long tail, yellow at the top and white below. Its
name is Chiyou’s Banner.
其日有鬥蝕，有倍儒，有暈珥，有不光，有不 ( 及 T V > 反 5景，有眾日並出，
有晝盲，有霄 ( 見 GE > * 6。
5. TanJicfu. 6. Chen Qiyou.
The Sun:
B. There are eclipses in which it is to m apart and eaten. There are occa-
sions when it is surrounded by vapors on its side and top. There are vapors
that surround it like a halo and dangle from either side like earrings. There
are occasions when it does not shine, when it docs not cause shadows, when
it does not turn back, when many suns come out at once, and when it dis
appears in the daytime or appears at night.
其月有薄蝕，有暉珥，有偏盲，有四月並出，有二月並見，有小月承大月，
有大月承小月，有月蝕星，有出而無光。
B O O K 6 169
The Moon:
C. There are occasions when it is eclipsed, when vapors surround it like
a halo or dangle from its side like earrings, when it partially disappears,
when four moons come ou t at once, when two m oons appear at once, when
a small m oon connects to a large m oon, when a large m œ n connects to a
small m oon, when the m oon eclipses a star, when the m<x>n appears but
docs n o t shine.
其星有熒惑，有彗星，有天掊，有天攙，有天竹，有天英，有天干，有賊
星，有鬥星，有賓星。
The Celestial Bodies:
D. There are the Dazzling D eludcr Com et, brcx>m stars, Celestial Club,
Celestial M agnolia, Celestial Bambcx), Celestial Flower, Celestial Shield,
assassin stars, fighting stars, and alien stars.
其氣有上不靥天，下不屬地，有豐上殺下，有若水之波，有若山之楫，春
則黃，夏則黑，秋則蒼，冬則赤。
The Ethers:
E. There are those that ascend but do n o t touch the sky, those that de-
scend but do n o t touch the ground, those that thicken at the top and di
minish at the bottom , those that are like the waves in a river or like the trees
on a m ountain, and those that turn yellow in spring, or black in summer, or
green in autum n, or red in winter.
其妖孽有生如帶，有鬼投其陴，有菟生雉，雉亦生鵁，有螟集其國，其音
匈匈，國有游蛇西東，馬牛乃言，犬彘乃連，有狼入於國，有人自天降，市
有舞鸱，國有行飛，馬有生角，雄雞五足，有豕生而彌，雞卵多 (假 GE>
毈 7 ，有社遷處，有豕生狗。
7. Bi Yuan.
Inauspicious Signs and Evil Happenitigs:

R There are oddities o f nature resembling the shape o f belts; ghosts
jum ping over the parapets, rabbits giving birth to pheasants or pheasants
giving birth to quails, caterpillars gathering in one5s state and that
Make a commotion that sounds like hyonghyong\

Capitals with floating snakes moving east and west,
Horses and oxen speaking,
Dogs and pigs copulating,
Wolves entering a capital,
Men descending from the sky,
Owls dancing in the marketplace.

Insects marching through the capital,
Horses sprouting horns,
Roosters with five legs,
Pigs born crying like infants.
Chickens frequentiy laying infertile eggs,
Earth altars moving,
Pigs giving birth to dogs.
國有此物，其主不知驚惶亟革，上帝降禍，凶災必亟。其殘亡死喪，殄絕
無類，流散循饑無日矣。此皆亂國之所生也，不能勝數，盡 (荆 T A > 楚、越
之竹，猶不能書。
G. I f these anomalies appear in a state, but the ruler is no t sufficientiy
alarmed to change his ways quickly, then the Supreme Sovereign will send
dow n misfortune, w ith catastrophes and disasters quickly following. The
lord will cruelly perish and there will be no reprieve. The populace will flee,
overwhelmed by starvation in less than a day. These things, all the products
o f a disordered state, will be beyond counting. Even if all the bam boo in
Chu and Yue were used, all the anomalies could n o t be recorded.
故子華子曰：「夫亂世之民，長短頡牾，百疾，民多疾癘，道多褓襁，盲禿
偃娃，萬怪皆生。』故亂世之主，烏聞至樂？不聞至樂，其樂不樂。
H . Thus, M aster Huazi said:
Am ong the people o f a disordered age there are no rules, everything

is confused, and hence, all m anner o f illness arises. The people suffer
num erous illnesses and afflictions. O n the roads are abandoned
infants, the blind, the bald, hunchbacks, and swaybacks. A myriad
o f prodigies appears.
Thus, how can the rulers o f a disordered age have heard perfect music?
Never having heard perfect music, their ow n music produces no pleasure.
Book 7
Book 7 introduces the autumn season. The ether o f process Metal is cold, so naked
beings must wear fur clothing. The most noble o f the hairy creatures is the tiger.
The note shang is metallic and is placed in the western position. Sounds made by
instruments o f bamboo and reeds arc harmonious with the pitch-standard Equaliz
ing Rule. aCooling Breeze55is the cosmic wind produced by the ocarina. This cosmic
wind is associated with the eighth hexagram, Kun, which symbolizes Earth, the
feminine, the inferior, and the moon. The western direction is associated with the
summation and completion o f the myriad things, displayed in all their brilliance;
hence, the apartments on the west side o f the Hall o f Light are named General
Manifestation Hall. White is the color o f the process Metal, so all the Son o f Heaven5s
vestments and sumptuary tokens in this season are white.
Winter is ruled by the process Water and is the season o f the Dark Warrior; if
its ordinances arc put into effect, the Yin ether will triumph prematurely, resulting
in the destruction o f the harvest by insects with scaly armament. With the Powers
o f Water and Metal combined, armies will make raids, producing great damage. In
spring the Yang is strong and fierce; if its ordinances arc put into effect, they will
cause desiccation and drought. The crops will begin to grow again but will not
attain maturity or bear fruit and seed. Summer is ruled by the process Fire; if its
ordinances arc put into efFca, there will be frequent wildfires and conflagrations.
With both the Metal ether and the Fire ether, cold and heat will contend against
each other without mcxicrating influences, causing the people to suffer disease,
pestilence, and fever.
Chapter 2 advances the thesis that weapons are inherently morally neutral, but
there is the “righteous use o f weapons,” so the thesis that “weapons should be
abolishecT must be rejected aRighteouswmeans “employed in the cause o f justice,”
that is, “punishing tyrannical lords” and “relieving suffering peoples.” The chapter
further argues that weapons arise out o f the inborn nature o f mankind.
Chapter 3 concerns rescuing the age from the chaos into which it has descended.
[ 171]
The way to accomplish this is to employ weapons and armies in just wars, which
will destroy those who lack the Dao and liberate the people from bitter oppression.
This, argues this chapter, necessarily entails aattackwand achastiscmcnt,>; but some
learned men condemn taking the offense and thus keep the people from being
rescued.
Chapter 4 continues the attack on the M ohist position that aattackÄand achas-
tisement55 are wrong by demonstrating that the M ohist strategy o f engaging in
“defense” and in “relief operations” can protect those who lack the Dao, can rescue
the immoral, and does not effectively protect those who possess the Dao or rescue
those who arc moral.
Chapter 5 discusses the techniques o f governing. To “cherish” means to use
weapons on behalf o f justice by executing the violent and oppressive, so that the
people will enjoy peace and security. To ^^favor55means to promote the worthy and
employ the able, giving the orphaned and widowed aid and comfort, and treating
the elderly with respect. The basis o f government implied in this chapter is awe
inspiring authority, which is maintained by the threat o f death, and profit, which
encourages the people.
一曰孟秋
CH A PTER 1
A L M A N A C F O R T H E F IR S T M O N T H O F A U T U M N
7/1.1
孟秋之月：日在翼，昏斗中，旦畢中。
A. In the first m onth o f autum n the sun is located in Wings. At dusk
the constellation D ipper culminates, and at dawn the constellation N et
culminates.
其曰庚辛。其帝少皞。其神蓐收。其蟲毛。其音商。律中夷則。其數九。其
味辛。其臭腥。其祀門。祭先肝。
B. The correlates o f this m onth are the days kang andern, the Sovereign
Shaohao, his assisting spirit Rushou, creatures that are hairy, the musical
note shanß^ the pitch-standard named Equalizing Rule, the num ber nine,
tastes that are bitter, rank smells, and the offering at the gate. A t sacrifices,
the liver is given the preem inent position.
涼風至。白露降。寒蟬鳴。鹰乃祭鳥。始用刑戮。
B O O K 7 173
C. C o o lin g breezes begin to blow , w h ite dew descends, and the cicada
o f the cold chirps. Y oung hawks n o w sacrifice birds. Punishm ents and ex
ecu tion s are used for the first tim e.
天子居總章左個，乘戎路，駕白駱，載白旃，衣白衣，服白玉，食 ( 麻 SF>
麽〇傺〕1與犬。其器廉以深。
1. Chen Qiyou.
D . T he S on o f H eaven resides in the left apartm ent o f the G eneral M ani

festation suite o n the w est side o f the H all o f L ight. H e rides in a war chariot,
drawn by w h ite horses w ith black m anes and bearing w h ite stream ers. H e
is cloth ed in w h ite robes and wears w h ite jade ornam ents. H e eats sorghum
accom panied by d o g flesh. H is vessels are angular and deep.
7 / 1 .2
是月也，以立秋。先立秋三日，大史謁之天子，曰：『某日立秋，盛德
在金』。天子乃齋。立秋之日，天子親率三公九卿諸侯大夫以迎秋於西郊。
還，乃賞軍率武人於朝。
In this m onth occurs E stablishing A utum n. Three days before the cer
em on y m arking E stablishing A utum n, the grand historiographer inform s
the S on o f H eaven, saying: ttO n such-and-such a day begins E stablishing
A utum n. T he Pow er that is flourishing is M e ta ll T he Son o f H eaven then
begins his purification. O n the day b egin n in g E stablishing A utum n, the
S on o f H eaven personally leads the T hree D ukes, the N in e M inisters, the
feudal lords, and the grand officers in w elcom in g autum n at the w estern
suburban altar. O n returning, he rewards the com m anding generals and
m ilitary officers in cerem onies at court.
天子乃命將帥，選士厲兵，簡練桀俊；專任有功，以征不義；詰誅暴慢，
以明好惡；（巡 G E > 順2彼遠方。
2. TanJicfu; H N Z anddueling" parallels.
T he Son o f H eaven then m andates that his generals and com m anders
sh ould select m en and sharpen w eapon s, ch oose and drill th ose o f distin c
tion and m erit, and give their entire trust on ly to m en o f achievem ent,
thereby correcting every im m orality. H e orders the interrogation and pun
ishm ent o f the oppressive and in solen t, thereby m aking it plainly evident
w h o sh ould be cherished and w h o desp ised , and rendering ob ed ien t those
in distant quarters.
7/1.3
是月也，命有司，修法制；繕囹圄，具桎梏，禁止姦，慎罪邪，務搏(執
S F > 摯 3 。命理，瞻傷察創，視折審斷；決獄訟，必正平；戮有罪，嚴斷
刑。天地始肅，不可以贏。
3. Chen Qiyou.
In this m on th , the S on o f H eaven orders his bureau directors to revise
the law s and ordinances, pu t the prisons and stockades in g o o d repair, pro
vide m anacles and fetters, forbid and halt villainy, be w ary o f crim e and
w ickedness, and endeavor to capture crim inals. H e m andates tiiat jailers
exam ine w ou n d s, inspect sores, and lo o k for broken m em bers, inspecting
them particularly for dislocation s.
The resolution of civil and criminal cases

Must be correct and just.
Punish those who have committed crimes.
Sternly deciding the penalty.
As Heaven and Earth now begin their severity,
It would be improper to be indulgent.
7 / 1 . 4
是月也，農乃升穀。天子嘗新，先薦寢廟。命百官，始收斂。完隄防，
謹壅塞，以備水潦。修宮室，拊牆垣，補城郭。
In this m on th , the farmers present their grain. T he S on o f H eaven tastes
the new grain, having first offered som e in the apartm ent at th e back o f the
ancestral tem ple. H e m andates that the hundred bureaus begin to gather
and store the collections from the farmers, finish constructing em bankm ents
and dikes, carefully inspect dams and barricades in preparation against flocxl-
in g w aters, pu t in g o o d repair all buildings and h ou ses, strengthen w alls
and enclosures, and repair inner and outer city w alls.
7/1.5
是月也，無以封侯、立大官，無割土地、行重幣、出大使。
In this m on th , there sh ould be neither investiture o f feudal lords nor
any appointm ent to im portant offices. There should be neither partitioning
o f lands and fields, nor any im portant presentation o f cerem onial g ifts, nor
any dispatching o f im portant diplom atic m issions.
B O O K 7 175
7/1.6
行之是令，而涼風至三旬。孟秋行冬令，則陰氣大勝，介蟲敗穀，戎兵
乃來。行春令，則其國乃旱，陽氣復還，五穀不實。行夏令，則多火災，寒
熱不節，民多瘡疾。
I f such orders are pu t in to effect during this m on th ， the co o l breezes
w ill arrive in each o f the three decades o f days. If， in the first m on th o f
autum n, th e ordinances for w inter are pu t in to effect, the Yin ether w ill
greatly prevail， scaly insects w ill destroy the harvest， and aggressive arm ies
w ill be b ou n d to com e. I f the ordinances for spring are pu t in to effect, the
state w ill suffer drought, the Yang ether w ill return again, and the Five F oods
w ill n o t fruit. I f the ordinances for sum m er are p u t in to effect, there w ill be
frequent calam ities from fires, the cold and heat w ill kn ow n o lim it, and the
p eop le w ill suffer m any fevers and afflictions.
二曰蕩兵
CH APTER 2
R A T T L IN G W E A P O N S
7 / 2 .1
古聖王有義兵而無有偃兵。兵之所自來者上矣，與始有民倶。
A . T he ancient sage-kings held to th e doctrine o f the righteous use o f
w eap on s, and n on e th ou gh t o f abolish in g them . W eapons originated in
h igh antiquity, appearing at the sam e tim e as m ankind.
凡兵也者，威也；威也者，力也。民之有威力，性也性者所受於天也，非
人之所能爲也，武者不能革，而工者不能移。
B. A s a general rule, w eapons inspire fear, and they inspire fear because
th ey arc pow erful. T hat the people becom e fearful w h en confronted w ith
pow er is due to their essential nature as hum ans. T heir essential nature is
w hat th ey receive from H eaven. It is n o t som eth in g a m an can contrive, a
sold ier overturn, or an artisan change.
兵所自來者久矣。黃、炎 ( 故 G V > 固 1用水火矣，共工氏固 ( 次 S F > 恣2作難

矣，五帝固相與爭矣。遞興〔
遞〕 3廢，勝者用事。人曰『蚩尤作兵』，蚩尤
非作兵也，利其械矣。未有蚩尤之時，民固剝林木以戰矣，勝者爲長。長
則〔
治之〕。〔
長〕猶不足〔
以〕4治之，故立君。君又不足以治之，故立天子。
天子之立也出於君，君之立也出於長，長之立也出於爭。爭鬥之所自來者
久矣，不可禁，不可止，故古之賢王有義兵而無有偃兵。
I. Bi Yuan. 2. YuXingwu. 3. Sun Shuchcng, XuWeiyu; TPTL quotation.
4. Chen Qiyou; parallelism.
C. W eapons originated lo n g ago. T he Y ellow Sovereign and the Yan

Sovereign used w ater and fire. T he G o n g g o n g lacked restraint and created
troubles. T he Five Sovereigns fou gh t their respective battles. Som etim es
rising, som etim es falling, the victor exercised authority. T h ou gh m en say
that C hiyou invented w eapon s, he did n o t invent them ; rather, he m erely
im proved the im plem ents o f war. Even before the tim e o f C h iyou , people
fou gh t w ith tree branches from w hich the bark had been peeled, and the
v ia o r becam e chieftain and governed them . C hieftains proved unequal to
the tasks o f govern in g—this is w h y the p o sitio n o f lord was established.
Lords also proved unequal to the tasks o f governing—this is w hy the position
o f Son o f H eaven w as established. T he p o sitio n o f S on o f H eaven devel
op ed o u t o f that o f lord; that o f lord in turn develop ed o u t o f that o f chief;
and that o f ch ief develop ed from fighting. F igh tin g and con flict originated
lo n g ago, so they can be neither forbidden nor halted. T hus, the sage-kings
o f antiquity held to the doctrine o f the righteous use o f w eapon s, and n on e
th ou gh t o f abolish in g w eapons.
7/2.2
家無怒笞，則豎子嬰兒之有過也立見；國無刑罰，則〔
臣下〕百姓之悟
〔
逆〕5相侵也立見；天下無誅伐，則諸侯之相暴也立見。故怒笞不可偃於
家，刑罰不可偃於國，誅伐不可偃於天下，有巧有拙而已矣。故古之聖王
有義兵而無有偃兵。
5. Chen Qiyou; implied in Gao You5
s commentary.
W hen a fam ily lacks a painful w h ip , youngsters and children com m it

offenses in an instant. W hen a state lacks punishm ents and penalties, m in is
ters and m inor officials becom e aware that they can contravene the law, and
the com m on p eople com m it offenses against on e another. W hen the w orld
lacks cam paigns o f chastisem ent, the feudal lords com m it violen ce against
on e another. T hus, just as a painful w hip cannot be abolished in the hom e,
punishm ent cannot be abolished in the state and cam paigns o f chastise
m ent cannot be abolished in the em pire. There are m erely differences in
h ow the skilled and the unskilled use them . T hus, the sage-kings o f antiq-
B O O K 7 177
u ity held to the doctrine o f the righ teou s use o f w eapons but n on e th ou gh t
o f abolish in g w eapons.
7/2.3
夫有以鎧死者，欲禁天下之食，悖；有以乘舟死者，欲禁天下之船，
悖；有以用兵喪其國者，欲偃天下之兵，悖 ( 夫 G E > 矣6 。兵〔
之〕7不可偃
也，譬之若水火然，善用之則爲福，不能用之則爲禍；若用藥者然，得良
藥則活人，得惡藥則殺人。義兵之爲天下良藥也亦大矣。
6. XuWciyu; ßSZT， quotations. 7. Sun Shucheng, XuWciyu; Q SZT, B TSC quotations.
Just as it w ou ld be perverse to forbid all fo o d because som eon e died

from rancid fo o d , or to forbid all boats because som eon e died from riding
in a boat, so to o w ou ld it be perverse to abolish all w eapons sim ply because
som eon e lo st his state u sin g w eapons. T he reason w eapons cannot be abol
ish ed is analogous to the reason w h y w ater and fire cannot be abolished. I f
a person uses them skillfully, he enjoys gcxxl fortune; if he uses them inca
pably, he suffers calamity. It is just th e sam e as u sin g herbal m edicines: if
you prcKurc a gcxxl herb, you can help another to survive; but if you procure
a p oison ou s herb, you m ay kill som eon e. R ighteous w eapons are the w o rld s
g o o d herb, but they are even m ore im portant.
7 /2 .4
且兵之所自來者遠矣，未嘗少選不用，貴賤長少賢者不肖〔
者〕8相與同，
有巨有微而已矣。察兵之微：在心而未發，兵也；疾視，兵也；作色，兵
也；傲言，兵也；援推，兵也；連反，兵也；（侈 G E > 俪 9 鬥，兵也；三軍
攻戰，兵也。此八者皆兵也，微巨之爭也。今世之以偃兵疾說者，終身用
兵而不自知悖，故說雖彊，談雖辨，文學雖博，猶不見聽。故古之聖王有
義兵而無有偃兵。
8. Tao Hongqing. 9. Wang Niansun, Sun Qiangming, XuWciyu.
A. Furtherm ore, since w eapons first originated lo n g ago, n o on e has

ever, for an instant, put them aside. N o b le and base, o ld and you n g, w orthy
and unw orthy are all the sam e in this regard; the on ly difference lies in the
crudity or subtlety o f their use o f them . L et us exam ine exam ples o f w eapons
that the subtle use: w hat lies in the heart but is n o t expressed is a w eapon; an
angry glare is a w eapon; a change in facial expression is a w eapon; a proud
w ord is a w eapon; pu lling and pu sh ing w ith the arms is a w eapon; linking
and overturning w ith the legs is a w eapon; group figh tin g is a w eapon; the
Three A rm ies 5 attacking is a w eapon. T hese eigh t arc all w eapons. T h ey arc
h ow the subtle conten d w ith the crude. N o w th ose o f the present age w h o
anxiously advocate the ab olition o f w eapons are perverse in that th ey d o
n o t know that they live full lives on ly because they them selves use w eapons.
T hus, th ou gh their persuasions are forceful, their talk discrim inating, and
their cultivation and learning broad, they d o n o t gain a receptive audience.
H en ce, the sage-kings o f antiquity held to the doctrine o f the righteous use
o f w eapons, and non e th ou gh t o f abolish in g w eapons.
兵誠義，以誅暴君而振苦民，民之說〔
之〕1()也，若孝子之見慈親也，若饑者
之見美食也；民之號呼而走之，若彊弩之射於深谿也，若積大水而失其壅
隄也。中主猶若不能有其民，而況於暴君乎？
io. Wang Niansun, Sun Shuchcng, JiangWciqiao; parallel.
B. T he truly righteous em ploym ent o f w eapons involves u sin g them to

punish tyrannical lords and relieve suflfering peoples. T his pleases the people,
just as seein g his beloved parents deligh ts a filial son or seein g w onderful
focxl pleases a starving m an. T he p eop le sh ou t and run to the righteous
army, like a b olt from a pow erful crossbow sh ot in to a deep gorge or like
the w ater rushing from a great reservoir w here the dike has failed. I f the
allegiance o f his people cannot be held by a m idd ling ruler, h ow m uch less
could it be held by an evil one!
三曰振亂
CH APTER 3
E N D IN G D IS O R D E R
7 / 3 . 1
當今之世，濁甚矣，黔首之苦，不可以加矣。天子既絕，賢者廢伏，世
主恣行，與民相離，黔首無所吿想。世有賢主秀士，宜察此論也，則其兵
爲義矣。天下之民，且死者也而生，且辱者也而榮，且苦者也而逸。世主
恣行，則中人將逃其君、去其親，又況於不肖者乎？故義兵至，則世主不
能有其民矣，人親不能禁其子矣。
T he present age is m ired in the extrem e. T he bitter lo t o f the black-headed
people could n o t possibly be increased. T he p o sitio n o f the S on o f H eaven
has been abolished, and w orthies have been cast d ow n . Rulers o f today arc
unrestrained and alienated from their people. T he black-headed people have
B O O K 7 179
n o on e to w h om to m ake their com plaints. W orthy rulers and accom plished

scholar-knights o f today o u g h t to exam ine this assessm ent, for then their
w eapons w ou ld be raised to fight the righteous cause. T hen everyone in the
w orld w h o w as about to die cou ld live, w h o lived in disgrace could enjoy
new glory, and w h o suflfered a bitter life cou ld find relief. Since rulers o f
texlay arc unrestrained, and ordinary m en flee their rulers and abandon their
relatives, h o w m uch m ore w ill this be the case w ith the unw orthy! T hus,
sh ou ld a righteous army arrive, contem porary rulers w ill prove incapable o f
h old in g o n to their ow n p eop le, and parents incapable o f restraining their
sons.
7 / 3-2
凡爲天下之民長也，慮莫如長有道而息無道，賞有義而罰不義。今之
世，學者多非乎攻伐。非攻伐而取救守，取救守則鄕之所謂長有道而息無
道、賞有義而罰不義之術不行矣。天下之 ( 長民 G E > 民長1，其利害在察此
論也。
I. Tao Hongqing.
A. A s a general principle, n o p olicy for leaders o f th e w orld5s peoples is

m ore effective than p rom otin g th ose w h o possess th e D ao but dism issing
th ose w h o lack it, and rew arding the m oral but p u nishing the im m oral.
Learned m en o f the present age condem n offen sive warfare. T hey condem n
offensive warfare w h ile adopting the policy o f defensive warfare. W hen such
m en adop t the p olicy o f defensive warfare, then the p olicies o f "'prom oting
th ose w h o have the D ao but dism issing th ose w h o lack it 55 and o f “reward-
in g th e m oral and p u nishing the im m oral55 are n o t b ein g practiced. Leaders
o f the w orld ’s peoples w ill find w hat w ill benefit or harm them by exam in-
in g this assessm ent closely.
攻伐之與救守一實也，而取舍人異，以辨說去之，終無所定論。固不知，
悖也；知而欺心，誣也。誣悖之士，雖辨無用矣。是非其所取而取其所非
也，是利之而反害之也，安之而反危之也。爲天下之長患，致黔首之大害
者，若說爲深。夫以利天下之民爲心者，不可以不熟察此論也。〈
故凡鬥爭
者，是非以定之用也。今多不先定其是非而( 先 ) 2疾鬥爭，此惑之大者也。 >3
2. Chen Qiyou; excrescent, dittography.
3. Since Bi Yuan, it has been generally recognized that this fragment of 31 graphs from 10/3.4 is
misplaced. This follows Chen Qiyou who associates the fragment with this chapter.
B. A ttacking and defen din g are on e and the sam e reality even th ou gh
p eople differ as to w hich they adopt and w hich they reject. I f on e uses
i8o T H E A L M A N A C S
discrim inations and persuasions to dism iss on e o f them , in the end there
w ill be n o final, definitive assessm ent o f either. I f o n e obstin ately fails to
recognize th is, on e is b ein g perverse. I f on e know s it but pretends other
w ise, on e is being deceptive. A scholar-knight w h o is perverse and deceptive
m ight offer discrim inations, but they w ill n o t be adop ted—for he condem ns
w hat he adopts, adopts w hat he condem ns, harm s th ose he is supposed to
benefit, and endangers th ose he is supposed to protect. T he m ost enduring
tragedy is to cause the black-headed p eople to suffer som e calam ity; it is
profoundly true that fo llo w in g such persuasions causes enduring tragedy.
N o w th ose w h o take it to be their heartfelt m ission to benefit all the people
o f the w orld cannot but exam ine this thesis thoroughly. T h us, as a general
principle in m atters o f con flict and figh tin g, m atters o f right and w ron g are
determ ined beforehand. N o w , how ever, in these m atters right and w rong
arc frequentiy n o t settled ahead o f tim e, increasing the severity o f c o n flia
and fighting. T his is the greatest o f delusions.
7/3.3
夫攻伐之事，未有不攻無道而罰不義也。攻無道而 ( 伐 G E > 罰 4 不義，
則福莫大焉，黔首利莫厚焉。禁之者，是息有道而伐有義也，是窮湯、武
之事而遂桀、紂之過也。
4 . Chen Changqi, XuWciyu; confirmed byvariant texts.
A . N o w , instances o f aggressive warfare sh ou ld never fail to involve
attacking th ose w h o lack the D ao and punishing the im m oral. T here is n o
blessing that is greater than th is, n o benefit to the black-headed people that
is m ore substantial. To prohib it aggressive warfare is equivalent to dism iss
in g th ose w h o possess the D ao and chastising th ose w h o are m oral, for it
w ou ld un d o the g o o d deeds o f Tang and W u and perpetuate the transgres
sion s o f Jic and Z h ou X in.
凡人之所以惡爲無道〔
行〕5不義者，爲其罰也；所以蘄〔
爲〕0有道行有義者，
爲其賞也。今無道不義存，存者賞之也；而有道行義窮，窮者罰之也。賞
不善而罰善，欲民之治也，不亦難乎？故亂天下害黔首者，若論爲大。
5. Chen Qiyou 6. Wang Niansun.
B. As a general rule, people express their hatred for th ose w h o lack the
D ao and behave im m orally by pu nishing them , and they seek th ose w h o
possess the D ao and behave m orally by rew arding them . Today th ose w h o
lack the D ao and are im m oral are allow ed to survive; this is to reward them .
B O O K 7
B ut th ose w h o possess the D ao and behave m orally are undone; this is to

punish them . Is it n o t contradictory to desire that the p eop le be orderly but
to reward th e evil and punish the good? R eason in g like this is w hat brings
the greatest disorder to th e w orld and does the m ost harm to the black
headed p eop le.
四曰禁塞
CH APTER 4
R E S T R I C T IO N S A N D I M P E D I M E N T S
7/4.1
夫救守之心，未有不守無道而救不義也。守無道而救不義，則禍莫大
焉，爲天下之民害莫深焉。
N o w , those w h o intend to rescue and safeguard always end up safeguard
in g th ose w h o lack the D ao and rescuing those w h o are im m oral. N o m isfor
tune is graver than protecting th ose w h o lack the D ao and saving th ose w h o
are im m oral, and for the p eop le o f the w orld n o injury is m ore profound.
7/4.2
凡救守者，太上以說，其次以兵。以說則承從多群，日夜思之，事心任
精，起則誦之，臥則夢之，自今單脣乾肺，費神傷魂。
A . A s a general rule, th ose w h o advocate rescuing and protecting place
the use o f persuasion first and forem ost and on ly afterwards d o they resort
to w eapons. T h ose w h o use persuasion have hosts o f follow ers and adher
ents. D ay and n igh t they ponder their persuasions, u sin g their m inds and
taxing their vital essence, reciting them w h ile awake and dream ing about
them w h ile asleep, and during all this tim e parching their lips and desiccat
in g their kidneys, w astin g their spirits and dam aging their souls.
上稱三皇五帝之業以愉其意，下稱五伯名士之謀以信其事，早朝晏罷，以
吿制兵者，行說語眾，以明其道。道畢說單而不行，則必反之兵矣。反之
於兵，則必鬥爭，之情，必且殺人，是殺無罪之民以興無道與不義者也。
無道與不義者存，是長天下之害，而止天下之利，雖欲幸而勝，禍且始長。
B. O n the on e hand they cite the deeds o f the T hree A ugust O nes and
the Five Sovereigns to illustrate their ow n ideas, and on the other hand
they cite the plans o f the Five Lords-Protector and the fam ous scholar-knights
to lend credence to their ow n schem es. T hey ag o to court early and retire
late 55in order to make their reports to th ose w h o control the w eapons. T hey
circulate num erous persuasions and discourses in order to elucidate their
D ao. B ut w hen their D ao is spent and their persuasions exhausted and still
they have n o t succeeded, they invariably resort to w eapons. I f they resort to
w eapons, it is inevitable that they w ill con ten d and figh t， and it is essential
to the nature o f these activities that m en are certain to be killed. T his m eans
that they w ill kill in n ocen t p eop le in order to preserve th ose w h o lack the
D ao and are im m oral. For th ose w h o lack the D ao and arc im m oral to sur
vive is to prom ote w hat harms the w orld and repress w hat benefits the
w orld. A lthou gh they h op e to enjoy gocxl fortune and victory, it is the scale
o f disaster that grow s.
〈先王之法》曰：「爲善者賞，爲不善者罰。』古之道也，不可易。
C. The Model of the First Kings says: cT h e gcxxi are to be rewarded and
th e evil are to be pu nished .55T his is the w ay o f the ancients and it cannot be
changed.
今不別其義與不義，而疾取救守，不義莫大焉，害天下之民者莫甚焉。故
取攻伐 ( 者 ) 不可，非攻伐不可，取救守不可，非救守不可，（
取 V 惟義兵爲
可。兵苟義，攻伐亦可，救守亦可。兵不義，攻伐不可，救守不可。
I. Tao Hongqing, Chen Qiyou.
D . N o w , there is n o greater act o f im m orality and n o greater harm to

the peoples o f the w orld than failing to d istin guish betw een the m oral and
the im m oral， and rather hurriedly ad op tin g the p olicy o f indiscrim inate
defense by “rescuing 55 and “p rotectin g•” T hus， it is logically inadm issible
either to adopt a p olicy o f aggressive warfare or to condem n it, to adopt a
p olicy o f defensive warfare or to condem n it. It is on ly the use o f w eapons
in ä righteous cause that can be considered proper. I f w eapons are raised in
a righteous cause, then b oth aggressive and defensive warfare are proper. I f
the cause is n o t righ teou s, then neither is proper.
使夏桀、殷紂無道至於此者，幸也；使吳夫差、智伯瑤侵奪至於此者，幸
也；使晉厲、陳靈、宋康不善至於此者，幸也。若令桀紂知必國亡身死，
殄無後類，吾未知其 ( 厲 ) 2爲無道之至於此也；吳王夫差、智伯瑤知必國爲
丘墟，身爲刑戮，吾未知其爲不善無道侵奪之至於此也；晉厲知必死於匠
麗氏，陳靈知必死於夏徵舒，宋康知必死於溫，吾未知其爲不善之至於此
也 0
2. YuYuc; parallelism.
B O O K 7 183
E. It w ou ld be fortunate if w e could bring back Jie o f the Xia dynasty,

Z h ou X in o f th e Yin dynasty, and others w h o lacked the D ao. It w ou ld be
fortunate if w e cou ld bring before us K ing Fuchai o f W u, Earl Yao o f Z hi,
and other aggressors. It w o u ld be fortunate if w e cou ld bring before us
D uke Li o f Jin, D uke L ing o f C hen, K ing K ang o f S on g, and others w h o
w ere evil. I f w e cou ld cause Jie and Z h ou X in to realize th e inevitab ility o f
th e end o f their states and th e inevitability o f their o w n deaths, as w ell as
their being alone and w ith o u t successors, I w on der w hether th ey w ou ld
persist in acting w ith o u t the D ao. I f K ing Fuchai o f W u and Earl Yao o f Z hi
had know n that inevitably their states w ou ld becom e w astes and they w ou ld
be punished, I w on d er w hether they w ou ld have con tin u ed to be evil, im
m oral aggressors. I f D uke Li o f Jin had know n that he w o u ld inevitably die
at the hom e o f Jiangli, if D uke L ing o f C hen had know n that he w ou ld
certainly die at the h om e o f Xia Z hengshu, and if K ing K ang o f S on g had
know n that he w o u ld inevitably die at W en, I w on der w h eth er th ey w ou ld
have con tin u ed to d o evil.
此七君者，大爲無道不義：所殘殺無罪之民者，不可爲萬數；壯佼老幼胎
殯之死者，大實平原；廣堙深谿大谷，赴巨水，積灰，塡溝洫險阻，犯流
矢，蹈白刃，加之以凍餓饑寒之患。
E T hese seven rulers surpassed all other m en in acting w ith o u t the D ao
and in being im m oral. T he in n ocen t people they slaughtered and m urdered
w ere so num erous, they cannot be cou n ted even by the tens o f thousands.
T he corpses o f the strong and feeble, the o ld and you n g, and th e m iscarried
and stillborn filled the flat plains and dam m ed up the deep gorges and great
valleys. T h ose w h o drow ned in large flood s or huge conflagrations filled
ditches and ravines. Yet others faced flying arrows or w alked on bare blades.
A nd to these w e sh ou ld add the sufferings o f th ose w h o froze or starved.
以至於今之世，爲之愈甚，故暴骸骨無量數，爲京丘若山陵。世有興主仁
士，深意念此，亦可以痛心矣，亦可以悲哀矣。察此其所自生，生於有道
者之廢，而無道者之恣行。
G. T hus d o w e com e to our ow n age w herein even these excesses are far
surpassed. E xposed skeletons to o num erous to cou n t form a m ound as
m assive as a m ountain. W ere an ascendant ruler or hum ane knight to co n
tem plate this deeply, it surely w ou ld pain his heart and cause him g rief and
sadness. W ere he to exam ine w hat brought this about, he w ou ld conclude
that it was because o f the dem ise o f th ose w h o possess the D ao and the
licen tiou sn ess o f th ose w h o lack the D ao.
夫無道者之恣行，幸矣。故世之患，不在救守，而在於不肖者之幸也。救
守之說出，則不肖者益幸也，賢者益疑矣。故大亂天下者，在於不論其義
而疾取救守。
H . B ut th ose w h o lack the D ao have been lucky in con d u ctin g them -
selves licentiously. T hus, the m isfortune o f th e w orld d oes n o t lie in the
defensive strategy o f “rescuing5’ and “safeguarding，” but in the unw orthy
having been lucky. Yet if persuasions advocate defensive warfare, the u n
w orthy arc all the m ore fortunate and th e w orth y all the m ore hesitant.
T hus, the m ost profound disorder to the w orld depends o n the practice o f
hurriedly em bracing the p olicy o f defense w ith o u t assessing the rightness
o f the cause.
五曰懷寵
CH APTER 5
T O C H E R IS H A N D T O F A V O R
7/5-1
凡君子之說也，非苟辨也；士之議也，非苟語也。必中理然後說，必當
義然後議。故說 ( 義 S F > 議 1而王公大人益好理矣，士民黔首益行義矣。義
理之道彰，則暴虐姦詐侵奪之術息也。
I. Tao Hongqing, Chen Changqi.
As a general rule, the persuasions o f a gentlem an are n o t careless d is

crim inations; the deliberations o f a scholar-knight are n o t careless discourse.
A gentlem an w ill offer on ly persuasions that agree entirely w ith rational
principles; a scholar-knight w ill offer on ly deliberations that coin cid e per
fectly w ith m oral principles. T hus, w hen they persuade and deliberate, kings,
dukes, and great m en becom e increasingly fon d o f rational principles; and
all the scholar-knights and black-headed p eop le increasingly act morally.
W hen the w ay o f reason and m orality is prom inentiy displayed, the tech
niques o f the violen t, deceptive, and th ievin g cease.
7 / 5.2
暴虐姦詐之與義理反也，其勢不倶勝，不兩立。故〔
義〕2兵入於敵之境，
則〔
士〕3民知所庇矣，黔首知不死矣。至於國邑之郊，不虐五穀，不掘墳
墓，不伐樹木，不燒積聚，不焚室屋，不取六畜。得民虜奉而 ( 題 )4歸之，
B O O K 7 18 5
以彰好惡；信與民期，以奪敵資。若此而猶有 ( 憂 G E > 复 5 ? > 愎5恨冒疾遂

過不聽者，雖行武焉亦可矣。
2. Xu Wciyu. 3. TanJicfu. 4 . Chen Changqi. 5. Wang Yinzhi.
V iolen ce and d ecep tion are the o p p osites o f reason and m orality. T hese
tw o con d ition s cannot both prevail and cannot coexist. H en ce, w hen a righ
teou s arm y enters the borders o f an enem y, all the knights there know they
are g o in g to be protected , and the black-headed p eop le know they w ill n o t
die. W hen it reaches the outskirts o f the capital, the army d oes n o t destroy
th e F ive F ood s, plunder graves, cut d ow n trees, bu m stores and supplies,
torch h ou ses, or confiscate livestock. T he righ teou s army, by w h om it takes
prisoner or sends h om e, gives concrete shape to w hat it likes and despises.
It is con sisten t w ith the peopled expectations that the army should seize the
en em a s gcx>ds. I f it acts thusly w h en there are instances w here th ose w h o
are recalcitrant and envious con tin u e w ith their m isdeeds and arc d isob ed i
en t, then th o u g h on e resorts to m ilitary m igh t, it is entirely proper.
7/5-3
先發聲出號曰：『兵之來也，以救民之死。子之在上無道，（
据 GV> ® 6
傲荒怠，貪戾虐眾，恣睢自用也。辟遠聖制，警醜先王，（
排 G V > 誹 7訾舊
典，上不順天，下不惠民。徵斂無期，求索無厭，罪殺不辜，慶賞不當。若
此者，天之所誅也，人之所讎也，不當爲君。今兵之來也，將以誅不當爲
君者也，以除民之讎而順天之道也。民有逆天之道，衛人之讎者，身死家
戮不赦。有能以家聽者，祿之以家；以里聽者，祿之以里；以鄕聽者，祿
之以鄕；以邑聽者，祿之以邑；以國聽者，祿之以國。 j
6. Bi Yuan, Fan Gcngyan, Jiang Wciqiao, Chen Qiyou. 7. Chen Qiyou.
A . T he heralds sh ou t o u t and proclaim : cT h e soldiers have com e to save

the lives o f the p eop le. You, sirs, on high , lack the D ao.
You arc arrogant and decadent,

Predatory and oppressive,
Licentious and selfish.
You have cast o u t the in stitu tion s o f the sages, slandered the First K ings,
and reviled the old statutes.
Above you disobey Heaven;

Below you mistreat the people.
You tax w ith o u t lim it and make further exactions w ith ou t tiring. You pu n
ish and m urder the in n ocen t and congratulate and reward the undeserving.
Such people are pu nished by H eaven, op p osed by others, and are unfit to
rule. T hus, n ow our army has com e to execute the m an w h o is unfit to rule,
to elim inate the enem y o f the p eo p le—all in com pliance w ith the D ao o f
H eaven. T h ose p eop le w h o d isob ey the D ao o f H eaven and give aid to the
enem y o f the people w ill be killed and their fam ilies executed w ith ou t mercy.
T hose w h o bring about a household^ subm ission w ill be rewarded a hou se
hold . T h ose w h o bring about a lane5s com pliance w ill be rewarded a lane.
T h ose w h o bring about a villagers subm ission w ill be rewarded a village.
T hose w h o bring about a tow n 5s com pliance w ill be rewarded a tow n . T hose
w h o bring about a capital^ subm ission w ill be rewarded w ith a capital.55
故克其國不及其民，獨誅所誅而已矣。舉其秀士而封侯之，選其賢良而尊
顯之，求其孤寡而振恤之，見其長老而敬禮之。皆益其祿，加其級。論其
罪人而救出之；分府庫之金，散倉糜之粟，以鎭撫其眾，不私其財；問其
叢社大祠，民之所不欲廢者而復興之，（曲 G E > 典 8加其祀禮。是以賢者榮
其名，而長老說其禮，民懷其德。
8. Chen Qiyou.
B. T hus, in conqu ering a state, d o n o t harm the p eop le. E xecute on ly
th ose w h o deserve execution. P rom ote the accom plished scholar-knights
and en feo ff them . Select the m ost w orthy and able o f their p eop le and give
them h igh and em in en t position s. Seek o u t the orphaned and w id ow ed and
give them aid and com fort. G ive audience to the senior and elderly and
treat them w ith reverence and respect. In all instances increase em olum ents
and elevate ranks. D eterm in e w h o has been judged a crim inal and let these
go. D ivid e the precious m etals in the storehouses and distribute the grain
in the granaries in order to pacify the m ultitudes, keeping for you rself non e
o f their w ealth. Inquire about the altars planted w ith luxuriant trees and
great shrines that the p eople d o n o t w ish to abandon, and restore them ,
thus regularizing the sacrificial offerings and augm enting the rites. Because
o f these actions, the w orthy w ill glorify your nam e, the elders w ill be pleased
w ith your sense o f ritual propriety, and the people w ill cherish your acts o f
virtuous kindness.
7/5.4
今有人於此，能生死一人，則天下必爭事之矣。義兵之生(一 G E > 死9人

亦多矣，人孰不說？故義兵至，則鄰國之民歸之若流水，誅國之民望之若
父母，行地滋遠，得民滋眾，兵不接刃而民服若化。
9. Tao Hongqing.
B O O K 7 187
N o w , w ere there a m an w h o w as capable o f givin g life to even o n e per

son w h o w as to d ie, the w h o le w orld w ou ld surely struggle to serve him .
R igh teou s soldiers w h o have held pow er o f life and death over m en are
indeed num erous—w hich o f those m en is displeased? H ence, w hen righteous
soldiers com e, the p eop le o f n eigh b orin g states arush to them like flo o d in g
w aters .55 T he p eople o f the state b ein g chastised, ^regard them as th ey d o
their parents.55T he territory they cover is ever m ore extensive, and the people
th ey w in ever m ore num erous. B efore th e soldiers cross blades, the p eople
su bm it as if transform ed.
Book 8
This month contains the autumnal equinox, which is signaled by the arrival of the
wild geese and the departure of the swallows. In response to the impending winter,
the various birds begin to store away food. The Yang ether declines and the old
year decays; therefore, care is taken to provide for the aged among the population.
If during the second month of autumn, the ordinances for spring arc put into
effect, the spring Yang force, being strong and fierce, will cause the rains not to
descend and will make plants begin to grow again. With Metal and Wood in conflict,
there will arise the specter of armies which will alarm the populace. If those of
summer arc adopted, then the summer ethers, being completely Yang, will reanimate
insects as they arc about to hibernate and renew growth in the Five Foods. If those
of winter arc put into effect, fierce and savage cold will bring frequent catastrophic
winds and revive the slackening thunder.
Chapter 2 argues that the relations between lord and minister, superior and
inferior have their basis in moral principles. The notion of the righteous use of
force, advanced in opposition to the Mohists, seems in particular to be based on
the arguments of the Sim a fa quoted in Gao You's commentary: uWhcn there is
reason to execute a person, even though a man is killed, it is proper to do so.w
Chapter 3 contends that there is no substitute for well-trained and talented
troops equipped with sharp weapons. The ignorant thesis that untrained people
can defeat professionally trained and well-equipped armies must be rejected. But
so must the theory of ^responding to changing circumstances,55 which seems to
have been particularly associated with military theorists of the Yin-Yang school.
Chapter 4 is concerned with what guarantees victory in battle: having moral
right on one's side, being wise, and having courage. Courage is ^physiologically"5
based on an abundance of vital ethers. The ancient Chinese made a connection
between the inhalation and exhalation of the vital breath and the vital ethers of
nature. According to L iji (47 8a), Confucius defined the vital breath in man as
fullness of spirit. King Goujian of Wu once saluted a frog in order to inspire his
[188]
B O O K 8 189
warriors, claiming that he did so because it had “spirit•” His warriors concluded
that
if the king were willing to salute a mere frog which had spirit, he would do
much more for a man who exhibited a fighting spirit through his bravery.
Within a year, ten and more men begged to offer their heads to the king.
(HFZ 9.554)
Chapter 5 has the alternate title, ta k in g Care Against Adversity,55but its theme
is better expressed in the present tide, “Loving Knights.”
一曰仲秋
CHAPTER 1
ALM ANAC F O R T H E S E C O N D M O N T H OF A U T U M N
8/1.1
仲秋之月：日在角，昏牽牛中，旦觜嵩中。
A. During the second month of autumn the sun is located in Horn. At
dusk the constellation Herdboy culminates, and at dawn the constellation
Turtle culminates.
其曰庚辛。其帝少皞。其神蓐收。其蟲毛。其音商。律中南呂。其數九。
其味辛。其臭腥。其祀門。祭先肝。
B. The correlates of this month are: the daysß m ß andern, the Sovereign
Shaohao, his assisting spirit Rushou, creatures that are hairy, the musical
nox^shsmg^ the pitch-standard named Southern Regulator, the number nine,
tastes that are bitter, rank smells, and the offering at the gate. At sacrifice,
the liver is given the preeminent position.
涼風生。候鳥來。玄鳥歸。群鳥養羞。
C. Cooling breezes arise, the wild geese arrive, the swallows return, and
the various flocks of birds store up provisions.
天子居總章太廟，乘戎路，駕白駱，載白旃，衣白衣，服白玉，食 ( 麻 SF>
麼〔
=榇〕1與犬，其器廉以深。
I. Chen Qiyou.
D. The Son of Heaven resides in the Great Temple in the General Mani
festation suite on the west side of Hall of Light. He rides in a war chariot,
drawn by white horses with black manes and bearing white streamers. He
is clothed in white robes and wears white jade ornaments. He eats sorghum
accompanied by dog flesh. His vessels are angular and deep.
8/1.2
是月也,養衰老，
授几杖，行麋粥飮食。
A. In this month, they nurture the decaying and aged, providing them
stcx)ls and canes, and distribute congee for food.
乃命司服，具飭衣裳，文繡有常，制有小大，度有短長，衣服有量，必
循其故，冠帶有常。命有司，申嚴百刑，斬殺必當，無或枉橈，（枉橈 GE>
決獄 2 不當，反受其殃。
2. TanJicfu; H N Z parallel.
B. The Son of Heaven then mandates that the director of robes should
Make ready the ornamented upper and lower garments;
Keep constant the patterns of embroideries,
Observing regulations for their size.
Measuring their size and length,
Limiting the clothing's dimensions,
To accord with the old examples;
And keep constant caps and girdles.
He orders the various directors to apply the hundred punishments rigor

ously so that
Beheadings and other executions are always appropriate,
With neither excess nor deficiency.
Any sentencing and imprisonment that is inappropriate
Will in turn bring about its own censure.
8/1.3
是月也，乃命宰祝，巡行犧牲：視全具；案芻豢；瞻肥瘠，察物色，必
比類；量小大，視長短，皆中度。五者備當，上帝其享。天子乃儺，禦佐
疾，以通秋氣。以犬嘗 (麻 S F > 麼〔
=檫〕
3 ，先祭寢廟。
3. Chen Qiyou.
In this month, the Son of Heaven orders his officers concerned with
slaughter and sacrifice to make the rounds among the sacrificial victims,
examining them for wholeness and completeness, inspecting their fodder
and grain, and assessing their weight, appraising their coats and general
coloration, ascertaining whether they are characteristic of their kind, gaug-
B O O K 8 191
ing their size and examining their height, that both fit the required stan
dards perfectiy. When the five characteristics are exactiy as they should be,
the Supreme Sovereign will accept them. The Son of Heaven then per
forms the ceremonies to ward off pestilence and avert any occurrence of
plague, to assure the proper circulation of the autumnal ethers. He tastes
sorghum along with do^s flesh, having first offered some in the apartment
at the back of the ancestral temple.
8/1.4
是月也，可以築城郭，建都邑，穿寶茆，修囷倉。乃命有司，趣民收
斂，務蓄菜，多積聚。乃勸種麥，無或失時，行罪無疑。
In this month, it is permissible to raise city and suburban walls, to found
new cities and towns, to excavate underground passages and grain pits, and
to repair square and round granaries. The Son of Heaven orders the several
direaors to hasten the people's gathering of the harvest, making them devote
their attention to accumulating large stores of vegetables and other provisions.
He then urges the people to sow the wheat;
They should not miss the proper time.
Anyone who offends in this regard is to be punished
without hesitation.
8/1.5
是月也，日夜分。雷乃始收 ( 聲 )4 。蟄蟲 (俯 G V > 拊 5 戶。殺氣浸盛，陽
氣曰衰。水始涸。日夜分，則一度量，平權衡，正鈞石，齊斗甬。
4 . Wang Niansim. 5*Tan Jicfii.
In this month, day and night are equal in length. The thunder now
begins to restrain its sounds. Insects stop up the entrances to their burrows.
The killing ethers begin to increase in strength. The influence of the Yang
ether diminishes day by day, and the waters begin to dry up. When day and
night are equal in length, unify the weights and measures, balance the steel
yard and its weights, rectify the stone weights, and adjust the dry measures
for the peck and bushel.
8/1.6
是月也，易關市，來商旅，入貨賄，以便民事。四方來雜，遠鄕皆至，則
財物不匮，上無乏用，百事乃遂。凡舉事無逆天數，必順其時，乃因其類。
In this month, mcxlify the charges at the frontier gates and in the markets,
causing merchants and traders to come and goods and commodities to enter
the markets thereby facilitating the peopled business.
When various kinds of traders come from the four quarters,
When merchants arrive from distant regions,
Resources and gcxxls will not be deficient.
Superiors will not want for the commodities they need.
The hundred tasks of life will proceed accordingly.
As a general principle, when initiating undertakings,

Do not contravene Heaven’s law,
The use of things must accord with the season;
Rely on the qualities natural to their kind.
8/1.7
行之是令，白露降三旬。仲秋行春令，則秋雨不降，草木生榮，國乃有
大恐。行夏令，則其國旱，蟄蟲不藏，五穀復生。行冬令，則風災數起，
收雷先行，草木早死。
If such orders are put into effect during this month, the white dew will
descend in each of the three decades of days. If in the second month of
autumn the ordinances for spring are put into effect, the autumnal rains
will not fall, the grasses and trees will blossom, and the state will therewith
be thrown into a great consternation. If the ordinances for summer arc put
into efFea, the state will suffer drought, insects will not retire to their bur
rows, and the Five Fcxxls will begin to grow again. If the ordinances for
winter are put into effect, calamities arising from winds will occur repeat
edly, restrained thunder will occur before its proper time, and the grasses
and trees will die prematurely.
B O O K 8 193
二曰論威
CHAPTER 2
A D IS C O U R S E O N IN S P IR IN G AWE
8/2.1
義也者，萬事之紀也，君臣上下親疏之所由起也，治亂安危過勝之所在
也。過勝之〔
道〕1 ，勿求於他，必反於己。
I. Chen Qiyou.
Moral principles provide guidelines for every task. They give rise to the
distinction between ruler and subject, high and low, near and far, and in
them lies the difference between order and disorder, security and danger,
error and viaory. The Dao of error and victory should not be sought in
others; rather, one must turn inward.
8/2.2
人情欲生而惡死，欲榮而惡辱。死生榮辱之道一，則三軍之士可使一心
矣0
It is the essential nature of men to desire life and hate death, to desire
glory and hate disgrace. If the Dao of death and life, glory and disgrace is
one, then the knights of the Three Armies will be of one mind.
8/2.3
凡軍欲其眾也，心欲其一也，三軍一心則令可使無敵矣。令能無敵者，
其兵之於天下也亦無敵矣。古之至兵，民之重令也。重乎天下，貴乎天子。
其藏於民心，捷於肌虜也，深痛執固，不可搖蕩，物莫之能動。若此則敵
胡足勝矣？故曰其令彊者其敵弱，其令 ( 信 L C > 伸 2者其敵訕。先勝之於此，
則必勝之於彼矣。
2. Tao Hongqing, Li Baoquan, Ma Xulun, Chen Qiyou.
As a general principle, it is desirable that armies be large and of one

mind. If the Three Armies are of one mind, then commands can be enforced
without opposition. When commands have no opposition, their soldiers
will meet no opposition in the world. In the supreme armies of antiquity,
the people valued commands. What is valued by the world is honored by
the Son of Heaven. What is stored in the hearts of the people penetrates
into their muscles and flesh. Their deeply felt resolve cannot be shaken and
therefore nothing can frighten them. How, then, could any enemy vanquish
them? Thus it is said:
When orders are strong, enemies are weak. When orders arc faith
fully carried out, enemies withdraw. If one first conquers those nearby,
one is certain to be victorious over those far away.
8/2.4
凡兵，天下之凶器也；勇，天下之凶德也。舉凶器，行凶德，猶不得已
也。舉凶器必殺，殺，所以生之也；行凶德必威，威，所以懾之也。敵懾
民生，此義兵之所以隆也。故古之至兵，才民未合，而威已諭矣，敵已服
矣，豈必用抱鼓干戈哉？故善諭威者，於其未發也，於其未通也，眘眘乎
冥冥，莫知其情，此之謂至威之誠。
As a general principle, arms are the most baleful of tcx>ls in the world
and bravery is the most baleful of virtues in the world. One should lift a
baleful tool or act with a baleful virtue only if compelled to do so. If one
lifts a baleful tool, then one must kill in order to allow others ro survive. If
one acts with baleful virtue, then one must overawe in order to frighten
others. When the enemy is frightened, the people survive. This is what makes
righteous soldiers so impressive.
Thus,
in the supreme armies of antiquity the soldiery never joined in battle,

yet its awesomeness displayed itself and the enemy submitted of its
own accord. What need did they have for mallets and drums, shields
and halberds? Hence, expertise in displaying awesomcness lies in
neither concretely exhibiting it nor directly communicating it. So
mysterious is its dark obscurity, no one knows its true nature.
This describes the true nature of supreme awesomencss.
8/2.5
凡兵欲急疾捷先。欲急疾捷先之道，在於知緩徐遲後而急疾捷先之分
也。急疾捷先，此所以決義兵之勝也。而不可久處，知其不可久處，則知
所兔起鳧舉死婚之地矣。雖有江河之險則凌之，雖有大山之塞則陷之，幷
氣專精，心無有慮，目無有視，耳無有聞，一諸武而已矣。冉叔誓必死於
田侯，而齊國皆懼；豫讓必死於襄子，而趙氏皆恐；成荆致死於韓主，而
周人皆畏；又況乎萬乘之國，而有所誠必乎，則何敵之有矣？刃未接而欲
B O O K 8 195
已得矣。敵人之悼懼憚恐，單蕩精神盡矣，咸若狂魄，形性相離，行不知
所之，走不知所往，雖有險阻要塞，鍤兵利械，心無敢據，意無敢處，此
夏桀之所以死於南巢也。今以木擊木則拌，以水投水則散，以冰投冰則沈，
以塗投塗則陷，此疾徐先後之勢也。
As a general rule, one wants soldiers to advance rapidly. The D ao o f
rapid advance consists in understanding the true functions o f advancing
quickly and retreating slowly. Rapid advance gives righteous soldiers victory.
I f they realize that they cannot long m aintain their ground, they will know
how to run like a hare or waddle like a duck away from the places o f death.
W here they are endangered by rivers, they will leap across them. W here
they are blocked by m ountain passes, they will knock through them. They
focus their vital ethers and concentrate their vital essence. Their minds do
not lay plans, their eyes do not see, their ears do no t hear, for they concentrate
entirely on the battle and are aware o f nothing else. W hen Ran Shu swore
he w ould die fighting the marquis o f Tian, everyone in Q i was filled w ith
fright. W hen Yu Rang decided he would fight Viscount Xiang to the death,
the whole house o f Zhao trembled. W hen Cheng Jing was prepared to fight
the ruler o f H an to the death, the entire army o f Z hou was fearful. H ow
m uch m ore w ould this be the case w ith a state o f 10,000 chariots that is
truly determined! H ow could anyone oppose thtm> Before the first blade is
crossed, they obtain what they seek. The opposing forces tremble with fright,
their w orried spirits exhausted. They all fly about like the soul o f a crazy
m an, their bcxlily frames and inborn natures becoming separated from one
another. They do not know where to go, nor where to flee. T hough there
be dangerous defiles and narrow passes, sharp weapons and barbed arms,
they dare n o t consider staying, dare no t have any intention o f remaining.
This is just w hat caused Jie o f the Xia dynasty to die at Nanchao.
Use wcxxl to hit w ood and the latter will splinter. Throw water
against water and the latter will splatter. T hrow ice at ice and the
h tte r will shatter. Throw m ud at m ud and the latter will sink.
These are the advantages inherent in being fast and in being first.
8/2.6
夫兵有大要，知謀物之不謀之不禁也則得之矣，專諸是也，獨手舉劍至
而已矣，吳王壹成。又況乎義兵，多者數萬，少者數千，密其躅路，開敵
之塗，則士豈特與專諸議哉？
The essential consideration in using soldiers is this: If one knows how

to plan for contingencies that the enemy has neither considered nor made
preparations to prevent, then one can succeed. Zhuan Z hu did this. H e was
but one man with raised sword in hand, yet w ith but a single move he made
H elii king o f Wu. H ow m uch easier it is when one has righteous soldiers
num bering at least in several thousands or to many tens o f thousands! If his
ow n trail was kept secret while the path o f his enemy was discovered, would
n o t a knight deserve comparison w ith m ore than Zhuan Zhu?
三曰簡選
CH A PTER 3
O N C H O O S IN G A N D S E L E C T IN G
8/3.1
世有言曰：「
驅市人而戰之，可以勝人之厚祿敎卒；老弱罷民，可以勝
人之精士練材；離散係 ( 系 G E > 縈 1 ，可以勝人之行陳整齊；鋤檯白梃，可
以勝人之長姚利兵』。此不通乎兵者之論。今有利劍於此，以刺則不中，
以擊則不及，與惡劍無擇，爲是鬥因用惡劍則不可。簡選精良，兵械話利，
發之則不時，縱之則不當，與惡卒無擇，爲是戰因用惡卒則不可。王子慶
忌、陳年猶欲劍之利也。簡選精良，兵械鈷利，令能將將之，古者有以王
者、有以霸者矣，湯、武、齊、桓、晉文、吳闔廬是矣。
I. Bi Yuan, Xu W ciyu, C h en Q iyou.
A contemporary doctrine contends:
I f you force people in the marketplace to go to war, you will be able

to conquer the well-paid generals and trained troops o f others. The
old, weak, and w orn out can conquer the finest knights and drilled
soldiers o f others. A dispirited m ob o f captives can overcome those
w ho fight in ranks and move in regular formations. Hoes, harrows
and bare clubs can overcome the long spears and sharp weapons o f
others.
Anyone w ho advances this thesis is unacquainted w ith military theory.

N ow if a sharp sword could not stab the target or strike the enemy,
there would be no basis for preferring it over a poorly made sword. N one
theless, when facing an adversary, it is unacceptable to use poorly made
swords. One should choose the finest and m ost capable troops and equip
B O O K 8 197
them w ith weapons and arms that are sharp and keen. But if one sends such
troops to attack at the w rong tim e or follows up an attack when it is inap
propriate, there w ould be no basis for selecting these crack troops over bad
soldiers. Nonetheless, w hen going into battle using bad troops is unaccep
table. Prince Qingji and Chen N ian still desired the sharpest o f swords.
Carefully selecting the finest and m ost capable troops, equipping them
w ith weapons and arms that are sharp and keen, having them led by the
m ost capable generals—some o f the ancients became kings by doing this
and others became lords-protector. Kings Tang and Wu are examples o f the
form er; Duke H uan o f Qi, Duke Wen o f Jin, and King H elii o f W u are
examples o f the latter.
8/3.2
殷湯良車七十乘，（
必) 死〔
士〕2六千人，以戊子戰於鄺，遂禽推移、大
犧，登自鳴條，乃入巢門，遂有夏。桀既奔走，於是行大仁慈，以恤黔首；
反桀之事，遂其賢良，順民所喜；遠近歸之，故王天下。
2. Jiang W ciqiao; TPTL q u o ta tio n .
Tang o f the Yin dynasty had 70 chariots and 6,000 knights willing to
die for him. O n the cyclical day wuzi he fought at Cheng, proceeded to
capture Tuiyi and Daxi, advanced from M ingtiao, entered Chaom en, and
finally took possession o f the Xiä dom ains, forcing Jie to flee. W ith this
accomplished， he perform ed acts o f great benevolence and compassion out
o f pity for the black-headed people, and revoked the policies o f Jie. H e
acted in conformity with w orthy and good men, and assented to what pleased
the people, and in consequence o f those far and near turning to him, he
became a universal king.
8/3.3
武王虎賁三千人，簡車三百乘，以要甲子之事於牧野而紂爲禽。顯賢者
之位，進殷之遺老，而問民之所欲，行賞及禽獸，行罰不辟天子，親殷如
周，視人如己，天下美其德，萬民說其義，故立爲天子。
King Wu had 3,000 fierce tiger-braves and 300 select chariots. W ith
these he concluded the affairs o f the cyclical dzy jiazi at Muye, and in con
sequence Z hou Xin was captured. H e gave positions o f eminence to w or
thy m en, advanced those elders w hom the Yin dynasty had ignored, and
inquired into w hat the people desired. H is rewards extended even to the
wild beasts, just as his punishm ents did no t spare the Son o f Heaven. H e
treated the people o f Yin w ith the same affection he showed his ow n house
o f Zhou. H e regarded others as equal to himself. The w orld praised his
virtue, while the myriad peoples delighted in his righteousness. Thus he
was established as Son o f Heaven.
8/3-4
齊桓公良車三百乘，敎卒萬人，以爲兵首，橫行海內，天下莫之能禁，
南至石梁，西至酆郭，北至令支。中山亡邢，狄人滅衛，桓公更立邢于夷
儀，更立衛于楚丘。
Duke H uan o f Qi had 300 excellent chariots and 10,000 trained soldiers
that he made vanguard o f his army. H e strcxie across all the lands w ithin the
seas, and no one in the w orld was capable o f stopping him. In the south he
reached Shiliang, in the west Fenghao, and in the north Lingzhi. W hen the
state o f Zhongshan had vanquished Xing and the D i barbarians had de
stroyed Wey, Duke H uan reestablished Xing at Yiyi and Wey at Chuqiu.
8/3.5
晉文公造五兩之士五乘，銳卒千人，先以接敵，諸侯莫之能難，反鄭之
埤，東衛之畝，尊天子於衡雍。
Duke Wen o f Jin organized groups o f five chariots o f knights w ho pos
sessed the five skills and had them lead as a vanguard 1,000 zealous foot
soldiers against the enemy. N one o f the feudal lords could impede his
progress. H e toppled the parapets o f Zheng, pushed eastward the lands o f
Wey, and paid honor to the Son o f Heaven at Hengyong.
8/3.6
吳闔廬選多力者五百人，利趾者三千人，以爲前陳，與 ( 荆 T A > 楚戰，
五戰五勝，遂有郢。東征至于庳廬，西伐至於巴、蜀，北迫齊、晉，令行
中國。
King H elu o f Wu selected five hundred exceedingly strong m en and
3,000 able marchers and made them his forward formation. W hen he fought
Chu, in five battles he w on five victories, and subsequentiy took possession
o f Ying, C hu5s capital. In the east his campaign o f chastisement reached as
far as the state o f Bilu, in the west his attacks reached Ba and Shu and in the
north he pressed Q i and Jin; his orders were carried o u t in all the Central
States.
B O O K 8 199
8/3-7
故凡兵勢險阻，欲其便也；兵甲器械，欲其利也；選練角材，欲其精
也；統率士民，欲其敎也。此四者，義兵之助也。時變之應也，不可爲而
不足專恃。此勝之一策也。
As a general principle, one wants military positions and m ountain passes
to be advantageous, weaponry and armaments to be convenient, trained
and honed fighters whose spirit is the very best, and the m ultitude o f knights
and people under one's com m and to be disciplined. These four are aids to
righteous armies. ^Responding to changing circumstances55 cannot work
and so should n o t be relied on exclusively, for it involves but one element o f
the strategy for victory.
四曰決勝
CH A PTER 4
A S S U R IN G V IC T O R Y
8/4.1
夫兵有本幹：必義，必智，必勇。義則敵孤獨，敵孤獨則上下虛，民解
落；孤獨則父兄怨，賢者誹，亂內作。智則知時化，知時化則知虛實盛衰
之變，知先後遠近縱舍之數。勇則能決斷，能決斷則能若雷電飄風暴雨，
能若崩山破潰，別辨貫墜；若鷲鳥之擊也，搏攫則殪，中木則碎。此以
〔
義〕1智〔
勇〕1得也。
I. C h en Q iy o u , im plied by context.
In military matters there are fundamental and secondary principles: one

m ust have moral right on onc5s side; one m ust be wise; and one m ust have
courage. I f one is in the right, the enemy will be isolated. If the enemy is
isolated, then upper and lower ranks will lose their will to fight, chariots
w ill. . . ,2 and the people will scatter. W hen the enemy is isolated, elders
will be resentful, the w orthy will be critical, and turm oil will arise within. If
one is wise, seasonal changes will be understcx)d. If seasonal changes are
understood, the metamorphosis from empty to full and from ascent to decline
and the techniques o f “first and last,” “far and near,” “letting go and keeping”
will be understood. If one has courage, then one is capable o f making deci
sions. I f one is capable o f making decisions, one5s ability is like thunder and
lightning, whirling winds, and violent rains, or like a collapsing m ountain,
a stream sm ashing through a dike, natural m utations and transm ogrifications,
and violen t collapses or falls. O ne becom es like a bird o f prey in attack, and
w hat on e seizes dies. I f on e strikes a tree, it splinters. T his is accom plished
through having m oral right o n o n e5s sid e, being w ise, and having courage.
2. C h en Q iy o u observes th a t th e text is defective here an d is m issing th ree characters.
8/ 4 .2
夫民無常勇，亦無常怯。有氣則實，實則勇；無氣則虛，虛則怯。怯勇
虛實，其由甚微，不可不知。勇則戰，怯則北。戰而勝者，戰其勇者也；戰
而北者，戰其怯者也。怯勇無常，鯈忽往來，而莫知其方，惟聖人獨見其
所由然。故商、周以興，桀、紂以亡。巧拙之所以相過，以益民氣與奪民
氣，以能鬥眾與不能鬥眾。軍雖大，卒雖多，無益於勝。軍大卒多而不能
鬥，眾不若其寡也。夫眾之爲福也大，其爲禍也亦大。譬之若漁深淵，其
得魚也大，其爲害也亦大。善用兵者，諸邊之內，莫不與鬥，雖廝輿白
徒，方數百里，皆來會戰，勢使之然也。（
幸 G E > 勢3也者，審於 ( 戰期 GE>
民氣4而有以羈誘之也。
3. S ong H ao y u an , Tan Jicfu, C h en Q iyou. 4 . C h en Q iyou.
People are neither con sisten tly courageous nor con sisten tly cowardly. I f
they possess qi vital energy, they are full; if fu ll, th ey have courage. I f they
lack qi vital energy, th ey arc em pty; if em pty, they are cowardly. C ourage
and cow ardice, em ptiness and fu lln ess—their cause is very subtle and m ust
be u n d erstœ d . I f the p eop le are courageous, they w ill fight; but if they are
cow ardly, they w ill desert. W hen p eople fight in battle and are victoriou s, it
is because th ose figh tin g are surely brave; but w hen in batde they desert it is
because th ey are cow ards. Since courage and cow ardice are inconstant,
com in g and g o in g unpredictably, the principles behind them is n o t under-
stoexi. T he sage alone grasps their operation. T hus, the Shang and Z hou
cam e to flourish through them and Jie and Z h ou X in perished through
them . W hat distin guish es the clever from the inept is that the clever expand
the figh tin g spirit o f the people and are able to form them in to an army
w hile the inept deplete the peopled spirit and are incapable o f form ing them
in to an army.
H ow ever great the army and how ever num erous the fo o t soldiers, they
d o n ot increase the prospects for victory. A large army and num erous fo o t
soldiers that cannot fight are less valuable than a sm aller army. H ere the
m any d o n o t equal the few . H avin g large forces can be a great blessing, but
it can also be a great m isfortune. T he situ ation is analogous to fishing in a
B O O K 8 201
deep gorge: the chance o f catching a fish there is greater, but the danger o f
b ein g hurt is also greater.
I f a ruler is adept at u sin g trcx>ps, all w ith in the borders w ill participate
in t±ie fight. From an area o f several hundred /i, even slaves, com m oners,
and th ose w ith o u t rank dressed in w h ite garm ents w ill com e to join the
battle. It is his pow erful influence that m akes them act so. Rulers w h o have
such influence consider in detail th e peopled vital ethers in order to exhort
and entice others.
8/4.3
凡兵，貴其因也。因也者，因敵之險以爲己固，因敵之謀以爲己事。能
審因而加，（
勝則 G E > 則勝 5不可窮矣。勝不可窮之謂神，神則能不可勝
也。夫兵，貴不可勝。不可勝在己，可勝在彼。聖人必在己者，不必在彼
者，故執不可勝之術以遇 ( 不 G E > 可 6勝之敵，若此則兵無失矣。凡兵之
勝，敵之失也。勝失之兵，必隱必微，必積必搏。隱則勝閫矣，微則勝顯
矣，積則勝散矣，搏則勝離矣。〔
譬〕7諸搏擭 (柢 G V > 抵8噬之獸，其用齒角
爪牙也，必託於卑微隱蔽，此所以成勝。
5. Yu Yuc. 6. Tao H o n g q in g . 7. S hen Z u m ian . 8. W ang N iansun.
A s a general principle, in m ilitary m atters， prize “relying on.” “R elying

o n 55 m eans relying o n the threat p osed by the enem y to give o n e se lf deter
m ination and o n the strategies o f the enem y to define o n e5s ow n tasks. I f
o n e is capable o f becom in g com p letely fam iliar w ith the techniques o f ccre-
lyin g o n 55 and o f extend ing them , o n e can never be defeated. E ndless vic
tory is descriptive o f the divine, and w hat is divine is invincible.
N o w in m ilitary m atters, on e prizes n o t victory, but invincibility. T he
basis o f invincibility lies w ith in oneself. B ein g conquered lies w ith others.
T he sage can be certain o f w hat lies w ith in him , but he cannot be certain o f
w hat lies w ith in others. H en ce, if on e hold s fast to the techniques o f invin
cib ility w hen encountering an enem y w h o can be conquered, o n e5s armies
w ill be w ith o u t error.
A s a general principle, an army is victoriou s because the enem y makes
errors. To gain victory because o f the en em as errors requires secrecy, subtiety,
concen tration, and unity. T he secret conquer the op en , the subtle the o b v i
ou s, the concentrated the dispersed, the un ited the d ivid ed —like w ild ani
m als that use their fangs, horns, claw s, and tusks to snatch, seize, gore, and
gnaw their victim s, yet m ust rely on lyin g low , and being subtle, secret and
h id d en —for this is h o w they bring about their victories.
五曰愛士
CH A PTER 5
L O V IN G K N IG H T S
8/5.1
衣，人以其寒也；食，人以其饑也。饑寒，人之大害也。救之，〔
大〕1義
也。人之困窮，甚如饑寒，故賢主必憐人之困也，必哀人之窮也。如此則
名號顯矣，國士得矣。
I. Sun S huchcng; j25Z T q u o ta tio n .
O ne clothes a man because he is cold and feeds him because he is h u n

gry. H unger and cold are the greatest hardships suffered by m ankind; to
relieve its suflfering is the greatest moral duty. But when a man is distressed
and exhausted his situation is worse than when he is hungry and cold. A
w orthy ruler, therefore, will invariably have compassion on those w ho are
distressed and grieve for those w ho are exhausted. Such a person will have
an em inent reputation and win over the scholar-knights o f his state.
8/5.2
昔者秦繆公乘馬而車爲敗，右服失而埜人取之。繆公自往求之，見埜人
方將食之於岐山之陽。繆公歎曰：「食駿馬之肉而不還飮酒，余恐其傷女
也！』於是遍飮而去。處一年，爲韓原之戰，晉人已環繆公之車矣，晉梁
由靡已扣繆公之左鰺矣，晉惠公之右路石奮投而擊繆公之甲，中之者已六
札矣。埜人之嘗食馬肉於岐山之陽者三百有餘人，畢力爲繆公疾鬥於車下，
遂大克晉，反獲惠公以歸。此《
詩》之所謂曰「君君子則正，以行其德；
君賤人則寬，以盡其力』者也。人主其胡可以無務行德愛人乎？行德愛人
則民親其上，民親其上則皆樂爲其君死矣。
In the past, Duke M u o f Q in was riding in a horse-drawn chariot that
had a mishap. The right team o f horses got loose and was caught by some
rustics. Duke M u himself w ent to find them. H e saw the rustics about to
eat the horses on the southern slope o f M ount Qi. The duke exclaimed, ccIf
you eat the flesh o f a piebald horse but do not follow it w ith a drink o f
liquor, I fear it will hurt you.55 So, passing around some liquor, he left. A
year later was the battle o f Hanyuan. The army o f Jin had surrounded Duke
M u，s chariot. Liang Youmi had already seized the left horse o f Duke M u5s
team . Lu Shi, the spearman to the right o f Duke H ui o f Jin, was beating the
B O O K 8 203
arm or o f Duke M u w ith such fierce blows that he had already pierced
through six layers. A t that m om ent, m ore than 300 o f the rustics w ho had
eaten the horsem eat on the southern slope o f M ount Q i intervened, exert
ing their last ounce o f strength for Duke M u, fighting fiercely at the side o f
his chariot. In consequence, the duke w on a great victory over Jin. C on
trary to initial expeaations, he captured Duke H ui and returned hom e with
him. This is w hat the Ode means when it says:
When ruling gentlemen be correct,

And they will then act with kindness.
When ruling commoners be lenient,
And they will then exhaust their strength.
H o w can a ruler n o t strive to perform acts o f kindness and love others?

W hen he perform s acts o f kindness and loves others, the people are close to
their superior. W hen th e p eop le are close to their superior, they w ill all be
happy to d ie for their lord.
8/5.3
趙簡子有兩白騾而甚愛之。陽城胥渠處廣門之官，夜款門而謁曰：「主
君之臣胥渠有疾，醫敎之曰：「得白騾之肝病則止，不得則死。」《
I 謁者入
通。董安于御於側，慍曰：「譆！胥渠也，期吾君騾，請即刑焉。』簡子曰：
『夫殺人以活畜，不亦不仁乎？殺畜以活人，不亦仁乎？』於是召庖人殺
白騾，取肝以與陽城胥渠。處無幾何，趙興兵而攻翟。廣門之官，左七百
人，右七百人，皆先登而獲甲首。人主其胡可以不好士？
Viscount Jian o f Zhao ow ned a pair o f white mules that he loved very
much. Yangcheng Xuqu occupied a m inor office in the Guangm en bureau.
O ne night he knocked on the door and told the herald, c<O ur lord's subject,
Xuqu, is seriously ill. The doctor has told him that if he can get the liver o f
a white mule, the illness will be cured; if not, he will die.55The herald went
in to report this.
D ong Anyu, w ho was standing guard at the viscounts side, was out
raged and said heatedly, aW hat astonishing gall, that Xuqu! H e expects one
o f my lord’s mules. I beg to be allowed to go and punish him.”
Viscount Jian replied: ccW ould it not be inhumane to kill a man so that
an animal may survive? W ould it not be more hum ane to kill an animal so
that a m an may survive?55 H e then ordered the butcher to kill the white
mule and give its liver to Yangcheng Xuqu. In no time he was cured. W hen
Zhao raised an army to attack Di, two flanks o f officers from the Guangm en
bureau， each 700 strong, were the first to scale the walls and take the heads
o f the armored soldiers. H ow can a ruler not be good to his scholar-knights?
8/5.4
凡敵人之來也，以求利也。今來而得死，且以走爲利。敵皆以走爲利，
則刃無與接。故敵得生於我，則我得死於敵；敵得死於我，則我得生於敵。
夫得生於敵，與敵得生於我，豈可不察哉？此兵之精者。存亡死生，決於
知此而已矣。
As a general principle, w hen an enem as army com es, it seeks som e profit.
N o w if they com e and find death instead, they w ill consider running away
the m ost profitable th in g to do. W hen all on e5s enem ies consider running to
be the m ost profitable th in g to d o , n o blades w ill cross. T hus, the enemy^s
staying alive entails our dyin g, and the enemy^s dying entails our staying
alive. H o w can w e afford n o t to exam ine carefully w hether w e w ill live at
the expense o f the enem y, or he w ill live at our expense? T his is th e m ost
essential p oin t in m ilitary m atters. W hether on e survives or perishes, dies
or lives, is determ ined by k n ow in g this and this alone.
Book 9
This month is marked by the wild geese that fly from their summer breeding grounds
in the northern wastes to their winter homes in the vicinity of Lake Poyang. Since
the arrival of the geese is mentioned as signaling the previous month as well, Gao
You thinks that the elder generation of geese arrive then, while the younger geese
arrive during this month. The notion that various small birds that live in the caves
of buildings enter the sea to become mollusks during the winter is fanciful. The
appearance of cold dew and hoarfrost mark the beginning of cold weather. The
advent of cold weather prevents red lacquer from hardening, so the craftsmen,
unable to apply multiple layers, have to stop making goods. Houses arc made ready
for winter by closing up windows facing north and daubing the wickerwork doors
and shutters with mud to seal them.
Autumn is the season of the Metal ether and the mother of Water. If the
ordinances for summer are adopted in autumn， then the summery Yang ether in
combination with the emerging Yin ether will cause frequent and widespread rains,
resulting in great floods. The Fire ether of summer, being hot, will defeat the arrival
of cold and ruin the stores. Since Metal and Fire will be in conflict, the people will
suffer from obstructions in their nostrils, leading to illness. The ordinances of winter
command the pure Yin, so if they arc instituted, what results will have a treacherous
aspect, such as bandits and robbers, untranquil borders, and the loss of territory.
In spring the Yang ether is humane, bringing warm breezes that relax the people.
Wcx)d fights with Metal, resulting in armies battling each other.
Chapter 2 argues for the necessity of obtaining the peopled devotion by attend
ing to their needs. The stories that illustrate this theme recur widely in the Warring
States literature of persuasion. Chapter 3 is devoted to the story of the Lord of
Jingguo and his favorite retainer Ji Maobian to show how one understands the
true value of knights. Chapter 斗 illustrates the theme of Book 8, chapter 2, that the
explanation of submission and victory should be sought not in others but in our
selves. Chapter 5 elaborates ideas about sympathetic magic and telepathy, exploring
the way some people and things affect and influence others without resorting to
any visible or physical means.
一曰季秋
CH A PTER 1
A LM A N A C F O R T H E T H IR D M O N T H O F A U T U M N
9/1.1
季秋之月：日在房，昏虛中，旦柳中。
A. D uring the third m onth o f autum n the sun is located in Room . At
dusk the constellation Emptiness culminates, and at dawn the constellation
Willow culminates.
其曰庚辛。其帝少皞。其神蓐收。其蟲毛。其音商。律中無射。其數九。
其味辛。其臭腥。其祀門。祭先肝。
B. The correlates o f this m onth are the dzysêngi andern, the Sovereign
Shaohao, his assisting spirit R ushou， creatures that are hairy, the musical
note shanß^ the pitch-standard nam ed Tireless, the num ber nine, tastes that
are bitter, rank smells, and the offering at the gate. At sacrifice, the liver is
候臈來。賓爵入大水爲蛤。菊有黃華。豺則祭獸戮禽。
C. The wild geese come as guests, small birds enter the great waters and
become mollusks, the chrysanthemums have yellow flowers, and the wild
dog sacrifices animals and slaughters birds.
天子居總章右個，乘戎路，駕白駱，載白旃，衣白衣，服白玉，食 ( 麻 SF>
輙〔
=傺〕
1與犬。其器廉以深。
I. Chen Qiyou.
D. The Son o f Heaven resides in the right apartm ent o f the General
M anifestation suite on the west side o f the Hall o f Light. H e rides in a war
chariot, drawn by white horses w ith black manes and bearing white stream
ers. H e is clothed in white robes and wears white jade ornam ents. H e eats
sorghum accompanied by dog flesh. H is vessels are angular and deep.
B O O K 9 207
9/1.2
是月也，申嚴號令。命百官貴賤，無不務入，以會天地之藏，無有宣
出。命冢宰，農事備收，舉五種之要，藏帝籍之收於神倉，祗敬必飭。
In this m onth, there is rigorous enforcement o f appellations and orders.
The Son o f Heaven orders the various bureaucrats, high and low, n o t to fail
to exert themselves in entering the stores, thereby cooperating w ith the
provisioning o f Heaven and Earth, so that nothing is lost or left behind.
H e orders that when the products o f the farmers have been completely gath
ered, the grand steward take charge o f the registers o f the Five Fcxxls; and
th at when storing the products o f the acres o f the Sovereigns in the store
houses for the spirits, he assure th at strict reverent care is taken and that
everything follows instructions.
9/1.3
是月也，霜始降，則百工休。乃命有司曰：「寒氣總至，民力不堪，其
皆入室。』上丁，入學習吹。
In this m onth, hoarfrost first falls and the various craftsmen all stop
their labors for the season. The Son o f Heaven then orders his bureau direc
tors, saying, "The cold ethers are com ing to be generally pervasive, and the
people do n ot have the strength to endure them. Let them all stay w ithin
their houses.55 O n the first dinß day, they start rehearsals for the w ind
instruments.
9/1.4
是月也，大饗帝，嘗犧牲，吿備于天子。合諸侯。制百縣。爲來歲受朔
曰。與諸侯所稅於民輕重之法。貢職之數，以遠近土地所宜爲度，以給郊
廟之事，無有所私。
In this m onth, it is announced to the Son o f Heaven that preparations
for the Great Sacrifice to the Sovereigns are completed and that the victims
for the seasonal sacrifices are ready. H e assembles the feudal lords and issues
regulations to the officers o f the hundred prefectures. They receive the date
o f the first day o f each m onth for the com ing year, and the laws governing
the exactions in taxes that the feudal lords take from the people arc prom ul
gated. There is the reckoning o f the am ount o f the regular tribute due the
governm ent, fixed by regulation as appropriate to the distance and quality
o f the land and determ ined by the requirements o f the suburban sacrifices
and the ancestral temples, w ith no place allowed for private considerations.
9/1.5
是月也，天子乃敎於田獵，以習五戎。搜馬。命僕及七驩咸駕，載旖旃
輿，（
受 S F > 授 2車以級，整設于屛外，司徒搢扑，北嚮以誓之。天子乃厲
服厲飭，執弓操矢以射。命主祠，祭禽於四方。
2. Chen Qiyou.
In this m onth, during the hunt the Son o f Heaven teaches the use o f the
five weapons and the selection o f superior horses. H e commands that the
charioteers and the seven classes o f groom s supervise yoking the several
teams, that they set up the various banners and flags in the chariots, assign
the carriages according to rank, and that they arrange the screens outside
the tents. W ith his official baton in his girdle and facing north, the director
o f instruction addresses the assembly. T hen the Son o f Heaven, wearing his
drill robes and ornam ents, holding his bow in one hand and his arrows
under the other arm, proceeds w ith the hunt. H e orders the host for the
sacrifices to sacrifice game animals to the four quarters.
9 /1 6
是月也，草木黃落，乃伐薪爲炭。蟄蟲咸俯在穴，皆瑾其戶。乃趣獄
刑，無留有罪。收祿秩之不當者，共養之不宜者。
In this m onth, the leaves o f the plants and trees turn yellow and fall,
after which they can be cut for fuel and m ade into charcoal. Insects burrow
deeper holes and plaster up the entrances from within. Officials hasten the
process o f litigation and apply the punishm ents swiftly, so that none will be
detained except those guilty o f crimes. They recover emoluments from ranks
that were not appropriately assigned, and they share resources w ith those
whose means are insufficient for their needs.
9/1.7
是月也，天子乃以犬嘗稻，先薦寢廟。
In this m onth, the Son o f Heaven then tastes rice w ith dog flesh, having
first presented a portion in the apartm ent at the back o f the ancestral temple.
B O O K 9 209
9/ i .8
季秋行夏令，則其國大水，冬藏殃敗，民多鼽窒。行冬令，則國多盜
賊，邊境不寧，土地分裂。行春令，則暖風來至，民氣解墮，師旅必興。
I f in the last m onth o f autum n the ordinances for sum m er are put into
effect, the states will suffer from great flœ d s, the winter stores will be dam
aged and ruined, and the people will frequently come dow n w ith colds and
catarrh. I f the ordinances for w inter are p u t into effect, the states will be
troubled by bandits and robbers, their borders will no t be tranquil, and
they will suffer territorial losses. I f the ordinances for spring are p u t into
effect, warm breezes will come, the vital breath o f the people will become
relaxed and languid, and armies will be certain to flourish.
二曰順民
CHA PTER 2
B E IN G IN A C C O R D W IT H T H E P E O P L E
9/2.1
先王先順民心，故功名成。夫 ( 以）( 德 G V > 得 1民心以立大功名者，上
世多有之矣。失民心而立功名者，未之曾有也。得民 ( 必 G E > 心 2有道，萬
乘之國，百戶之邑，民無有不說。取民之所說而民取矣。民之所說豈眾哉？
此取民之要也。
I. Tao Hongqing, Chen Qiyou. 2. Tao Hongqing, Chen Qiyou.
The Form er Kings took being in accord w ith the peopled hearts as their
first principle, and thus their accomplishments and fame were realized. In
high antiquity there were many w ho w on the peopled hearts and thereby
established great achievements and reputations. There has never been a case
where someone, having lost the peopled hearts, nonetheless managed to
establish achievements and a reputation. There is a Dao to win the hearts o f
the people. In a state w ith 10,000 chariots or a city o f one hundred house
holds, everyone has som ething that will please him. If one takes hold o f
w hat the people find pleasing, the people themselves may be cctaken.55H ow
num erous arc the things the people find pleasing! This is the essential point
in “taking55the people.
9/ 2.2
昔者湯克夏而正天下，天大旱，五年不收，湯乃以身禱於桑林，曰：
「余一人有罪，無及萬夫。萬夫有罪，在余一人。無以一人之不敏，使上
帝鬼神傷民之命。』於是翦其髮，（
鄘 G E > 磨 3其手，以身爲犧牲，用祈福
於上帝，民乃甚說，雨乃大至。則湯達乎鬼神之化，人事之傳也。
3. Bi Yuan.
In the past, when Tang conquered the Xia and p u t the w orld aright,
there had been a great drought w ith no harvest for five years. Tang there
upon offered a prayer at Sanglin in which he offered his ow n body as the
pledge, beseeching: c<I f I, the One M an, am guilty, let the punishm ent not
reach the myriad peoples. If the myriad peoples are guilty, let it rest on me,
the O ne M an. D o n o t let the O ne M an5s lack o f diligence cause the Su
preme Sovereign and the ghosts and spirits to harm the lives o f the people.55
Thereupon, he cut his hair, pu t his hands in manacles, and had himself pre
pared in lieu o f the usual animals as the offering in a sacrifice to beseech the
blessings o f the Supreme Sovereign. The people were overjoyed, and the
rains came as in a deluge. Thus, Tang influenced the transform ing powers
o f the ghosts and spirits and the course o f hum an events.
9/2.3
文王處岐事紂，冤侮雅遜，朝夕必時，（
上貢 G E > 貢土 4必適，祭祀必
敬。紂喜，命文王稱西伯，賜之千里之地。文王載拜稽首而辭曰：「願爲民
請〈去 >5炮烙之刑。《
I 文王非惡千里之地，以爲民請〈去 >5炮烙之刑，必欲得
民心也。得民心則賢於千里之地，故曰文王智矣。
4. YuYuc. 5- Jiang Wciqiao, XuWciyu, Chen Qiyou; TPTL quotation.
W hen King Wen lived at M ount Qi he served Z hou Xin. W hen wronged
or insulted, he was polite and humble. H e was always punctual, whether
sum m oned day o r night. The tribute o f earth that he offered was always
appropriate, and when he sacrificed or prayed, he always did so w ith strict
reverent care. Z hou Xin was pleased and com m anded that King Wen be
called Earl o f the West and granted a territory o f 1,000 li. King Wen bowed
twice, knocked his head to the ground, and declined: aI wish on behalf o f
the people to request that you abolish the punishm ent o f the roasting rack.55
It is n o t that King Wen did not desire territory o f 1,000 li. It is that in
requesting on the peopled behalf that the punishm ent o f the roasting rack
be abolished, he w anted to win the peopled affections; and w inning the
B O O K 9
people's affections was w orth m ore to him than 1,000 It o f territory. Hence
it is said， “King Wen was wise!”
9/2.4
越王苦會稽之恥，欲深得民心，以致必死於吳。身不安枕席，口不甘厚
味，目不視靡曼，耳不聽鐘鼓。三年苦身勞力，焦脣乾肺。內親群臣，下
養百姓，以來其心。有甘脆不足分，弗敢食；有酒流之江，與民同之。身
親耕而食，妻親織而衣。味禁珍，衣禁襲，色禁二。時出行路，從車載食，
以視孤寡老弱之漬病困窮顏色愁悴不贍者，必身自食之。於是屬諸大夫而
吿之，曰：「願一與吳徼天（
下 )6之衷。（
今 G E > 令 7 吳、越之國，相與倶
殘，士大夫履肝肺，同日而死，孤與吳王接頸交臂而債，此孤之大願也。
若此而不可得也，內量吾國不足以傷吳，外事之諸侯不能害之，則孤將棄
國家，釋群臣，服劍臂刃，變容貌，易名姓，執箕帚而臣事之，以與吳王
爭一旦之死。孤雖知要領不屬，首足異處，四枝布裂，爲天下戮，孤之志
必將出焉。』於是異日果與吳戰於五湖，吳師大敗，遂大圍王宮，城門不
守，禽夫差，戮吳相，殘吳二年而霸，此先順民心也。
6. Bi Yuan. 7. YuYuc, Chen Changqi.
The king o f Yue was bitter over his hum iliation at Kuaiji. H e wished to
w in the deep affection o f the people, that he m ight bring certain death to
the state o f Wu. H e w ould n o t allow himself to rest on pillows and mats,
nor his m outh to delight in rich flavors, nor his eye to gaze upon slender
beauties, nor his ear to listen to bells and drums. For three years he inflicted
suffering on his body, toiled hard, parched his lips, and desiccated his lungs.
W ithin the court he established bonds o f aflfection w ith his ministerial coq>s,
and below nurtured the H undred Clans in order to attract their hearts. If
there were sweet o r rich fcxxl, but not enough to share, he w ould no t pre
sume eat it himself. H e let his liquor flow into the Jiang River to share it
w ith the people. H e ate w hat he himself had plowed, and his wife wore
w hat she herself had woven. H e forbade exotic flavors, lined robes, and
colors w ith blended hues. W hen he made seasonal excursions and traveled
the roads, he was accompanied by carriages bringing provisions w ith which
he tended to the ailments and sicknesses o f the oqphaned, widowed, old,
and weak. Invariably he personally would feed those who were troubled
and distressed and those whose expressions were fretful and unsatisfied.
W hen all this had been done, he assembled his grand officers, announcing,
aI wish once and for all to seek Hcaven5s justice in my dispute w ith Wu. If
I ordered the states o f Wu and Yuc to slaughter one another, if knights and
grandees could trample on livers and lungs and die the same day, and if I
could wrestle w ith the king o f W u alone, our necks touching and our
shoulders locked together, then my greatest wish would be satisfied. If it
cannot be this way, if the resources o f my ow n state are insufficient to inflict
harm on Wu, and if my service to the feudal lords is incapable o f making
them harm Wu, then I will cast aside my state and household, disband my
assembled subjects， put on a sword and strap a blade to my arm, alter my
appearance and change my name, and carrying a dustpan and brcx>m go
and w ork for the king o f W u as a servant so that in that capacity I can do
battle w ith him and suffer the death o f a single m orning. A lthough I know
that my waist and neck will not be joined, my head and feet will be in differ
ent places, my four limbs will be torn apart, and I will be disgraced by the
world, this U nw orthy One is determ ined to go forth.55
Later, on another day, he did in the end do battle w ith Wu at Five Lakes.
The army o f W u suffered a great defeat, and the king o f Yue consequently
surrounded the palace o f the king o f Wu. The gates to the city could not be
defended; he captured Fuchai and executed the ministers o f Wu. Two years
after he massacred Wu, King Goujian became lord-protector. This is be
cause he gave priority to being in agreement w ith the hearts o f the people.
9/2.5
齊莊子請攻越，問於和子。和子曰：「先君有遺令曰：「無攻越，越猛
虎也。」《
I 莊子曰：「雖猛虎也，而今已死矣。』和子曰以吿鴉子。鶚子
曰：「已死矣以爲生。』故凡舉事，必先審民心然後可舉。
Viscount Zhuang o f Q i requested that he be allowed to attack the ruler
o f Yue. H e inquired about this o f his son Viscount H e, w ho replied: ccO ur
form er lord left the order that we were not to attack the ruler o f Yue, for he
is as fierce as a tiger.55
Viscount Zhuang replied， “Although he was once a fierce tiger, he is
now practically dead.55
Viscount H e reported this to Viscount Xiao w ho remarked, wH e may
be practically dead, but the people still believe him to be very much alive.55
Hence, in all undertakings one m ust first determine the wishes o f the
people and only then act.
B O O K 9
三曰知士
CHA PTER 3
U N D E R S T A N D IN G S C H O L A R -K N IG H T S
9/3.1
今有千里之馬於此，非得良工，猶若弗取。良工之與〈千里 ^ 馬也，相
得則然後成。（譬之若抱與鼓。） 2夫士亦有千里，高節死義，此士之千里
也。能使士 ( 待 G E > 得 3千里者，其惟賢者也。
I. XuWeiyu, Jiang Weiqiao, Chen Qiyou; T W L J quotation. 2. Chen Qiyou; excrescent gloss.
3. Tao Hongqing.
Suppose one could get a ^thousand-// horse.55 Yet if it did n o t have a

good trainer one m ight as well n o t choose it， for only when a good trainer
is coupled w ith a thousand-/^ horse is the horse5s potential realized. There
are also “thousand-" schohr-knights.” Ä m an o f high principles w ho will
die to carry o u t his moral duty is a thousand-// scholar-knight. Surely it is
only a w orthy w ho can obtain a thousand-/^ scholar-knight.
9/3.2
靜郭君善劑貌辨。劑貌辨之爲人也多訾，門人弗說。士尉以証靜郭君，
靜郭君弗聽，士尉辭而去。孟嘗君竊以諫靜郭君。靜郭君大怒曰：「剷而
類！揆吾家，苟可以慊劑貌辨者，吾無辭爲也。』於是舍之上舍，令長子
御，朝暮進食。數年，威王薨，宣王立，靜郭君之交大不善於宣王，辭而之
薛，與劑貌辨倶留，留無幾何，劑貌辨辭而行，請見宣王。靜郭君曰：「王
之不說嬰也甚。公往，必得死焉。』劑貌辨曰：「固非求生也。請必行。 j
靜郭君不能止。劑貌辨行，至於齊，宣王聞之，藏怒以待之。劑貌辨見，宣
王曰：『子靜郭君之所聽愛也？』劑貌辨答曰：「愛則有之，聽則無有。王
方爲太子之時，辨謂靜郭君曰：「太子之 {相 }4不仁、過 (順 G V > 頤 (涿 GV>
豕 5視，若是者倍反，不若革太子，更立衛姬嬰兒校師。」靜郭君泫而曰：
「不可，吾不忍爲也。」且靜郭君聽辨而爲之也，必無今日之患也，此爲
一也。至於薛，昭陽請以數倍之地易薛，辨又曰：「必聽之。」靜郭君曰：
「受薛於先王，雖惡於後王，吾獨謂先王何乎？且先王之廟在薛，吾豈可
以先王之廟予楚乎？」又不肯聽辨。此爲二也。a 宣王太息，動於顏色，
曰：「靜郭君之於寡人一至此乎！寡人少，殊不知此。客肯爲寡人 (少 GE>
前6來靜郭君乎？』劑貌辨答曰：「敬諾。』靜郭君來，衣威王之服，冠其
冠，帶其劍。宣王自迎靜郭君於郊，望之而泣。靜郭君至，因請相之。靜郭
君辭。不得已而受。十日，謝病，彊辭，三日而聽。當是時也，靜郭君可
謂能自知人矣。能自知人，故非之弗爲阻。此劑貌辨之所以外生樂，趨患
難故也。
4- Chen Qiyou; Z G C parallel. 5. TanJicfu, Chen Qiyou; Z G C parallel. 6. Chen Qiyou.
The Lord o f Jingguo was extremely fond o f Ji Maobian. Because Ji Mao-

bian was the kind o f person w ho frequendy criticized retainers, they were
displeased w ith him. Shi Wei rem onstrated w ith the Lord o f Jingguo about
it, but the Lord o f Jingguo w ould n o t listen to him; so Shi Wei resigned
and departed.
W hen his son, the Lord o f M engchang, privately rem onstrated w ith the
Lord o f Jingguo about it, the Lord o f Jingguo became absolutely furious:
CCI should destroy you and your kind! I f I could please Ji M aobian by break
ing apart my whole household, I would no t hesitate to do so.55Thereafter,
he placed Ji M aobian in the best lodgings, ordered his eldest son to wait
upon him, and sent him food at dawn and dusk. Several years later, when
King Wei o f Qi died and King Xuan ascended the throne, the Lord o f Jingguo
retired to Xue because he was no t on gcxxl terms w ith King Xuan. H e lived
together w ith Ji M aobian. After the tw o o f them had been in Xue for a
while, Ji M aobian asked leave to go and request an audience w ith King
Xuan.
The Lord o f Jingguo said, "The kin^s displeasure w ith me is quite pro
found. I f your grace does go you are sure to meet your death.55
Ji M aobian replied, aM y purpose is n o t to seek to have my life spared, I
beg you, you m ust let me go.55The Lord o f Jingguo was unable to stop him.
W hen King Xuan heard that Ji M aobian had reached the capital, he re
ceived him, keeping his anger in check. At the audience w ith Ji M aobian,
King Xuan began: uAre you, sir, the one heeded and loved by the Lord o f
Jingguo?”
Ji M aobian replied, uIt is true that I have his love, but not true that he
heeds me. O ne example o f his not heeding me occurred when your majesty
had just become crown prince. I said to the Lord o f Jingguo, T h e crown
princess physiognomy suggests a lack o f humanity. H e has a prom inent jaw
and the stare o f a pig, which are indicative o f a perverse and contrary nature.
It would be best to remove him as crown prince and replace him with Jiaoshi,
the child o f the lady from Wei.5 But the Lord o f Jingguo, weeping, said,
T h a t would be w rong and I could not bear to do it.5If the Lord o f Jingguo
had heeded me and done w hat I advised, he certainly would not have the
problems he has today.
B O O K 9 215
C
CA second example occurred w hen we arrived in Xue. Zhao Yang o f Chu
offered a parcel o f land several times larger than Xue in exchange for Xue. I
advised the Lord o f Jingguo, T o u m ust accept the offer.5But the Lord o f
Jingguo said, CI was granted Xue by the late king; and though I am despised
by his successor, w hat w ould I say to tlie late king if I were to give up the
land he bestowed on me. Beyond that, the tem ple o f the late king is in Xue.
H o w could I give the late king^s tem ple to Chu?5Again he was unwilling to
heed me •”
King Xuan was overcome w ith em otion and showed it in his expression.
^Has the Lord o f Jingguo always been this way tow ard the U nw orthy One?
I, the U nw orthy O ne, was young and completely unaware o f it. W ould my
guest be willing on behalf o f the U nw orthy O ne to ask the Lord o f Jingguo
to come to me?”
Ji M aobian replied, "^With the utm ost respect, I agree.55
The Lord o f Jingguo came dressed in the robes o f King Wei, wearing
the k in ^s hat w ith his sword tied about his waist. King Xuan w ent person
ally to welcome the Lord o f Jingguo in the suburbs. As soon as he saw him,
he began to weep. W hen the Lord o f Jingguo arrived before him, the king
asked him to be his prime minister. The Lord o f Jingguo at first declined,
but because in the end there was no choice, he did accept. After serving ten
days, he resigned emphatically, pleading illness, and after three days the
king agreed.
A t this time, the Lord o f Jingguo could properly be said to have the
ability to understand others on his own. Being capable o f understanding
others, the Lord o f Jingguo would not reject someone merely because others
opposed that person. This is why Ji M aobian ignored his own life and hap
piness and welcomed enduring hardships for him.
四曰審己
CHA PTER 4
E X A M IN IN G T H E S E L F
9 / 4 .1
山而欲海也，高下使之然也。稼生於野而藏於倉，稼非有欲也，人 ( 皆 )2以
之也。（
故子路搶雉而復釋之。）3
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou. 3. YuYuc, Tao Hongqing, Chen Qiyou.
As a general principle, there m ust be a reason why a thing is as it is. If

you do n ot understand that reason, then w hether w hat you do is appropri
ate to the circumstances or not, the end result is the same: you are certain to
encounter problems. The way in which the ancient kings, famous scholar-
knights, and accomplished teachers surpassed the ordinary people o f their
age was in knowing the reasons. Rivers do n o t flow o u t o f m ountains and
rush to the sea because they have an aversion to m ountains and love the sea.
Differences in height cause this to be so. Grain grows in the fields and is
stored in granaries not because o f anything the grain desires, but because
people take it there. ( . . . )
9/4.2
子列子 ( 常 G V > 嘗4射中矣，請之於關尹子。關尹子曰：。子}5知子之

所以中乎？』答曰：「弗知也。』關尹子曰：「未可。』退而習之三年，又
請。關尹子曰：「子知子之所以中乎？』子列子曰：『知之矣。』關尹子曰：
「可矣，守而勿失。』非獨射也，國之存也，國之亡也，身之賢也，身之
不肖也，亦皆有以。聖人不察存亡賢不肖，而察其所以也。〈
故子路搶雉而
復釋之。 >6
4. TanJicfli, Chen Qiyou. 5. Sun Shuchcng; L iezi parallel.
6. YuYuc, Tao Hongqing, Chen Qiyou.
M aster Liezi once hit the bull5s-eye. H e asked M aster Guanyin about it,
and the latter said: C€D o you know why you hit the target?55
H e replied that he did not.
M aster Guanyin responded, ccThat is not acceptable.55
Master Liezi withdrew and studied for three years and again asked Master
Guanyin about it.
M aster Guanyin said, ccD o you know why you hit the center o f the
target?”
M aster Liezi replied, aYes I do know.55
M aster Guanyin said, <cGood! Keep it and do no t lose it.55
This does n ot apply to archery alone. The preservation and loss o f a
state, worthiness or unworthiness o f a person, also have their reasons. A
sage does not examine instances o f preservation and loss or o f competence
and incompetence, but examines the reasons for both. Thus, when Zilu
caught a ringed pheasant he released it.
B O O K 9
9/4.3
齊攻魯，求岑鼎，魯君載他鼎以往。齊侯弗信而反之，爲非，使人吿魯
侯曰：『柳下季以爲是，請因受之。』魯君請於柳下季，柳下季荅曰：「君之
賂，以欲岑鼎也？以免國也？臣亦有國於此，破臣之國以免君之國，此臣之
所難也。《
I 於是魯君乃以眞岑鼎往也。且柳下季可謂 ( 此 )7能說矣，非獨存
己之國也，又能存魯君之國。
7- Ma Xulun.
Qi attacked Lu, seeking the mountain-peak tripod. The lord o f Lu loaded
a different tripod onto a cart and sent it to Qi. The M arquis o f Q i did not
believe it to be real and so returned it as a fake. H e sent an envoy to inform
the L ord o f Lu: CCI can accept it only on the condition that Liuxia Ji takes it
to be real.55
The Lord o f Lu requested that Liuxia Ji do this.
Liuxia Ji replied, ccDoes my lord attem pt this bribe o u t o f desire for the
m ountain-peak tripod? O r is it to try to spare his state? Your servant also
has a "state5o f his own. It w ould be a difficult m atter for your servant to
have to destroy his ow n state in order to spare his lord’s state.”
Thereupon, the lord o f Lu sent the real m ountain-peak tripod.
Beyond his trustworthiness, Liuxia Ji may properly be called a capable
persuader. N o t only did he save his own astate,55he was also able to save the
state o f the lord o f Lu.
9/ 4 .4
齊湣王亡居於衛，晝日步足，謂公玉丹曰：「我已亡矣，而不知其故。
吾所以亡者，果何故哉？我當已。』公玉丹答曰：「臣以王爲已知之矣，王
故尙未之知邪？王之所以亡也者，以賢也。天下之王皆不肖，而惡王之賢
也，因相與合兵而攻王，此王之所以亡也。』湣王慨焉太息曰：「賢固若
是其苦邪？《
I 此亦不知其所以也，此公玉丹之所以過也。
King M in o f Q i had to flee his ow n state and go to live in Lesser Wey.
All day long he paced about. H e said to G ong Yudan, CCI had to flee, but I
do not know the reason why I was forced to do so. W hat, in the final analysis,
was the reason? I should correct myself?5
G ong Yudan replied, ccYour servant thought that your majesty already
knew this. Does your majesty really still not know why? W hat forced your
majesty to flee was his worthiness. All the other kings o f the world, being
unworthy, hated your m ajestés worthiness; therefore, they combined their
armies to attack you. This is why your majesty was forced to flee.w
King M in, w ith an air o f melancholy sadness heaved a great sigh ，re
marking: “M ust being w orthy bring äbout such bitter travail?”
This was certainly a case o f no t knowing the reason, and it was a trans
gression on the part o f G ong Yudan.
9/ 4.5
越王授有子四人。越王之弟曰豫、欲盡殺之，而爲之後。惡其三人而殺
之矣，國人不說，大非上。又惡其一人而欲殺之，越王未之聽。其子恐必
死，因國人之欲逐豫，圍王宮。越王太息曰：『余不聽豫之言，以罹此難
也。』亦不知所以亡也。
King Shou o f Yue had four sons. H is younger brother, nam ed Yu,
intended to m urder them all so that he m ight be Shou’s successor. H e slan-
dered three o f them and caused them to be executed. The citizens o f the
state were displeased and severely criticized their superiors. H e then slan
dered the fourth, intending that he too should be executed, but this time
the King o f Yue w ould n o t listen to him. Fearing that he w ould surely die,
the last son, availing him self o f those citizens w ho wished to expel Yu, sur-
rounded the king^s palace. The King o f Yue sighing deeply ，said, “Because I
did n o t heed Yu5s words I have encountered this problem.55
H e, as well, did n o t understand the reason he perished.
五曰精通
CH A PTER 5
O N T H E C O M M U N IC A T IO N B E T W E E N S O U L S
9/5.1
人或謂兔絲無根。兔絲非無根也，其根不屬也，伏苓是 <也〉。1慈石召
鐵，或引之也。樹相近而靡，或鲋之也。聖人南面而立，以愛利民爲心，
號令未出而天下皆延頸舉踵矣，則精通乎民也。夫賊害於人，人亦然。
I. Tao Hongqing, XuWciyu, Jiang Wciqiao, Chen Qiyou; TPTL quotation.
Some people say that dodder has no roots. But it is not true that dcxlder
lacks roots, its rcx>ts are n o t attached to it, but arc ûicjuling fungus. A lode-
stone attracts iron because som ething pulls it. Trees grow ing close together
are slender because som ething squeezes them. W hen a sage assumes his
position facing south, he keeps in m ind the goal o f loving and benefiting
B O O K 9 219
the people. Before his comm ands and proclamations are issued everyone in
the w orld expcctantiy cranes his neck and stands on tiptoes. This is because
the sage5s refined essence has circulated am ong the people. The people
respond similarly to those w ho prey upon and injure them.
9/5.2
今夫攻者，砥厲五兵，侈衣美食，發且有日矣，所被攻者不樂，非或聞
之也，神 ( 者 )2先吿也。身在乎秦，所親愛在於齊，死而志氣不安，精或往
來也。
2. Chen Changqi, Chen Qiyou.
Now, an attacker sharpens the five types o f weapons, dresses in fine

clothing， and eats delicious food w hen intending to set ou t the next day.
But those about to be attacked take no pleasure in such things, not because
they have heard about it, but because a spirit has forewarned them . If you
reside in Q in but the one you love lives in Qi, and that person dies, your
m ental ethers will be unsettled. This is because the refined essences will no
longer travel back and forth between you.
9/ 5.3
德也者，萬民之宰也。月也者，群陰之本也。月望則蚌蛤實，群陰盈；
月晦則蚌蛤虛，群陰虧。夫月形乎天，而群陰化乎淵；聖人行德乎己，而
四方咸飭乎仁。
Power is the steward o f the myriad peoples. The m œ n is the root o f all
Yin creatures. W hen the m oon is full then oysters and mussels fill their shells
and ainfm creatures expand. W hen the m oon wanes， oysters and mussels
become empty and all Yin creatures languish. Now, just as when the m oon
changes its shape in the sky, the m ultitude o f Yin creatures transform in
deep pools, so to o when the sage gives form to the Power within him, all
within the four quarters strive to be humane.
9/5.4
養由基射（先 G E > 兕 3 ，中石，矢乃飮羽，誠乎（先 G E > 兕 3也。伯樂

學相馬，所見無非馬者，誠乎馬也。宋之庖丁好解牛，所見無非死牛者：
三年而不見生牛；用刀十九年，刃若新鄘硏，順其理，誠乎牛也。
3. Bi Yuan, Lin Changyi, Jiang Wciqiao, Chcn Qiyou.
A. W hen Yang Youji shot at a rhinoceros, he hit a stone instead and the
arrow was swallowed, feathers and all. This happened because he was so
intent on the rhinoceros. W hen Bole studied the physiognom y o f horses,
he saw nothing except horses. This was because he was so intent on horses.
C ook D ing o f Song was so devoted to butchering oxen that he looked at
nothing except dead oxen. For three years he did n o t even see a live ox. H e
had used his knife for nineteen years, and the blade was as if had been just
sharpened. This happened because he was in accord w ith its natural prin
ciples and was intent on the oxen.
鍾子期夜聞擊磬者而悲，使人召而問之曰：「子何擊磬之悲也？』答曰：「臣
之父不幸而殺人，不得生；臣之母得生，而爲公家爲酒；臣之身得生，而
爲公家擊磬。臣不睹臣之母三年矣。昔爲舍氏睹臣之母，量所以贖之則無
有，而身固公家之財也。是故悲也。』鍾子期歎嗟曰：1■悲夫，悲夫！心非
臂也，臂非椎非石也。悲存乎心而木石應之，故君子誠乎此而諭乎彼，感
乎己而發乎人，豈必彊說乎哉？j
B. One night Z hong Ziqi heard someone playing on the musical stones ，
and he became filled w ith sadness. H e sent someone to sum m on the man
and asked， “W hy is your playing so sad?”
The m an replied, cT o u r servant^ father was unlucky and killed another
man, and so did n o t get to live ou t his life. Your servants m other did live
o u t her life, but she became a wine server in your graced noble house. Your
servant himself has been able to live out his life by becoming the musician
w ho plays the musical stones in your graced noble house. Your servant had
n o t seen his m other for three years, and then, last night, when I was at
Sheshi, I saw her. I calculated how m uch was needed to purchase her but
did not have the resources, since I myself am the chattel o f your graced
noble house. This is the reason I am sad.55
Z hong Ziqi sighed and said, uH ow sad, how very sad! The heart is not
the arm, the arm is not the hammer, and the hamm er is no t the stone. Yet
since the sadness is in the heart, the w ood and stone respond to it.55
Thus, what the gentleman genuinely feels here is understood there. When
emotions rise up w ithin him, others feel them. W hat need docs he have for
forceful persuasion?
周有申喜者，亡其母，聞乞人歌於門下而悲之，動於顏色，謂門者內乞人
之歌者，自（覺 G E > 見 4而問焉，曰：4 可故而乞？』與之語，蓋其母也。
4- Bi Yuan, Shököcn Usai, Xu Wciyu; TTTL quotations.
C. In Z hou there was a certain Shen Xi w ho had lost contact w ith his
mother. H e heard a beggar singing beneath the gate and was so saddened
B O O K 9 221
by the song th at it show ed in the expression on his face. H e told the

gatekeeper to adm it the beggar w ho was singing so that he m ight see and
question her. H e asked, ccW hy are you begging?55 W hen she spoke w ith
him, it turned o u t to be his mother.
故父母之於子也，子之於父母也，一體而兩分，同氣而異息。若草莽之有
華實也，若樹木之有根心也，雖異處而相通，隱志相及，痛疾相救，憂思
相感，生則相歡，死則相哀，此之謂骨肉之親。神出於忠，而應乎心，兩
精相得，豈待言哉？
D. Thus, the relationship o f parents to children and children to parents
is like the two halves o f a single body or different exhalations o f a single
breath. They are like plants that spring from the same fruit or trees that
grow from the same root. T hough they are in different places, they remain
in com m unication w ith each other. I f one has a hidden aspiration, it will
reach the other. I f one is suffering pain, the other will help. If one has anxi
eties and longings, the other is moved. If one is thriving, the other is happy.
I f one dies, the other is saddened. This is what being flesh-and-bone relatives
means. The spirit that comes forth from such loyal devotion is echoed in
the heart o f the other. W hen the refined essence o f each o f them can reach
one another, w hat need is there o f words?
Book 10
The ccAlmanacswconclude with winter, the last season of the year, which begins
with this month. Shelled creatures, the most important of which was the sacred
tortoise, signify winter because their coarse whidewof shell secretes and encloses
the animal. The musical note yu is watery and is situated in the northern region.
The pheasant enters the Huai River, where it becomes a sea serpent. The rainbow,
caused by the intercourse of Yin and Yang, no longer appears, since the Yin has
now begun to flourish. The Dark Hall is the north side of the Hall of Light, whose
left side faces west. The adarkwor somber color is black, the color of water, and
symbolizes the north. Vessels that are ‘Svide and deep” symbolize what is hidden
and stored up. The uprogenitors of nature55are Heaven, which creates the myriad
things; Earth, which sustains them; spring, which stirs life in them; summer, which
makes them grow; autumn, which matures them; and winter, which stores them.
Spring is the season when the Yang ether disperses and rises up; if its ordi
nances arc adopted in winter, the icc will not seal the Earth and the Yang ether will
leak out, causing the people to rise up and scatter, in imitation of the Yang ether.
Winter is the season of dormancy, concealment, and storing; if the ordinances of
summer, when the Yang flourishes, are implemented, violent winds will result,
and, being hot, will reanimate the insects, which emerge from their burrows. If the
ordinances for autumn arc used, the Metal ether will oppose that of Water, result
ing in frost, when there should be no frost, and snow, when there should be no
snow. Military conflicts, appropriate for autumn, will continue into the winter.
Chapter 2 distinguishes between what is important in caring for the living and
what is important in caring for the dead. The living, it maintains, arc to be nour
ished—supplied with food, clothing, and other things that meet their physical
needs—and the dead arc to be given peaceful repose. Modest burials ensure the
continuing security of the dead, because unlike extravagantly furnished tombs they
present no temptation to grave robbers. Those who construct elaborate burials to
nurture the dead do so merely to make a public display and to avoid censure. Chapter
[222]
B O O K 10 223
3 continues the argument. The Mohist afl&nity is indicated by the citation of the
burials of the sages Yao, Shun, and Yu and by “definitions” of such terms as “fit in”
and “indistinguishable.”
Chapter 4 contends that what the whole world recognizes as beautiful is in fact
ugly and what the whole world recognizes as good is in fact bad (Laozi^ par. 2). It
also argues that the sage does not value goods that arc difficult to obtain (Laozi^
par. 6斗)• By choosing lands with unattractive names that played on the supersti-
dons of the peoples of Chu and Yuc, Sunshu Ao followed the principles expressed
in the Laozi and was proteacd from the envy of others.
The fundamental theme of chapter 5 is that though the myriad things arc the
same for everyone, people use them in different ways. The humane use things to
give peace to the dead, and they flourish accordingly. The violent use things to
injure the living, and so they perish. The principle holds true even for something as
insignificant as a sweet: the humane will use it to nurture the sick and care for the
aged, while thieves like Robber Zhi and Zhuang Qiao will use it to pick a lock.
一曰孟冬
CHA PTER 1
A L M A N A C F O R T H E F IR S T M O N T H O F W IN T E R
io / i.i
孟冬之月：日在尾，昏危中，旦七星中。
Ä. D uring the first m onth o f w inter， the sun is located in Tail. At dusk
the constellation R œ fto p culminates, and at dawn the constellation Seven
Stars culminates.
其曰壬癸。其帝顓頊。其神玄冥。其蟲介。其音羽。律中應鐘。其數六。
其味鹹。其臭朽。其祀行。祭先腎。
B. The correlates o f this m onth are the days ren znd£ui^ the Sovereign
Zhuanxu, his assisting spirit Xuanming, shell-covered creatures, the m usi
cal noteyu^ the pitch-standard named Resonating Bell, the num ber six, salty
tastes, putrid smells, and the offering at the path. At sacrifice, the kidney is
水始冰，地始凍。雉入大水爲蜃。虹藏不見。
C. Water begins to freeze, cold starts to penetrate the earth, pheasants
enter the great waters and become sea serpents, and the rainbow is con
cealed and docs not appear.
天子居玄堂左個，乘玄輅，駕鐵驪，載玄旅，衣黑衣，服玄玉，食黍與彘。
其器宏以弇。
D. The Son o f Heaven resides in the left apartm ent o f the Dark Hall in
the Hall o f Light. H e rides in a dark-colored carriage, drawn by iron-black
horses and bearing dark-colored streamers. H e is clothed in black robes and
wears dark-colored jade ornam ents. H e eats millet accompanied by pork.
H is vessels are wide and deep.
10/1.2
是月也，以立冬。先立冬三日，太史謁之天子，曰：「某日立冬，盛德
在水。《
I 天子乃齋。立冬之日，天子親率三公九卿大夫以迎冬於北郊。
還，乃賞死事，恤孤寡。
In this m onth occurs Establishing Winter. Three days before the cer
emony marking Establishing Winter, the grand historiographer informs the
Son o f Heaven, saying: ccO n such-and-such a day begins Establishing Winter.
The Power that is flourishing is Water.55The Son o f Heaven then begins his
fast. O n the day beginning Establishing Winter, the Son o f Heaven person
ally leads the Three Dukes, the N ine Ministers, and the grand officers to
welcome w inter at the northern suburban altar. O n returning, he rewards
the descendants o f those w ho died in governm ent service and shows com
passion to orphans and widows.
10/1.3
是月也，命太卜，禱祠龜策占兆，審卦吉凶。於是察阿上亂法者則罪
之，無有渰蔽。
In this m onth, he mandates that the grand diviner smear the tortoise
shell w ith blood and arrange the milfoil stalks for divination, to examine
both for signs o f gocxl or ill fortune. At this time he investigates those who
flatter superiors and bring confusion to the laws, condem ning them and
allowing no one to protect them.
10/1.4
是月也，天子始裘。命有司曰：r 天氣上騰，地氣下降，天地不通，
閉而成冬。』命百官，謹蓋藏。命司徒，循行積聚，無有不斂；拊城郭，
戒門閭，修楗閉，慎關籥，固封璽，備邊境，完要塞，謹關梁，塞蹊徑，
B O O K 10 225
飭喪紀，辨衣裳，審棺槨之厚薄，營丘壟之小大高卑薄厚之度，貴賤之等
級0
In this m onth, the Son o f Heaven begins to wear furs. H e commands
his various directors, saying: ^ h e cosmic ethers o f Heaven have ascended
on high, while those o f E arth have descended here below. Com m unication
between Heaven and Earth has ceased, and everything is closed. W inter has
matured.55 H e orders the hundred offices to take care that the stores have
been covered over. H e commands the director o f instruction to make the
rounds o f the accumulated stores, to see that nothing is left unprotected.
The city and suburban walls are repaired, precautions are taken in regard to
city and tow n gates, bolts and nuts are put in gcxxl order, locks and keys are
carefully attended to, field boundaries are strengthened, the frontiers are
secured, im portant defiles are thoroughly defended， passes and bridges are
p u t in good condition, and narrows and shortcuts are shut up. They revise
the record o f procedures for m ourning, delineate sum ptuary distinctions
for upper and lower garments, calculate the thickness o f inner and outer
coffins, and assign the size, height, and other dimensions o f graves, so that
all o f them accord w ith rank and position.
10/1.5
是月也，工師效功。陳祭器，按度程，無或作爲淫巧，以蕩上心，必功
致爲上。物勒工名，以考其誠；工有不當，必行其罪，以窮其情。
In this m onth, the master o f workm en verifies that the various products
accord w ith specifications. H e organizes the sacrificial vessels and examines
the measures and patterns, so that in each product there is no innovation
created o u t o f licentious ingenuity, which m ight debauch the minds o f su
periors. H e makes certain that each finished product is available to superi
ors. Each article is to be engraved w ith the artisan5s name, to attest to its
genuineness. W hen the products o f an artisan do not accord w ith standards,
he is punished in order to delve into the true nature o f the deception.
10/1.6
是月也，大飮蒸，天子乃祈來年于天宗。大割，祠于公社及門閭，饗先
祖五祀，勞農夫以休息之。天子乃命將率講武，肄射御、角力。
In this m onth, the great drinking festival o f the w inter sacrifice takes
place. The Son o f Heaven prays to the ''progenitors o f nature55for the coming
year, performs the great meat sacrifice, makes offerings at the public altar o f
the soil, proceeds to sacrifice at the gates o f the cities and towns, offers a
feast to his ancestors and to the five household spirits, and soothes the toiling
peasants by giving them rest and relaxation.
The Son o f Heaven then commands his leaders and commanders to
give instruction in military operations, display the proper methcxls o f archery
and charioteering， and conduct trials o f strength.
10/1.7
是月也，乃命水虞漁師收水泉池澤之賦，無或敢侵削眾庶兆民，以爲天
子取怨于下，其有若此者，行罪無赦。
In this m onth, he commands the superintendent o f waters and the master
o f fishermen to collect taxes from the waterways, springs, ponds, and
marshes, taking care that no one should take advantage o f the m ultitudinous
people and thereby create any resentm ent am ong his subjects against the
Son o f Heaven. I f anyone should do this, he will be punished for his crime
w ith no chance o f pardon.
10/1.8
孟冬行春令，則凍閉不密，地氣發泄，民多流亡。行夏令，則國多暴
風，方冬不寒，蟄蟲復出。行秋令，則雪霜不時，小兵時起，土地侵削。
I f in the first m onth o f w inter the ordinances for spring are put into
effect, the cold w ould no t tightiy seal all, the ethers o f E arth will rise up and
dissipate, and many people will wander away and disappear. If the ordinances
for sum m er are p ut into effect, the state will frequently suffer from violent
winds, the w inter will not be cold, and the insects will reemerge from their
burrows. I f the ordinances for autum n are pu t into effect, snow and hoar
frost will come unseasonably, small military conflicts will continually arise,
and territory will be invaded and taken.
B O O K 10 227
二曰節喪
CH A PTER 2
M O D E R A T IO N I N B U R IA L S
10/2.1
審知生，聖人之要也；審知死，聖人之極也。知生也者，不以害生，養
生之謂也；知死也者，不以害死，安死之謂也。此二者，聖人之所獨決也。
To acquire an understanding o f the living is the essential responsibility
o f the sage. To acquire an understanding o f the dead is the highest function
o f the sage. To understand the living means ccnot using w hat harms the
living to nurture the living.55To understand the dead means ccnot using what
harms the dead to give the dead peaceful repose.55W hat these tw o are, the
sage alone can determine.
10/2.2
凡生於天地之間，其必有死。〔
死，人之〕
1所不免也。孝子之重其親也，
慈親之愛其子也，痛於肌骨，性也。所重所愛，死而棄之溝壑，人之情不
忍爲也，故有葬 ( 死 G E > 送2之義。葬也者，藏也，慈親孝子之所慎也。慎
之者，以生人之心〔
爲死者〕 3慮〔
也〕 3 。以生人之心爲死者慮 ( 也)3 ，莫如無
動，莫如無發。無發無動，莫如無有可利 ( 則 )4 ，此之謂重閉。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Sun Shuchcng; Gao You commentary.
3. Tao Hongqing; parallelism, context. 4. Chen Qiyou; GE, dittography.
As a general rule, everything born between Heaven and E arth m ust die.
For all men, death is unavoidable. This is why filial children revere their
parents and loving parents cherish their children. To have pain in one5s flesh
and bones is part o f life. By his essential nature, a m an cannot bear to toss
revered and cherished ones into a ditch when they die. Hence, there arc
moral duties attending the burial and sending off o f the dead.
bury55 means to lock up securely. This is w hat loving parents and
filial children are mindful of. In using the heart to act on behalf o f the dead,
such mindful people try to anticipate the needs o f the dead. But if one uses
the heart o f the living to anticipate the needs o f the dead, then no tom b will
be left undisturbed and none will remain unopened. To be free o f such des
ecrations, no policy is as gcxxl as keeping anything valuable out o f the tomb.
Such a burial is described as being “doubly sealed.”
IO/2.3
古之人有藏於廣野深山而安者矣，非珠玉國寶之謂也，葬不可不藏也。
葬淺則狐狸桕之，深則及於水泉。故凡葬必於高陵之上，以避狐貍之患、
水泉之溼。此則善矣，而忘姦邪盜賊寇亂之難，豈不惑哉？譬之若瞽師之
避柱也，避柱而疾觸代也。（
狐貍水泉 )s 姦邪盜賊寇亂之患，此代之大者
也。慈親孝子避之者，得葬之情矣。善棺槨，所以避螻蟻蛇蟲也。今世俗
大亂，（之 G E > 人 6主愈侈，其葬則心非爲乎死者慮也，生者以相矜尙
也。侈靡者以爲榮，儉節者以爲陋，不以便死爲故，而徒以生者之誹譽爲
務，此非慈親孝子之心也。父雖死孝子之重之不怠；子雖死慈親之愛之不
懈。夫葬所愛所重，而以生者之所甚欲，其以安之也，若之何哉？
5. Chen Changqi, Tao Hongqing; dittography. 6. JiangWciqiao;j25Zr parallel.
Those ancients w ho were hidden away in the broad, uncultivated lands
and deep m ountains have remained in peaceful repose, n o t because they
had jewels and national treasures, but because they insisted that their burials
be hidden away.
Too shallow a burial will be disturbed by wolves and racccx>n-dogs. One
that is too deep may reach springs o f water. Thus, as a general rule, burials
m ust be situated atop high m ountains to avoid the problem o f wolves and
raccoon-dogs and inundation by springs. Even if these problems have been
handled well, would it not be utterly foolish to ignore the difficulties caused
by brigands and rebels? It w ould be like the blind musician w ho in trying to
avoid a post bumps smack into a pole. The threat posed by the wicked and
corrupt, by thieves, h œ d lu m s, brigands, and rebels, is the biggest pole o f
all. Loving parents and filial sons w ho avoid it have grasped the true pur
pose o f burial.
A good coffin and vault will keep out insects and worms. But in the
gross disorder o f our vulgar age rulers have become ever m ore extravagant.
Thus, in their burials their thoughts are directed, n o t at taking precautions
on behalf o f the dead, but at how the living can outdo each other. Extrava
gance is considered glorious, frugality demeaning. They are not motivated
by w hat is o f convenience to the dead, but are concerned w ith w hat the
living m ight blame or praise. These are not the feelings o f a loving parent or
filial son. A lthough his father has died, a filial son5s respect for him does not
wane; although his son has died, a loving parents love for him does not
lessen. When burying those one cherishes and respects, how can giving them
w hat the living m ost desire bring them peaceful repose?
B O O K 10 229
IO/2.4
民之於利也，犯流矢，蹈白刃，涉血盩肝以求之。野人之無聞者，忍親
戚兄弟知交以求利。今無此之危，無此之醜，其爲利甚厚，乘車食肉，澤
及子孫，雖聖人猶不能禁，而況於亂〔
國〕7? 國彌大，家彌富，葬彌厚。含
珠鱗施，〔綸組節〕 (夫 G E > 束〕
8 ，玩好貨寶，鍾鼎壺濫，轚馬衣被戈劍，不
可勝其數。諸養生之具，無不從者。題湊之室，棺槨數襲，積石積炭，以
環其外。姦人聞之，傳以相吿。上雖以嚴威重罪禁之，猶不可止。且死者
彌久，生者彌疏；生者彌疏，則守者彌怠；守者彌怠而葬器如故，其勢固不
安矣。世俗之行喪，載之以大輾，羽旄旌旗、如雲僂霎以 ( 督 G E > 瞥〕
9之，
珠玉以佩之，黼黻文章以飭之，引紼者左右萬人以行之，以軍制立之然
後可。以此觀世，則美矣侈矣；以此爲死，則不可也。苟便於死，則雖貧
國勞民，若慈親孝子者之所不辭爲也。
7. Chen Changqi, Chen Qiyou. 8. Tan Jicfu, Chen Qiyou; restored fromH N Z parallel.
9. Chen Qiyou.
In their pursuit o f profit, people will w ithstand a flood o f arrows, walk

on bare blades, shed their own blood, and pull o u t their guts. Unlearned
rustics will forebear the suffering o f their parents, brothers, and acquain
tances in their own pursuit o f profit. Now, when the pursuit o f profit requires
neither such danger nor such shame, their actions in the interest o f profit
increase all the m ore as they ride in carriages, eat meat, and bequeath rich
legacies to their descendants. If even a sage cannot forbid this, how much
less can a disordered state!
The larger the state and the richer the family, the more elaborate the
burials. Such burials now include pearls pu t in the m ouths o f corpses, jade
suits that cover their bodies like fish scales, silk cords and bam boo docu
ments, jewels and trinkets, bells, tripods, winepots, cœ lers, carriages and
horses， robes and coverlets， halberds and swords, all too numerous to count.
Every utensil required to nurture the living is included. The chamber is
constructed o f stacked w ood with the ends o f the tim ber facing in, the coffin
and vault are in several layers, and these are surrounded on the outside by
stacks o f stones and charcoal.
W hen corrupt men hear about these things, they spread the word among
themselves. A lthough superiors use strict threats and heavy fines to prevent
burial robbery, it cannot be stopped. Further, the longer a person has been
buried, the m ore distantly related are his living descendants; the more dis
tantly related his living descendants arc, the m ore lax arc those w ho are to
protect his grave. Those w ho protect his grave may become more lax, but
the buried goods are there as they always were, and this fact assures that the
dead cannot remain in peaceflü repose.
In the funerals o f our vulgar age, a huge carriage transports the body in
the funeral procession. Only when plumes, flags, pennants and banners,
awnings and fans as thick as clouds screen the coffin from view， only when
pearls and jade adorn it, only when embroideries and insignia embellish it,
only when it is moved by two ropes, each pulled by myriad men arranged in
military form ation， is the fimeral thought entirely appropriate. All o f these
things are done merely to make a beautiful and extravagant funeral for the
world to see, b ut this is an unacceptable way to treat the dead. Were it really
advantageous to the dead, then, even though it impoverished the state and
exhausted the people, loving parents and filial children w ould not refrain
from doing it.
三曰安死
CH A PTER 3
G I V IN G T H E D E A D P E A C E F U L R E P O S E
io /3 . i
世之爲丘壟也，其高大若山，其樹之若林，其設闕庭、爲公室、造賓阼
也若都邑，以此觀世示富則可矣，以此爲死則不可也。夫死，其視萬歲猶
一瞋也。人之壽，久之不過百，中壽不過六十。以百與六十爲無窮者之慮，
其情必不相當矣。以無窮爲死者之慮則得之矣。
Burial m ounds o f the present day are as tall as m ountains, and the trees
planted on them are like forests. The towers and courtyards that arc erected,
the chambers and halls that are constructed, and the “guest stairway55that is
fashioned make the burial site resemble a city. These features make a spec
tacle for the w orld to see and are a means by which to display wealth, but to
employ such things is to treat the dead improperly.
The dead regard a myriad o f years as the blink o f an eye. A man o f the
greatest longevity does not live m ore than a hundred; one o f average lon-
gevity n o t m ore than sixty. I f one employs the point o f view o f those w ho
live a hundred o r sixty years to make plans for those whose tim e is limitless,
the feelings inevitably do not coincide. Only if one employs the point o f
view o f the limitless to anticipate the needs o f the dead, will one succeed.
IO/3.2
今有人於此，爲石銘置之壟上，曰：1■此其中之物，具珠玉玩好財物寶
器甚多，不可不桕，桕之必大富，世世乘車食肉。』人必相與笑之，以爲
大惑。世之厚葬也有似於此。自古及今，未有不亡之國也；無不亡之國者，
是無不桕之墓也。以耳目所聞見，齊、荆、燕嘗亡矣，宋、中山已亡矣，
趙、魏、韓皆亡矣，其皆故國矣。自此以上者亡國不可勝數，是故大墓無
不桕也。而世皆爭爲之，豈不悲哉？
Now, suppose there were a man w ho erected a stone inscription atop a
burial m ound that said, cT h e goods placed within include a great num ber
o f jew ds, trinkets, goods， and precious vessels•” The tom b could not but be
robbed, for those w ho rob it w ould become very wealthy, and for genera
tions their families w ould ride in carriages and eat meat. O ther people would
invariably joke together about the great obtuseness o f such a man, yet the
elaborate burials o f the present are just like this inscription.
From antiquity until now, there has never been an imperishable state.
Since there are no imperishable states, there arc no unrobbable tombs. W ith
our ow n ears and eyes we have witnessed the ruination o f Qi, Chu, and
Yan. Song and Zhongshan have been annihilated. Zhao, Wei, and H an have
all lost their ancient lands. All have become ccform er states.55From their ruin
back to antiquity, the num ber o f states that have perished cannot be counted,
and for this reason all their great tom bs have been robbed. Is it not then
pitiable that today the w orld strives to make such tombs?
1 0 / 3 . 3
君之不令民，父之不孝子，兄之不悌弟，皆鄕里之所釜甌者而逐之，憚
耕稼采薪之勞，不肯官人事，而祈美衣侈食之樂，智巧窮屈，無以爲之，
於是乎聚群 ( 多 G E > 朋 1之徒，以深山廣澤林藪，扑擊遏奪，又視名丘大墓
葬之厚者，求舍便居，以 ( 微 L C > 密2桕之，日夜不休，必得所利，相與分
之。夫有所愛所重，而令姦邪盜賊寇亂之人卒必辱之，此孝子忠臣親父交
友之大 ( 事 G E > 患 3 。堯葬於穀林，通樹之；舜葬於紀市，不變其肆；禹葬
於會稽，不 ( 變 L C > 煩4人徒；是故先王以儉節葬死也，非愛其費也，非惡
其勞也，以爲死者慮也。
I. C hen Q iyou. 2. C h en Q iy o u . 3. W ang N ian su n , C hen Q iyou.
4. W ang N iansun, C h en Q iy o u ; confirm ed by G ao You gloss and q u o ta tio n .
A rulers disloyal subjects, a fathers unfilial sons, an elder b rothers

unsubmissive younger brothers, are universally rejected by their fellow
villagers w ho cook in metal pans and earthem pots. They dread the toils o f
weeding and plowing the crops and gathering firewood, and are unwilling
to perform the duties o f officials, yet they long for the pleasures o f beautiful
clothes and rare, delicate foods. Though they devote all their ingenuity and
arts to the pursuit, they still lack the means to obtain such things, which is
why they gather in bands o f fellow spirits. In deep m ountains, broad plains,
and thick forests these bands attack people, stopping them and taking their
goods. W hen they see the riches o f a famous hill w ith its large burial, they
seek to build a shelter at a convenient location from which they can stealth
ily plunder them . N o t resting day or night, they will inevitably obtain what
is valuable, which they will then divide am ong themselves. It is the greatest
o f calamities for the dead that their filial sons, loyal servants, parents, and
friends cause those w hom they love and value to be shamed and disgraced
by corrupt and wicked men, thieves, hoodlum s, and brigands.
Yao was buried in Gulin Forest, and his tom b was completely covered
with trees. Shun was buried at Ji Market, and the marketplace was not moved
elsewhere. Yu was buried at Kuaiji, but this did not cause the people any
trouble. Thus, the form er kings were frugal and m oderate in burying the
dead. It is n o t because they begrudged the expenditure, nor because they
hated the effort; rather, in this way they anticipated the needs o f the dead.
1 0 / 3 . 4
先王之所惡，惟死者之辱也。發則必辱，儉則不發，故先王之葬，必
儉、必合、必同。何謂合？何謂同？葬於山林則合乎山林，葬於阪隰則同
乎阪隰，此之謂愛人。夫愛人者眾，知愛人者寡。故宋未亡而東冢桕，齊
未亡而莊公冢桕，國安寧而猶若此，又況百世之後而國已亡乎？故孝子忠
臣親父交友不可不察於此也。夫愛之而反危之，其此之謂乎。《詩》曰：
『不敢暴虎，不敢馮河，人知其一，莫知其他』，此言不知鄰類也。（故反
以相非，反以相是。其所非方其所是也，其所是方其所非也。是非未定，
而喜怒鬥爭，反爲用矣。吾不非鬥，不非爭，而非所以鬥，非所以爭。故
凡鬥爭者，是非已定之用也。今多不先定其是非而先疾鬥爭，此惑之大者
也。）
5
5. Chen Qiyou; material misplaced here.
W hat the Form er Kings abhorred was that the dead should be dis
honored. If their tom bs are opened then they are, o f course, dishonored,
but if the tom bs are m odest they will not be opened. Thus, the burials o f
the Former Kings were invariably mcxlest, invariably fit in, and were invari
ably indistinguishable. W hat docs it mean to say that they afit in55and were
B O O K 10 233
"'indistinguishable55? I f one is buried in the hills or forests, the burial site

should fit in w ith the hills and forests; if one is buried in the slopes and
valleys, it should be indistinguishable from the slopes and valleys. These
practices are w hat we call aloving oth ers.55 Those w ho love others are
num erous， but those w ho know the right way to love others are few.
Before Song perished, its eastern burial m ound was robbed, and before
Qi suffered ruination, the m ound o f Duke Zhuang was robbed. I f this can
happen when a state is peaceful and secure as these were, how m uch m ore
likely is it to happen a hundred generations later, after the state has per-
ished? Hence, filial sons， loyal subjects ，parents, and friends should n o t fail
to examine this problem carefully. For is this not w hat we mean by ccloving
a person but inadvertendy endangering him 55?
An Ode says:
Dare not wrestle a tiger.
Dare not swim the Yellow River.
People know the one thing,
But no one knows the other.
(•S&， “Xiao Ya,”“Xiaoming,”Mao 195)
This says they do n o t recognize that the one thing is the neighbor o f the
other.
1 0 /
3 . 5
魯季孫有喪，孔子往弔之。入門而左，從客〔
位〕6也。主人以現瑶收，
孔子徑庭而趨，歷級而上，曰：「以寶玉收，譬之猶暴骸中原也。』徑庭
歷級，非禮也；雖然，以救過也。
6. Sun Shucheng, Chen Qiyou.
W hen the head o f the Jisun family o f Lu died, Confucius w ent to offer
his condolences. Entering the door, he stcx>d to the left, joining the other
retainers. The official in charge o f the ceremony was about to gather up the
precious Yufan jade to place in the tom b when Confucius ran through the
courtyard and up the stairs, saying, cT o gather up this precious jade is akin
to exposing the corpse in the plains.55Although to cut across the courtyard
and go up the stairs was contrary to ritual principles, Confucius saved the
family from com m itting a m ore serious transgression.
四曰異寶
CH A PTER 4
A L T E R N A T IV E T R E A S U R E S
10/4.1
古之人非無寶也，其所寶者異也。孫叔敖疾，將死，戒其子曰：『王數
封我矣，吾不受也。爲我死，王則封汝，必無受利地。楚、越之閒，有寢
之丘者，此其地不利而 {前有妒谷，後有戾丘 M ，其名甚惡。（
荆 TA > 楚人
畏鬼而越人信（機 G V > 磯2。可長有者，其唯此也。』孫叔敖死，王果以
美地封其子，而子辭，請寢之丘，故至今不失。孫敖叔之知，知（
不)3以
〈
不 >2利爲利矣，知以人之所惡爲己之所喜，此有道者之所以異乎俗也。
I. C hen Q iy o u ; Shiji zhengyi q u o ta tio n . 2. Bi Yuan.
3. Tao H o n g q in g , C h en Q iy o u ; BTSC q u o ta tio n .
It was n ot that the ancients lacked treasures, but that w hat they trea
sured was different.
W hen Sunshu Ao was ill and about to die, he warned his son: ^Several
times the king offered to give me a fief, but I would n o t accept it. W hen I
die, the king will offer you a fief, but you m ust no t accept any profitable
land. O n the border o f C hu and Yue is Deformity Hill, which is the kind o f
land that others do not regard as profitable. O n one side o f it is Jealousy
Valley and on the other Misery Hill. Both names people find repulsive.
Because the people o f C hu fear ghosts and the people o f Yue believe in
omens, you will be able to hold onto this land for a long tim e.55
W hen Sunshu Ao died, the king did in fact offer to enfeoff his son with
good land， but the son reflised it and requested Deformity Hill, which is
why even now his family has not lost it. Sunshu Ao5s wisdom consisted in
recognizing the benefits o f w hat others considered unprofitable and know
ing how to find joy in w hat others found repulsive. This is how those w ho
possess the Way differ from the com m on lot o f men.
10/4.2
伍員亡，（
荆 T A > 楚急求之，登太行而望鄭曰：『蓋是國也，地險而民
多知，其主俗主也，不足與舉。』去鄭而之許。見許公而問所之。許公不
應，東南嚮而唾。伍員載拜受賜曰：「知所之矣。』因如吳。過於 ( 荆 TA>
楚，至江上，欲涉，見一丈人，刺小船，方將漁，從而請焉。丈人度之，
B O O K 10 235
絕江，問其名族，則不肯吿，解其劍以予丈人，曰：「此千金之劍也。願獻
之丈人。』丈人不肯受曰：「( 荆 T A > 楚國之法，得伍員者，爵執圭，祿萬
檐，金千鎰。昔者子胥過，吾猶不取，今我何以子之千金劍爲乎？』伍員過
於吳，使人求之江上則不能得也，每食必祭之，祝曰江上之丈人！天地
至大矣，至眾矣，將奚不有爲也？而無以爲，爲矣而無以爲之。名不可得
而聞，身不可得而見，其惟江上之丈人乎？j
W hen W u Yun was forced to flee and the state o f Chu was anxiously
searching for him, he climbed the Taihang M ountains to gaze ou t on Zheng,
saying, aIt w ould appear that this country has natural strength in its land-
forms and people w ho are very clever, but its ruler is a vulgar m an unw orthy
o f any plan that I m ight present him .55So he left Zheng and w ent to Xu. In
an audience w ith the duke o f Xu, he asked him where he should go. The
duke did n o t respond, but leaning tow ard the southeast, he spit. Bowing
twice and accepting a gift, W u Yun said, aI know where to go .55H e there
upon proceeded to Wu.
Passing through Chu, he arrived at the bank o f the Yangzi, which he
wished to cross. H e saw an old m an, poling a small boat, about to fish.
Following him, Wu asked the fisherman to take him across the Yangzi which
the old man did. W u asked the old m an his given name and clan name, but
he was unwilling to tell W u w hat they were. Wu took off his sw ord to give
to the old m an ，explaining， “This is ä sword w orth a thousand pieces o f
gold. I w ould like to offer it to you as a gift.55But the old man was unwilling
to accept it, saying, Âccording to the laws o f the state o f Chu, whoever
captures Wu Yun will be given the rank o f holder o f the jade baton and an
annual salary o f ten thousand piculs plus a thousand measures o f gold. Once
in the past, Zixu crossed but I did not capture him. W hat w ould I w ant
w ith your sword w orth a mere thousand in gold?55
Wu Yun crossed into Wu. H e sent a messenger to seek the old man on
the bank o f the river, but he could not be found. Each tim e he ate he
invariably made an offering to him, chanting aloud, cc01d man on the banks
o f the river! Heaven and Earth, so great and magnanimous, how could it be
that they do n ot act? But they do not act for a particular purpose. H e too
acted, but n o t w ith a purpose. H e whose name could not be learned and
whose body cannot be seen—this m ust be the old man on the banks o f the
Yangzi!”
IO/4.3
宋之野人，耕而得玉，獻之司城子罕，子罕不受。野人請曰：「此野人
之寶也，願相國爲之賜而受之也。』子罕曰：「子以玉爲寶，我以不受爲
寶。』故宋國之長者曰：「子罕非無寶也，所寶者異也。 J
A rustic from Song found a jade while plowing and presented it to the
Director o f the City Walls, Prince H an, w ho w ould not accept it. The rustic
pleaded w ith him, saying, “This is a rustic’s treasure， which he hopes the
m inister o f the state will do him the favor o f accepting.55
Prince H an replied, uYou regard jade as a treasure, but I regard no t
accepting it as a treasure.55
Hence, the elders o f Song said, ^Prince H an did not lack treasures, but
w hat he treasured was different.55
10/4.4
今以百金與搏黍以示兒子，兒子必取搏黍矣；以龢氏之璧與百金以示鄙
人，鄙人必取百金矣；以龢氏之璧、〔
與〕 4道德之至言以示賢者，賢者必取
至言矣。其知彌精，其所取彌精；其知彌桷，其所取彌桷。
4. Tao H o n g q in g , Sun S huchcng, Fan G cngyan; parallelism ^ndXinxu parallel.
Now, if one were to show a child a hundred pieces o f gold and a ball o f
glutinous millet, the child w ould surely take the millet. If one were to show
an ignorant person the jade disc o f the H e family and a hundred pieces o f
gold, the ignorant man would surely take the gold. If one were to show a
w orthy man a jade disk o f the H e family and the m ost perfect teachings
concerning the Dao and its Power, the w orthy man w ould surely take the
teachings. The more refined one5s knowledge, the more refined one5s choices.
The cruder one5s knowledge, the cruder one5s choices.
五曰異用
CH A PTER 5
A L T E R N A T IV E U S E S
B O O K 10 2 3 7
彊富，未必安也；尊貴高大，未必顯也；在於用之。桀、紂用其材而成其
亡，湯、武用其材而成其王。
I. Chen Changqi, Tao Hongqing.
The myriad things are the same, but they are used difFerentiy by men.
This is the source o f order and disorder, survival and demise, death and life.
Hence, although a state is broad and large w ith an army that is strong and
richly endowed, there is no certainty that it will be secure. A person may be
honored and noble, lofty and great, yet there is no certainty that he will be
eminent. These depend on how one uses one5s possessions. Jie and Z hou
Xin used their talents and brought about their demise. Tang and Wu used
their talents and became kings.
10/5.2
湯見祝網者，置四面，其祝曰：「從天墜者，從地出者，從四方來者，
皆離吾網。』湯曰：「嘻！盡之矣。非桀其孰爲此也？《
I 湯收其三面，置其
一面，更敎祝曰：「昔蛛蝥作網罟，今之人學妤。欲左者左，欲右者右，欲
高者高，欲下者下，吾取其犯命者。』漢南之國聞之曰：『湯之德及禽獸
矣。』四十國歸之。人置四面，未必得鳥；湯去其三面，置其一面，以網
其四十國，非徒網鳥也。
Tang observed a man blessing his net. Spreading o u t the four sides o f
the net, he uttered this prayer: “Let whatever falls from H eaven， whatever
emerges from Earth, whatever arrives from the four directions, be caught
in my n et•”
Tang exclaimed, tcAlas! T hat w ould be everything. W ho but a Jie would
do that?55Tang gathered three sides o f the net and laid out only one side. H e
then instructed the man in another prayer: ccIn the past, the spider invented
the net, m en o f today have learned to use it. If I w ant w hat is on the left, I
spread it to the left. If I w ant w hat is on the right, I spread it to the right. If
I w ant w hat is high above, I spread it high above. If I w ant w hat is down
below, I spread it dow n below. I catch whatever has violated its destiny.55
W hen the states south o f the H an River heard o f this, they said, <cTang5s
acts o f kindness extend even to the wildfowl and beasts.^ Forty states changed
over their loyalties to him.
W hen the man spread out all four sides o f his net, he could not be cer
tain he would catch a bird. Tang spread ou t only one o f the four and thereby
caught forty states, no t merely a bird.
IO/5.3
周文王使人桕池，得死人之骸，吏以聞於文王，文王曰：『更葬之。 j
吏曰：r 此無主矣。』文王曰：「有天下者，天下之主也；有一國者，一國
之主也。今我非其主也？』遂令吏以衣棺更葬之。天下聞之曰：F文王賢
矣，澤及骽骨，又況於人乎？』 {文王葬死人之骸，而九夷歸之。P 或得寶
以危其國，文王得朽骨以喩其意，故聖人於物也無不材。
2. Chen Qiyou; H N Z parallel.
King Wen o f Z hou sent someone to dig a pond, and the worker found
the skeleton o f a dead man. A clerk informed King Wen o f this and was told
to rebury it.
The clerk objected: cT h ere is no officiating host.55
King Wen said, c<H e w ho possesses the world is the host o f the world.
H e w ho possesses a state is the host o f the state. N ow , am I not also the
dead man's host?55H e then comm anded the clerk to rebury the skeleton in
a shroud and coffin.
W hen the w orld heard o f it, all said, ccKing Wen is worthy. H is gener
osity extends to the remains o f flesh and bone. H o w much m ore do the
living benefit!”
W hen King Wen reburied the skeleton o f a dead m an, the N ine Yi bar
barian tribes changed over their loyalties to him. O thers obtain a treasure
and endanger their state w ith it, but King Wen could use a rotting skeleton
as a means o f expressing his views. Thus, in regard to things, there is nothing
that the sage does no t use.
10/5.4
孔子之弟子從遠方來者，孔子荷杖而問之曰：「子之公不有恙乎？j 搏
杖而揖之，問曰：「子之父母不有恙乎？』置杖而問曰：『子之兄弟不有恙
乎？』代步而倍之，問曰：「子之妻子不有恙乎？』故孔子以六尺之杖，諭
貴賤之等，辨疏親之義，又況於以尊位厚祿乎？
A m ong Confucius5s disciples was one w ho had come from a distant
quarter. Leaning on his staff， Conflicius asked him, “Are your ancestors
well?55Picking up the staff and waving it, he asked him, aAre your parents
well?55Putting down the staff, he asked him, ttAre your brothers well?55Walk
ing with it, he turned his back and asked, uls your wife well?55U sing a six-
foot staff, Confucius illustrated the steps that separate high and low and
distinguished between the proprieties due the far and the near. H ow much
B O O K 10 239
m ore could Confucius have done had he had use o f a noble position and
generous salary!
10/5.5
古之人貴能射也，以長幼養老也。今之人貴能射也，以攻戰侵奪也。其
細者以劫弱暴寡也，以遏奪爲務也。仁人之得飴，以養疾侍老也。跖與企
足得飴，以開閉取楗也。
M en o f antiquity honored those w ho could shoot because their skill fed
the young and nourished the old. M en o f today honor those w ho can shoot
because they use their skill to fight battles and invade the lands o f others.
The petty bully the weak and harass the few， and spend their efforts stop-
ping and robbing travelers. I f a hum ane man gets sweetmeats, he uses them
to nourish the sick or care for the aged. I f Robber Zhi or Q izu get sweet-
m eats， they use them to open a locked door and steal the bolt.
Book 11
By this month, winter has become severe. The nightingale, being a mountain bird,
is a creature of the Yang ether; since the Yin ether becomes completely dominant in
this month, it no longer sings. The tiger is another Yang creature, and it now seeks
its own kind. In this month it is important to keep the Yang ethers concealed and
stored in the ground, and the Yin ethers congealed and frozen. Any kind of activity
involving the earth or large masses of people would interfere with this and cause
difficulties. Hence, untroubled by government demands on their time and energy,
the people call this month ^pleasant,55because of the leisure it affords.
Summer is the period when the Fire ether blazes from above; if its ordinances
arc put into effect during this month, the state will suffer drought, the clear and
muddy will be in conflict, the ethers will form dense glcx>my fogs, and as the sum
mer ethers escape from their concealment, thunder will be produced. Autumn is
the period of the Metal ether, the mother of the Water ether. So if the ordinances
for autumn are adopted, there will be an excess of moisture, resulting in wet weather.
As Metal being used for the tasks of life conflicts with Water, melons and gourds
will not ripen and armies will come in attack. Spring is the season of the Wood
ether, which produces insects. These will inflict great harm to the grains. Since the
Yang ethers wither and parch, the springs will run dry. The conflict between Wood
and Water ethers will produce diseases with ulcerations.
Chapter 2 deals with the difficulty contemporary rulers have accepting advice
which is truly loyal and in their own best interests. Rulers who hate to hear loyal
advice destroy their own vital essence. The most loyal acts are done in secret and
frequentiy bring about the deaths of those who perform them. Chapter 3 deals
with the knightly code of honor, integrity, and loyalty, shown in the disinterest in
emolument and high office that characterized “righteous knights.”
Chapter 4 defines the proper type of argumentation, true honesty, real bravery,
and the proper use of laws. Chapter 5 concerns the a priori knowledge of the sage,
also discussed in paragraph 20/8 below.
[2 4 0 ]
B O O K 11 2 斗I
一曰仲冬
CHA PTER 1
A L M A N A C F O R T H E S E C O N D M O N T H O F W IN T E R
ii / i.i
仲冬之月：日在斗，昏東壁中，旦轸中。
A. D uring the second m onth o f w inter the sun is located in Dipper. At
dusk the constellation Eastern Wall culminates, and at dawn the constella
tion C hariot Platform culminates.
其曰壬癸。其帝顓頊。其神玄冥。其蟲介。其音羽。律中黃鐘。其數六。
B. The correlates o f this m onth are: the days ren and gui^ the Sovereign
Zhuanxu, his assisting spirit Xuanming, shell-covered creatures, the m usi
cal note yu^ the pitch-standard nam ed Yellow Bell, the num ber six, salty
冰益壯。地始坼。鵾鵾不鳴。虎始交。
C. The ice becomes harder, the ground begins to crack, the nightingale
no longer sings, and tigers begin to pair.
天子居玄堂太廟，乘玄輅，駕鐵驪，載玄旅，衣黑衣，服玄玉，食黍與彘。
其器宏以弇。
Dark Hall in the Hall o f Light. H e rides in a dark-colored carriage, drawn
by iron-black horses and bearing dark-colored streamers. H e is clothed in
black robes and wears dark-colored jade ornam ents. H e eats millet accom
panied by pork. His vessels are wide and deep.
命有司曰：「土事無作，無發蓋藏，無起大眾，以固而閉。』發蓋藏，起大

眾，地氣 ( 且 S F > 沮 1泄，是謂發天地之房。諸蟄則死，民多疾疫，又隨以
喪 ’ 命之曰暢月。
I. Shcn Z u m ia n ， C hen Q iy o u ; “Yueling” parallel.
E. H e commands his various officers: "'Projects involving the soil should

n ot be undertaken, nothing that has been buried or stored should be u n
covered, and the masses should not be recruited, thereby to assure that all is
kept properly sealed.^ If one uncovers things that have been buried or stored,
242 THE ALMANACS
or if the masses are recruited, the ethers o f the E arth m ight also leak out.
This is called “opening up the house o f Heaven and Earth.” In this event ，
the various insects w ould die, the people would suffer from num erous pes
tilences, and various losses w ould result. The m onth is named ccPleasant
M onth.”
11/1.2
是月也，命閹尹，申宮令，審門閭，謹房室，必重閉。省婦事，毋得
淫，雖有貴戚近習，無有不禁。乃命大酋，秫稻必齊，麴檗必時，湛饍必
潔，水泉必香，陶器必良，火 (齊 S F > 劑2必得，兼用六物，大酋監之，無
有差忒。天子乃命有司，祈祀四海大川名原淵澤井泉。
2. YuXingwu, Chen Qiyou.
In this m onth, he commands the overseer o f eunuchs to renew t±ic or

ders for the palace, examine all the doors and gates, and inspect the apart-
ments and chambers, to ascertain w hether they are kept strictly shut.
Reduce the work of the harem women;

Take care that nothing wantonly extravagant is done.
However noble the relation and however familiar the practice.
All must be forbidden entry.
H e then orders the chief foreman to make certain that
The rice and glutinous grains arc pure,

The yeast-cakes appropriate to the season.
The processes of soaking and heating clean.
The spring waters fragrant,
The pottery vessels sound.
And the adjustment of the fire proper.
When these six matters have been thoroughly attended to.
The chief foreman inspects them, so that
Nothing should involve error or mistake.
The Son o f Heaven then commands his various officials to pray and sacri
fice to the four seas, the great rivers, the famous plains, chasms, marshes,
wells, and springs.
n/1.3
是月也，農有不收藏積聚者，牛馬畜獸有放佚者，取之不詰。山林藪
澤，有能取疏食田獵禽獸者，野虞敎導之；其有侵奪者，罪之不赦。
B O O K 11 2 斗 3
In this m onth, if the farmers have left crops ungathered in the fields, or
if horses, oxen, o r other animals are still roam ing at large, they may be
collected w ithout incurring blame. I f in the m ountain forests or marshes
and meres there are usable edibles to be collected and game to be captured,
the wardens and foresters should offer instruction and guidance. Those who
engage in robbery and brigandage should be punished w ith no chance o f
pardon.
n /i.4
是月也，日短至。陰陽爭，諸生蕩。君子齋戒，處必弇，身必寧，去聲
色，禁嗜慾，安形性，事欲靜，以待陰陽之所定。芸始生。荔挺出。蚯蚓
結。麋角解。水泉動。日短至，則伐林木，取竹箭。
In this m onth, the shortest day o f the year arrives, the Yin and Yang
struggle, and all life is revived. Gentlemen fast and are abstemious, making
sure that their dwellings are kept closed and that
Their persons arc kept tranquil,

Abjuring music and sex,
Repressing all passions and appetites.
Giving repose to the essential nature of their bodily frame.
Managing the desires to make them quiescent.
All to maintain a fixed relationship between Yin and Yang.
The rye begins to grow, and the broom-sedge rises up vigorously. Worms
curl up, and the deer shed their horns. The water in springs gurgles. W hen
the shortest day arrives, they fell trees in the forest and select bam boo stalks
for arrows.
n /i.5
是月也，可以罷官之無事者，去器之無用者。塗闕庭門閭，築囹圄。此
所以助天地之閉藏也。
In this m onth, when there is no business to conduct, offices may be
closed and vessels for which there is no use may be removed. Holes in pil
lars and gateways are plastered over, and prisons and stockades are rebuilt.
This is done in order to help keep Heaven and Earth shut tight.
l 〇 /l.6
仲冬行夏令，則其國乃旱，氣霧冥冥，雷乃發聲。行秋令，則天時雨
汁，瓜瓠不成，國有大兵。行春令，則蟲螟爲敗，水泉減竭，民多疾癘。
I f in the second m onth o f w inter the ordinances for sum m er are put
into effect, the state will suffer from drought, vapors and fogs will cover
everything w ith gloom , and thunder will therew ith sound forth. If the or-
dinances for autum n are put into effect, the weather will be rainy and slushy，
melons and gourds will not ripen, and the state will be engaged in a great
military campaign. I f the ordinances for spring are p u t into effect, locusts
will do great damage， springs will dry up and become parched, and the
people will suffer from leprosy and foul ulcers.
二曰至忠
CH A PTER 2
S U P R E M E LOYALTY
11/2.1
至忠逆於耳、倒於心，非賢主其孰能聽之？故賢主之所說，不肖主之所
誅也。人主無不惡暴劫者，而日致之，惡之何益？今有樹於此，而欲其美
也，人時灌之，則〔
又〕1惡之，而日伐其根，則必無活樹矣。夫惡聞忠言，
乃自伐之精者也。
I. Chen Qiyou.
The supremely loyal offend the ears and alienate the heart. W ho but a
worthy ruler can heed them? Hence, those who w ould please a worthy ruler
are executed by incom petent rulers. All rulers hate the violent and oppres
sive, yet attract them daily; why, then, do they increase w hat they hate? Say
a ruler ow ned ä tree he wanted to make beautifiil; if the man responsible for
watering it regularly hated it and cut at its roots every day, the tree could
n o t survive. So, too, those who hate to hear loyal advice take it on them
selves to destroy their ow n vital essence.
B O O K 11 245
疾而死。（
荆 T A > 楚興師，{與晉 ” 戰於兩棠，大勝晉，歸而賞有功者。申
公子培之弟進請賞於吏曰： F人之有功也於軍旅，臣兄之有功也於車下。 J
王曰：『
何謂也？《
I 對曰：「臣之兄犯暴不敬之名，觸死亡之罪於王之側，
其愚心將以忠於君王之身，而持千歲之壽也。臣之兄嘗讀故記曰：「殺隨兕
者，不出三月 {必死 }5 。」是以臣之兄驚懼而爭之，故伏其罪而死。j 王令
人發平府而視之，於故記果有，乃厚賞之。申公子培，其忠也可謂穆行矣。
穆行之意，人知之不爲勸，人不知不爲沮。行無高乎此矣。
2. Chen Qiyou. 3- Sun Shuchcng, Jiang Wciqiao; Gao Youcommentary, TPTL quotation.
4. Sun Shuchcng, TPYL quotation. 5. Chen Qiyou; S T parallel.
W hen King Zhuangxiäng o f Ghu was hunting at Yunmeng M arsh， he

shot a charging rhinoceros and hit it. Zipei, the Duke o f Shen, pushed the
king aside and seized it. The king said, ccW hy should he be so im pudent and
disrespectful?55H e com m anded his officers to execute him.
The grand officers o f the left and o f the right advanced and rem on
strated w ith the king, saying, ccZipei is a w orthy man. H e is your majesty's
subject a hundred times over; there m ust be a good reason for his behavior.
We hope you majesty will look into it.” In less than three m onths， Zipei
died o f illness.
C hu raised an army and did battle at Liangtang, where they w on a great
victory over Jin. U pon their return home the meritorious were rewarded. The
younger brother o f Zipei, the Duke o f Shen, came forward to request a
reward from the clerk, saying, ^Whereas others were meritorious in the army,
your subjects elder I was meritorious at the foot o f the kin^s chariot.55
The king sa id ,c< lo you mean?”
The man replied, cT o u r subjects elder brother has a reputation for being
im pudent and disrespectful. H e com m itted a capital offense in the presence
o f your majesty. It was his stupid intention to be loyal to the person o f his
lord and king, to gain for him longevity o f a thousand years. Your subject^
elder brother had read an old record that said, 'Anyone w ho kills the charg
ing rhinoceros is certain to die before three m onths are up.5For this reason,
your subjects elder brother was alarmed and fearful for the king. T hat is
why he fought with your majesty over the rhinocerous. Thereby he assumed
the offense o f killing the beast, and he died for it.55
The king com m anded a man to open the Peaceful Repository and look
for the docum ent. There am ong the old records he found it; so the king
richly rewarded the younger brother.
The loyalty o f Zipei, the Duke o f Shen, can be described as a secret act.
The motives behind secret acts arc not provided by exhortations prom ising
recognition from others， nor are they discouraged when there is no recog-
nition. There are no acts loftier than these.
n/2.3
齊王疾痏，使人之宋迎文摯。文摯至，視王之疾，謂太子曰：F王之疾
必可已也。雖然，王之疾已，則必殺摯也。』太子曰：『何故？』文摯對曰：
「非怒王則疾不可治，怒王則摯必死。』太子頓首彊請曰：「苟已王之疾，
臣與臣之母以死爭之於王，王必幸臣與臣之母，願先生之勿患也。』文摯
曰：「諾。請以死爲王。』與太子期，而將往不當者三，齊王固已怒矣。文
摯至，不解屨登床，履王衣，問王之疾，王怒而不與言。文摯因出辭以重
怒王，王叱而起，疾乃遂已。王大怒 ( 不說 )6 ，將生烹文摯。太子與王后急
爭之而不能得，果以鼎生烹文摯。爨之三日三夜，顏色不變。文摯曰：「
誠
欲殺我，則胡不覆之，以絕陰陽之氣。《 I 王使覆之，文摯乃死。夫忠於治
世易，忠於濁世難。文摯非不知 ( 活 G E > 治7王之疾而身獲死也，爲太子行
難以成其義也。
6. Chen Qiyou. 7. Chen Qiyou.
The king o f Qi suffered from a bad headache. H e sent a man to Song to

fetch Wen Zhi. Wen Zhi came and, after examining the king, said to the
crown prince: ccThe king^s illness can certainly be cured. W hen the illness is
cured, however, he will certainly kill me.55
The crown prince asked, aW hy should he do that?55
Wen Zhi replied， “If I don’t taunt the king， the illness cannot be cured.
I f I do taunt the king， I am certain to die.”
The crown prince bowed his head to the ground and pleaded w ith him,
ccI f you go ahead and cure the king5s illness, my m other and I will argue
before the king that you should be spared. The king will certainly look kindly
on my m other and me. I hope. Master, that you will not be troubled by
this.55
Wen Zhi said, CCI consent. I beg to die to cure the king.55
H e fixed a time w ith the crown prince, but on three occasions when he
had arranged to go, he did n o t keep the appointm ent. The king o f Qi was
already angered by this. W hen Wen Zhi finally did arrive, he climbed up on
the king’s bed and trod on the king’s robes w ithout removing his shoes. H e
then inquired about the king^s illness. The king was so angry that he w ould
n o t talk w ith him, so Wen Zhi just departed, making the king doubly mad.
The king g ot up, cursing, and as he did so, his illness was cured. The king
was very angry and was going to boil Wen Zhi alive. The crown prince and
B O O K 11 247
the queen anxiously argued w ith him but could n o t dissuade him. In the
end, he boiled Wen Zhi alive in a tripod. H e cooked him for three days and
three nights but Wen Zhi5s appearance never changed.
Wen Zhi said, ccI f you really w ant to kill me, why not turn the p o t over
and cut o ff the sustaining ethers o f the Yin and Yang?55
The king turned it over and Wen Zhi died. Thus, it is easy to be loyal in
an ordered age but difficult to be loyal in a foul age. Wen Zhi did no t bring
about his death because he did n o t know how to cure the kin^s illness. It
was because the crown prince did w hat was difficult that Wen Zhi fulfilled
his moral duty.
三曰忠廉
CHA PTER 3
T H E LOYAL A N D H O N E S T
n/3.1
士議之不可辱者大之也，大之則尊於富貴也，利不足以 ( 虞 G V > 娛1其
意矣。雖名爲諸侯，實有萬乘，不足以挺其心矣。誠辱則無爲樂生。若此人
也，有勢則必不自私矣，處官則必不爲污矣，將眾則必不撓北矣。忠臣亦
然。苟便於主利於國，無敢辭違殺身出生以徇之。國有士若此，則可謂有
人矣。若此人者固難得，其患雖得之有不智。
I. H o n g Yixuan, C hen Q iyou.
According to the code o f the scholar-knight, to be incapable o f disgrace

is the greatest o f all things. Because the scholar-knight considers it great, it
is more noble than wealth or honor. Profit does not provide him w ith suffi-
d e n t pleasure to make him alter his convictions. Were he given the tide o f
feudal lord and full possession o f a myriad o f chariots, they w ould not be
sufficient to shake his mind. If he were truly disgraced, nothing could make
him enjoy life. I f he had power and influence, he certainly would never use
them for selfish ends; if he held office, he w ould never be corrupted; and if
he led an army, he certainly would not turn and run. A loyal minister behaves
in just this fashion. If he can advantage his ruler and profit his state, he will
n o t consider shirking or evading anything， even killing himself and abjur-
ing life to accompany his ruler in death. W hen a state possesses such scholar-
knights it may be said to “have m en•” But as such men are surely difficult to
obtain, it is a calamity when they arc obtained but not recognized.
n/ 3 . 2
吳王欲殺王子慶忌而莫之能殺，吳王患之。要離曰：f 臣能之。』吳王
曰：^汝惡能乎？吾嘗以六馬逐之江上矣，而不能及；射之矢，左右滿把，
而不能中。今汝拔劍則不能舉臂，上車則不能登軾，汝惡能？』要離曰：
r 士患不勇耳，奚患於不能？王誠能助，臣請必能。』吳王曰：「諾。j 明
旦加要離罪焉，（
摯 )(執 S F > 繁〔
其〕2 妻子，焚之而揚其灰。要離走，往見
王子慶忌於衛。王子慶忌喜曰：「吳王之無道也，子之所見也，諸侯之所知
也，今子得免而去之亦善矣。《I 要離與王子慶忌居有閒，謂王子慶忌曰：
「吳〔
王〕3 之無道也愈甚，請與王子往奪之國。』王子慶忌曰：T善。』乃與
要離倶涉於江。中江，拔劍以刺王子慶忌，（
王子慶忌 ) 4捽之，投之於江，
浮則又取而投之，如此者三。其卒曰：『汝天下之國士也，幸汝以成而
名。』要離得不死，歸於吳。吳王大說，請與分國。要離曰：「不可。臣請
必死。』吳王止之。要離曰：「夫殺妻子焚之而揚其灰，以便事也，臣以爲
不仁。夫爲故主殺新主。臣以爲不義。夫捽而浮乎江，三入三出，特王子
慶忌爲之賜而不殺耳，臣已爲辱矣。夫不仁不義，又且已辱，不可以生。 j
吳王不能止，果伏劍而死。要離可謂不爲賞動矣。故臨大利而不易其義，
可謂廉矣。廉故不以貴富而忘其辱。
2. XuWciyou, Jiang Wciqiao, Chen Qiyou; W X quotation. 3. Chen Qiyou; parallelism.
4. Chen Qiyou; dittography.
The king o f W u w anted to have Prince Qingji killed, but no one was
equal to the task. The king o f W u was distressed by this when Yao Li said ，
ccYour servant can do it.55
The king o f Wu said, ccH o w can you do it? Once I was chasing six horses
along the banks o f the Yangzi, but could not catch them . You shot at them
w ith arrows, and though you used up tw o handfuls o f arrows, you could
n o t hit them. Now, you do n o t have strength enough in your arms to lift a
sword. You cannot even climb up onto the crossbar to get in a chariot.
H ow could you do it?”
Yao Li replied, C
C
A scholar-knight worries only that he will not be brave.
W hy would he worry about a lack o f ability? If your majesty is genuinely
able to help, his servant submits that he is certainly capable o f killing the
prince•”
The king o f Wu consented. The next day he accused Yao Li o f a crime
and arrested his wife, burned her, and scattered her ashes. Fleeing, Yao Li
w ent to see Prince Qingji in Lesser Wey.
Prince Qingji gleefully exclaimed: ^The king o f W u is thoroughly u n
principled. You have witnessed it and the feudal lords all know it. N ow you
have been able to escape from him which is indeed good.”
BOOK 11 249
After remaining w ith Prince Qingji for a short while, Yao Li said: 'T h e
king o f W u5s immorality has greatiy increased. I beg that we two go and
take the state from him.55
Prince Qingji applauded this and together with Yao Li forded the Yangzi.
W hen they were in the m iddle o f the river, Yao Li drew out his sw ord to
stab Prince Qingji. The prince pushed him away and threw him into the
river. H e floated， so the prince took him out and tossed him in again. H e
did this three times and then said: ccYou are a knight o f state for the world.
I w ould consider it fortunate if you w ent and made a name for yourself?5
Yao Li escaped w ith his life and returned to Wu. The king o f W u, over
joyed, asked to divide the state w ith him. Yao Li said, ccN o, that w ould be
inappropriate. I subm it that I m ust die.55
The king o f Wu stopped him.
Yao Li said: ccYou killed my wife, burned her bcxiy, and scattered the
ashes, all to facilitate my doing this deed. I, your subject, consider this in-
hum ane on my part. Moreover, I was going to kill my prospective new
ruler, Prince Qingji, for my old ruler. I consider this undutiful. N ow when
I was beaten off and floated in the river, three times I w ent in and three
times I came out. It is only because Prince Qingji favored me that I was not
killed, and so I have been shamed. I have been inhumane, undutiful and
now been shamed. I cannot go on living.55
The king o f Wu could not stop him. H e fell on his sword and died. O f
Yao Li it can properly be said that he <cdid no t act for the sake o f reward.55
Thus, he did n ot stray from his duty in the face o f great profit and truly
deserved to be called a m an o f integrity. Since he had integrity, he did not
ignore the shame he had suffered, even when offered wealth and honor.
n/3.3
衛懿公有臣曰弘演，有所於使。翟人攻衛，其民曰：「君之所予位祿者，
鶴也：所貴富者，宮人也。君使宮人與鶴戰，余焉能戰？』遂潰而去。翟
人至，及懿公於榮澤，殺之，盡食其肉，獨舍其肝。弘演至，報使於肝，
畢，呼天而啼，盡哀而止，曰：「臣請爲襍。j 因自殺，先出其腹實，內懿
公之肝。桓公聞之曰： 1■衛之亡也，以爲無道也。今有臣若此，不可不
存。ü 於是復立衛於楚丘。弘演可謂忠矣，殺身出生以徇其君。非徒徇其
君也，又令衛之宗廟復立，祭祀不絕，可謂有功矣。
Duke Yi o f Lesser Wey had a subject called H ong Yan, w ho was given a
mission. An army o f Di barbarians attacked Wcy. The people o f Wey said,
ttO ur lord gives position and emolum ents to cranes, and honor and wealth
to eunuchs. Let his lordship send his eunuchs and cranes to fight. W hy
should we be able to fight?55They then scattered.
The Di army arrived and found Duke Yi at Rongze, where they killed
him. They ate all his flesh, saving only his liver. W hen he arrived hom e,
H o n g Yan reported on his mission to the liver. W hen he had finished, he
cried o u t to Heaven and sobbed, stopping only after all the sadness had
drained from him. Then saying, ayour servant requests that he serve as your
outer garment,55he killed himself by cutting open his belly and putting Duke
Yi5s liver inside him.
W hen Duke H uan o f Qi heard o f this, he said, "The ruler o f Wey perished
because he was unprincipled. But w ith ministers such as this man, how
could Wey n o t be preserved!55H e therefore reestablished Wey at Chuqiu.
H o n g Yan can be called loyal. H e killed him self to accompany his lord.
It was n o t merely to accompany his lord, but also to reestablish the ances
tral temples o f Wey, so that the offerings w ould no t end. H e thus truly
deserves to be called m eritorious.
四曰當務
CH A PTER 4
O N B E IN G A P P R O P R IA T E T O T H E C IR C U M S T A N C E S
11.4.1
辨而不當論，信而不當理，勇而不當義，法而不當務，惑而乘驥也，狂而
操「吳干將』也，大亂天下者，必此四者也。所貴辨者，爲其由所論也；所
貴信者，爲其遵所理也；所貴勇者，爲其行義也；所貴法者，爲其當務也。
Discriminations that do not correspond to proper assessments, keeping
faith where it does not conform to reason, being brave where it will not
w ith one5s moral duty, making laws that are inappropriate to the cir-
tances—all these are like the dazed man who rides a fast-galloping horse
or the madm an w ho wields the Ganjiang sword o f Wu. The four m ust be
regarded as the m ost disruptive things in the world. Discriminations are
valuable when they proceed from a proper assessment o f the facts. Keeping
onc5s w ord is precious when it esteems w hat is rational. Bravery is w orth
while when it allows one to uphold one5s moral duty. Law is precious when
it fits the circumstances.
BOOK 11 251
I I /4 .2
跖之徒問於跖曰：「盜有道乎？』跖曰：「奚啻其有道也？夫妄意關內，

中藏，聖也；入先，勇也；出後，義也；知時，智也；分均，仁也。不通
此五者，而能成大盜者，天下無有。』備說非六王、五伯，以爲「堯有不
慈之名；舜有不孝之行；禹有淫湎之意；湯、武有放殺之事；五伯有暴亂
之謀。世皆譽之，人皆諱之，惑也。』故死而操金椎以葬曰「下見六王、
五伯，將殻其頭矣。』辨若此不如無辨。
W hen one o f Robber Zhi5s band asked him if thieves possess the Dao,
R obber Zhi responded, aW hy should we be content merely to possess the
Dao? A shrewd guess at where things are hidden and stored in a locked
house is sageliness; the first one in is brave; the last one ou t is dutiful; he
w ho knows the right tim e is wise; and he w ho shares the spoils evenly is
hum ane. The w orld has never seen one w ho was not well-versed in these
five yet became a great robber.55
R obber Zhi then put together an argum ent criticizing the Six Kings
and Five Lords-Protector. H e considered that "Tao had a reputation for
being unloving. Shun com m itted unfilial acts, Yu had a penchant for licen
tiousness and inebriation, Tang and W u com m itted w anton murder, and
the Five Lx>rds-Protcctor were given to violent and lawless scheming. Yet
the whole w orld praises them when everyone should condem n th em —this
is sheer delusion.” T hus， when he died， he w anted to be buried w ith a metal
hammer, explaining, CCI am going dow n to see the Six Kings and Five Lords-
Protector and will beat them on the head.55It w ould be better not to engage
in discriminations at all than to offer a discrim ination like this.
n /4 .3
楚有直躬者，其父竊羊而謁之上，上執而將誅之。直躬者請代之。將誅
矣，吿吏曰：『父竊羊而謁之，不亦信乎？父誅而代之，不亦孝乎？信且孝
而誅之，國將有不誅者乎？』（荆 T A > 楚王聞之，乃不誅也。孔子聞之曰：
「異哉直躬之爲信也，一父而載取名焉。』故直躬之信，不若無信。
In Chu there was one U pright Gong. W hen his father stole a sheep, he
reported him to the authorities. The authorities arrested the thief and were
about to execute him when his honest son requested that he be allowed to
take his place and be executed. H e announced to the officer, aW hcn my
father stole a sheep, I reported him —is this not the true meaning o f hon
esty? W hen my father was about to be executed, I took his place—is this
n o t the true m eaning o f filial? If you execute one w ho is both honest and
filial, then w hom will the state pardon?55W hen the king o f C hu learned o f
it, he did n o t execute the man.
W hen Confucius heard o f it, he said: ^Different, indeed, is the U pright
Gong^s honesty! It was merely at the expense o f his father that he was able
to get this reputation. It w ould be better to be dishonest than practice the
‘honesty3o f this U pright Gong.”
n /4 .4
齊之好勇者，其一人居東郭，其一人居西郭，卒然相遇於塗曰：「姑相
飮乎？j 觴數行，曰：r 姑求肉乎？』一人曰：「子肉也？我肉也？尙胡革
求肉而爲？』於是具染而已。因抽刀而相啖，至死而止。勇若此不若無勇。
A m ong those fond o f bravery in Qi, there was one m an w ho lived in the
eastern part o f the city and another w ho lived in the western part. Eventu
ally they m et on the road and said, ccShall we have a drink together?55After
several rounds， they said, “Shall we look for some meat?” O ne o f them said ，
"Tou are m eat and I am meat. W hy should we go seek m eat elsewhere?55
They thereupon soaked each other in sauce， then pulled ou t their knives
and ate one another, stopping only when they had fallen over dead. It would
be better to lack bravery than to practice this sort o f bravery.
n /4.5
紂之同母三人，其長曰微子啓，其次曰中衍，其次曰受德。受德乃紂
也，甚少矣。紂母之生微子啓與中衍也尙爲妾，已而爲妻而生紂。紂之父、
紂之母欲置微子啓以爲太子，太史據法而爭之曰：「有妻之子，而不可置妾
之子。《
I 紂故爲後。用法若此，不若無法。
Z hou Xin5s m other had three sons. The eldest was Qi, Viscount o f Wei,
the next was Zhongyan, and the last was Shoudc. Shoude, w ho is known as
Zhou Xin, was extremely young. W hen Z hou5s m other gave birth to Vis
count Qi o f Wei and Zhongyan, she was still a concubine, but she had be
come wife by the time she gave birth to Z hou Xin. Z hou Xin5s parents
wished to make the Viscount o f Wei crown prince. But the grand historiog-
rapher argued against this on legal grounds ，saying， “If a >vife has a son， the
son o f a concubine cannot be made crown prince.55 Hence, Zhou Xin be
came the successor. It w ould be better to be w ithout laws than to use laws
in this fashion.
BOOK 11 253
五曰長見
CH A PTER 5
F A R S IG H T E D N E S S
n / 5.1
智所以相過，以其長見與短見也。今之於古也，猶古之於後世也。今之
於後世，亦猶今之於古也。故審知今則可知古，知古則可知後，古今前後
一也。故聖人上知千歲，下知千歲也。
The reason that some surpass others in wisdom is that some are far
sighted, while others are shortsighted. The relationship between the present
and the past is the same as the relationship between the past and later ages.
The relationship between the present and later ages is the same as that
between the present and the past. Thus, one w ho knows the present well
can know the past, and one w ho knows the past can know later ages. Past
and present, before and after, have one and the same principle. Thus, the
sage knows the m illennium that preceded and the thousand years that will
follow.
II/5.2
( 荆 T A > 楚文王曰：「莧譆數犯我以義，違我以禮，與處則不安，曠之則

不穀得焉，不以吾身爵之，後世有聖人，將以非不穀。』於是爵之五大夫。
「申侯伯善持養吾意，吾所欲則先我爲之，與處則安，曠之而不穀喪焉，
不以吾身遠之，後世有聖人，將以非不穀。』於是送而行之。申侯伯如鄭，
阿鄭君之心，先爲其所欲，三年而知鄭國之政也，五月而鄭人殺之。是後
世之聖人，使文王爲善於上世也。
King Wen o f C hu said, uO n several occasions Xian Xi has offended me
through his sense o f moral duty and thw arted me through his observance
o f ritual formality. I am uncomfortable in his company. But if I can keep
him, I shall succeed because o f him. If I do no t personally give him an
o 伍cial tide， the sages o f later ages will surely condem n me for it.” There-
upon he gave him the tide grand officer o f the fifth rank.
“M arquis Bo o f Shen is good at supporting and nurturing my wishes.
H e makes my wishes his first order o f business. I am comfortable in his
company. But if I keep him, I will fail because o f him. If I do not personally
cast him out, sages o f later ages will surely condem n me for it.55Thereupon
he sent him on his way.
M arquis Bo o f Shen w ent to Zheng, where he toadied to the wishes o f
its lord and made his first priority doing whatever he desired. After three
years, he knew how to control the governm ent o f Zheng. But five m onths
after that, a native o f Zheng killed him. The story o f M arquis Bo o f Shen
illustrates how sages o f later ages caused King Wen to be good in an earlier
age.
n/5.3
晉平公鑄爲大鐘，使工聽之，皆以爲調矣。師曠曰：「不調，請更鑄
之。』平公曰：T工皆以爲調矣。』師曠曰：『後世有知音者，將知鐘之不
調也，臣竊爲君恥之。《
I 至於師涓，而果知鐘之不調也。是師曠欲善調鐘，
以爲後世之知音者也。
Duke Ping o f Jin cast a large bell. H e had his musicians listen to it, and
all thought it was properly tuned. Music M aster Kuang, however, said, aIt
is not properly tuned, and I beg that it be recast.55
Duke Ping objected: ccBut the musicians have all judged it properly
tuned.”
Music Master Kuang replied, ccIn later generations, anyone who is knowl
edgeable in music will know that this bell is not properly tuned. I am stupidly
asking that it be done for the sake o f my lord’s honor.”
Later M usic M aster Juan did, in fact, recognize that the bell was no t
properly tuned. Thus, Music M aster K uan^s desire to tune the bell per
fectly was because he considered w hat those o f later ages w ho knew music
w ould think.
n /5 .4
呂太公望封於齊，周公旦封於魯，二君者甚相善也。相謂曰：4 可以治
國？』太公望曰：「尊賢上功。』周公旦曰：r 親親上恩。』太公望曰：「魯
自此削矣。』周公旦曰：「魯雖削，有齊者亦必非呂氏也。』其後齊日以大，
至於霸，二十四世而田成子有齊國；魯日以削，至於覲存，三十四世而亡。
Lü Wang, the Grand Duke, was enfeoffed w ith Qi, and Duke D an o f
Z hou w ith Lu. Being on very gcxxl term s w ith one another, the two lords
discussed how they should govern their states.
The Grand Duke said, ^We should honor the worthy and prom ote meri
torious accomplishment.55
The Duke o f Z hou countered, ^We should be close to parents and p ro
m ote generosity.55
The G rand Duke replied, <cLu will lose territory if you do this.55
The Duke o f Z hou rejoined, ccW hile Lu will lose territory, the Lii family
will n o t always rule in Qi.55
Later Q i got bigger by the day, and eventually its rulers became lords-
protector. But in the twenty-fourth generation, Viscount Cheng o f the Tian
family took possession o f the state. Because o f the Duke o f Z hou5s policies,
the dukes o f Lu lost m ore and more territory until the state barely existed.
In the thirty-fourth generation it perished.
n/5.5
吳起治西河之外，王錯譖之於魏武侯，武侯使人召之。吳起至於岸門，
止車而望西河，泣數行而下。其僕謂吳起曰：「竊觀公之意，視釋天下若
釋躍，今去西河而泣，何也？』吳起抿泣而應之曰：「子不識〔
也〕1。君
〔
誠〕1知我，而使我畢能，〔
秦必可亡，而〕
1西河可以王。今君聽讒人之議，
而不知我，西河之爲秦取不久矣。魏從此削矣。』吳起果去魏入楚。有間，
西河畢入秦。秦日益大，此吳起之所先見而泣也。
I. Chen Qiyou; adopting the wording of the ttGuan biao.w
W hen W u Qi brought order to the area beyond West River, W ang Cuo
praised him to M arquis Wu o f Wei. The M arquis sent someone to sum m on
him. W hen W u Qi arrived at Anmen, he stopped his carriage to gaze back
at West River and tears flowed dow n his face in several streams. H is atten
dant said, aI have observed w hat your grace values, and I have seen that you
w ould discard the w orld as a straw sandal. But now you cry when leaving
West River. Why?55
W iping away his tears, W u Qi responded: "Tou do not understand. If
my lord had truly appreciated me and had sent me to use all my abilities
Q in would certainly have been defeated, and w ith West River he could have
become king. But instead my lord has listened to the arguments o f a slan
derer and so no longer appreciates me. Before long. West River will be
taken by Q in; and from that time onward, Wei will become ever weaker.55In
the end, Wu Q i left Wei and w ent to Chu. A short tim e later West River was
completely annexed by Q in, which became greater by the day. This is what
Wu Qi had foreseen when he wept.
n/5.6
魏公叔痤疾。惠王往問之，曰：『公叔之疾，嗟！疾甚矣！將奈社稷
何？』公叔對曰：「臣之御庶子鞅，願王以國聽之也。爲不能聽，勿使出
境。』王不應，出而謂左右曰：「豈不悲哉？以公叔之賢，而今謂寡人必以

國聽鞅，悖也夫！』公叔死，公孫鞅西游秦，秦孝公聽之，秦果用彊，魏
果用弱，非公叔痤之悖〔
者〕2 也，魏王則悖也。夫悖者之患，固以不悖爲
悖0
2. Sun Shuchcng; Gao You commentary.
W hen G ongshu Z uo o f Wei became ill and King H ui w ent to inquire
about his condition, he said, c<H ow lamentable that you arc sick! H ow seri
ous your illness has become! W hat will become o f our altars o f soil and
grain?”
G ongshu Z uo replied, <CI hope your majesty will allow m atters o f state
to be decided by Shang Yang, one o f your servants attendants. If you are
unable to let him govern then do not let him leave the borders.55
The king did not respond. W hen he w ent out he said to his ow n court
iers, c<Is it n o t disheartening? Despite his evident worthiness, Gongshu ad
vises me to enm ist state decisions to Yang which defies all logic!55
W hen Gongshu Zuo died, Shang Yang traveled west to Qin, where Duke
Xiao heeded his advice. In the end, Q in used w hat was strong and Wei used
w hat was weak. It was n o t G ongshu Z uo w ho was perverse; it was the king
o f Wei who defied all logic. The problem w ith perversity is that the perverse
persist in taking what is no t perverse to be perverse.
Book 12
The end of winter is heralded by the reappearance of the wild geese, migrating
from their winter homes at Lake Poyang to the summer breeding grounds in the
northern wastes, and by the nesting magpies and courting pheasants. The music
master presents the grand concert of wind instruments to expel the cold ethers in
preparation for spring.
If the ordinances for autumn are put into efFca during the last month of winter,
white dew will descend out of season because the Metal ether is white. The influence
of the Metal ether will create military conflict, resulting in instability in the border
regions. If the ordinances of spring arc adopted, the worst of the winter cold will
be ameliorated, but the ethers will not be harmonious, resulting in various physical
ailments and anomalies. If those of summer are implemented, the conflict with the
Fire ether and the fiery Yang will bring abundant waters: snow will not fall when it
should, ice will melt when it should remain frozen, and injury will be afflicted on
the whole state.
Chapter 2 concerns the same knightly code treated in 11/3, particularly a principal
tenet of the code: true knights would not befriend feudal lords nor serve the Son
of Heaven. But here there is added an injunction to rulers, which recurs in the
X u n z i and the H a n fe tzi and in 2/4.6, to be careful in chœsing men but lax in
supervising them. Chapter 3 continues the discussion of the knightly code. Chapter
4 provides examples of the sacrifices which righteous knights were prepared to
make to maintain their honor and their code. Chapter 5 holds up Yu Rang and
Gongsun Hong as exemplars of the knightly code and the principle of Qidiao
Kai—if your conduct is wrong, you must accept being treated like a slave; but if it
is not, then be outraged even with a feudal lord—and the principle of Bogong
Yu—a knight is not intimidated by feudal lords and will not accept mistreatment
一曰季冬
CHA PTER 1
A L M A N A C F O R T H E T H I R D M O N T H O F W IN T E R
12/1.1
季冬之月：日在婺女，昏婁中，旦氐中。
A. D uring the last m onth o f winter, the sun is located in Serving Maid.
A t dusk the constellation Bond culminates, and at dawn the constellation
R oot culminates.
其曰壬癸。其帝顓頊。其神玄冥。其蟲介。其音羽。律中大呂。其數六。
B. The correlates o f this m onth arc the days rcn the Sovereign
Zhuanxu, his assisting spirit Xuanming, shell-covered creatures, the musical
notejyw, the pitch-standard nam ed G reat Regulator, the num ber six, salty
臈北鄕。鵲始巢。雉雊雞乳。
C. The wild geese go northwards, magpies begin to build their nests,
pheasant cocks crow， and hens brood.
天子居玄堂右個，乘玄駱，駕鐵驪，載玄旅，衣黑衣，服玄玉，食黍與彘。
其器宏以弇。
D. The Son o f Heaven resides in the right apartm ent o f the D ark Hall in
the Hall o f Light. H e rides in a dark-colored carriage, drawn by iron-black
horses and bearing dark-colored streamers. H e is clothed in black robes and
wears dark-colored jade ornaments. H e eats millet accompanied by pork.
H is vessels are wide and deep.
命有司大儺，旁磔，出土牛，以送寒氣。征鳥厲疾。乃畢行山川之祀，及
帝之大臣、天地之神祇。
E. H e commands his various officers to institute the grand exorcism,
ripping open victims on every side and sending forth the earthen ox to carry
away the cold ethers. Attacking birds are stern and swift. H e then makes
general sacrifices to the hills and streams, extending them to the great m in
isters o f the Sovereigns, and to the spirits o f Heaven and Earth.
BOOK 12 259
I2/I.2
是月也，命漁師始漁，天子親往。乃嘗魚，先薦寢廟。冰方盛，水澤
復，命取冰。冰已入，令吿民，出五種。命司農，計耦耕事，修耒耜，具
田器。命樂師，大合吹而罷。乃命四監，收秩薪柴，以供寢廟及百祀之薪
燎0
In this m onth, he commands the master o f fishermen to commence with
the fishing. The Son o f Heaven goes in person to witness it. H e then tastes
the fish caught, having first presented some in the apartm ent at the back o f
the ancestral temple.
Because ice is now abundant and the streams and marshes are frozen
solid, he commands that ice be gathered and carried into the ice-houses.
H e orders that the people be inform ed to bring forth their seeds o f the
Five Foods. H e commands the director o f agriculture to calculate the num
ber o f teams that can be supplied for the plowing, to repair the handles and
shares o f the plows, and to provide all the other implements needed in the
fields.
H e commands the master o f music to present the grand conceit o f the
w ind instrum ents, concluding the musical calendar.
Thereafter, he commands the four inspectors to collect and arrange the
firewood and faggots that will supply torches and fuel for the ancestral temple
and the various sacrifices.
12/1.3
是月也，日窮于次，月窮于紀，星迴于天，數將幾終，歲將更始。專於
農民，無有所使。天子乃與 {公 }卿大夫 {共 }1飭國典，論時令，以待來歲之
宜。乃命太史，次諸侯之列，賦之犧牲，以供皇天上帝社稷之享。乃命同
姓之國，供寢廟之芻豢。令宰歷卿大夫至于庶民土田之數，而賦之犧牲，
以供山林名川之祀。凡在天下九州之民者，無不咸獻其力，以供皇天上帝
社稷寢廟山林名川之祀。
I. Bi Yuan, Chen Qiyou; dueling" and H N Z parallels.
In this m onth.
The sun has completed its full sequence,

The moon its yearly cycle,
And the stars have returned to their places in the heavens.
The term of the year is almost complete,
Soon to begin again.
Concentrate the peopled efforts on their fanning
Allow them no other purpose.
The Son o f Heaven w ith the assistance o f his dukes, ministers, and grand
officers revises the codes o f regulations for the state and evaluates the orders
to be given at various seasons in order to prepare appropriately for w hat
may come in the following year.
H e then commands the grand historiographer to rank in order o f distinc
tion the feudal lords and sacrificial animals required o f them in the tribute,
which will supply the offerings made to August Heaven and the Supreme
Sovereign, and those made at the altars o f soil and grain. H e then com
mands states that share his surname to supply fodder and grain to feed the
sacrificial victims to be used in the ancestral temples.
H e commands the steward to enumerate all those w ho possess lands,
from the ministers and grand officers dow n to the com m on people, so that
they will subm it the tribute required o f them , which will supply the sacri
fices to the m ountains, forests, and famous rivers.
As a general principle, the inhabitants o f the nine provinces o f the world
m ust, w ithout exception, exert their fiill effort to supply w hat is required
for the sacrifices to August Heaven, the Supreme Sovereign, the altars o f
soil and grain, and the m ountains, forests, and famous rivers.
12/1•
斗
行之是令，此謂一終，口口 2三旬二日。季冬行秋令，則白露蚤降，介
蟲爲妖，四鄰入保。行春令，則胎夭多傷，國多固疾，命之曰逆。行夏令，
則水潦敗國，時雪不降，冰凍消釋。
2. Tao Hongqing, Chen Qiyou; textual damage of at least two characters. Parallels in other chapters
suggest the passage must have related that snow could be expected on two days of each decade of days
during this month.
The im plem entation o f these ordinances is called ccfull completion.55In

three decades o f d a y s,. . . two days.
I f in the last m onth o f w inter the ordinances for autum n are put into
effect, the white dew will descend prematurely, creatures w ith shells will
become monsters, and at the four borders people will seek protection. If
the ordinances for spring are put into effect, then pregnant wom en and
children will suffer num erous ailments, many in the state will suffer from
chronic diseases—such phenomena are called ^contraventions o f the normal
order o f things.55I f the ordinances for sum m er are put into effect, flooding
B O O K 12
waters will damage the state, seasonable snows will n o t fall, the ice will melt
and the cold will disappear.
二曰士節
CHA PTER 2
T H E C O D E O F T H E S C H O L A R -K N IG H T
12/ 2.1
士之爲人，當理不避其難，臨患忘利，遺生行義，視死如歸。有如此
〔
人〕1者，國君不得而友，天子不得而臣。大者定天下，其次定一國，必由
如此人者也。故人主之欲大立功名者，不可不務求此人也。〔
故曰：〕
2賢主
勞於求人，而佚於治事。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou; based on similar passages in X u n zi andH F Z .
A true scholar-knight holds fast to his code w ithout avoiding difficul

ties; he approaches trouble unm indful o f any benefit. H e ttforgets life in
doing w hat is right，” and “regards death as returning home.” Such m en “are
n o t friends w hom the lords o f state can obtain” nor “ministers w hom the
Son o f Heaven can acquire.55The greatest accomplishment, that o f settling
the world, and the next, that o f settling a single state, m ust proceed from
such men. Thus, if a ruler o f men desires the greatness that will assure achieve
m ent and fame, it is impossible for him not to devote him self to seeking
such men. Thus, it is said: uThc w orthy ruler takes pains in seeking m en but
is at ease in m anaging tasks.55
12/ 2.2
齊有北郭騷者，結罘罔，捆蒲葦，織脃屢，以養其母猶不足，踵門見晏
子曰 . • 「願乞所以養母。』晏子之僕謂晏子曰：「此齊國之賢者也，其義不
臣乎天子，不友乎諸侯，於利不苟取，於害不苟免。今乞所以養母，是說
夫子之義也，必與之。』晏子使人分倉粟 ( 分 ) 3府金而遺之，辭金而受粟。
有間，晏子見疑於齊君，出奔，過北郭騷之門而辭。北郭騷沐浴而出見晏
子曰：「夫子將焉適？』晏子曰：「見疑於齊君，將出奔。』北郭子曰：「夫
子勉之矣。』晏子上車，太息而歎曰：「嬰之亡豈不宜哉？亦不知士甚
矣。』晏子行。北郭子召其友而吿之曰：。吾 }4說晏子之義，而當乞所以養
母焉。吾聞之曰：「養及親者，身伉其難。」今晏子見疑，吾將以身死白
之。』著衣冠，令其友操劍奉笥而從，造於君庭，求復者曰：r 晏子，天下
之賢者也，去則齊國必侵矣。必見國之侵也，不若先死。請以頭託白晏子
也。j 因謂其友曰盛吾頭於笥中，奉以託。』退而自刎也。其友因奉以
託。其友謂觀者曰：「北郭子爲國故死，吾將爲北郭子死也。』又退而自
刎。齊君聞之，大駭，乘駔而自追晏子，及之國郊，請而反之。晏子不得
已而反。聞北郭騷之以死白己也，曰：F 嬰之亡豈不宜哉？亦愈不知士甚
矣0J
3. Bi Yuan, Chen Qiyou; S T and Y Z C Q parallels. 4. Chen Qiyou; S T andT Z C Q parallels.
In Qi there was one Beiguo Sao w ho knotted nets, plaited ropes, and
wove straw shoes. H e did this to care for his mother, but the income he
derived from it was insufficient. H e w ent in person to see M aster Yan and
said to him, CCI wish to beg from you w hat I need to care for my mother.55
O ne o f M aster Yan5s attendants said to M aster Yan, "This m an is a w or
thy o f the state o f Qi. H is code requires that he cnot be a m inister to the Son
o f Heaven5 and that he cn o t befriend the feudal lords.5 H e does no t seek
profit at any cost nor does he avoid harm at any cost. N ow he is begging
w hat he needs to care for his mother. H e delights in your righteousness.
You m ust give him w hat he asks.55M aster Yan sent a m an to take a measure
from the granary and the treasury and give： it to him. Baiguo Sao declined
the money but took the grain.
After a short time. M aster Yan came to be doubted by the lord o f Qi and
fled for his life. Passing the gate o f Beiguo Sao, he took his leave o f him.
Beiguo Sao came o u t from his bath. Seeing M aster Yan, he asked, ccW here
are you going?”
M aster Yan replied, aI am doubted by the lord o f Q i and am fleeing for
m yüfe.”
M aster Beiguo said， “H urry and go!”
M aster Yan climbed into his carriage, and expelling a great breath, he
sighed, <cIs my demise no t fitting indeed! For I have not understcxxl scholar-
knights at all.55M aster Yan then left.
Master Beiguo sum m oned a friend and reported the event to him, saying，
^1 delighted in M aster Yan5s righteousness and so once I begged from him
w hat I needed to care for my mother. I have heard it said, cI f som eone cares
for your parents, you should shield him from difficulties w ith your own
body.’ N ow M aster Yan is doubted. I will go risk my life to dear him.”
Putting on his robe and cap, he ordered his com panion to follow w ith
sword in hand and a ham per held high. H e respectfully entered his lord5s
courtyard and pleaded to have M aster Yan reinstated. H e said, aM astcr Yan
is the worthiest m an in the world. I f he leaves, the state o f Q i will surely be
B O O K 12 263
invaded. I w ould rather die than have to see the invasion o f my state. I wish
to offer m y head as a pledge to clear M aster Yan.55
H e then told his com panion, aPut my head in the ham per and offer it as
a pledge. Then withdraw and kill yourself.55His companion offered the head
as a pledge. H e told those observing all this, ^Master Beiguo died for the
state. I am going to die for M aster Beiguo.55H e then withdrew and killed
himself.
W hen the lord o f Q i heard o f it, he became very upset. Riding a quick
horse, he him self w ent in pursuit o f M aster Yan and caught up w ith him on
the outskirts o f the capital. H e requested that he return, and M aster Yan,
because he had no choice, did return. W hen he heard that Beiguo Sao had
died to clear him, he said: aIs my demise n o t fitting indeed! M y under-
standing o f scholar-knights was even less than I had th o u g h t•”
三曰介立
CHA PTER 3
S T A N D IN G A L O N E
12/3.1
以貴富有人易，以貧賤有人難。今晉文公出亡，周流天下，窮矣賤矣，
而介子推不去，有以有之也。反國有萬乘，而介子推去之，無以有之也。
能其難，不能其易，此文公之所以不王也。晉文公反國，介子推不肯受賞，
自爲賦詩曰：「有龍于飛，周遍天下。五蛇從之，爲之丞輔。龍反其鄕，得
其處所。四蛇從之，得其露雨。一蛇羞之，（
橋 L C > 槁 1死於中野，懸書公
門，而伏於山下。』文公聞之曰：「譆！此必介子推也。』避舍變服，令士
庶人曰：「有能得介子推者，爵上卿，田百萬。j 或遇之山中，負釜蓋簦，
問焉曰：1 靑問介子推安在？』應之曰：「夫介子推苟不欲見而欲隱，吾獨
焉知之？』遂背而行，終身不見。人心之不同，豈不甚哉？今世之逐利者，
早朝晏退，焦脣乾嗌，日夜思之，猶未之能得，今得之而務疾逃之，介子
推之離俗遠矣。
I. Gao Heng, Chen Qiyou.
It is easy to hold onto others if you offer them honor and wealth. But it
is difficult to hold onto others if you offer them poverty and debasement.
W hen Duke Wen o f Jin fled his state, he wandered about the whole
w orld, impoverished and humiliated; yet Jie Zitui did not abandon him,
because the duke had w hat was needed to keep him. But when he returned
to his state and took possession o f ten thousand chariots, Jie Zitui left,
because he now lacked w hat was needed to keep him. Duke Wen could
endure difficulties， but he could no t deal w ith ease; this is why he never
became a king.
W hen Duke Wen o f Jin returned to his state, Jie Zitui was unwilling to
accept a reward. H e composed a poem for the occasion:
A dragon went flying，

Circling all the world.
Five serpents accompanied him,
Serving as aides and helpers.
When the dragon returned to his home,
And won his proper place.
Four of the serpents accompanied him
And won their dew and rain.
But one serpent was ashamed of this
And withered to death in the open fields.
H e hung a copy o f the docum ent on the duke5s gate and hid in the fcx>thills.
W hen Duke Wen heard o f it he said, ccAlas! This m ust have been w ritten
by Jie Zitui.55H e avoided his lodgings, changed his clothes, and issued an
order to both the gentiemen and comm oners that said: ccH e w ho is able to
find Jie Zitui will be given the title o f superior gentleman and one million
lots o f land.”
Someone encountered Jie Zitui in the m ountains, carrying a pot on his
back and covered by a large umbrella. H e asked o f him, aPlease could you
tell me where Jie Zitui lives?” The m an replied， “Jie Zitui does not wish to
be discovered but wants to remain hidden. H ow is it that I alone know
this ?55Then he turned and walked away and for the rest o f his life he was not
seen again.
H o w very different are men5s hearts! Those w ho now pursue profit go
to court at dawn and retire at night. They parch their lips and dry their
throats. Day and night they long for it, but still cannot get it. Now, in
having worked hard to escape from w hat he had w on, how far from the
vulgar crowd was Jie Zitui!
12/ 3.2
東方有士焉曰爰旌目，將有適也，而餓於道。狐父之盜曰丘。見而下壺
餐以舖之。爰旌目三舖之而後能視，曰：「子何爲者也？』曰：1■我狐父之
人丘也。』爰旌目曰： 4 喜！汝非盜邪？胡爲而食我？吾義不食子之食
B O O K 12 265
也。《
I 兩手據地而吐之，不出，喀喀然遂伏地而死。鄭人之下韉也，莊蹢
之暴郢也，秦人之圍長平也，韓、（
荆 T A > 楚、趙、此三國者之將帥貴人
皆多驕矣，其士卒眾庶皆多壯矣，因相暴以相殺，脆弱者拜請以避死，其
卒遞而相食，不辨其義，冀幸以得活。如爰旌目已食而不死矣，惡其義而
不肯不死，今此相爲謀豈不遠哉？
In the eastern quarter there was a scholar-knight nam ed Yuan Jingmu.
While on a mission, he was facing starvation on the road. A thief called Q iu
from H ufu, seeing him, handed him a pot o f food to eat. Only after eating
from it three times was Yuan Jingm u able to see. H e asked the man, aW hat
do you do?”
The m an replied, CCI am Q iu, a m an o f Hufu.55
Yuan Jingm u exclaimed, c<Ah! Are you n o t a thief? W hy are you feeding
me? It is n o t right that I eat your food.55Grasping the ground w ith his two
hands he tried to spit it up, but the food w ould n o t come out. Gagging, he
fell upon the ground and died.
The army o f Zheng brought dow n the H an city o f C hu; Zhuang Qiao
violently looted the C hu capital Ying; and the army o f Q in surrounded the
Zhao army on the plain o f Changping. M any o f the generals and noblem en
o f the three states o f H an, Chu, and Zhao were proud, and m ost o f their
soldiers were strong. Thus, they killed one another w ith great violence. The
meek and weak had to grovel and beg to escape death and ended up eating
one another. They did n o t argue whether this was right or not; they hoped
only to be fortunate enough to survive. If Yuan Jingm u had eaten, he would
n o t have died. But he hated the impropriety that involved and so was un
willing to live. N ow if we compare them all, are not the people o f these
three states far indeed from the standards o f Yuan Jingmu!
四曰誠廉
CH A PTER 4
S IN C E R IT Y A N D P U R IT Y
12/4.1
石可破也，而不可奪堅：丹可磨也，而不可奪赤。堅與赤，性之有也。
性也者，所受於天也，非擇取而爲之也。豪士之自好者，其不可漫以汙也，
亦猶此也。
A stone can be smashed, but it cannot be deprived o f its hardness. Cin-
nabar can be ground, but it cannot be deprived o f its redness. Hardness and
redness are part o f their nature. N ature is what is received from Heaven and
cannot be fashioned through choice and selection. T hat the heroic scholar-
knight^s love for himself cannot be sullied is just the same.
12/4.2
昔周之將興也，有士二人，處於孤竹，曰伯夷、叔齊。二人相謂曰：『吾
聞西方有偏伯焉，似將有道者，今吾奚爲處乎此哉？』二子西行如周，至
於岐陽，則文王已歿矣。武王即位，觀周德，則王使叔旦就膠鬲於 □ 口
( 次 Y 四內，而與之盟曰：「加富三等，就官一列。j 爲三書同辭，血之以
牲，埋一於四內，皆以一歸。又使保召公就微子開於共頭之下，而與之盟
曰：「世爲長侯，守殷常祀，相奉桑林，宜私孟諸。』爲三書同辭，血之以
牲，埋一於共頭之下，皆以一歸。伯夷、叔齊聞之，相視而笑曰：” 喜，異
乎哉！此非吾所謂道也。昔者神農氏之有天下也，時祀盡敬而不祈福也。
其於人也，忠信盡治而無求焉。樂正與爲正，樂治與爲治，不以人之壞自
成也，不以人之庳自高也，{不以遭時自利也。P 今周見殷之僻亂也，而遽
爲之正與治，上謀而行貨，阻 (丘 G E > 兵 3而保威也。割牲而盟以爲信，因
四內與共頭以明行，揚夢以說眾，殺伐以要利，以此紹殷，是以亂易暴也。
吾聞古之士，遭乎治世，不避其任，遭乎亂世，不爲苟 (在 G E > 存4。今天
下闇，周德衰矣。與其並乎周以漫吾身也，不若避之以潔吾行。』二子北
行，至首陽之下而餓〔
死〕5焉。人之情莫不有重，莫不有輕。有所重則欲全
之，有所輕則以養所重。伯夷、叔齊，此二士者，皆出身棄生以立其意，
輕重先定也。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou; Zhuangzi parallel. 3. Bi Yuan; Zhuangzi parallel.
4. Shököcn Usai, Chen Qiyou; Zhuanßzi parallel. 5. XuWciyu, Chen Qiyou; Zhuan£fzi parallel.
In the past, when Z hou was about to rise, there were two scholar-knights
named Bo Yi and Shu Qi, w ho lived in seclusion in the land o f G uzhu. The
two men said to one another, ccWe have heard o f the Earl o f the West who,
it seems, m ight possess the Way. W hy don5t we go and live there?55So these
two gentlemen traveled west tow ard Zhou. By the time they arrived south
o f M ount Qi, King Wen had died and King Wu had ascended the throne.
M aking a display o f the moral power o f Z hou, the king commissioned
his younger brother Dan to have Jiao Gc go to Sinei and swear an oath
w ith him that read, "Tour wealth will be increased threefold and your posi
tion in office will be raised one rank.55The oath was w ritten o u t three times
w ith identical wording, and smeared w ith the blood o f a sacrificial animal.
B O O K 12 267
O ne copy was buried at Sinei and each o f the two m en retained a copy. The
king then commissioned the G rand Protector, the Duke o f Shao, to m eet
w ith Viscount Qi o f Wei at the foot o f M ount G ongtou and to swear an
oath w ith him that read, aFor generations you will be a chief marquis, m ain
tain the regular offerings o f the Yin, and oversee the performance o f the
Sanglin music; therefore it is fitting that you should make M engzhu your
own.55 The oath was w ritten ou t three times w ith identical w ording and
smeared w ith the blcxxl o f a sacrificial animal. O ne copy was buried at the
foot o f M ount G ongtou, and each o f tw o m en retained a copy.
W hen Bo Yi and Shu Q i heard about this, they looked at each other and
laughed: “Alas! W hat ä strange way to behave! This is no t w hat we call the
Dao. Formerly, when Shennong possessed the world, he always took strict
reverent care in making the seasonal offerings, but he never prayed for bless
ings; his dealings with others were loyal, trustworthy, and thoroughly orderly,
b ut he sought nothing from them . H e delighted in joining w ith the correct
to act correctly, and w ith the orderly to act for the sake o f good order. H e
did n o t use the defects o f others for his ow n success, or take advantage o f
o th ers humble circumstances to elevate himself, or use timely opportunities
to profit himself. N ow the Zhou, by contrast, having witnessed the perversity
and disorderliness o f the Yin, are in a hurry to create correctness and order.
They prom ote conspiracies, distribute bribes, rely on weapons, and embrace
a policy o f intim idation. They slaughter animals to make oaths that arc sup
posed to guarantee trustworthiness, depend on the covenants o f Sinei and
G ongtou to illuminate their deeds, report King W u5s dream about annihi
lating Yin widely to seduce the masses, and extort profits through m urder
and aggression. It was through such means that the Zhou became the succes
sors o f Yin, and this was to exchange the disorder o f Yin for the violence o f
Zhou. We have heard that when the scholar-knights o f old encountered an
ordered age, they did no t shun their responsibilities; and when they con
fronted an age o f anarchy did no t save themselves by indecorous means.
N ow the w orld is in darkness; the moral authority o f Z hou has degener
ated. R ather than sully ourselves by allying ourselves with Zhou, it would
be better that we shun them to keep our conduct pure.55The two gentlemen
traveled north and starved themselves to death at the foot o f Shouyang.
It is in the essential nature o f hum ans to consider some things im por
tant and others unim portant. If they consider som ething im portant, they
desire to keep it intact; if they regard som ething as unim portant, they use it
to develop the im portant. Because they first determ ined w hat was im por
tant and unim portant, these two knights, Bo Yi and Shu Qi, threw away
their ow n bodies and cast aside their ow n lives to m aintain their ideals.
五曰不侵
CH A PTER 5
O N B E IN G U N A S S A IL A B L E
12/ 5.1
天下輕於身，而士以身爲人。以身爲人者，如此其重也，而人不知，以
奚道相得？賢主必自知士，故士盡力竭智，直言交爭，而不辭其患，豫讓、
公孫弘是矣。當是時也，智伯、孟嘗君知之矣。世之人主，得地百里則喜，
四境皆賀，得士則不喜，不知相賀，不通乎輕重也。
The w orld is less im portant than one5s ow n body, yet a scholar-knight is
willing to use his bexly for the sake o f another man. A scholar-knight w ho is
willing to sacrifice his body for the sake o f a ruler is the m ost valuable o f
men, but if the scholar-knight is n o t recognized to be such, by w hat Dao
can ä ruler obtain him? Invariably， when a w orthy ruler himself recognizes
such scholar-knights, they exhaust all their strength and consume all their
wisdom for his sake. They speak directly and argue w ith him, and they
refuse nothing in order to solve his problems.
Yu Rang and G ongsun H ong are examples o f such scholar-knights. In
their time, the Earl o f Zhi appreciated the first, and the Lord o f M engchang
the second. Rulers o f the present age are happy when they obtain a hun
dred li o f territory. All within the borders o f the w orld congratulate them.
But when they get a scholar-knight, they are n o t happy and do not under
stand that this is a cause for congratulations, because they are not versed in
w hat is im portant and w hat is unim portant.
12/ 5 .2
湯、武，千乘也，而士皆歸之。桀、紂，天子也，而士皆去之。孔、
墨，布衣之士也；萬乘之主，千乘之君，不能與之爭士也。自此觀之，尊
貴富大不足以來士矣，必自知之然後可。
Tang and Wu were rulers w ith only a thousand chariots, but the scholar-
knights all joined them. Jie and Z hou Xin were Sons o f Heaven， but all the
B O O K 12 269
scholar-knights left them . Confucius and M o Di were but com m on scholar-

knights dressed in plain robes, yet rulers w ith ten thousand chariots and
lords w ith a thousand chariots could n o t compete w ith them in w inning
knights. Seen from this perspective, possessing eminence, nobility, wealth,
and greatoess is n o t enough to attract a scholar-knight; rather, it is possible
only w hen the person him self always recognizes their value.
12/ 5.3
豫讓之友謂豫讓曰：「子之行何其惑也？子嘗事范氏、中行氏，（諸侯
G E > 智伯 1盡滅之，而子不爲報，至於智氏，而子必爲之報，何故？』豫讓
曰：「我將吿子其故。范氏、中行氏，我寒而不我衣，我饑而不我食，而時
使我與千人共其養，是眾人畜我也。夫眾人畜我者，我亦眾人事之。至於
智氏則不然，出則乘我以車，入則足我以養，眾人廣朝，而必加禮於吾所，
是國士畜我也。夫國士畜我者，我亦國士事之。』豫讓，國士也，而猶以
人之於己也爲念，又況於中人乎？
I. C hen Q iy o u ; Z G C ，
5T ， an d 分parallels.
A friend o f Yu R an ^s said to him, uH ow is it that you are so deluded?
You once served the Fan family and the Zhonghang family. The Earl o f Zhi
completely annihilated them , but you did nothing to avenge them . But
when it comes to the Earl o f Zhi, you feel you m ust avenge him. W hy?55
Yu Rang replied, aI will tell you the reason. The Fan and Zhonghang
families did n o t clothe me when I was cold, nor did they feed me when I
was hungry. Yet, at times, they made me and a thousand others provide
them w ith nourishm ent. This is to be treated like a commoner, and when
som eone treats me like a commoner, I serve him like a commoner. But the
Earl o f Zhi was n o t like this. W hen I w ent out, he provided me w ith a
carriage. W hen I returned, he surfeited me w ith sustenance. A m ultitude
filled his court, yet he was respectful o f my position. This is to be treated as
a scholar-knight o f state, and when someone treats me like a scholar-knight
o f state, I serve him as such.”
Yu Rang was a scholar-knight o f state, and yet he still gave m uch atten
tion to how others treated him. H ow much more so would an ordinary
man?
1 2 / 5 . 4
之未晚也。』孟嘗君曰：『善。願因請公往矣。』公孫弘敬諾，以車十乘

之秦。秦昭王聞之，而欲醜之以辭，以觀公孫弘。公孫弘見昭王，昭王曰：
『薛之地小大幾何？』公孫弘對曰：『百里。』昭王笑曰：「寡人之國，
地數千里，猶未敢以有難也。今孟嘗君之地方百里，而因欲以難寡人猶可
乎？』公孫弘對曰；「孟嘗君好士，大王不好士。』昭王曰：『孟嘗君之
好士何如？』公孫弘對曰：『義不臣乎天子，不友乎諸侯，得意則不慙爲
人君，不得意則不肯爲人臣，如此者三人。能治可爲管、商之師，說義聽
行，其能致〔
其〕 2 主霸王，如此者五人。萬乘之嚴主，辱其使者，退而自刎
也，必以其血汙其衣，有如臣者七人。』昭王笑而謝焉曰：「客胡爲若此
? 寡人 { 直與客論耳 P ，善孟嘗君，欲客之必謹諭寡人之意也。《
I 公孫弘敬
諾。公孫弘可謂不侵矣。昭王，大王也。孟嘗君，千乘也。立千乘之義而
不可凌，可謂士矣。
2. Bi Yuan, Sun Shucheng; Z G C parallel. 3. XuWeiyu, Chen Qiyou.
W hen the Lord o f M engchang was going to form the Vertical Alliance
to oppose Qin, G ongsun H o n g said to him , aIt w ould be best if my lord
were to send someone west to spy on the king o f Qin. There is tiie opinion
that the king o f Q in will be the m aster o f emperors and kings. I f this is so,
then I fear your lordship will no t succeed even in becom ing his subject.
Why, then, waste your tim e form ing the Vertical Alliance to oppose him?
If, however, the king o f Q in is no t a w orthy ruler, then it will not be too late
for my lord to form the Vertical Alliance to oppose him .55
The Lord o f M engchang said, ccWell argued. I hope in that case that
you, sir, will go.55
G ongsun H o n g respectiully assented and, w ith a party o f ten chariots,
w ent to Qin. King Zhaoxiang o f Q in heard about it and w anted to disgrace
G ongsun H o n g w ith his ow n words, so when he gave G ongsun H ong an
audience, he asked him, ccH ow big a territory is X ue?55
G ongsun H o n g replied, aO ne hundred liV
The king laughed, cT h e U nw orthy O ne5s state is several thousand li in
extent, yet he w ould not dare presume to create difficulties for anyone on
that basis. Now, the territory o f the Lord o f M engchang is a hundred li
square, yet he hopes to use it to embarrass the U nw orthy One. H ow is that
possible?”
ttThe Lord o f M engchang is devoted to scholar-knights, but you. Great
King, are n o t,55replied G ongsun H ong.
The king asked, aH ow does the Lord o f M engchang show that he is
devoted to scholar-knights?55
Gongsun H o ng replied, aH e has three m en whose code is:
Be not minister to the Son of Heaven
Be not friend to the feudal lords,
—and who, if they can fulfill their aspirations, are an o t ashamed to become
rulers,55 b u t who, if they cannot fulfill their aspirations, are ccunwilling to
serve as m inisters.55H e has five men who are capable o f governing and could
be teachers to the likes o f Guan Z hong and Shang Yang, w ho discuss the
knightly code and heed it in all their actions, and w ho really could make
their m aster a lord-protector o r universal king. H e has seven m en like my
self, his subject, who, if the stern master o f a state o f ten thousand chariots
disgraced them as his emissary, w ould w ithdraw and slit their ow n throats,
making certain that their blood stained the robes o f such a ruler.55
King Zhaoxiang laughed and then said apologetically, ccW hy should my
guest take um brage at this? The U nw orthy O ne was merely assessing the
m atter w ith his guest. H e admires the Lord o f M engchang. H e hopes that
his guest will be careful to make his intentions clear to him .55
G ongsun H o n g respectfully assented.
G ongsun H o n g may truly be called unassailable. King Zhaoxiang was a
great king while the Lord o f M engchang niled a mere thousand chariots.
O ne w ho establishes the respect due the ruler o f a thousand chariots and
does n o t allow it to be scorned may be term ed a true scholar-knight.
12/5.5
趙襄子游於囿中，至於梁，馬卻不肯進，青莽爲參乘，襄子曰：『進視
梁下，類有人。』青宑進視梁下，豫讓郤寢，佯爲死人，叱青宑曰：「去！
長者吾且有事。』青宑曰：「少而與子友，子且爲大事，而我言之，是失相
與友之道。子將賊吾君，而我不言之，是失爲人臣之道。如我者惟死爲
可。』乃退而自殺。青宑非樂死也，重失人臣之節，惡廢交友之道也。青
弃、豫讓可謂之友也。 4
4- It is generally recognized that this passage of 136 characters, which concludes the Lüshi chunqiu
aPostfacc,,ï is misplaced, but it is not obvious where it should belong. Wc have tentatively placed it here.
Once when Viscount Xiang o f Zhao was roam ing through his park, as
he reached the bridge, his horses stopped and would no t proceed. Q ing
Ping inspected the chariot. Viscount Xiang said, aG o look under the bridge.
Perhaps there is a man there.55
Qing Ping w ent to look under the bridge and found Yu Rang bent down
and drenched, lœ k in g like a dead man. Cursing Q ing Ping, he said, wGo
away! It is your leader that I have business v/ithP
Q ing Ping said, ccW hen young we were friends o f each other. But now
you have embarked on this great task; were I to discuss it, I w ould be for
saking the Dao o f m utual friendship. You intend to prey on m y lord; were
I to say nothing, I w ould be forsaking the Dao o f the minister. In the cir
cumstance in which I find myself, only death is possible.55W ith that, he left
and com m itted suicide.
Q ing Ping was not pleased by the prospect o f death; he thought forsak
ing the responsibilities o f a m inister was a grave m atter even while he ab
horred breaking the D ao that binds friends together. Q ing Ping and Yu
Rang may indeed be properly called true friends.
序意
PO STFA CE
維秦八年，歲在浯灘，秋，甲子朔，朔之日，良人請問《十二紀》。文
信侯曰：「嘗得學黃帝之所以誨顓頊矣，爰有大圜在上，大矩在下，汝能法
之，爲民父母。蓋聞古之清世，是法天地。凡《十二紀》者，所以紀治亂
存亡也，所以知壽夭吉凶也。上揆之天，下驗之地，中審之人，若此則是
非可不可無所遁矣。天曰順，順維生；地曰固，固維寧；人曰信，信維聽。
三者咸當，無爲而行。行也者，行其理也。行數，循其理，平其私。夫私
視使目盲，私聽使耳聾，私慮使心狂。三者皆私設精則智無由公。智不公，
則福日衰，災日隆，以日倪而西望知之。 j
In the eighth year o f Qin, when Jupiter was in Tuntan, in autum n, on
the dzy jiazi^ there was a new m oon. O n the day o f the new m oon, a good
man asked about the twelve ccAlmanacs.55The M arquis o f Wenxin replied: aI
have succeeded in studying w hat the Yellow Sovereign used to instruct the
Zhuanxu Sovereign: 'There is a great circle above and a great square below.
If you are able to make them your model, you will be as father and m other
to the people.5 You have probably heard about the ancient age o f purity.
This was due to following the m odel o f Heaven and Earth.
ttAs a general principle, each o f the twelve Âlmanacs55records the prin
ciples that lead to order and anarchy, survival and destruction, as well as the
knowledge that leads to an understanding o f old age and prem ature death,
goexi fortune and calamity. Each ascertains indications in Heaven above,
confirming signs on Earth below, and what to look for am ong men, in the
B O O K 12 273
middle. W hen this has been accomplished, people will n o t be ignorant o f

right and w rong, nor o f the permissible and impermissible.
ccHeaven is called "accordant.5This accord is the guiding rope o f the net
o f life. E arth is called "steadfast.5This steadfastness is the guiding principle
that leads to tranquillity. M an is called "trusting.5This trust is the guiding
force that leads to obedience. W hen these three are properly combined,
everything proceeds w ith no assertive action. cTo proceed5 means to pro
ceed according to proper m ethods. "Proceeding according to the proper
m ethods5 consists in complying w ith principles o f rational order and in
norm alizing individual biases. Biased vision will cause the eye to go blind;
biased hearing, the ear to become deaf; and biased thinking, the m ind to be
deranged. I f all three o f these are applied in a biased fashion, then knowl
edge cannot be impartial. I f knowledge is not impartial, then gcx>d fortune
will each day decline and the threat o f calamity will each day increase. This
principle can be seen in the fact that, once the sun5s rays slant, it will inevi
tably set in the w est.55
( 趙襄子游於囿中，至於梁，馬卻不肯進，青宑爲參乘，襄子曰：「進
視梁下，類有人。《 I 青宑進視梁下。豫讓郤寢，佯爲死人，叱青宑
曰：r 去！長者吾且有事。』青弃曰：「少而與子友，子且爲大事，而我言
之，是失相與友之道。子將賊吾君，而我不言之，是失爲人臣之道。如我
者惟死爲可。』乃退而自殺。青宑非樂死也，重失人臣之節，惡廢交友之
道也。青宑、豫讓可謂之友也。 ”
I. These 136characters arc displaced fromelsewhere in the text. They have been translatedat the end
of Book 12.
呂氏春秋
P A R T II
TH E EX A M IN A TIO N S
BOOKS 13-20
Book 13
Unlike the other “Examinations，” each of which consist of eight chapters) Book 13
contains only seven chapters. The first two of these chapters expound on the patterns
of Heaven and Earth, quite possibly reflecting the influence of Zou Yan and his
followers. Yet it should be noted that the need to abide by the regular changes and
transformations of Heaven and Earth is a major theme that runs throughout all of
the Liishi chunqiu. Indeed, the importance of this theme may explain why Book 13
was made the first of the "'Examinations.55The remaining chapters of Book 13 are
for the most part concerned with how a ruler should cultivate broader understanding
in himself as a means for improving his government. Of these， chapters 4 ,5, and 6
arc possibly related to the teachings of Song Xing and his follower Yin Wen.
Chapter 1 presents a cosmogony that describes the harmonious blending of
Heaven and Earth as the origin of the myriad things of the universe. This account
of the origins and development of the cosmos may be seen as a more prosaic ver
sion of the grand verse of 5/2.1, which sets forth the generative transformations
that led from “Grand One” to the “Dyadic Couple，” Yin and Yang， and Heaven and
Earth. Chapter 1 discusses the balance of Heaven and Earth and how the myriad
things form with Heaven and Earth a single body, the ccGreat Identity.55Thus, though
things differ in shape and appearance, each nevertheless finds its place within this
coherent universe. The chapter also enumerates the parts and divisions of Heaven
and Earth. Perhaps the most significant of these enumerations is the list of the
names of the 28 lunar lodges, the earliest complete list in transmitted literature of
the traditional designations of the constellations through which the moon passes
in the course of a month. Chapter 2 presents the doctrine that the ethers of each of
the Five Processes or Powers conquers or is ascendant over the others in a fixed
order. According to this doctrine, political power accrues to whomever belongs to
the ascendant Process and possesses its primal energy, for he can resonate with all
things and attraa them. These resonances, and not fate, determine success or fail
ure. What is crucial in governing is the timing of the ruler, for if he fails to seize the
278 T H E E X A M IN A T IO N S
opportunities presented when a particular ether is ascendant, he will expose his

state to catastrophe.
The content of chapter 3 closely resembles that of 16/7: prejudice, by limiting
our vision to some small part of the truth, leads us into error and transgression.
Chapter 3 is distinctive because it quotes a passage also found in the Z h u a n g zi (19
aDa sheng55) and has (as docs 16/7) parallels with the aJic biwof the X u n z i. Along
with the views of Song Xing and Yin Wen on the need for the ruler to be able to
distinguish between good and bad advice， chapter 斗 presents a strong admixture
of Mohist themes—condemnation of warfare, love for the people, striving to benefit
them—in distinctively Mohist language. Chapter 5 continues the discussion, but
with a greater emphasis on the need for a ruler to recognize his own shortcomings
and to respect “knights who possess the Dao.”
Chapter 6, which is closely related in content to both 13/7 and 26/2, sets forth
the fundamental tasks of the successful official: accomplishing good for his ruler
and state and cultivating and controlling himself, so that he embodies the principles
of filial piety and fraternal obedience necessary for a harmonious society. Chapter 7
counsels officials on the importance of pursuing goals, no matter how lofty, that
promise to improve the welfare and security of the state. Because the last paragraph
quotes Master Ji, Chen Qiyou suggests this chapter and the preceding one derive
from his school.
一曰有始
CH A PTER 1
T H E B E G IN N IN G
13/1.1
天地有始。天微以成，地塞以形。天地合和，生之大經也。以寒暑曰月
晝夜知之，以殊形殊能異宜說之。夫物合而成，離而生。知合知成，知離
知生，則天地平矣。平也者，皆當 ( 察 I V > 反其情，（
處 T V >變其形。 1
I. Followthe reading of the old collation note rather than the current reading: shouldexamine
their true natures closely in every respect and dwell on their shapes.^
When Heaven and Earth first began,

Heaven rarefied, taking form.
Earth solidified, taking shape.
The harmony of Heaven and Earth's union
Is the grand principle of all creation.
We become aware o f this grand principle through the alternation o f cold and
heat, sun and m oon, day and night. We explain it in terms o f opposite shapes,
B O O K 13 279
opposite abilities, and different functions. Things are formed through union
b ut born o f separation. To understand union and know how things take
form, to understand separation and know birth, is to understand the equal
balance o f Heaven and Earth. In a state o f balance, everything returns to its
essential nature as a m atter o f course and metam orphoses its external form.
13/1.2
天有九野，地有九州，土有九山，山有九塞，澤有九藪，風有八等，水
有六川。
Heaven has nine fields and Earth has nine provinces. O n dry land there
are the nine m ountains and in the m ountains the nine passes. In the wet
lands, there are the nine marshes. O f winds there is one for each o f the eight
directions. O f waters, there are the six rivers.
13/1.3
何謂九野？中央曰鈞天，其星角、亢、氐。東方曰蒼天，其星房、心、
尾。東北曰變天，其星箕、斗、牽牛。北方曰玄天，其星婺女、虛、危、
營室。西北曰幽天，其星東壁、奎、婁。西方曰顥天，其星胃、昴、畢。西
南曰朱天，其星觜巋、參、東井。南方曰炎天，其星輿鬼、柳、七星。東
南曰陽天，其星張、翼、轸。
W hat are called the “nine fields” ？The very center is called the H u b o f
Heaven, comprising the zodiac signs H orn, Neck, and R oot. D ue east is
called Azure Heaven, com prising the zodiac signs Room , H eart, and Tail.
The northeast is called Changing Heaven, comprising the zodiac signs
W innowing Basket, Dipper, and Herdboy. Due north is called Dark Heaven,
comprising the zodiac signs Serving M aid, Emptiness, Rcx>ftop5 and En-
campment. The northw est is called Gloom y Heaven， comprising the zodiac
signs Eastern Wall, Legs, and Bond. Due west is called Lum inous Heaven,
comprising the zodiac signs Stomach, Pleiades, and N et. The southw est is
called Vermilion Heaven, comprising the zodiac signs Turtle, Triad, and
Eastern Well. Due south is called Fiery Heaven, comprising the zodiac signs
Carriage G host, WiUow, and Seven Stars. The southeast is called Yang
Heaven, comprising the zodiac signs Extended N et, Wings, and Chariot
Platform.
I3/I.4
何謂九州？河、漢之間爲豫州，周也。兩河之間爲冀州，晉也。河、濟
之間爲兗州，衛也。東方爲青州，齊也。泗上爲徐州，魯也。東南爲揚州，
越也。南方爲荆州，楚也。西方爲雍州，秦也。北方爲幽州，燕也。
W hat are called the ccnine provinces55? Between the Yellow and H an rivers
is Yu Province, corresponding to Zhou. Between the two parts o f the Yellow
river is Ji Province, corresponding to the state o f Jin. Between the Yellow
and Ji rivers is Yan Province, corresponding to the state o f Wey. Due east is
Q ing Province, corresponding to the state o f Qi. Beyond the Si River is Xu
Province, corresponding to the state o f Lu. In the southeast is Yang Province,
corresponding to the state o f Yue. D ue south is Jing Province, correspond
ing to the state o f Chu. D ue west is Yong Province, corresponding to the
state o f Qin. Due north is You Province, corresponding to the state o f Yan.
I3/I -5
何謂九山？會稽，太山，王屋，首山，太華，岐山，太行，羊腸，孟
門。
W hat are called the ccnine mountains55?They are Kuaiji, M ount Tai, Wang-
w u， M ount Shou, Taihua， M ount Qi, Taihang ，Yangchang， and M engmen.
13/1.6
何謂九塞？大汾，冥阨，荆阮，方城，殽，井陘，令疵，句注，居庸。
W hat are called the ccnine passes55? They are Dafen, M ing5e, Jingruan,
Fangcheng, Yao, Jingxing, Lingci, G ouzhu, and Juyong.
1 3 / 1 . 7
何謂九藪？吳之具區，楚之雲夢，秦之陽華，晉之大陸，梁之圃田，宋
之孟諸，齊之海隅，趙之鉅鹿，燕之大昭。
W hat are called the wnine marshes55? They are Juqu o f Wu, Yunmeng o f
Chu, Yanghua o f Q in, Dalu o f Jin, Putian o f Liang, M cngzhu o f Song,
Haiyu o f Qi, Julu o f Zhao, and Dazhao o f Yan.
1 3 / 1 . 8
何謂八風？東北曰炎風，東方曰滔風，東南曰熏風，南方曰巨風，西南
曰淒風，西方曰颼風，西北曰厲風，北方曰寒風。
B O O K 13 281
W hat are called the cceight winds55? The northeast is called Fiery W ind,
due east Torrent W ind, southeast Smoky W ind, due south Giant W ind,
southwest Chilling W ind, due west W hirlwind, northw est Sharp W ind, and
due n orth Cold W ind.
1 3 / 1 . 9
何謂六川？河水，赤水，遼水，黑水，江水，淮水。
W hat are called the ttsix rivers55? The Yellow River, the Chi River, the
Liao River, the H ei River, the Yangzi River, and the H uai River.
13/1.10
凡四海之內，東西二萬八千里，南北二萬六千里，水道八千里，受水者
亦八千里，通谷六，名川六百，陸注三千，小水萬數。
In general, w ithin the four seas from east to west the distance is 28,000
li and from south to north 26,000 li. There are 8,000 li o f waterways and
another 8,000 li o f bodies that receive water. There are six connecting val
leys, six hundred nam ed rivers, three thousand creeks, and several tens o f
thousands o f tiny rivulets.
13/1.11
凡四極之內，東西五億有九萬七千里，南北亦五億有九萬七千里。
In general, within the four poles, from east to west the distance is 597,000
li and from south to north 597,000 li.
13/1.12
極星與天倶游，而天極不移。
The pole stars move together w ith Heaven, but the pole o f Heaven
does no t move.
13/1.13
冬至日行遠道，周行四極，命曰玄明。夏至日行近道，乃參于上。當樞
之下無畫夜。白民之南，建木之下，日中無影，呼而無響，蓋天地之中也。
At the w inter solstice, the sun has moved to its furthest point. The cir
cuit it makes as it moves through the four poles is called the Dark and Bright.
At the sum m er solstice, the sun moves to its nearest point; this is when we
see it directly overhead. Beneath the central pivot, there is no difference
between day and night. Since in the southern region o f the W hite People,
beneath the Established Tree, the sun casts no shadow at noon, and a shout
produces no echo, it is probably the very center o f Heaven and Earth.
13/ 1.14
天地萬物，一人之身也，此之謂大同。眾耳目鼻口也，眾五穀寒暑也，
此之謂眾異。〔
眾異〕
2則萬物備也。天斟萬物，聖人覽焉，以觀其類。解在
乎天地之所以形，雷電之所以生，陰陽材物之精，人民禽獸之所安平。
2. Chen Qiyou.
Heaven, Earth, and the myriad things are like the body o f one person;
they are called the aGreat Identity.55The grouping together o f ears, eyes,
nose, and m outh and the grouping together o f the Five Fcxxis and cold and
heat are called "'grouping together o f different things.55 I f different things
are grouped together, the myriad things are all included. Heaven arrays the
myriad things, and the sage observes them closely to discover their proper
category.
The explanation lies in w hat gives Heaven and Earth shape, in w hat
produces thunder and lightning, in the refined essences by which Yin and
Yang create things, and in w hat comforts and pacifies hum ans and wild
beasts.
二曰應同
CHA PTER 2
R E S O N A T IN G W IT H T H E ID E N T IC A L
13/2.1
凡帝王者之將興也，天必先見祥乎下民。黃帝之時，天先見大蟥大螻，
黃帝曰「土氣勝』，土氣勝，故其色尙黃，其事則土。及禹之時，天先見
草木秋冬不殺，禹曰「木氣勝』，木氣勝，故其色尙青，其事則木。及湯
之時，天先見金刃生於水，湯曰「金氣勝 j ，金氣勝，故其色尙白，其事
則金。及文王之時，天先見火，赤烏銜丹書集于周社，文王曰「火氣勝 j ，
火氣勝，故其色尙赤，其事則火。代火者必將水，天且先見水氣勝，水氣
勝，故其色尙黑，其事則水。水氣至而不知，數備，將徙于土。天爲者時，
而不助農於下。
B O O K 13 283
A. W henever an em peror or universal king is about to arise. Heaven is

certain first to manifest good omens to the people below. A t the time o f the
Yellow Sovereign, Heaven first caused giant mole crickets and earthworms
to appear. The Yellow Sovereign announced, cT h e ethers o f E arth are in
ascendance.55Since the ethers o f Earth were ascendant, he honored the color
yellow and m odeled his activities on Earth. W hen it came to the time o f Yu,
Heaven first caused trees and grasses to appear that did no t wither in autum n
and winter. Yu proclaimed, ^The ethers o f W ood are in ascendance.55Since
the ethers o f W ood were ascendant, he honored the color green and m od
eled his affairs on W ood. W hen it came to the tim e o f Tang, Heaven first
caused metal blades to appear com ing forth from Water. Tang proclaimed,
^The ethers o f M etal are in ascendance.55 Since the ethers o f Metal were
ascendant, he honored the color white and m odeled his affairs on Metal.
W hen it came to the tim e o f King Wen, Heaven first caused a fiery-red crow
to appear and alight on the altars o f Z hou, holding in its beak a docum ent
w ritten w ith cinnabar. King Wen proclaimed, "The ethers o f Fire are in
ascendance.55Since the ethers o f Fire were ascendant, he honored the color
vermilion and m odeled his affairs on Fire.
The successor to Fire is certain to be Water. Heaven has again first given
signs that the ethers o f W ater are in ascendance. Since the ethers o f Water
are ascendant, the ruler should honor the color black and m odel his affairs
on Water. I f the ethers o f Water culminate and no one grasps that fact, the
period when it is effective will come to an end， and the cycle will shift to
Earth. ^Heaven makes the season, but will not assist farmers here below.55
類 ( 固 G E > 同1相召，氣同則合，聲比則應。鼓宮而宮動，鼓角而角動。平
地注水，水流溼。均薪施火，火就燥。山雲草莽，水雲魚鱗 2 ，旱雲煙火，
雨雲水波，無不皆類其所生以示人。故以龍致雨，以形逐影。師之所處，
必生棘楚。禍福之所自來，眾人以爲命，安知其所？
I. Xu W ciyu; LSCQ 20/4.1 parallel. 2. F ollow ing Bi Yuan’s reading.
B. Things belonging to the same category naturally attract each other;

things that share the same ethers naturally join together; and notes that are
comparable naturally resonate to one another. Strike the noxzgmg on one
instrum ent and other strings tuned to rheßong note will vibrate; strike the
note jue and other strings tuned to xhcjue note will vibrate. W ater flowing
across leveled earth will flow to the dam p places; light evenly stacked fire
w ood, and the fire will catch where it is driest.
Clouds above a m ountain look like shrubs; above water they resemble
fish scales; above an arid landscape they look like leaping fire; above a flood
they resemble rolling waves. W ithout exception, everything manifests signs
that show m en it shares thé same category w ith that which creates it. Thus,
use the dragon to bring rain, and use a form to pursue a shadow.
Wherever an army has camped, brambles and briars are sure to grow.
The natural occurrence o f fortune and misfortune is considered by the masses

to be a m atter o f destiny, but how could they know its true source?
13/2.2
夫覆巢毀卵，則鳳凰不至；刳獸食胎，則麒麟不來；乾澤涸漁，則龜龍
不往。物之從同，不可爲記。子不遮乎親，臣不遮乎君。（
君 )3同則來，異
則去。故君雖尊，以白爲黑，臣不能聽；父雖親，以黑爲白，子不能從。
黃帝曰：「芒芒昧昧，因天之威，與元同氣。」故曰同氣賢於同義，同義賢
於同（力 G E > 功 4 ，同 ( 力 GE 〉功4賢於同居，同居賢於同名。帝者同氣，王
者同義，霸者同（
力 G E > 功4 ，勤者同居則薄矣，亡者同名則桷矣。其智彌
桷者，其所同彌桷；其智彌精者，其所同彌精；故凡用意不可不精。夫精，
五帝三王之所以成也。（
成齊 )5類同皆有合，故堯爲善而眾善至，桀爲非而
眾非來。《商箴》云：「天降災布祥，並有其職』，以言禍福人或召之也。
故國亂非獨亂也，又必召寇。獨亂未必亡也，召寇則無以存矣。
3. Tao Hongqing. 4. Chen Qiyou; W enziy H N Z parallels.
5. Chen Qiyou; gloss entered into text.
If you overturn birds5nests and break their eggs, phoenixes will not arrive.
I f you cut open wild beasts and eat their fetuses, unicorns will not come. If
you dry up marshes and strand the fish in them , dragons will not appear.
All the ways in which things that agree may coincide cannot be recorded,
yet the son is n ot restrained by his parents, nor the m inister by his lord.
W here there is agreement, they come together; where there is difference,
they part. Thus, although the m inister honors his lord, if he takes white to
be black, it will be impossible for the m inister to heed him. A lthough the
son feels ties o f kinship w ith his father, if he takes black to be white, his son
cannot agree w ith him.
The Yellow Sovereign said: ccSo vast! So limitless! I rely on the majesty
o f Heaven and share w ith the Prim ordial the same ethers.55Hence it is said,
Sharing the same ethers is w orthier than sharing the same ccxle o f
conduct; the same code o f conduct, w orthier than the same accom-
B O O K 13 285
plishments; the same accomplishm ents, w orthier than the same

circumstances; and sharing the same circumstances is w orthier than
sharing the same reputation.
Sovereigns share the same ethers, true kings the same code o f conduct, and
lords-protector the same accomplishments. The diligent， sharing the same
circumstances, lack generosity; and the doom ed, sharing the same reputa
tion, are coarse. The coarser one5s awareness, the coarser w hat one can share;
the m ore refined one5s awareness, the m ore refined w hat one can share.
Hence, as a general principle, realization o f one5s goals cannot be accom
plished except through refinement. It was their refinement that produced
the perfection o f the Five Sovereigns and the Three Kings. W hen the cat
egories arc identical, everything is consistent. Hence,
Yao did good, and everything that transpired was good; Jie did evil,
and everything was evil.
The Admonitions of Shanß say:
W hether Heaven sends dow n a disaster or signals a gcxxi om en,

there is som ething responsible for it.
Hence, when a state is in disorder, it does not merely remain in disorder but
attracts bandits. Were it to remain merely disordered, it w ould n o t neces
sarily perish, but because it attracts bandits, there is no way it can survive.
13/2.3
凡兵之用也，用於利，用於義。攻亂則 ( 脆 G E > 服6 ，（
脆 G E > 服5則攻
者利。攻亂則義，義則攻者榮。榮且利，中主猶且爲之，況於賢主乎？故
割地寶器，卑辭屈服，不足以止攻，惟治爲足。治則爲利者不攻矣，爲名
者不伐矣。凡人之攻伐也，非爲利貝U( 因 G E > 固7爲名也，名實不得，國雖
彊大者，曷爲攻矣？解在乎史 ( 墨 S F > 默 8來而輟不襲衛，趙簡子可謂知動
靜矣。
6. Wang Niansun, Chen Qiyou; parallel 20/4.2. 7. Wang Niansun; parallel 20/2.4.
8. Bi Yuan, Jiang Weiqiao.
The general rule is that the military should be employed for profit and
the moral right. If a ruler attacks the disorderly, they will subm it, and when
they subm it, he profits. If he attacks the disorderly, he acts morally, and in
acting morally, he attains glory. If even ordinary rulers secure profit as well
as glory from acting this way, how much more will the w orthy ruler! Hence,
ceding territory, offering treasured vessels, apologizing humbly, and bow
ing in submission are no t enough to prevent attack. O nly order can accom
plish that. I f a state is well-ordered, those who seek profit will n o t attack it
and those w ho look for fame will no t make ä campaign o f chastisement
against it. As a general rule, attacks and chastisements, if no t undertaken for
the sake o f profit, are assuredly undertaken for the sake o f reputation. I f in
fact a reputation cannot be made, then even though the state is strong and
large why w ould it attack?
The explanation is found in Scribe M o5s coming and the Z hao5s aban
doning the surprise attack on Wei. Viscount Jian o f Z hao can indeed be
called one who knew w hen to move and when to keep still.
三曰去尤
CH A PTER 3
G E T T IN G R ID O F P R E J U D IC E
13 /3 .1
世之聽者，多有所尤，多有所尤則聽必悖矣。所以尤者多故，其要必因人
所喜，與因人所惡。東面望者不見西牆，南鄕視者不睹北方，意有所在也。
In our age those w ho judge frequendy have prejudices. I f a person has
many prejudices, his judgm ents are certain to be fallacious. While the causes
o f prejudice arc num erous, the essential fact is that they inevitably are
grounded in w hat men like and dislike. A person w ho looks east docs not
perceive the western wall; one w ho views things to the south does not
observe the northern direction. Ideas are dependent on location.
/
13 3 . 2
人有亡鈇者，意其鄰之子，視其行步竊鈇也，顏色竊鈇也，言語竊鈇
也，動作態度無爲而不竊鈇也。（
相 G E > 桕 1其谷而得其鈇，他日復見其鄰
之子，動作態度無似竊鈇者。其鄰之子非變也，己則變矣。變也者無他，
有所尤也。
I. Bi Yuan.
There was a man w ho lost an ax and suspected his neighbors son. H e

observed that his walk, his expression, and his words were those o f a m an
B O O K 13 287
w ho w ould steal an ax. Every action and attitude o f the youth betokened
som eone w ho w ould steal an ax. Later, w hen the m an was clearing a ditch,
he found his ax. W hen, on another day, he again saw his neighbors son,
there was nothing in his actions or attitudes that resembled those o f one
w ho w ould steal an ax. It was n o t his neighbors son w ho had changed, but
the m an him self w ho had changed. This change had no other cause than
that he had been prejudiced.
13/3.3
邾之故法，爲甲裳以帛。公息忌謂邾君曰：「不若以組。凡甲之所以爲
固者，以滿竅也。今竅滿矣，而任力者半耳。且組則不然，竅滿則盡任力
矣。』邾君以爲然，曰：「將何所以得組也？』公息忌對曰：「上用之則民
爲之矣。』邾君曰：「善。』下令，令官爲甲必以組。公息忌知說之行也，
因令其家皆爲組。人有傷之者曰：『公息忌之所以欲用組者，其家多爲組
也。』邾君不說，於是復下令，令官爲甲無以組。此邾君之有所尤也。爲
甲以組而便，公息忌雖多爲組何傷也？以組不便，公息忌雖無組，亦何益
也？爲組與不爲組，不足以累公息忌之說。用組之心，不可不察也。
According to an old law o f Zhu, arm or always had to be bound together
w ith pieces o f silk. G ong Xiji said to the lord o f Zhu, aIt w ould be better to
use fasteners. The best way to always make arm or stronger is by filling all
the gaps. Now, in your arm or the gaps are filled, but a m an can use only half
his strength. W ith fasteners, this w ould n o t be so. The gaps w ould be filled,
and the wearer could use his full strength.55
The lord o f Z hu thought that this was so and said, aH o w will you get
the fasteners?”
G ong Xiji replied, aI f their superiors use them , the people will make
them .55
The lord o f Z hu said, “Good.” H e sent dow n a com m and to the office in
charge o f making arm or ordering that fasteners m ust now be used.
G ong Xiji knew that his advice w ould be p ut into effect and so ordered
his entire family to make fasteners.
Som eone criticized him to the lord: ccThe reason G ong Xiji w anted fas
teners to be used is because his family makes m ost o f them .55The lord o f
Z hu was displeased and so issued another com m and to the office in charge
o f arm or ordering that fasteners not be used.
This was prejudice on the part o f the lord o f Zhu. A rm or made using
fasteners was m ore convenient; even though G ong Xiji made the majority
o f the fasteners, w hat harm was there in that? I f fasteners were no t conve
nient, then even if he did not make fasteners, w ould he have benefited?
Thus, whether he made fasteners or n o t was an insufficient ground for re
jecting G ong Xiji5s advice. It was the reason for using fasteners that should
have been examined.
13/3.4
魯有惡者，其父出而見商咄，反而吿其鄰曰：『商咄不若吾子矣。j 且
其子至惡也，商咄至美也。彼以至美不如至惡，尤乎愛也。故知美之惡，
知惡之美，然後能知美惡矣。莊子曰：「以瓦投者翔，以鉤投者戰，以黃金
投者殆。其祥一也，而有所殆者，必外有所重者也。外有所重者，泄蓋內
掘。《
I 魯人可謂外有重矣。
There was an ugly person in Lu. While out his father happened to see
Shang Duo. W hen he returned home, he commented to his neighbor, uShang
D uo does n o t equal my son.55N ow his son was the extreme o f ugliness and
Shang D uo was the extreme o f handsomeness; yet he considered extreme
handsomeness inferior to extreme ugliness because he was prejudiced by
love. Only one w ho knows the ugliness o f beauty and the beauty o f ugli
ness, therefore, is capable o f understanding true beauty and ugliness.
Zhuangzi said, ccPlay for tiles and you soar; play for belt-hooks and you
become combative; play for gold and you are flustered. Although your luck
is the same in each o f the games, the reason you become flustered m ust be
the value you place on external things. Valuing external things makes one
become clumsy w ithin.55The man o f Lu can be called som eone w ho valued
external things.
13/3.5
解在乎齊人之欲得金也，及秦墨者之相妒也，皆有所 ( 乎 ) 2尤也。老聃
則得之矣。若植木而立乎獨，必不合於俗，則何可擴矣。
2. Fan Gcngyan.
The explanation is found in the story o f the man o f Qi w ho desired to

get gold and in the Q in M ohists who were jealous o f one another. Both are
examples o f people being biased about something. Lao Dan grasped the
point. I f like a straight-growing tree you stand on your own and never con
sort w ith the vulgar, how can you improve on this?
B O O K 13 289
四曰聽言
CHA PTER 4
J U D G I N G A D V IC E
I3/ 4 .I
聽言不可不察。不察則善不善不分。善不善不分，亂莫大焉。三代分善
不善，故王。今天下彌衰，聖王之道廢絕。世主多盛其歡樂，大其鐘鼓，
侈其臺榭苑囿，以奪人財；輕用民死，以行其忿；老弱凍餒，夭胯壯狡，
汔盡窮屈，加以死虜；攻無罪之國以索地，誅不辜之民以求利；而欲宗廟
之安也，社稷之不危也，不亦難乎？今人曰：「某氏多貨，其室培溼，守狗
死，其勢可穴也』，則必非之矣。曰：T某國饑，其城郭庳，其守具寡，可
襲而篡之 j ，則不非之，乃不知類矣。《周書》曰：「往者不可及，來者不
可待，（賢 G E > 能明其世 { 者 }1 ，謂之天子。』故當今之世，有能分善不善
者，其王不難矣。〔
分〕善不善本於 (義 G E > 利，（
不 G E > 本 2於愛，愛利之
爲道大矣。夫流於海者，行之旬月，見似人者而喜矣。及其期年也，見其
所嘗見物於中國者而喜矣。夫去人滋久，而思人滋深歟！亂世之民，其去
聖王亦久矣。其願見之，日夜無間，故賢王秀士之欲憂矜首者，不可不務
也0
I. With Chen Qiyou; following the reading of the Hanshu quotation. 2. TanJiefu.
The grounds for judging the quality o f advice cannot but be carefully
investigated. I f it is not carefully investigated, then the good and the not-
good will n o t be properly characterized, and there is no greater disorder
than when the gocxl and the not-gexxi are not properly characterized. Because
the Three Dynasties properly characterized the gcxxl and the not-gcxxl, they
became universal kings. Today the world is in ever greater decline, and the
D ao o f the sage-kings has been cast aside and broken off. Rulers o f the
present are for the m ost part concerned w ith increasing their pleasures and
joys, enlarging their bells and drums, and creating extravagant terraces, pavil
ions, gardens, and parks; this is why they expropriate the resources o f others.
They think nothing o f working their people to death and so stir up their
indignation. The aged and weak freeze or starve to death. The young and
frail, even the robust and vigorous, are exhausted, which will lead to their
death or enslavement. These rulers attack guiltless states in their pursuit o f
territory and execute innocent people in their search for profit. And although
they desire that their ancestral temples be secure and their altars to the soil
and grain n ot be endangered, arc they not placed in even greater difficulty?
Suppose someone were to say, ^There is a certain party w ho has many
goods, the rear wall o f his house has collapsed, and his guard dog has died—
given these circumstances, we can rob him .55People w ould certainly reject
this advice. But if someone were to say: C C
A certain state is starving, its city
walls arc collapsing, and its defensive weapons are few—we should make a
sneak attack and annex it.55People w ould not reject this advice. But if they
do not, then they do no t understand that both actions belong to the same
category.
A Document ofZhou says :
We cannot retrieve those who have gone， nor can we wait for those who
are to come. Thus, the worthy and enlightened person of the age is called
the Son of Heaven.
Accordingly, in our own age, a person w ho has the ability to characterize

the good and the not-good properly w ould surely become king w ithout
difficulty. Characterizing the good and the not-good is rœ tc d in benefiting
and in loving others. H e w ho makes loving and benefiting others his D ao is
great indeed!
W hen a person has been wandering the seas for a full m onth, he is over-
joyed w hen he sees anyone w ho looks familiar. W hen he has been gone a
whole year, he is overjoyed when he sees anything he once saw in the C en
tral States. The longer his absence, the m ore profound his longing! The
people o f our chaotic age have also been long separated from a sage-king.
They hope to see a sage-king, ceaselessly, day and night. Thus, the w orthy
king and the em inent scholar-knight whose desire is to relieve the condi
tions o f the black-haired commoners cannot but strive to help them.
13/4.2
功先名，事先功，言先事。不知事惡能聽言？不知情惡能當言？其與
( 人穀言 G E>. 夫鷇音 3也，其有辯乎？其無辯乎？造父始習於大豆，蜂門始
習於甘蠅，御大豆，射甘蠅，而不徙 ( 人 G E > 之4以爲性者也。不徙之，所
以致遠追急也，所以除害禁暴也。凡人亦必有所習其心，然後能聽說。不
習其心，習之於學問。不學而能聽說者，古今無有也。
3. C h en C han g q i, Tao H o n g q in g , M a X ulun; allusion to Z Z , aQ iw ulun.w
4. W ang N ian su n , C h en Q iyou.
A. Achievement precedes a gcxxl reputation, effective policy precedes

achievement, and good advice precedes effective policy. If a person docs
n ot recognize effective policies, how will he be capable o f judging the quality
o f advice? I f he does n o t understand the true nature o f things, how will he
be capable o f determ ining whether the advice suits the circumstances? Be
tween good advice and the chiq>ing o f fledgling birds, is there a difference
or is there none?
The charioteer Zaofu began his studies w ith Taidou. Archer Pangmen
began his studies w ith Ganying. In driving w ith Taidou and shooting with
Ganying, they did n o t vary from their m ethods and in this way took into
account their ow n natures. Because they did n o t vary, the one was able to
go great distances and chase the quick, while the other could eliminate harm
and prevent violence.
As a general principle, other m en too m ust study their ow n hearts, for
only then will they be able to judge persuasions. W hat you do not get by
studying your ow n heart, study by learning and questioning. From antiq
uity to the present, there has never been anyone w ho did not learn yet was
able to judge persuasions.
解在乎白圭之非惠子也，公孫龍之說燕昭王以偃兵及應空洛之遇也，孔穿
之議公孫龍，翟翦之難惠子之法。此四士者之議，皆多故矣，不可不獨論。
B. The explanation is found in Bai G ui5s criticizing H ui Shi; in Gongsun
Longes persuading King Zhao o f Yan to lay dow n his arms as well as in his
responding to the encounter at Kongluo; in Kong Chuan5s debating w ith
G ongsun Long; and in Di Jian5s show ing the difficulties in the model o f
H u i Shi. Because the arguments o f these four scholar-knights have very
complicated reasoning, they cannot but be independently analyzed.
五曰謹聽
CHA PTER 5
C A R E F U L L Y L IS T E N IN G
13/5.1
昔者禹一沐而三捉髮，一食而三起，以禮有道之士，通乎己之不足也。
通乎己之不足，則不與物爭矣。愉易平靜以待之，使夫自得之；因然而然
之，使夫自言之。亡國之主反此，乃自賢而少人，少人則說者持容而不
極，聽者自多而不得，雖有天下何益焉？是乃冥之昭，亂之定，毀之成，
危之寧，故殷、周以亡，比干以死，諄而不足以舉。故人主之性，莫過乎
所疑，而過於其所不疑；不過乎所不知，而過於其所以知。故雖不疑，雖
已知，必察之以法，揆之以量，驗之以數。若此則是非無所失，而舉措無
所過矣。
In the past, during a single bath Yu once rolled up his hair three times
and during a single meal once arose three times, thereby treating scholar-
knights w ho possessed the Dao w ith ritual courtesy, and coming to under
stand those things in which he himself was inadequate. I f a person comes to
understand those things in which he himself is inadequate, he will not com
pete over external things. C ontented and in a state o f repose, he awaits
knights w ho possess the Dao, causing them to obtain w hat they want. Re
lying on w hat is so, he recognizes them as they arc, inducing them to advise
him as they wish.
The rulers o f d œ m e d states are the opposite o f this. Thinking them
selves worthy, they belittle others. Since they belittle others, those w ho
m ight offer persuasions keep their wisdom to themselves. Those w ho think
too highly o f themselves do no t reach the truth, so even though they pos
sessed the world, w hat benefit would it bring? They confuse dark w ith light,
disorder w ith stability, failure w ith success, and danger w ith tranquillity.
Thus, Yin and Zhou perished and Bigan died because rulers were perverse
and proved incapable o f making plans.
Accordingly, the nature o f rulers is such that none o f them errs w ith
respect to those w hom they d oubt， but they do err w ith respect to those
w hom they fail to doubt. They do n o t err w ith respect to those w hom they
do n ot know, but they do err w ith respect to those w hom they already
know. Accordingly, even though you are n ot doubtful about someone and
even though you already know him, it is necessary that you examine him in
light o f the model, measure him using definite standards, and test him using
the accepted methexis. If you proceed in this fashion, you will not go wrong
in regard to right and w rong and will not err in those you pick and reject.
13/5.2
夫堯惡得賢天下而試舜？舜惡得賢天下而試禹？斷之於耳而已矣。耳之
可以斷也，反性命之情也。今夫惑者，非知反性命之情，其次非知觀於五
帝、三王之所以成也，則奚自知其世之不可也？奚自知其身之不逮也？太
上知之，其次知其不知。不知則問，不能則學。《周蔵〉曰：「夫自念斯，
學德未暮。《
I 學賢問〔
知〕1 ，三代之所以昌也。不知而自以爲知，百禍之宗
也。名不徒立，功不自成，國不虛存，必有賢者。賢者之道，（
牟 LC>瞀 2
而難知，妙而難見。故見賢者而不聳則不惕於心，不惕於心則知之不深。
不深知賢者之所言，不祥莫大焉。
I. Gao Heng, Chen Qiyou. 2. Zhang Binglin, Chen Qiyou.
H o w did Yao obtain w orthy m en in the empire and test Shun? H ow did
Shun get w orthy m en in the empire and test Yu? They made their decisions
simply by listening w ith their ow n ears. They could decide by listening w ith
their ow n cars because they kept to the essential qualities o f their inborn
natures and natural endowm ent. Today those w ho are confused do not
understand that they m ust keep to the essential qualities o f their inborn
natures and natural endowm ents. T he second thing that they do n o t know
is that they should examine the means the Five Sovereigns and the Three
Kings employed to achieve success. H ow then could they personally under-
stand the failures o f their age o r their ow n inadequacies? The highest state
is to know som ething; the next is to know that one does not know it. I f you
do n o t know som ething, ask about it; if you are unable to do som ething,
study how to do it. The Adfnonitions ofZhou say:
If one thinks intentiy upon this, it is not too late to aütivatc Power.
It was by learning from the w orthy and questioning the wise that the Three
Dynasties flourished. A person who does not know but thinks that he knows,
is the progenitor o f every kind o f calamity.
A reputation is no t established by empty exertions, accomplishments
are no t com pleted by themselves, and a state is n o t preserved by n o th in g -
each requires a w orthy person. The D ao o f the w orthy person is difficult to
know, being indistinct, and difficult to apprehend, being subtle. Hence,
anyone w ho sees a w orthy and is not respectful o f him, feels no awe in his
heart. I f he feds no awe in his heart, his understanding will not be deep.
N othing presages greater calamity than not having a deep understanding o f
the advice o f w orthy men.
13/5.3
主賢世治則賢者在上，主不肖世亂則賢者在下。今周室既滅，而天子已
絕。亂莫大於無天子，無天子則張者勝弱，眾者暴寡，以兵相殘，不得休
息，今之世當之矣。故當今之世，求有道之士，則於四海之內、山谷之中、
僻遠幽閒之所，若此則幸於得之矣。得之則何欲而不得？何爲而不成？太
公釣於滋泉，遭衬之世也，故文王得之而王。文王，千乘也：紂，天子也。
天子失之而千乘得之，知之與不知也。諸眾齊民，不待知而使，不待禮而
令。若夫有道之士，必禮必知，然後其智能可盡。
A. W hen a ruler is w orthy and the age is orderly, worthy persons occupy
high positions. W hen a ruler is unw orthy and the age is disorderly, w or
thies occupy inferior positions. Today, the house o f Z hou has been annihi
lated, and the line o f the Son o f Heaven cut off. N o disorder is worse than
lacking a Son o f Heaven, for when there is no Son o f Heaven, there is no
end to the strong conquering the weak， the many tyrannizing the few， and
armies destroying people.
This is precisely w hat the present age faces. Kcnce, if those in the present
seek scholar-knights w ho possess the Dao, let them go throughout the lands
w ithin the four seas, to the m ountains and valleys, and to places faraway and
remote. Perhaps they will be lucky and find them . If they should find them ,
then w hat desire will not be fulfilled and w hat undertaking n o t succeed?
The G rand Duke fished at Zi Spring, living as he did in the age o f Z hou
Xin, Because King Wen obtained the G rand DukcJs services, he became
king. King Wen was the ruler o f a small state w ith a thousand chariots while
Z hou Xin was the Son o f Heaven. The Son o f Heaven missed the o pportu
nity to use the G rand Duke while the thousand-chariot ruler obtained him.
This is because the one recognized his w orth and the other did not.
Now, a ruler can use the masses o f undistinguished commoners w ithout
appreciating their individual w orth, and he can order them about w ithout
observing ritual courtesies. But w ith scholar-knights w ho possess the Dao,
a ruler certainly m ust observe ritual courtesy and appreciate their w orth,
for only then will he obtain the full benefits o f their knowledge and abilities.
解在乎勝書之說周公，可謂能聽矣；齊桓公之見小臣稷、魏文侯之見田子
方也，皆可謂能禮士矣。
B. The explanation is found in Sheng Shu5s persuasion o f the Duke o f
Z h o u —w ho can properly be called “capable o f heeding advice ” ；and in the
audiences Duke H uan o f Qi gave to Lesser M inister Ji and M arquis Wen o f
Wei gave to Tian Zifang—both rulers can properly be called "'capable o f
treating scholar-knights w ith ritual courtesy.55
B O O K 13 295
六曰務本
CH A PTER 6
D E V O T IO N T O T H E F U N D A M E N T A L S
13/6.1
嘗試觀上古記，三王之佐，其名無不榮者，其實無不安者，功大也。
《
詩〉云：『有晻淒淒，興雲祁祁，雨我公田，遂及我私。』三王之佐，皆
能以公及其私矣。俗主之佐，其欲名實也與三王之佐同，而其名無不辱者，
其實無不危者，無公故也。皆患其身不貴於國也，而不患其主之不貴於天
下也；皆患其家之不富也，而不患其國之不大也；此所以欲榮而愈辱，欲
安而益危。安危榮辱之本在於主，主之本在於宗廟，宗廟之本在於民，民
之治亂在於有司。《易》曰：『復自道，何其咎，吉』，以言本無異則動卒
有喜。今處官則荒亂，臨財則貪得，列近則持諫，將眾則罷怯，以此厚望
於主，豈不難哉？
Judging from the records o f high antiquity, all the assistants o f the Three
Kings had glorious reputations and real com fort in their lives. This was
because they perform ed w ork o f great merit. An O de says:
The sky is densely covered,

With rising clouds, thick and ample.
It rains on the public field,
And then on our private lands.
(<SW，“Daya，” “Datian，” Mao 2i2)
All the assistants o f the Three Kings were ä b k to benefit the public good as
well as their ow n private interests.
Assistants to ordinary kings share the same desire for reputation and
com fort as the assistants o f the Three Kings. But w ithout exception they
acquire shameful reputations and encounter personal danger. This occurs
because they have no concern for the public gcxxl. All are concerned that
they are n o t honored in the state, but they do not worry that their ruler is
not honored in the world. They are concerned that their family is not wealthy,
but they do not worry that their state is not large. In this way, the m ore a
person seeks glory, the greater his disgrace becomes, and tJie more he desires
security, the greater his personal danger. The foundation o f security and
danger, glory and disgrace, rests w ith the ruler. The foundation o f the ruler
rests in the ancestral temple. The foundation o f the ancestral temple rests in
the people. And order or disorder am ong the people rests in those w ho
manage official affairs. The Changes says:
Return to following the Dao. What blame could there be in this? G œ d

fortune. (Tijinß^ Hexagram No. 9, wXiaochuw)
This says that if there is no deviation from the proper way o f carrying out
one5s duties, one5s actions will end joyfully.
Now, however, when m en occupy office, they become wild and disor
derly; when they oversee goods, they covet them ; when they are prom oted
into the ranks o f the rulers intimates, they become flatterers; and when
they lead the m ultitudes they are cowardly. Is it n o t indeed difficult to real
ize expectations o f riches from the ruler in this way?
13/6.2
今有人於此，修身會計則可恥，（
臨 V 財物資 ( 盡 L C > 贐 2則爲己，若此
而富者，非盜則無所取。故榮富非自至也，緣功伐也。今功伐甚薄而所望
厚，誣也；無功伐而求榮富，詐也；詐誣之道，君子不由。人之議多曰：
「上用我則國必無患。』用己者未必是也，而莫若其身自賢，而己猶有患，
用己於國，惡得無患乎？己，所制也，釋其所制，而奪乎其所不制，諄，未
得治國治官可也。若夫內事親，外交友，必可得也。苟事親未孝，交友未
篤，是所未得，惡能善之矣？故論人無以其所未得，而用其所已得，〔
用其
所已得〕
3 ，可以知其所未得矣。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Wang Niansun. 3. Chen Qiyou.
N ow consider the case o f a person w ho considers it shameful to devote
himself to keeping accurate accounts. Such a m an will regard governm ent
gcxxls and monies as his own. Were he to be wealthy, he could only have
acquired his wealth by being a thief. Accordingly, glory and wealth do not
come on their own; they are tied to effort and exertion. Now, to claim that
one can expect riches through very little effort or exertion is a lie, and to
claim that one can seek glory and riches w ithout having made any effort is
a falsehocxl. The way o f lies and falsehoods is not followed by the gentleman.
People w ho engage in deliberations often argue that ccif my superior
would but employ me, I could guarantee that the state w ould have no
troubles^ Even if they were employed, they could not guarantee that. It
w ould be best for them to make themselves worthy. I f they have troubles o f
their own, how will the state not suffer troubles if they w ork for it? The self
is w hat one can regulate. To ignore w hat you can regulate and be energetic
B O O K 13 297
in w hat you cannot regulate is perverse. T hat such a person should never
govern a state or manage a bureau is fitting. As for ^serving parents w ithin
and making friends w ithout,55this is certainly som ething that is possible to
accomplish. I f someone is n o t filial when serving parents and n o t depend
able in relations w ith friends, how could one approve o f him, having not
accomplished even this? Thus, one should judge m en, n o t on the basis o f
w hat they have never done, but on the basis o f w hat they have already done.
O n the basis o f w hat they have done already, one can know w hat will they
never be capable of.
13/6.3
古之事君者，必先服能然後任，必反情然後受。主雖過與，臣不徒
取。《大雅 > 曰：「上帝臨汝，無貳爾心』，以言忠臣之行也。
A. In antiquity, those w ho served lords invariably were entrusted w ith
responsibility only after they had dem onstrated their abilities; and they in
variably accepted em olum ents only after they had kept to their essential
natures. Even if rulers made excessively generous oflfers, their ministers would
n o t accept them for doing nothing. O ne o f the Greater Odes says,
The Supreme Sovereign looks over you.

Have no treachery in your hearts.
(•SW，“Daya,” “Darning,” Mao 238)
W ith these words the O de describes the c o n d u a o f a loyal minister.
解在鄭君之問被瞻之義也，薄疑應衛嗣君以無重稅，此二士者皆近知本
矣0
B. The explanations are to be found in the cases o f the lord o f Z hen^s
asking the opinion o f Bei Z han and in Bo Yi5s advising Lord Si o f Wey that
he should n o t stress taxation. These two scholar-knights both approached
an understanding o f the fundamentals.
七曰諭大
CH A PTER 7
IL L U S T R A T IN G T H E G R E A T
I3/ 7.I
昔舜欲旗古今而不成，既足以成帝矣。禹欲帝而不成，既足以正殊俗
矣。湯欲繼禹而不成，既足以服四荒矣。武王欲及湯而不成，既足以王道
矣。五伯欲繼三王而不成，既足以爲諸侯長矣。孔丘、墨翟欲行大道於世
而不成，既足以成顯名矣。夫大義之不成，既有成矣已。《夏書》曰：「天
子之德廣運，〔
乃聖〕
1乃神，乃武乃文。」故務在事 ( 事在 )2大。
I. Chen Qiyou; Kunxuejiwen quotations. 2. Chen Qiyou; dittography.
Formerly, Shun desired to be a standard for antiquity and the present,
but he was n o t successful although he was able to become a Sovereign. Yu
wanted to be a Sovereign but he was no t successful although he was able to
correct odd customs. Tang desired to carry on the example o f Yu, but he did
not succeed although he was able to bring the wild lands o f the four directions
into submission. King W u wanted to equal Tang, but he did no t succeed
although he was able to spread the D ao o f true kingship. The Five Lords-
Protector wished to carry on the example o f the Three Kings, but they were
n o t successful although they were able to serve as chiefs o f the feudal lords.
Confucius and M o Di wanted to practice the Great Way in their ow n ages,
but were n ot successful although they were able to acquire em inent reputa
tions. Hence, even when great ideals are not realized, there is still som ething
that can be realized. A Document ofXia says:
The Power of the Son of Heaven is exercised across a broad cycle,

Sometimes sage-like, sometime spirit-like,
Sometimes martial, sometimes civil.
Therefore, devote your efforts to great goals.
13/7.2
地大則有常祥、不庭、歧母、群抵、天翟、不周，山大則有虎豹熊螇
蛆，水大則有蛟龍鼂鼉鳢鮪。《商書》曰：「五世之廟，可以觀怪；萬夫之
長，可以生謀。』空中之無澤陂也，井中之無大魚也，新林之無長木也，
凡謀物之成也，必由廣大眾多長久，信也。
Because the earth is large, it contains the mountains Changxiang, Buting,
Q im u, Q undi, Tiandi, and Buzhou. Because m ountains are large, they con-
tain tigers and leopards, bears, apes, and m onkeys. Because the sea is large,
it contains scaly dragons, dragons, turtles, water-lizards, eels, and sturgeons.
A Document o f Shcmß says :
In the temple of five generations of ancestors, it is possible to observe cxidi-

ties. With a leader of a myriad of men it is possible to lay plans.
T here are n o ponds in a h ollow , n o large fish in a w ell, and n o tall trees in a
you n g grove. A s a general principle, in laying plans for th in gs that w ill sue-
cced, on e sh ou ld depend o n w hat is large in size, great in num ber, and lo n g
in history because such th in gs arc reliable.
13/7.3
季子曰：「燕雀爭善處於一屋之下，子母相哺也，拘狗焉相樂也，自以
爲安矣。竃突決，則火上焚楝，燕雀顏色不變，是何也？乃不知禍之將及
己也。爲人臣〈能 >3免於燕雀之智者寡矣。夫爲人臣者，進其爵祿富貴，父
子兄弟相與比周於一國，拘拘焉相樂也，以危其社稷，其爲灶突近也，而
終不知也，其與燕雀之智不異矣。故曰：「天下大亂，無有安國；一國盡
亂，無有安家；一家皆亂，無有安身』，此之謂也。故小之定也必恃大，
大之安也必恃小。小大貴賤，交相爲恃，然後皆得其樂。《
I 定賤小在於貴
大0
3. Sun Shuchcng; TPYL quotation.
A . M aster Ji said:
Sw allow s com p ete for g œ d n estin g sites beneath the eaves. M oth er
birds feed their fled glin gs, w h ich co o happily to on e another and
feel them selves secure. I f there is a crack in the stove, the fire w ill
spread up along the rafters; yet w h y is it the sw allow s d o n o t change
their manner? Because th ey are unaware that a disaster is abou t to
overtake them . O fficials w h o are able to avoid being such birdbrains
arc few. T hey advance their titles, em olu m en ts, fortunes, and honor.
Fathers and son s, older and younger brothers form cliques in a single
state, co o in g happily to o n e another, and thereby endanger their
altars to the soil and grain. T hey are unaware o f h ow close they are
to a crack in the stove, and so finally their w isd om is n o greater than
that o f sw allow s. T herefore it is said: aW hen the w orld is in a state
o f total anarchy, n o country is secure; w hen the w h ole country is in
utter chaos, n o fam ily is secure; w hen the w h ole fam ily is in total
disorder, n o individual is secured T his expresses m y m eaning. T he
3〇〇 T H E E X A M IN A T IO N S
settlin g o f the sm all, therefore, invariably depends on the large, and

the securing o f the large inevitably depends on the sm all. Sm all and
large, nob le and base, are connected to each other, for on ly togeth er
w ill they be happy.
H is p o in t is that the settlin g o f the base and the sm all depends o n the h o n
ored and the large.
解在乎薄疑說衛嗣君以王術，杜赫說周昭文君以安天下，及匡章之難惠子
以王齊王也。
B. T he explanations are foun d in the cases o f B o Yi5s persuading L ord Si
o f W ey to use kingly m ethods, in D u H e 5s persuading Lord Z haow en o f
Z h ou to pacify the w orld, and in K uang Z h a n g s refuting H u i Shi w ith
regard to m aking a true king o f the king o f Q i.
Book 14
Book 14 is concerned with self-cultivation, governing the state, and the relationship
between the two. Chapter 1 stresses the role of filial piety. Its characterization of
this virtue as fundamental to self-cultivation and government is reminiscent of the
passage in û ic A nalects (L T y 1.2) in which the prominent disciple Master You says
that athc gentieman devotes himself to the root fundamentals, for when the funda
mentals arc established, the Dao will grow therefrom. Being filial and practicing
fraternal submission arc surely the root of a maifs character” Ghaptcr 2 stresses the
importance of choosing people of talent. It illustrates this with a legendary conversa-
tion between the Shang founder, Tang, and his advisor and one-time cook, Yi Yin.
The latter uses culinary language as a means to convince the ruler of the impor
tance of ""knowing the Dao55and apcrfecting the inner sc lf^ which constitute the
""Fundamental Flavors55to which the tide of the chapter alludes. Chapter 2 is one of
several chapters that may represent the tradition of a Yi Yin school, but different
from the version we find in chapters 3/3 and 3/4. Chapter 3 counsels rulers and
others to ascertain that the circumstances and conditions are absolutely perfect
before acting, then one should strike instantly and boldly.
Chapter 斗一related in form and content to 2斗 /4 below—refers to rewards and
punishments as cchandles,wa definition prominent in H a n fe izi (7 wEr bingw—# 1 ).
The chapter argues that observance of rituals and righteous acts, rather than a record
of achievements, are what the ruler should reward. Chapter 5 puts forth two re
lated theses: that chance and other elements beyond human control and unrespon
sive to human efforts and character play a significant role in the rise or fall of a
regime; and that results, no matter the methods used to achieve them, are what
determine onc5s reputation. The moral pragmatism of this approach to governance
was perhaps placed here to balance or rebut the emphasis on righteousness seen in
chapter 4. Chapter 6 distinguishes between the results of human effort, over which
men do have control, and matters of fate, which lie with Heaven and which men
arc powerless to influence. The chapter points out that, quite apart from their
[301]
good luck5the success of such paragons as Shun，Yu, Tang， and Wu depended on
their own efforts.
Chapter 7 is concerned with the problems of pleasing a ruler. Its contents are
reminiscent of the aDifficultics of Persuasion55chapters of the H a n feizi. The pri-
mary lesson conveyed by this chapter is that the tastes of rulers are completely
unpredictable and arc not based on what a persuader might assume to be reason
able and rational. Chapter 8 has two alternate tides, ^Fundamental Knowledge55
and “Not Encountering^; but the theme， expressed in the last paragraph, is self-
reliance.
一曰孝行
CH A PTER 1
F IL IA L C O N D U C T
14/ 1.1
凡爲天下，治國家，必務本而後末。所謂本者，非耕耘種殖之謂，務其
人也。務其人，非貧而富之，寡而眾之，務其本也。務本莫貴於孝。人主
孝，則名章榮，下服聽，天下譽。人臣孝，則事君忠，處官廉，臨難死。
士民孝，則耕芸疾，守戰固，不罷北。夫孝，三皇五帝之本務，而萬事之
紀也。
As a general principle, in order to govern the w orld and put a nation in
good order, it is necessary to devote one’s efforts first to the root fimdamen-
tals and only then to the nonessential branches. By aroot fundam entals55we
mean n o t plowing and hoeing, planting and cultivating, but seeking the
right men. Seeking the right m en is not a m atter o f enriching those w ho are
poor or giving much to those w ho have little, but working on the root
fundamentals. In working on the r<x>t fundamentals, nothing is m ore prized
than being filial.
I f the ruler is filial, his name will be illustrious, those below will obey
him, and the world will sing his praises. If a minister is filial, he will serve his
lord loyally， manage his official duties honestly, and confront difficulties
even though they m ight lead to his death. If knight-scholars and commoners
are filial, they will tend to agriculture diligently, be stalwart in defending
and doing batde, and never run from defeat. Filial piety is the root fundamen
tal to which the Three August Ones and the Five Sovereigns devoted them
selves; it is the guiding thread that runs through the myriad undertakings.
I4/I.2
夫執一術而百善至、百邪去、天下從者，其惟孝也。故論人必先以所親
而後及所疏，必先以所重而後及所輕。今有人於此，〔
孝敬〕
1行於親重，而
不簡慢於輕疏，則是篤謹孝道，〔
此〕2先王之所以治天下也。〔
先王以孝治天
下。〕
2故愛其親，不敢惡人；敬其親，不敢慢人。愛敬盡於事親，光耀加
於百姓，究於四海，此天子之孝也。
I. Fan Gcngyan. 2. Chen Qiyou.
The person w ho holds fast to one m ethod in order to bring a hundred

good things, w ho expels one hundred bad things, and is followed by the
w orld can only be a filial man. Thus, in judging others, you m ust consider
first how they treat their parents and then how they treat those m ore dis-
tantiy related, first how they treat w hat they regard as im portant and then
how they treat w hat they regard as less im portant. Now, when a person acts
w ith filial respect and strict care tow ard his parents and tow ard w hat is
im portant and when he is n o t lax or lazy tow ard the less im portant and
m ore distant, then he is reliably conscientious about the D ao o f filial piety.
This is how the Form er Kings brought order to the world. Since the Form er
Kings used filial piety to order the world,
the person w ho loves his parents dares no t hate others, w ho respects

his parents dares no t be irreverent tow ard others, and w ho is utterly
loving and respectful in serving his parents will brightly spread his
light upon the H undred Clans and reach to all within the four seas.
Such is the filial piety o f the Son o f Heaven.
14/1.3
曾子曰：「身者，父母之遺體也。行父母之遺體，敢不敬乎？居處不莊，
非孝也。事君不忠，非孝也。蒞官不敬，非孝也。朋友不篤，非孝也。戰
陳無勇，非孝也。五行不遂，災及乎親，敢不敬乎？j
M aster Zcng said, "Tour body is the material form bequeathed you by
father and mother. In using this material form bequeathed you by father
and m other, dare you be disrespectful o f it? A person w ho is undignified at
hom e and rest, disloyal in serving his lord, careless in m anaging his official
duties, undependable with friends, or lacks courage in battle is no t filial. A
son w ho fails to carry out these five kinds o f filial conduct will bring calamity
to his parents. Dare anyone be disrespectful in these matters
14/1.4
《商書》曰：「刑三百，罪莫重於不孝。 j
^Document ofShang says: aO f the punishm ents for the three hundred
crimes, none is m ore severe than that exacted for being unfilial,55
14/1.5
曾子曰：「先王之所以治天下者五：貴德，貴貴，貴老，敬長，慈幼。
此五者，先王之所以定天下也。所謂貴德，爲其近於聖也。所謂貴貴，爲
其近於君也。所謂貴老，爲其近於親也。所謂敬長，爲其近於兄也。所謂
慈幼，爲其近於弟也。 j
Master Zeng said: “The Former Kings employed five methods in govern-
ing the world: honoring the virtuous; honoring the noble; honoring the aged;
respecting those o f senior rank; and being compassionate w ith the young.
It was by these five that the Form er Kings settled the world. The virtuous
were honored because they approached being sages. The noble were honored
because their states approximated that o f the ruler. The aged were honored
because they were almost like parents. Those o f senior rank were respeaed
because they were almost like elder brothers. The young were treated w ith
compassion because they were almost like younger brothers.55
14/1.6
曾子曰：「父母生之，子弗敢殺。父母置之，子弗敢廢。父母全之，子
弗敢闕。故舟而不游，道而不徑，能全支體，以守宗廟，可謂孝矣。 j
M aster Zeng said: ccW hat his parents create, a child dare not destroy;
w hat they set up, he dare no t topple; and w hat they make whole, he dare
n ot damage. Accordingly,
one goes by boat and does not wade, takes the main roads and avoids
shortcuts, and keeps his whole body together to preserve worship in
his ancestral temple.
Such a person can be called filial.55
14/1.7
養有五道：修宮室，安床笫，節飮食，養體之道也。樹五色，施五采，
列文章，養目之道也。正六律，龢五聲，雜八音，養耳之道也。熟五穀，
烹六畜，龢煎調，養口之道也。龢顏色，說言語，敬進退，養志之道也。
此五者，代進而厚用之，可謂善養矣。
For nurturing, there are five types o f the D ao : The D ao o f nourishing
the body is to keep palaces and room s in repair, make beds comfortable,
and m oderate the diet. The D ao o f nourishing the eyes is to set up the five
pure colors, exhibit the five interm ediate shades, and array the green and
red symbols and the red and w hite emblems. The D ao o f nourishing the
ears is to keep the sounds true to the six pitch-standards, harm onize the
Five Tones, and blend together the eight timbres. The D ao o f nourishing
the m outh is to cook the Five Foods thoroughly， steam the Six Meats, and
harm onize their fragrances and flavors. The D ao o f nourishing the inner
m ind is to be agreeable in your expression, cheerfiil in your speech， and
respectful in your gestures. To prom ote each o f these five in succession and
expand their use is properly called c<skill in nourishing.55
14/1.8
樂正子春下堂而傷足，瘳而數月不出，猶有憂色。門人問之曰：「夫子
下堂而傷足，瘳而數月不出，猶有憂色，敢問其故？彳樂正子春曰：1
■善乎
而問之。吾聞之曾子，曾子聞之仲尼：父母全而生之，子全而歸之，不虧
其身，不損其形，可謂孝矣。君子無行咫步而忘之。余忘孝道，是以憂。 j
故曰：身者非其私有也，嚴親之遺躬也。
Yuezheng Zichun injured his foot w hen descending the hall. For several
m onths after he was cured, he w ould n o t go o u t and still had a disturbed
look. A disciple inquired about it. ‘T o u , master， injured your foot when
descending the hall. Yet though it has been cured for several m onths, you
do n ot go o u t and still have a disturbed look. W hat is the reason for this?55
Yuezheng Zichun replied, ccIt is good that you ask about it. I learned
from M aster 2êng, w ho learned from Confucius that
W hat father and m other creates whole, the child returns whole. One
w ho docs n ot harm his body or injure his shape can be called filial.
The gentleman docs no t forget this in walking a single step; but I forgot
the D ao o f filial piety, and because o f this I am disturbed.55
Therefore it is said:
The body is n o t one5s private possession. Be soberly attentive to the

body that onc5s parents bequeath.
I4 /I .9
民之本敎曰孝，其行孝曰養。養可能也，敬爲難。敬可能也，安爲難。
安可能也，卒爲難。父母既沒，敬行其身，無遺父母惡名，可謂能終矣。
仁者仁此者也，禮者履此者也，義者宜此者也，信者信此者也，彊者彊此
者也。樂自順此生也，刑自逆此作也。
The fundam ental teaching for the people is called ^filial piety.55 Filial
conduct on their part is called “nourishing.” W hen ä person has become
capable o f nourishing， acting with strict reverent care becomes the difficulty.
W hen he is capable o f acting w ith strict reverent care, com forting becomes
the difficulty. W hen he is capable o f comforting, persisting to the end is
difficult. A person may properly be said to be "'capable o f persisting to the
end55when after his parents have died, he takes strict care in his personal
conduct so that he will no t give his parents a bad name. Hum aneness means
being hum ane in the practice o f filial piety; observance o f ritual principles
consists in walking the path o f filial piety; morality means acting in a way
consistent with the requirements o f filial piety; trustworthiness is being trust
w orthy in filial observances; and strength means being strong in practicing
filial piety. Happiness naturally is w hat comes from obedientiy practicing
filial piety, and punishm ent naturally arises from disobedience to its precepts.
二曰本味
CH A PTER 2
F U N D A M E N T A L TA STES
14/2.1
求之其本，經旬必得；求之其末，勞而無功。功名之立，由事之本也，
得賢之化也。非賢其孰知乎事化？故曰其本在得賢。
Seek things in their root fundamentals, and in the course o f a ten-day
period you are certain to obtain them. Seek them in nonessential branches,
and no m atter how you toil your search will be fruitless. Establishing a
reputation for accomplishment derives from a foundation o f deeds and from
acquiring the transform ing influence o f the worthy. W ho other than the
w orthy understands the realization o f deeds and transformation? There
fore, it is said, ^ t s foundation is rooted in obtaining the worthy.55
1 4 / 2 . 2
有侁氏女子采桑，得嬰兒于空桑之中，獻之其君。其君令俘人養之。察
其所以然，曰：r 其母居伊水之上，孕，夢有神吿之曰：「臼出水而東走，
毋顧。」明日，視臼出水，吿其鄰，東走十里，而顧其邑盡爲水，身因化
爲空桑。』故命之曰伊尹。此伊尹生空桑之故也。長而賢。湯聞伊尹，使
人請之有侁氏。有侁氏不可。伊尹亦欲歸湯。湯於是請取婦爲婚。有侁氏
喜，以伊尹爲媵送 ( 女 V 。故賢主之求有道之士，無不以也；有道之士求賢
主，無不行也；相得然後樂。不謀而親，不約而信，相爲殫智竭力，犯危
行苦，志懼樂之，此功名所以大成也。〔
功名之成〕
2 固不獨。士有孤而自
恃，人主有奮而好獨者，則名號必廢熄，社稷必危殆。故黃帝立四面，
堯、舜得伯陽、續耳然後成，凡賢人之德有以知之也。
I. Chen Qiyou; commentary entered into text. 2. Chen Qiyou; Gao You commentary.
W hile picking mulberry leaves, a w om an o f the house o f Youshen found

a baby in the hollow trunk o f a mulberry tree and presented it to her lord.
H er lord ordered a cook to raise it. H aving investigated how the baby came
to be in the tree, he said， “Its m other lived on the banks o f the Yi river，
became pregnant, and dream t that a spirit announced to her, <W hen your
m ortar produces water, move to the east and do not look back.5The next
day her m ortar did produce water, and she told her neighbor about it. She
w ent cast ten li and, looking back, saw that her tow n was completely inun
dated. A t that m om ent she was changed into a hollow mulberry. Hence I
order that he be called T i Yin.555This is how it was that Yi Yin was bom in a
hollow mulberry.
H aving heard that Yi Yin had grow n to be a w orthy m an, Tang sent a
messenger to request him from the Youshen house. The Youshen house
w ould n o t agree. Yi Yin for his part wished to join Tang, so Tang asked that
the family grant him a wife in marriage. The Youshen house was overjoyed
and sent Yi Yin as the girPs escort.
Thus, a w orthy ruler always has means at his disposal when he seeks a
scholar-knight w ho possesses the Dao; and there is nothing that a scholar-
knight w ho possesses the Dao will n o t do in seeking a w orthy ruler. Only
when they find one another arc they happy. They are close w ithout plan
ning to be so and trust each other w ithout making any agreement. For the
sake o f the other each uses all his knowledge and exhausts his strength,
confronts danger and endures hardship, and each feels great pleasure and
happiness in the other. This is how a reputation for accomplishment is per
fected. A reputation for accomplishment absolutely cannot be perfected
alone. I f a knight is isolated and relics on himself, or if a ruler is proud and
enjoys his independence, his fine reputation is certain to diminish and be
snuffed o u t， and the altars to earth and soil will surely be gravely endangered.
Thus, the Yellow Sovereign sought worthies in the four directions and only
after Yao and Shun got Bo Yang and Xu Er were they successful. As a general
rule, there are means to recognize the virtue o f the w orthy man.
14/2.3
伯牙鼓琴，鍾子期聽之，方鼓琴而志在太山，鍾子期曰：「善哉乎鼓琴，
巍巍乎若太山。』少選之間，而志在流水，鍾子期又曰：「善哉乎鼓琴，湯
湯乎若流水。』鍾子期死，伯牙破琴絕絃，終身不復鼓琴，以爲世無足復
爲鼓琴者。非獨琴若此也，賢者亦然。雖有賢者，而無禮以接之，賢奚由
盡忠？猶御之不善，驥不自千里也。
W henever Bo Ya played the lute, Z hong Ziqi w ould listen to him. Once
when he was playing the lute, his thoughts turned to M ount Tai. Z hong
Ziqi said, c<H o w splendidly you play the lute! Lofty and majestic like M ount
Tai.55A short time later, when his thoughts turned to rolling waters, Z hong
Ziqi said, uH o w splendidly you play the lute! Rolling and swelling like a
rushing river.55W hen Z hong Ziqi died. Bo Ya smashed the lute and cut its
strings. To the end o f his life, he never played the lute again because he felt
that there was no one in the world w orth playing for. This applies n o t only
to the lute, but to worthiness as well. A lthough a m an is worthy, if he is not
received by a ruler w ith due courtesy, why should he devote his flill loyalty
to him? It is like the fleet-footed horse that will not go a thousand li by itself
when the driver is not skilled.
14/2.4
湯得伊尹，祓之於廟，爝以燔火，爨以犧豭。明日，設朝而見之，說湯
以至味，湯曰：1■可 ( 對 ^ > 得 3而爲乎？』對曰：r 君之國小，不足以具之，
爲天子然後可具。夫三群之蟲，水居者腥，肉獼者臊，草食者羶，臭惡猶 4
美，皆有所以。凡味之本，水最爲始。五味三材，九沸九變，火爲之紀。
時疾時徐，滅腥去臊除羶，必以其勝，無失其理。調和之事，必以甘酸苦
辛鹹，先後多少，其 ( 齊 S F > 劑5甚微，皆有自起。鼎中之變，精妙微纖，
口弗能言，志不能喩。若射御之微，陰陽之化，四時之數。故久而不（弊
G V > 敝，熟而不爛，甘而不噥，酸而不酷，鹹而不減，辛而不烈，澹而不
薄，肥而不服。 j
3. Bi Yuan, Xu Wciyou; TFTL andBTSC quotations. 4. Chen Qiyou reads this as SF for S-
5. C hen Q iyou.
A. W hen Tang got Yi Tin, he perform ed rites o f purgation on him in the
ancestral temple, lighting a bundle o f w ood to eliminate noxious influences,
and smearing him with the blood o f a sacrificial pig. The next day at his m orn
ing court, he gave an audience to Yi Yin w ith due ceremony. Yi Yin spoke to
Tang about perfect flavors. Tang asked, ccCan they be acquired and prepared?55
Yi Yin replied, cT h e small size o f my lord5s state is insufficient to supply
them . O nly after he has become Son o f Heaven can they be supplied. Now,
there arc three tribes o f creatures: the water dw dlcrs， which sm dl fishy; the
carnivores, which smell rank; and the herbivores, which have a fetid smell.
Although malodorous and evil smelling, they can be refined when each is prop
erly used. As a general rule, the fundamental rule in preparing flavors is that
Water is the first ingredient.
For the Five Tastes and the three materials, as well as the nine simmerings
and nine transform ations.
Fire serves as the regulator.
A t times quick and at times slow, it eliminates fishiness, removes rankness,

and eradicates fetidness. One must be sure that while these are overcome, one
Does not lose the inherent qualities of flavor.
In the task o f harm onizing and blending one m ust use the sweet, sour,
bitter, acrid, and salty. The balancing o f w hat should be added first or last
and o f w hether to use m ore or less, is very subtle,
As each variation gives rise to its own effect.
The transform ation w ithin the cauldron is quintessential, marvelous, ex

tremely fine, and delicate. The m outh cannot describe it;
The mind cannot find an illustrative example.
It is like the subtle arts o f archery and horsemanship, the products o f the
mixing o f Yin and Yang,
And the different methods practiced in the four seasons.
Thus, it keeps for a long tim e and does not ruin, is thoroughly cooked but
n o t mushy, sweet but not cloying, sour but not excessively so, salty but not
deadening, acrid but no t caustic, mild but not bland, rich w ith fats but not
greasy.”
「肉之美者：猩猩之脣，獾獾之炙，雋觴之翠，述蕩之拏，旄象之約。
流沙之西，丹山之南，有鳳之丸，沃民所食。魚之美者：洞庭之鱒，東海
之鮞，醴水之魚，名曰（朱 S F > 珠鱉，六足，有珠百碧。瞿水之魚，名曰
鲦，其狀若鯉而有翼，常從西海夜飛，游於東海。菜之美者：崑崙之蘋，
壽木之華。指姑之東，中容之國，有赤木玄木之葉焉。餘瞀之南，南極之
崖，有菜，其名曰嘉樹，其色若碧。陽華之芸。雲夢之芹。具區之菁。浸
淵之草，名曰土英。和之美者：陽樸之薹，招搖之桂，越駱之菌，嬗鮪之
醢，大夏之鹽，宰揭之露，其色如玉，長澤之卵。飯之美者：玄山之禾，
不周之粟，陽山之傺，南海之租。水之美者：三危之露；崑崙之井；沮江
之丘，名曰搖水：（曰 G E > 白6山之水；高泉之山，其上有涌泉焉，冀州之
原。果之美者：沙棠之實；常山之北，投淵之上，有百果焉，群帝所食；
箕山之東，青鳥之所，有甘壚焉；江浦之橘；雲夢之柚；漢上石耳。所以
致之馬之美者，青龍之匹，遺風之乘。非先爲天子，不可得而具。天子不
可彊爲，必先知道。道者止彼在己，己成而天子成，天子成則至味具。故
審近所以知遠也，成己所以成人也。聖王之道要矣，豈越越多業哉 ! j
6. Bi Yuan.
B. aThe finest o f the meats are the lips o f the xingxing ape; the feet o f
the hfMnbuan bird; the fleshy tail o f xhejunyan bird; the paws o f xhtshudan^;
the short tail the maoxiang. West o f the Flowing Sands and south o f Cinna
bar Peak are phoenix eggs eaten by the Wo people.
ccThe finest o f the fish are the perch o f Lake D ongting and the m iniature
fish o f the Eastern Sea; a fish in the Li River called Pearl Turtle, which has
six feet, has pearl-like nodules, and is jadc-colored; and a fish in the G uan
River called the cflying fish,5 which is shaped like a carp w ith wings and
which flies nighdy from the W estern Sea to the Eastern Sea.
uThe finest o f the edible plants are the cress o f Kunlun and the flower o f
the Longevity Tree; the leaves o f tdie Vermilion Tree and the Black Tree that
grow east o f Zhigu in the state o f Zhongrong; an edible plant colored like
green jade, called the "lucky tree,5that grows to the south o f Yurnao, on a cliff
at the edge o f the southern limit; the fragrant cress o f Yanghua; the celery o f
Yunmeng; the kale o f Juqu; and a grass o f Jinyuan called cflower o f the soil.5
cT h e finest o f the seasoning agents are the ginger from Yangpu; the
cinnamon from Zhaoyao; the bamboo shoots from Yueluo; the vinegar made
from zhcinwei sturgeon; the salt from Daxia; the dewy waters from Zaijic,
which have the color o f white jade; and the eggs from Changzc.
ccThe finest o f the grains are the millet o f Dark M ountain; the foxtail
millet o f M ount Buzhou; the panicled millet o f Bright M ountain; and the
black glutinous panicled millet o f the Southern Sea.
"The finest o f the waters are the dew waters o f Sanwei Peak; the well
water o f the Kunlun; the spring named Jade Pond, located on a hillock by
the Z hu river; the stream at W hite M ountain; the bubbling spring high on
the M ountain o f Lofty Spring; and the source in Jizhou.
cT h e finest o f the fruits are those o f tlie Shatang tree; the hundred fruits
eaten by all the Sovereigns, which grow north o f M ount Chang, atop the
Tou Gorge; the sweet berries found east o f M ount Ji, in the nesting place o f
the Azure Bird; the tangerines from the banks o f the Yangzi; the pomelos
o f Yunmeng; and the stone ears from the banks o f the H an River.
ttFor obtaining, these there are such fine horses as the Green Dragon
and the M o u n t that Leaves the W ind Behind.
UA m an w ho has no t first become Son o f Heaven cannot have all these
things supplied him. Since he cannot become the Son o f Heaven by force,
he m ust first know the Dao. The D ao leaves others behind and concentrates
o n the inner self. W hen the inner self is perfected, the position o f Son o f
Heaven is realized. W hen the position o f Son o f Heaven is realized, the
perfect flavors are supplied. Thus, by examining w hat is near, a person may
know w hat is distant, and by perfecting the inner self, he may perfect others.
The Way o f the Sage is restricted to essentials; how could it involve super
num erary things !55
三曰胥時
CH A PTER 3
A W A IT IN G T H E R I G H T T IM E
1 4 /
3 . 1
聖人之於事，似緩而急，似遲而速以待時。王季歷困而死，文王苦之，
有不忘羑里之醜，時未可也。武王事之，夙夜不懈，亦不忘王門之辱，立
十二年，而成甲子之事。時固不易得。太公望，東夷之士也，欲定一世而
無其主，聞文王賢，故釣於渭以觀之。
The sage seems slow in acting but is in fact quick, seems dilatory but in
fact moves w ith haste, because he awaits the right m om ent.
W hen his father King Jili was in difficulties and died from them , it was
a bitter thing for King Wen to suffer, nor did he forget the shame he suf
fered at Youli, but the time was no t then right. W hen King Wu served Zhou
Xin, he worked w ith unrem itting effort day and night, but he did not forget
the disgrace at the Jade Gate. In the twelfth year o f his reign he finished the
m atter w ith the deed o f xhtjiazi day. The right tim e is not easily had. G rand
Duke Wang, a scholar-knight o f the Eastern Yi barbarians, wished to pacify
the whole world but lacked a master. W hen he heard that King Wen was
w orthy， he w ent fishing in the Wei to observe his character.
1 4 / 3 .2
伍子胥欲見吳王而不得。客有言之於王子光者，見之而惡其貌，不聽其
說而辭之。客請之王子光，王子光曰 • . 「其貌適吾所甚惡也。《
I 客以聞伍子
胥，伍子胥曰：「此易故也。願令王子居於堂上，重帷而見其衣若手，請因
說之。』王子許。伍子胥說之半，王子光舉帷，搏其手而與之坐。說畢，
王子光大說。伍子胥以爲有吳國者必王子光也，退而耕于野七年。王子光
代吳王僚爲王，任子胥。子胥乃修法制，下賢良，選練士，習戰鬥；六年，
然後大勝楚於柏舉，九戰九勝，追北千里，昭王出奔隨，遂有郢，親射王
宮，鞭 ( 荆 T A > 楚平之墳三百。鄕之耕，非忘其父之讎也，待時也。
W u Zixu wanted an audience w ith the king o f Wu but could n o t get
one. A retainer spoke about him to Prince Guang, but when the prince saw
Wu Zixu he detested his appearance, w ould not listen to his persuasion,
and dismissed him. The retainer asked why, and Prince Guang replied, aH is
appearance matches exactly what I detest m ost in a m an.55The retainer passed
this on to Wu Zixu, who commented, ^This m atter would be easily resolved
if the prince would be made to remain seated in his hall. From w ithin a
double curtain, I will reveal only my robe and hand. I beg to persuade him
in these circumstances.55 The prince consented. W u Zixu was only half
through his persuasion when Prince Guang lifted the curtain, and grabbing
his hand, he offered him a seat. W hen the persuasion was finished. Prince
G uang was very pleased.
Wu Zixu, believing it certain that Prince Guang w ould gain control over
the state o f Wu, retired and plowed uncultivated lands. After seven years,
Prince G uang replaced King Liao as king o f W u and employed Zixu. Wu
Zixu thereupon reform ed the law code and governm ental institutions,
hum bled himself before the w orthy and gcxxl, selected seasoned knights,
and practiced for battles and attacks. W hen six years had passed, Wu w on a
great victory over C hu at Boju. In nine battles he w on nine victories and
chased those w ho fled him for a thousand li. King Zhao o f Chu fled to Sui
and so W u Zixu t<x>k possession o f the capital at Ying. H e personally shot
arrows at the royal palace, opened the burial m ound o f King Ping o f Chu,
and whipped the corpse three hundred times. W hen previously he was plow
ing, he had n o t forgotten his fathers enemies, but was w aiting for the right
opportunity.
1 4 / 3 .3
墨者有田鳩欲見秦惠王，留秦三年而弗得見。客有言之於楚王者，往見
楚王，楚王說之，與將軍之節以如秦，至，因見惠王。吿人曰：「之秦之
道，乃之楚乎？』固有近之而遠，遠之而近者。時亦然。有湯武之賢而無
桀紂之時不成，有桀紂之時而無湯武之賢亦不成。聖人之見時，若步之與
影不可離。故有道之士未遇時，隱匿分竄，勤以待時。時至，有從布衣而
爲天子者，有從千乘而得天下者，有從卑賤而佐三王者，有從匹夫而報萬
乘者，故聖人之所貴唯時也。水凍方固，后稷不種，后稷之種必待春，故
人雖智而不遇時無功。方葉之茂美，終日采之而不知，秋霜既下，眾林皆
羸。事之難易，不在小大，務在知時。
There was a M ohist called Tian Jiu w ho desired an audience w ith King
H u i o f Qin. H e waited in Q in for tliree years but could n o t obtain an audi
ence. A retainer spoke o f him to the king o f Chu, so he w ent and had an
audience w ith the king o f Chu, w ho was pleased w ith him. H e gave him
the tally o f general o f the army w ith which to call on Qin. After he arrived
there, he had an audience w ith King H ui because o f his office. H e informed
another man, ccHas n o t the road to Q in turned o u t to be through C h u ?55It
is surely the case that the near are put at a distance, and those from far away
get to come near.
The right time is also like this. The w orth o f a Tang or W u w ould never
have resulted in any accomplishment had they not lived in the times o f Jie
and Z hou Xin. Then again, nothing w ould have been accomplished if in
the times o f Jie and Z hou Xin there had been no w orthy like Tang or Wu.
The sage can no m ore be detached from his tim e than a walking m an from
his moving shadow. Accordingly, if a scholar-knight w ho possesses the Dao
docs n o t encounter the right time, he goes into hiding in a cave o f his own
and works diligently while awaiting the right time. W hen that time comes,
some men will go from being a com m oner to becom ing Son o f Heaven,
some men will go from ruling a small state o f one thousand chariots to
taking possession o f the world, and some will go from being low and com
m on to becoming assistants o f the Three Kings. Thus, w hat the sage honors
m ost is time.
W hen frozen water was at its hardest, H ouji w ould n o t plant for he
invariably waited for spring.
Hence, though a man may be wise, if the tim e is no t right, his wisdom will
accomplish nothing.
A t the point when leaves are their m ost luxuriant and beautiful, one
can pick them all day and not be aware o f any depletion. W hen the
frost o f autum n has descended, all the groves are bare.
The difficulty o r ease o f doing som ething has nothing to do w ith its size.
O ne m ust devote one5s efforts to recognizing the right time.
1 4 / 3 . 4
鄭子陽之難，淛狗潰之；齊高國之難，失牛潰之；眾因之以殺子陽、高
國。當其時，狗牛猶可以爲人唱，而況乎以人爲唱乎？
D uring the difficulties caused by Prince Yang o f Zheng, a m ad dog caused
his defeat. D uring those caused by the Gao and G uo families o f Qi, a lost
ox caused their defeat. The m ultitudes relied on them to m urder Prince
Yang and the Gao and Guo. I f at this time a dog and an ox could lead men,
how m uch more could a man have led men!
14/3.5
飢馬盈廏，嗅然，未見芻也；飢狗盈窖，嗅然，未見骨也；見骨與芻，
動不可禁。亂世之民，嗅然，未見賢者也，見賢人則往不可止。往者非其
形，心之謂乎。齊以東帝困於天下而魯取徐州，邯鄆以壽陵困於萬民而衛
取繭氏。以魯、衛之細而皆得志於大國，遇其時也。故賢主秀士之欲憂黔
首者，亂世當之矣。天不再與，時不久留，能不兩工，事在當之。
W hen hungry horses fill the stable, they stay silent while there is no
fodder in sight. W hen hungry dogs fill the kennel, they stay silent while
there are no bones in sight. But as soon as they see bones and hay, these
animals become completely uncontrollable. The people o f a disordered age
stay silent while there is no w orthy in sight. W hen they see a worthy， their
flight to him cannot be stopped. W hen we say they flee to him , it is not
w ith their bodies, but in their minds that we mean.
The ruler o f Qi had himself declared Sovereign o f the East to cause
trouble in the w orld, and as a result Lu was able to take Xuzhou. H andan
B O O K 14 315
used Shouling to cause trouble to its myriad peoples, and so Wey was able
to take Jianshi from it. As small as Lu and Wey were, both were able to get
their way w ith larger states. This is because the tim e was right. Accordingly,
a w orthy ruler o r em inent scholar-knight w ho hopes to rescue the black
haired people m ust take advantage o f the disorder o f the present. Heaven
will n o t give him another opportunity, tim e will n o t remain right for long,
his abilities will n o t be suited to some other task, and his task consists in
taking advantage o f the time.
四曰義賞
CHA PTER 4
PR O PE R REW ARDS
14/ 4.1
春氣至則草木產，秋氣至則草木落，產與落或使之，非自然也。故使之
者至，物無不爲；使之者不至，物無可爲。古之人審其所以使，故物莫不
爲用。賞罰之柄，此上之所以使也。其所以加者義，則忠信親愛之道彰。
久彰而愈長，民之安之若性，此之謂敎成。敎成則雖有厚賞嚴威弗能禁。
故善敎者，（
不）〔
義〕1以賞罰而敎成，敎成而賞罰弗能禁。用賞罰不當亦
然。姦僞賊亂貪戾之道興，久興而不息，民之讎之若性，戎、夷、胡、貉、
巴、越之民是以，雖有厚賞嚴罰弗能禁。郢人之以兩版垣也，吳起變之而
見惡，賞罰易而民安樂；氐羌之民，其虜也，不憂其係縈，而憂其死不焚
也；皆成乎邪也。故賞罰之所加，不可不慎。且成而賊民。
I. Tao Hongqing.
W hen the ethers o f spring have culminated, grasses and trees propa
gate; when the ethers o f autum n have culminated, grasses and trees die.
Som ething external controls propagation and death; they do n o t happen
on their own. W hen the controlling mechanism culminates, everything is
afFeaed. W hen it has no t culminated, nothing can be affected. The ancients
examined closely the means by which they could exercise control, and there
fore everything was pu t to use.
The handle o f reward and punishm ent is a means by which superiors
exercise control. I f they add to their use o f this handle moral considerations,
then the Dao o f loyalty, trustworthiness, devotion to parents, and love is
made manifest. I f it is made manifest for a long time and is extended fur-
ther, then the people become comfortable w ith it, as if it belonged to their
inborn natures. We call this ^discipline that has been perfected.55W hen such
discipline is perfected, then though rewards are rich and restraints strict,
nothing can interfere w ith it. Hence, a master o f discipline is proper in his
use o f reward and punishm ent and so discipline is perfected. N either reward
nor punishm ent can interfere w ith perfect discipline. The im proper use o f
rewards and punishm ents produces corresponding results. W hen the Dao
o f evil, falseness, predation, disorder, greed, and violence arises and flourishes
for a long time w ithout any break, the people fight am ong themselves as if
it were part o f their inborn natures. They become people like the Rong, Yi,
H u , M o, Ba, and Yue barbarians and neither rich rewards nor strict punish
ments can restrain them.
The people o f C hu5s capital at Ying used two boards in constructing
their walls. W u Qi altered this practice but was despised for doing so. W hen
rewards and punishm ents are eased, the com m on people arc content and
happy. W hen the people o f the D i and Qiang barbarians were taken captive,
they did n o t worry that they had been tied up and shackled but were quite
concerned that their bodies w ould not be burned when they died. Both had
become accustomed to heterodox ways. O ne m ust therefore be mindful o f
how rewards and punishm ents are applied. Moreover, success in the w rong
use o f the handles makes criminals o f the people.
14/4.2
昔晉文公將與楚人戰於城贌，召咎犯而問曰：「楚眾我寡，奈何而？j
咎犯對曰：「臣聞繁禮之君，不足於文；繁戰之君，不足於詐。君亦詐之而
已。《
I 文公以咎犯言吿雍季，雍季曰：「竭澤而漁，豈不獲得？而明年無
魚。焚藪而田，豈不獲得？而明年無獸。詐僞之道，雖今偷可，後將無復，
非長術也。《
I 文公用咎犯之言，而敗楚人於城濮。反而爲賞，雍季在上。
左右諫曰：「城濮之功，咎犯之謀也。君用其言而賞後其身。或者不可
乎！』文公曰：「雍季之言，百世之利也。咎犯之言，一時之務也。焉有以
一時之務先百世之利者乎？』孔子聞之曰：「臨難用詐，足以卻敵。反而尊
賢，足以報德。文公雖不終始〔
焉〕2 ，足以霸矣。』賞重則民移之，民移之
則成焉。成乎詐，其成毀，其勝敗。天下勝者眾矣，而霸者乃五，文公處
其一，知勝之所成也。勝而不知勝之所成，與無勝同。秦勝於戎而敗乎殽，
楚勝於諸夏而敗乎柏舉。武王得之矣，故一勝而王天下。眾詐盈國，不可
以爲安，患非獨外也。
2. Chen Qiyou.
In the past, when Duke Wen o f Jin was about to do battle w ith the army
o f C hu at Chengpu, he sum m oned his maternal uncle Fan and asked, ccThe
C hu forces are m any and we are few. W hat do you think I should d o ?55
Uncle Fan replied, ccYour subject has heard that a lord w ho is involved
in the complexities o f ritual formality never gets enough o f civility, and that
a lord w ho is involved in the complexities o f warfare never gets enough o f
deception. M y lord should simply deceive the enemy.55
Duke Wen reported Uncle Fan’s advice to Yong Ji. Yong Ji said, “I f you
dry up the marshes to fish, how could you n o t catch something? But the
next year there will be no fish. If you burn the vegetation cover to hunt,
how could you n o t catch something? But the next year there will be no
wildlife. A lthough the D ao o f deception and falseness w ould be effective in
the present circumstances it cannot be employed a second time. It is not a
far-sighted m ethod.55
Duke Wen followed Uncle Fan5s advice and defeated the C hu army at
Chengpu. W hen he returned, he granted rewards and p u t Yong Ji ahead o f
all others. The duke5s advisors to the left: and right rem onstrated, saying,
^ h e success at Chengpu is due to Uncle Fan5s strategy. O ur lord followed
his advice and yet in giving rewards has put him last. Som ething is w rong!55
Duke Wen replied, cT o n g Ji5s advice w ould benefit a hundred genera
tions. Uncle Fan5s advice w ould work only for a single occasion. H o w could
I p ut w hat w ould w ork only for a single occasion ahead o f w hat w ould
benefit a hundred generations?55
W hen Confucius learned about this, he comm ented: ccTo use deception
in the face o f difficulty is a fit way to repel an enemy. To return from battle
and honor the w orthy is a fit way to recompense virtue. A lthough Duke
Wen did n o t end as he had begun, he was fit to be a lord-protector.55
W hen rewards are increased, people yearn for them more. W hen the
people yearn for rewards, they can be disciplined. I f they are disciplined to
be deceptive, then success will become failure and victory defeat. There have
been many victors in the w orld but only five became lords-protector, and
Duke Wen was one o f these. H e understood how to build on his victories.
Victors who do n ot know how to build on their victories are no different
from losers. Q in was viaorious over the R ong but was defeated at Yao Pass,
C hu was victorious over the assembled Xia states but was defeated at Boju,
yet King Wu succeeded entirely. Thus, with one victory he became king o f the
whole world. W hen a m ultitude o f deceivers fills the state, it cannot be con
sidered at peace. This is because troubles do not come only from the outside.
14/4.3
趙襄子〔
圍於晉陽〕
3 ，出圍，賞有功者五人，高赦爲首。張孟談曰：「晉
陽之 ( 中 G E > 事4 ，赦無大功，賞而爲首何也？j 襄子曰 " 寡人之國危，社
稷殆，身在憂約之中，與寡人交而不失君臣之禮者惟赦，吾是以先之。 j
仲尼聞之曰：「襄子可謂善賞矣。賞一人而天下之爲人臣〔者〕5莫敢失
禮。』爲六軍則不可易。北取代，東迫齊。令張孟談踰城潛行，與魏桓、
韓康期而擊智伯，斷其頭以爲觴，遂定三家，豈非用賞罰當邪？
3. Chen Qiyou; HFZ^ H N Z , S T parallel accounts. 4. Xu Wciyu; H F Z parallel.
5. Chen Qiyou; HFZ， ZfNZparallels.
W hen Viscount Xiang o f Zhao was under siege in Jinyang and broke
through the ring o f enemy troops surrounding him, he rewarded five m en
w ho had perform ed meritoriously, first am ong w hom was Gao She. Zhang
M engtan said, aGao She lacked any great m erit in the affair at Jinyang.
W hy then was he the first to be rew arded?55
Viscount Xiang replied, uM y state was endangered, its altars to the soil
and grain imperiled, and I myself in a critical situation. O f all those w ho
interacted with me, only Gao She did not neglect the ritual proprieties appro
priate to lord and subject. I put him first because o f this.55
W hen Confucius heard about this, he commented: d is c o u n t Xiang can
be called expert in offering rewards. H e rewarded a single man, and the
entire world learned that ministers and subjects should not presume to
neglect ritual proprieties.55
As leader o f the Six Armies, he could not be toyed with. To the north he
took Dai and in the east he pressed Qi. H e ordered Zhang M engtan to leap
over the walls and wade the river. H e plotted w ith Viscounts H uan o f Wei
and Kang o f H an to attack the Earl o f Zhi. W hen he cut off the EarPs head,
he had a winecup made o u t o f it. Finally, he settled matters between the
Three Families o f Jin, the H an, the Wei, and the Zhao. Was n o t his use o f
reward and punishm ent entirely fitting to the circumstances?
B O O K 14 319
五曰長攻
CH A PTER 5
E M P H A S IZ IN G RESU LTS
14/5.1
凡治亂存亡，安危張弱，必有其遇，然後可成，各一則不設。故桀、紂
雖不肖，其亡遇湯、武也，遇湯、武、天也，非桀、紂之不肖也。湯、武雖
賢，其王遇桀、紂也，遇桀、紂、天也，非湯、武之賢也。若桀、紂不遇
湯、武、未必亡也；桀、紂不亡，雖不肖，辱未至於此。若使湯、武不遇
桀、紂，未必王也；湯、武不王，雖賢，顯未至於此。故人主有大功，不
聞不肖，亡國之主不聞賢。譬之若良農，辯土地之宜，謹耕耨之事，未必
收也；然而收者，必此人也始在於遇時雨，遇時雨，天地也，非良農所能
爲也。
As a general principle, for order or disorder, survival or loss, peace or
danger, or strength or weakness to cx:cur, one m ust first encounter the right
circumstances. I f one exists alone and in isolation, these things will not take
place. Thus, though Jie and Z hou Xin were unworthy, they were destroyed
because they encountered Kings Tang and Wu. Their encountering Tang
and W u was attributable to Heaven and no t to their lack o f w orth. T hough
Tang and W u were worthies, they become kings because they encountered
Jie and Z hou Xin. Their encountering Jie and Z hou Xin was attributable to
Heaven and n o t to their being worthies. If Jie and Z hou Xin had no t en
countered Tang and W u, they w ould not necessarily have been destroyed.
H ad Jie and Z hou Xin n o t been destroyed, though they were unworthy,
they w ould n o t be subject to their present ignominy. H ad Tang and Wu not
encountered Jie and Z hou Xin, they w ould no t necessarily have become
kings. H ad Tang and W u n o t become kings, though worthies, they w ould
never have enjoyed their present glory. Thus, a ruler w ho has enjoyed great
success never has a reputation for unworthiness, and the ruler o f a perished
state never has a reputation for worthiness.
It is like the case o f the good farmer. H e chooses the m ost suitable land
and is diligent about tilling and weeding it, but he is not guaranteed a gcxxl
harvest. Yet when he docs have a gcxxl harvest, it m ust first and forem ost be
because the m an happened to plant when the rains were seasonal. Seasonal
rains are attributable to Heaven and Earth and not to anything that the
good farmer was capable o f doing.
1 4 /5 .2
越國大饑，王恐，召范蠡而謀。范蠡曰：『王何患焉？今之饑，此越之
福而吳之禍也。夫吳國甚富而財有餘，其王年少，智寡材輕，好須臾之名，
不思後患。王若重幣卑辭以請糴於吳，則食可得也。食得，其卒越必有吳，
而王何患焉？』越王曰：「善。《I 乃使人請食於吳，吳王將與之。伍子胥進
諫曰：「不可與也。夫吳之與越，接土鄰境，道易人通，仇讎敵戰之國也，
非吳喪越，越必喪吳。若燕、秦、齊、晉、山處陸居，豈能踰五湖九江、越
十七阨以有吳哉？故曰：非吳喪越，越必喪吳。今將輸之粟，與之食，是
長吾讎而養吾仇也。財匮而民恐，悔無及也。不若勿與而攻之，固其數也，
此昔吾先王之所以霸。且夫饑，代事也，猶淵之與阪，誰國無有？』吳王
曰：「不然。吾聞之：「義兵不攻服，仁者食饑餓。」今服而攻之，非義兵
也；饑而不食，非仁體也。不仁不義，雖得十越，吾不爲也。』遂與之食。
不出三年而吳亦饑，使人請食於越，越王弗與，乃攻之，夫差爲禽。
There was a great famine in the state o f Yue. Its frightened king sum
m oned Fan Li to make plans. Fan Li said, wW hy is Your Majesty distressed
about it? The present famine is Yue5s good fortune and W u5s misfortune.
Now, the state o f W u is very wealthy and has an excess o f natural resources.
Its king is young in years, has little learning, and is slight o f talent. H e is
devoted to making his reputation in short term and is unconcerned w ith
subsequent troubles. I f your majesty were to beg foodstuffs from W u by
resorting to expensive gifts and humble words, the food could be had. Once
the food is had, the inevitable outcom e will be Yue5s possessing Wu. So
why should your majesty be distressed about it?55
"'Excellent!55said the king o f Yue, and he forthw ith dispatched an emis
sary to beg food o f Wu.
The king o f Wu was about to grant it when Wu Zixu came forward in
remonstrance: "The request cannot be granted. Because W u and Yue are
states whose lands touch and share com m on borders, whose roads are easy
so that people travel back and forth, they m ust be enemies w ho will fight
against one another. If W u docs not bury Yue, Yue will certainly bury Wu.
In states like Yan, Q in, Qi, and Jin the people live in m ountains and on high
ground. H ow can they cross the five lakes and the nine rivers or traverse the
seventeen defiles to take possession o f Wu? Hence I say, cI f Wu does not
bury Yue, Yue will certainly bury W u.5Now, you w ant to send them grain
and share with them our food. That will strengthen our opponent and nour
ish our enemy. Their resources are running o u t and their people resentful,
worrying that relief will not come in time. It w ould be best not to grant
their request but to attack them instead, relying on the calculation o f fate.
This is how your royal predecessor became lord-protector. Moreover, famines
recur periodically, like the alternation between peaks and valleys in m oun
tains. W hat state is spared th em ?55
The king o f W u said, CCI do not agree. I was taught that one w ho uses
soldiers righteously docs n o t attack those w ho have subm itted, and that
the hum ane feed the starving and hungry. N ow for us to attack those w ho
have subm itted w ould not be a righteous use o f soldiers. For us not to feed
the starving w ould n o t be to em body hum ane principles. I w ould not be
inhum ane o r unrighteous even if it m eant getting Yue ten times over.55C on
sequently he gave them the food.
In less than three years, W u also suffered a famine and sent an emissary
to beg food from Yue. The king o f Yue w ould n o t grant it but instead at
tacked W u and m ade King Fuchai its prisoner.
14/5.3
楚王欲取息與蔡，乃先佯善蔡侯，而與之謀曰：「吾欲得息，奈何？j
蔡侯曰息夫人，吾妻之姨也。吾請爲饗息侯與其妻者，而與王倶，因而
襲之。』楚王曰：「諾。』於是與蔡侯以饗禮入於息。因與倶，遂取息。
旋，舍於蔡，又取蔡。
The king o f C hu wanted to annex Xi and Cai, so first he pretended friend-
ship w ith the m arquis o f Cai and schemed w ith him, saying CCI w ant to gain
control over Xi. H o w shall I go about it?55
The marquis o f Cai replied， ‘T h e Lady o f Xi is my wife’s sister. Let me
have a banquet for the marquis o f Xi and his wife. Your majesty could then
join the party and take advantage o f that to make a surprise attack on them .55
The king o f C hu said, CCI will do it.55Thereupon he together w ith the
marquis o f Cai entered Xi on the pretence o f having a formal banquet. Tak
ing advantage o f being w ith them in the party, he then annexed Xi. O n his
return he lodged in Cai and annexed Cai as well.
1+/5.4
趙簡子病，召太子而吿之曰：r 我死，已葬，服衰而上夏屋之山以望。 j
太子敬諾。簡子死，已葬，服衰，召大臣而吿之曰： r 願登夏屋以望。 j
大臣皆諫曰：r 登夏屋以望，是游也。服衰以游，不可。』襄子曰：『此先君
之命也，寡人弗敢廢。』群臣敬諾。襄子上於夏屋以望代俗，其樂甚美，
於是襄子曰：『先君必以此敎之也。』及歸，慮所以取代，乃先善之。代君
好色，請以其弟姊妻之，代君許諾。弟姊已往，所以善代者乃萬故。馬郡
宜馬，代君以善馬奉襄子。裏子謁於代君而請觴之，馬郡盡，先令舞者置
兵其羽中數百人，先具大金斗。代君至，酒酣，反斗而擊之，一成，腦塗
地。舞者操兵以鬥，盡殺其從者。因以代君之車迎其妻，其妻遙聞之狀，
磨笄以自刺，故趙氏至今有 ( 刺 G E > 磨 1笄之 ( 證 T V > 山 2與「反斗』之號。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Sun Shuchcng.
Viscount Jian o f Z hao fell ill and sum m oned his heir to announce to
him, ccW hen I am dead and buried, you should climb the peak o f Xiawu
wearing your m ourning garments and gaze o u t upon the view.55The heir
respectfully agreed.
W hen Viscount Jian died and had been buried, wearing his m ourning
garments, the heir sum m oned his m ajor officials and announced to them ,
aI intend to ascend Xiawu to gaze ou t upon the view.55
All the great officials rem onstrated w ith him, saying, ^To climb Xiawu
to gaze o u t upon the view is a form o f idle wandering. To w ander idly while
dressed in m ourning garb is impermissible.55
Viscount Xiang replied: aBut this is the com m and o f our form er lord. I
cannot disregard it.55
The assembled officials respectfully agreed. Viscount Xiang w ent to the
top o f Xiawu and from there gazed o u t over Dai, observing the customs
and finding their pleasures very beautiful to behold. T hereupon the vis
count remarked, "This m ust have been w hat our form er lord w anted to
teach m e.55
W hen he returned hom e, he thought about ways to annex Dai. First he
was friendly. The lord o f Dai was fond o f feminine beauty so he proposed
giving him his older sister as a bride. The lord o f Dai agreed. W hen his
older sister had gone, this opened up a myriad o f ways that he could be
friendly w ith Dai. H orse Com m andery in Dai prcxiuced excellent horses.
The lord o f Dai gave Viscount Xiang gifts o f fine horses until there were
none left in H orse Commandery.
Viscount Xiang sent an invitation to the lord o f Dai proposing that he
give him a drinking party. H e had previously given orders that the several
hundred dancers should conceal weapons am ong their feathered banners,
and he had prepared a large metal ladle. After the lord o f Dai had arrived
and was drunk. V iscount Xiang turned the ladle upside dow n and hit him
w ith it. W ith one stroke tiie m an5s brains were splattered on the ground.
The dancers picked up their weapons to fight and killed all o f the lord o f
D ai5s followers. Thereupon he used the L ord o f D ai5s carriage to go to Dai
to receive the man's wife. But when she heard from afar the reports o f w hat
had happened, she sharpened a hairpin and stabbed herself w ith it. Thus,
even now in Zhao there is Sharp H aiq)in m ountain and the expression
“upside-dow n ladle.”
14/5.5
此三君者，其有所自而得之。不備遵理，然而後世稱之，有功故也。有
功於此而無其失，雖王可也。
These three lords achieved w hat they attem pted. A lthough they were
n o t perfect in adhering to proper principles, later generations have praised
them because they were successful. Were one to achieve such successes but
avoid their errors, he could even become a king.
六曰慎人
CH A PTER 6
B E IN G M I N D F U L O F T H E H U M A N
14/6.1
功名大立，天也；爲是故，因不慎其人不可。夫舜遇堯，天也；舜耕於
歷山，陶於河濱，釣於雷澤，天下說之，秀士從之，人也。夫禹遇舜，天
也；禹周於天下，以求賢者，事利黔首，水潦川澤之湛滞壅塞可通者，禹
盡爲之，人也。夫湯遇桀，武遇紂，天也；湯、武修身積善爲義，以憂苦
於民，人也。
T hat one5s accomplishments and name are established as greatness is
attributable to Heaven. This is why it is w rong no t to be mindfixl o f w hat is
attributable to hum an effort. That Shun encountered Yao was due to Heaven.
But Shun5s plowing at M ount Li, making earthenware on the banks o f the
Yellow River, and fishing at T hunder M arsh; the w orlds delighting in him;
and em inent scholar-knights, joining him —these are the results o f hum an
effort. T hat Yu encountered Shun was attributable to Heaven. Yu5s making
a circuit o f the w orld searching for worthies whose service would benefit
the black-haired people, and his dredging and diking o f rivers, ponds,
streams, and marshes so that they w ould be passable—these Yu did com
pletely on his own and are the results o f hum an effort. That Tang encountered
Jie, and Wu encountered Z hou Xin was attributable to Heaven. T an^s and
W u5s reforming themselves, accumulating good deeds, perform ing righ
teous acts, and, because o f their compassion, laboring for the com m on
people—these are the results o f hum an effort.
14/6.2
舜之耕漁，其賢不肖與爲天子同。其未遇時也，以其徒屬，堀地財，取
水利，編蒲葦，結罘網，手足胼胝不居，然後免於凍餒之患。其遇時也，
登爲天子，賢士歸之，萬民譽之，丈夫女子，振振殷殷 1 ，無不載說。舜
自爲詩曰：『普天之下，莫非王土，率土之濱，莫非王臣』，所以見盡有之
也。盡有之，賢非加也；盡無之，賢非損也；時使然也。
I. Following Chen Qiyou*s intepretation.
W hen Shun was plowing and fishing, his w orth or lack o f it were the
same as when he became Son o f Heaven. But because he had no t yet en
countered the right opportunity, he was a laborer w ho devoted him self to
excavating the resources o f the earth and taking benefits from the water. H e
plaited straw mats and tied nets until his hands and feet were calloused, but
he never rested. Only by doing all this did he avoid such misfortunes as
freezing and starving. Then he encountered the right time and ascended to
the position o f Son o f Heaven. W orthy scholar-knights joined him, the
myriad peoples praised him, m en and wom en applauded and cheered, and
everyone honored him and delighted in him. Shun himself composed a
lyric:
All that is under the sky
Is the king^s land.
All within the borders of this land
Are the king’s subjects.
(S如，
“Xiaoya,”“Beishan，”Mao, #205)
This was how he showed that he possessed everything. N othing o f w orth

can be added to possessing everything, and so nothing can be subtracted from
losing everything. Each is the result o f the opportunity that occasioned it.
14/6.3
百里奚之未遇時也，亡虢而虜晉，飯牛於秦，傳鬻以五羊之皮。公孫枝
得而說之，獻諸繆公，三日，請屬事焉。繆公曰：「買之五羊之皮而屬事
焉，無乃〔爲〕2天下笑乎？』公孫枝對曰：「信賢而任之，君之明也；讓賢而
下之，臣之忠也；君爲明君，臣爲忠臣。彼信賢，境內將服，敵國且畏，
夫誰暇笑哉？j 繆公遂用之。謀無不當，舉必有功，非加賢也。使百里奚
雖賢，無得繆公，必無此名矣。今焉知世之無百里奚哉？故人主之欲求士
者，不可不務博也。
2. Sun Shuchcng; TWL/, TPTL quotations.
Before Boli Xi encountered the right time, he fled G uo and was taken
captive by Jin. H e became a feeder o f cattle in Q in and was traded for five
sheepskins. W hen he got Boli Xi, G ongsun Zhi was delighted and offered
him to Duke M u. For three days Gongsun Zhi begged that Boli Xi be
assigned official duties, but Duke M u said, cT o u bought him for five sheep
skins. W ould the w orld n o t laugh if I assigned him official duties?55
G ongsun Zhi replied, cT o rely on worthies and employ them shows the
intelligence o f the lord. To yield to worthies and bow before them shows the
loyalty o f a minister. Your lordship is an intelligent lord, his m inister a loyal
minister. T hat m an is truly w orthy; when all within the borders are submis
sive and enemy states are intim idated. W ho indeed will feel free to laugh?55
As a consequence, Duke M u did employ Boli Xi. T hat nothing in his
plans failed to fit the circumstances exactly and that everything he did invari
ably resulted in success were n o t the result o f increased worthiness. If Boli
Xi, however w orthy he m ight have been, had no t found Duke M u, he abso
lutely w ould n o t today have this reputation. H ow do we know that now
there is n o t another Boli Xi in the world? Thus, a ruler w ho wants to seek
scholar-knights cannot fail to look broadly.
14/6.4
孔子窮於陳、蔡之間，七日不嘗食，藜羹不糝。宰予 (備 S F > 憊 3矣，孔
子弦歌於室，顏回擇菜於外。子路與子貢相與而言曰：「夫子〔
再〕4逐於魯，
削跡於衛，伐樹於宋，窮於陳、蔡，殺夫子者無罪，藉夫子者不禁，夫子
弦歌鼓舞，未嘗絕音，蓋君子之無所醜也若此乎？《
I 顏回無以對，入以吿
孔子。孔子僦然推琴，喟然而歎曰：『由與賜，小人也。召，吾語之。J 子
路與子貢入。子貢曰：^如此者可謂窮矣。《
I 孔子曰：「是何言也？君子達
於道之謂達，窮於道之謂窮。今丘也拘仁義之道，以遭亂世之患，〔
固〕5其
所也，何窮之謂？故內省而不疚於道，臨難而不失其德。大寒既至，霜雪
既降，吾是以知松柏之茂也。昔桓公得之莒，文公得之曹，越王得之會稽。
陳、蔡之阨，於丘其幸乎！』孔子烈然返瑟而弦，子路抗然執干而舞。子
貢曰：「吾不知天之高也，不知地之下也。』古之得道者，窮亦樂，達亦
樂。所樂非窮達也，道得於此，則窮達一也，爲寒暑風雨之序矣。故許由
虞乎潁陽，而共伯得乎共首。
3. Gao You. 4. Chen Qiyou; Z Z parallels. 5. Chen Qiyou.
Confucius was in such straits between Chen and Cai that there was one
period when for seven days he had eaten nothing except a broth o f brambles
w ith n ot a piece o f m eat in it. Zai Yu was utterly listless and Confucius,
strum m ing his lute, sang in his room . Yan H ui picked edible vegetation
outside, and Zilu together w ith Zigong joined him there and spoke w ith
him, "The master has twice been chased from Lu, has had to cover his tracks
in Wey, has had a tree cut dow n on him in Song, and has now become
completely blocked here between Chen and Cai. For som eone to m urder
our master w ould n o t be a crime, for he is outside the protection o f the law.
Yet he strums his lute, sings, plays the drum ， and dances， never letting the
music stop. Can a gentiem an really be so lacking in shame as this?w
Yan H ui, having no answer, w ent in and told Confucius w hat they had
said. Frowning, Confucius pushed away the lute. W ith a deep sigh, he said,
<cYu and Si are petty m en. Sum m on them and I will talk w ith them .55
Zilu and Zigong entered, and the latter said, ccBeing reduced to our
present circumstances can properly be called getting now here.55
Confucius replied, wW hat is that supposed to mean? For a gentlem an to
gain access to everything w ith the D ao is called cmaking headway,5 and to
make no headway w ith the D ao is called ^getting now here.5 N ow I, Q iu,
have held to the Way o f hum anity and justice and on account o f this have
m et w ith the troubles o f a disordered age. W hat indeed has any o f that to
do w ith getting nowhere? I assure you that in examining myself, I am in no
way deficient in the D ao and in confronting difficulties, have n o t lost the
Power that is in me. It is when the great cold has already culm inated and
the frost and snow have fallen that I know the pines and cypresses are flour
ishing. Just as in the past, when Duke H uan found it at Ju, Duke Wen in
Cao, and the king o f Yue at Kuaiji, the defiles o f Chen and Cai surely hold
promise o f good fortune for m e!”
Conflicius ardently returned to his lute and strum m ed it， Zilu excitedly
picked up his shield and danced, while Zigong exclaimed, CCI did n o t know
the height o f Heaven nor the depth o f E arth.55
The ancients w ho had grasped the Dao were happy w hether they made
headway or got nowhere, for their happiness had nothing to do w ith failure
or success. W hen the D ao is grasped, failure and success arc one and the
same, just like the alternation o f cold and heat, wind and rain. Thus, Xu You
enjoyed himself on the north bank o f the Ying and the Earl o f G ong was
satisfied w ith M ount G ongshou.
B O O K 14 327
七曰遇合
CHA PTER 7
O N “E N C O U N T E R IN G ” A N D “C O IN C ID IN G
14/7.1
凡遇，合也。時不合，必待合而後行。故比翼之鳥死乎木，比目之魚死
乎海。孔子周流海內，再干世主，如齊至衛，所見八十餘君，委質爲弟子
者三千人，達徒七十人，七十人者，萬乘之主得一人用可爲師，不爲無人，
以此游僅至於魯司寇，此天子之所以時絕也，諸侯之所以大亂也。亂則愚
者之多幸也，幸則必不勝其任矣。任久不勝，則幸反爲禍。其幸大者，其
禍亦大，非禍獨及己也。故君子不處幸，不爲苟，必審諸己然後任，任然
後動。
As a general principle, "'encountering55requires ""coinciding.55W hen the
opportunity does n o t ""coincide55w ith the person, it is necessary for him to
wait another opportunity that does '"coincide55before he acts. Thus,
The shared-wing bird dies w hen in trees; the shared-eye fish dies in
the sea.
Confticius drifted through all the lands within the seas seeking one ruler
after another. Traveling from Q i to Wey, he saw m ore than eighty lords.
Three thousand men offered gifts to become his disciples, seventy o f whom
became accomplished followers. O f these seventy, only one was employed
by a ruler o f a state o f ten thousand chariots to be his tutor. It is not because
there were no men. W ith this wandering search, Confucius was only able to
reach the position o f minister o f crime in Lu. This is why the age o f the Son
o f Heaven has ended and the feudal lords are in such great disorder.
W hen there is disorder, the stupid enjoy great favor. W hen they are
favored, they will certainly not fulfill their responsibilities. I f responsibil
ities are n o t fulfilled for a long time, then the favor reverses and becomes
disaster. Those w ho enjoy great favor suffer disaster that is equally as great.
And it is n o t that they alone suffer disaster. Accordingly, the gentieman
does n ot depend on gaining favor and does nothing that happens by mere
fortuity. Only after he has been certain to examine his own capabilities does
he accept responsibility, and he acts only when he has been assigned the
responsibility.
1 4 /7 .2
凡能聽說者，必達乎論議者也。世主之能識論議者寡，所遇惡得不苟？
凡能聽音者，必達於五聲。人之能知五聲者寡，所善惡得不苟？客有以吹
籟見越王者，羽角宮徵商不繆，越王不善，爲野音而反善之。說之道亦有
如此者也。
As a general principle, a person capable o f judging persuasions m ust be
accomplished in discoursing and debating. Since there are so few rulers o f
the present age w ho are capable o f assessing tliose w ho discourse, w ould it
n o t be a fluke if a person encountered one? As a general principle, a person
capable o f judging music m ust be skilled in the Five Tones. But since so few
m en are capable o f recognizing the Five Tones, w ould it be a fluke if any
one o f them was expert at it?
A retainer played the flute to get an audience w ith the king o f Yue. H e
played xhtyujueông^ zhi^ and shang notes w ithout error, but the king o f
Yue did not like it; however, when he performed uncultivated music instead,
the king enjoyed it. The D ao o f persuasion presents similar problems.
14/ 7.3
人有爲人妻者。人吿其父母曰：「嫁不必 ( 生 G E > 成 1也。衣器之物，可
外藏之，以備不生。《
I 其父母以爲然，於是令其女常外藏。姑蚣知之，曰：
「爲我婦而有外心，不可畜。』因出之。婦之父母，以謂爲己謀者 ( 以)2爲
忠，終身善之，亦不知所以然矣。宗廟之滅，天下之失，亦由此矣。故曰遇
合也無常。說，適然也。若人之於色也，無不知說美者，而美者未必遇也。
故嫫母執乎黃帝，黃帝曰：「厲女德而弗忘，與女正而弗衰，雖惡奚
傷？《
I 若人之於滋味，無不說甘脆，而甘脆未必受也。文王嗜昌蒲菹，孔
子聞 ( 而服 ) 3之，縮頦而食之，三年然後勝之。人有大臭者，其親戚兄弟妻
妾知識無能與居者，自苦而居海上。海上人有說其臭者，晝夜隨之而弗能
去。說亦有若此者。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou. 3. Sun Shuchcng; BTSC^ TFTL quotations.
A man told the parents o f a new wife, UA wife does no t always fulfill the
expectation o f having children, so she should store some clothing and uten
sils outside her hom e to prepare against no t having children.55 The girl^s
parents thought this advice correct and so ordered their daughter to make
it a habit to hide things for herself outside her home. W hen her in-laws
learned o f this, they said, uShe came to us as a wife, and yet her heart belongs
to some outside interest. We should n o t take care o f her.55They thereupon
threw her out. The girFs parents regarded the one w ho had counseled them
as loyal, and for the rest o f their lives were good to him. They never under
stood the reason things had turned o u t as they had.
The destruction o f ancestral temples and the loss o f the world have similar
causes. Thus, it is said:
There are no constant principles in “encountering5’ and “coinciding•”

Pleasing others is a m atter o f happenstance.
It is like the case o f hum an attraction to beauty. Everyone understands that

while men are pleased by beauty, those w ho are beautiful are not guaranteed
an opportunity to please. Thus, M om u upheld the principles o f the Yellow
Sovereign. The Yellow Sovereign said, CCI urged you to be virtuous, and you
have no t ignored this. I have given you the correct principles, and you have
n o t strayed. T hough you are ugly, w hat harm is there in it?55
It is like the case o f the hum an attraction for rich flavors. Everyone likes
w hat is sweet and crisp, but that does n o t mean that they will accept w hat is
sweet and crisp when it is offered to them . King Wen enjoyed pickled cala
mus. W hen Confucius learned this, he wrinkled his nose and tried them . It
took him three years to be able to endure them! There was som eone w ho
gave off a terrible stink. H is parents, brothers, wives, and acquaintances
could n o t stand to be w ith him. Feeling bitter about his situation, he moved
to the sea, where the people were delighted by his cxior. They followed him
day and night and were unable to leave him. The art o f persuasion presents
similar problems.
1斗 /7•斗
陳有惡人焉，曰敦洽讎糜，椎 4顙廣顏，色如浹賴，垂眼臨鼻，長肘而
盩。陳侯見而甚說之，外使治其國，內使制其身。楚合諸侯，陳侯病不能
往，使敦洽讎糜往謝焉。楚王怪其名而先見之。（
客有進狀 G E > 客進，狀 5
有惡其名，言有惡狀，楚王怒，合大夫而吿之，曰： 4 東侯不知其不可使，
是不知也；知而使之，是侮也；侮且不智，不可不攻也。』興師伐陳，三
月然後喪。惡足以駭人，言足以喪國，而友之足於陳侯而無上也，至於亡
而友不衰。夫不宜遇而遇者則必廢，宜遇而不遇者，此國之所以亂，世之
所以衰也。天下之民，其苦愁勞務從此生。凡舉人之本，太上以志，其次
以事，其次以功。三者弗能，國必殘亡，群孽大至，身必死殃，年得至七
十、九十猶尙幸。賢聖之後，反而孽民，是以賊其身，豈能獨哉？
4. Following Bi Yuan's text. 5. Tan Jicfu, Yang Shuda.
In Chen there was an ugly m an called D unqia Choum i, whose name
m eant Generous, H arm onious, and Quarrels w ith N o One. The top o f his
head was pointed, his forehead was too wide, his complexion lcx>ked like it
had been dyed red, his droopy eyes looked dow n his nose, and his arms
were so long, they reached dow n to his thighs. The marquis o f Chen gave
him an audience, was overjoyed, and had him govern his state w ithout and
help regulate his inner personal development.
W hen C hu assembled the feudal lords， the marquis o f C hen， being ill，
was unable to attend, so he sent D unqia Choum i to offer his apologies. The
king o f C hu marveled at his odd name, so he gave him the first audience.
W hen the retainer advanced, his appearance was uglier than his name sug
gested, and his discourse was even uglier than his looks. The king o f Chu,
infuriated, gathered his grand officers and announced: uI f the marquis o f
Chen did n o t know that such a person should no t be an emissary, he is a
fool. I f he knew but sent him anyway, he was careless. Careless m en w ho are
fools as well m ust be attacked.55H e raised an army and attacked Chen, and
three m onths later the state perished. D unqia C houm i’s ugliness was great
enough to frighten men, and his words brought about the downfall o f a
state, yet he could n o t have been befriended m ore than he was by the m ar
quis o f Chen. Even to death his friendship did n o t wane.
W hen those w ho should no t encounter favorable opportunities do^ the
state invariably collapses. W hen those who should encounter favorable oppor
tunities do not, it causes the state to fall into anarchy, the age to decline,
and the people o f the w orld to endure bitter suffering and onerous labors.
As a general principle, the fundam ental grounds for making prom otions
are, first o f all, the candidate^ goals; after that, their policies; after that,
their physical efforts. If a ruler is incapable o f distinguishing between these
three, his state will surely fall into ruin, a host o f calamities will overwhelm
him, and he himself will certainly suffer the m isfortune o f death. Those
w ho survive to be seventy or ninety are very lucky. The descendants o f the
worthies and sages w ho renounce their ancestors bring calamities to their
peoples and thus bring harm to themselves. H ow could they be the only
ones to suffer?
B O O K 14 331
八曰必己
CHA PTER 8
B E IN G C E R T A IN O F O N E S E L F
14/8.1
外物不可必，故龍逄誅，比干戮，箕子狂，惡來死，桀、紂亡。人主莫
不欲其臣之忠，而忠未必信，故伍員流乎江，萇弘死，藏其血三年而爲碧。
親莫不欲其子之孝，而孝未必愛，故孝己疑，曾子悲。
External things cannot be counted on. Thus, Longpang was executed,
Bigan was slain, the Viscount o f Ji feigned madness, Wulai died, and Jie
and Z hou Xin perished. All rulers w ant their subjects to be loyal, but loyal
subjects are n o t always trusted. Thus, W u Yun5s body floated in the Yangzi,
and w hen Chang Hong^s blood was stored away, in three years it turned
into green jade. All parents w ant their sons to be filial， but filial sons are not
always loved. Thus, Filial Ji was suspected, and M aster Zeng had cause to
grieve.
14/8.2
莊子行於山中，見木甚美，長大，枝葉盛茂，伐木者止其旁而弗取，問
其故，曰：『無所可用。』莊子曰： r 此以不材得終其天年矣。j 出於山，
及邑，舍故人之家。故人喜，具酒肉，令豎子爲殺臈饗之。豎子請曰：「其
一臈能鳴，一臈不能鳴，請奚殺？j 主人之公曰：「殺其不能鳴者。j 明
曰，弟子問於莊子曰：「昔者山中之木以不材得終天年，主人之臈以不材
死，先生將何以處？《
I 莊子笑曰：『周將處於材、不材之間。材、不材之
間，似之而非也，故未免乎累。《
I 若夫道德則不然：無訝無訾，一龍一蛇，
與時倶化，而無肯專爲；一上一下，以禾爲量，而浮游乎萬物之祖，物物
而不物於物，則胡可得而累？此神農、黃帝之所法。若夫萬物之情、人倫
之傳則不然：成則毀，大則衰，廉則到，尊則虧，直則骱，合則離，愛則
隳，多智則謀，不肖則欺，胡可得而必？j
W hen Zhuangzi was walking in the m ountains, he saw a huge, beauti
ful tree, its branches and leaves full and thick. A w oodcutter stopped by it
but did n o t select it. Zhuangzi asked why and was told, uTherc is nothing
for which it could be used.55Zhuangzi com m ented, ccW hat is worthless will
live o u t the years Heaven has given it.w
W hen he came out o f the m ountains and arrived in a tow n, he stopped
for the night at the hom e o f an old acquaintance. The friend, delighted,
served liquor and m eat. H e ordered a you th to kill a g o o se for their ban
quet. ccO ne g o o se can honk and the other cannot,55said the you th . aW hich
on e sh ou ld I kill?55 O ne o f the h o sfs elders said, ccK ill the o n e that cannot
honk.55
T he next day a disciple asked Z huangzi, "'Earlier, th e tree in the m ou n
tains survived because it had n o value. O ur host^s g o o se died because it had
n o value. W hich p o sitio n w ou ld the m aster rather be in?55
Z huangzi laughed and said, aI w ou ld rather be som ew here betw een
having and n o t having value. B ut being betw een having and n o t having
value, th ou gh it seem s a g o o d place, is n o t, because y ou cannot avoid com
plications even there.
“A s for ‘the D ao and its Power，’ they are n o t like this.
Neither praised nor cursed.

Now a dragon, now a serpent.
Transforming with the times,
Never willing to act alone.
O nce up, on ce d ow n , taking harm ony as the m easure, floatin g and drifting
to the ancestor o f the ten tliousand th in gs, treating th in gs as th in gs, but
n o t being treated as a th in g by th in g s—h ow can you g et entangled? T his
was w hat S h en n on g and the Y ellow Sovereign m ade their m odel.
ccA s for cthe circum stances o f the ten thousand thin gs and the codes o f
conduct handed d ow n from m an to man,5they are n o t like this.
Whatever is complete begins its decay.

What is great will collapse;
Honesty's sharp edges arc blunted.
Those in honored positions are criticized.
Make something straight, and it will bend;
Join it with something, and they soon separate.
Love it, and it is abandoned.
T oo o ften , the w ise are p lotted against and th e stu pid deceived , so h o w can
anything be guaranteed?55
14/8.3
牛缺 (居 G E > 者 1上地〔
之〕1大儒也，下之邯鄆，遇盜於耦沙之中。盜求
其棄中之載則與之，求其車馬則與之，求其衣被則與之。牛缺 (出 G E > 步2
而去。{視之歡然無憂吝之色。盜追而問其故。曰.•「君子不以所養害其所
養。 j }盜旧 " 嘻 ! 賢矣夫！』既而 P 相謂曰：「此天下之顯人也，今辱之
如此，此必想我於萬乘之主，萬乘之主必以國誅我，我必不生，不若相與
追而殺之，以滅其跡。』於是相與趨之，行三十里，及而殺之。此以知故
也。孟賁過於河，先其五，船人怒，而以楫 ( 虓 L C > 敲4其頭，顧不知其孟
賁也。中河，孟賁瞋目而視船人，髮植，目裂，鬢指，舟中之人盡揚播入
於河。使船人知其孟賁，弗敢直視，涉無先者，又況於辱之乎？此以不知
故也。知與不知，皆不足恃，其惟和調近之。猶未可必，蓋有不辨和調者，
則和調有不免也。宋桓司馬有寶珠，抵罪出亡。王使人問珠之所在，曰「投
之池中」，於是竭池而求之，無得，魚〔
盡〕5死焉。此言禍福之相及也。紂
爲不善於商，而禍充天地，和調何益。
I. Chen Qiyou; Liezi parallel. 2. Tao Hongqing; Liezi parallel. 3. Added fromLiezi parallel.
斗•Ma Xulun， Zhu Junsheng; Karlgren, #389.
5. Jiang Weiqiao, Chen Qiyou; TWLJ quotation.
N iu Q ue was a great Ru from the highlands. W hen going dow n to

H andan, he encountered bandits on the Ousha. The bandits demanded what
he was carrying in his sack, and he gave it to them. They dem anded his
carriage and horses, and he handed them over. They dem anded his robes
and coverlets, and he handed them over. W hen N iu Q ue left on foot, the
bandits noticed that he seemed content and showed no sign o f anxiety or
regret. The bandits ran after him to ask why.
H e said, aA gentlem an does n o t risk his life for mere possessions that
are supposed to nurture life.55
The bandits said, wAh, w hat a w orthy he is !55But afterward they talked it
over, saying, aH e is one o f the w orld5s m ost em inent men. N ow that we
have shamed him this way, he is bound to report us to a lord o f a ten thousand
chariot state, w ho will undoubtedly use the power o f his state to punish us.
We will surely die. It: w ould be best for us to form a group to go after him
and kill him and thus erase any trace o f him.55
They thereupon form ed a group to run after him, and after going thirty
li they caught up w ith him and killed him. This happened because he was
recognized.
M eng Ben was crossing the Yellow River. W hen he w ent to the head o f
a file o f five men, the ferryman, angered, struck him on the head w ith his
oar, n ot recognizing that he was M eng Ben. Having fallen in the river. M eng
Ben fixed his stare on the ferryman, his hair standing on end, his eyes nar
rowed into slits, and his sideburns sticking straight out. All the people in
the boat jum ped into the river, thus causing the ferryman to recognize that
he was M eng Ben and n o t to dare to lcx>k at him directly. N one o f those
crossing w ould dare get ahead o f him, much less shame him! This hap
pened because he was not recognized.
N either being recognized nor n o t being recognized are sufficiently reli
able; being harm onious and agreeable comes closer, yet even that cannot
guarantee safety. Even if there is no separation between harm onious and
agreeable, they do not allow escape from danger. H uan Tui, director o f the
horse in Song, owned a valuable pearl. H e com m itted a serious offence and
fled the state. The king sent someone to inquire about the pearPs location,
and he said, C<I tossed it into the pond.55H earing this, the king had the pond
drained to search for it; but it could no t be found, and all the fish died
because o f it. This describes how good and bad fortune entail each other.
W hen Z hou Xin com m itted evil deeds in Shang, bad fortune filled the
Heaven and Earth. W hat gcxxl w ould it have done to be harm onious and
agreeable?
14/8.4
張毅好恭，〔見〕6門閭帷薄聚 ( 居 )6眾無不趨，輿隸姻媾小童無不敬，以
定其身，不終其壽，內熱而死。單豹好術，離俗棄 ( 塵 T V > 世7 ，不食穀
實，不衣芮溫，身處山林巖堀，{行年七十而猶有嬰兒之色，}8以全其生，
不盡其年，而虎食之。孔子行道而息，馬逸，食人之稼，野人取其馬。子
貢請往說之，畢辭，野人不聽。有鄙人始事孔子者曰請往說之。因謂野人
曰：「子 ( 不 )9耕於東海 ( 吾不耕於 G E > 至9西海也。吾馬何得不食子之禾？
j ( 其 )io野人大說，相謂曰：「說亦皆如此其辯也，獨如嚮之人？』解馬而
與之。說如此其無方也而猶行，外物豈可必哉？
6. Xu Wciyu; HNZ parallel. 7. Chen Qiyou. 8. Added fromZZ andHNZ parallels.
9. Textual co rru p tio n , follow ing th e WX q u o ta tio n an d HNZ parallel. 10. C hen Q iyou.
Zhang Yi was fond o f showing respect. If he saw anyone approaching

when he looked through his gate or from behind a drawn curtain, he w ould
jum p up respectfully. Slaves, his wife5s relatives, even children were all treated
by him w ith the strictest respect. H e thought thereby to give himself security.
Yet he did n o t live to an old age but developed an internal fever and died.
Shan Bao was fond o f magical techniques. H e avoided the vulgar crowd
and detached himself from his age. H e w ould no t eat grains or fruit, or
wear comfortable and warm clothes, but lived in a cave in the m ountain
forests. H e did this for seventy years and still had the complexion o f a small
child. H e used these means to keep intact the natural span o f his life, but he
did n o t use up all his allotted years, for he was eaten by tiger.
BOOK 14 335
Confucius was resting from his travels w hen his horse got away and
began eating the grain o f another man. An uncouth native captured the
horse. Zigong asked that he be allowed to go and persuade the man to
return it. Z igong used up all his fine phrases, but the uncouth native would
n o t listen. There was a provincial individual w ho had begun his studies
w ith Confucius, and he asked that he be allowed to go and persuade the
man. H e w ent and said to the uncouth native: cT o u , sir, plow from the
Eastern Sea to the Western Sea, so how could our horse not eat your grain?55
The uncouth native was very pleased and said: aAll explanations should
be as logical as yours. H ow could anyone be as dense as that other man?55
H e released the horse and handed it over. But there is no m ethod for mak
ing persuasions equal this. H ow can external things be guaranteed?
14/8.5
君子之自行也，敬人而不必見敬，愛人而不必見愛。敬愛 ( 人 ) u 者，己
也；見敬愛者，人也。君子必在己者，不必在人者也，必在己無不遇矣。
il. C h en Q iy o u ; excrescent a d d itio n in X u W ciyu cd.
In his personal conduct, the gentleman treats others w ith scrupulous ，

reverent care, b u t that does no t guarantee that he will receive reverent care.
H e loves others, but that docs not guarantee that he will be loved. Acting
w ith reverent care and loving others depends on the person w ho acts, but
being loved and receiving reverent care depends on other people. The gentle
m an can be certain o f w hat lies w ithin him, but he cannot be certain o f
w hat lies in others. Being certain o f w hat lies w ithin him, there is no unex
pected opportunity for which he is unprepared.
Book 15
Book 15 sets forth principles for achieving long-term success and prosperity. Chap
ter I advocates anticipating the possibility of a future threat even when at peace, a
theme that appears as well in X u n zi^ uZhongniw (par. 7.3; Knoblock, II, p. 60):
Accordingly, in the conduct of official duties, the wise man, when he is adequate,
considers situations in which he might be inadequate, when progressing smoothly,
he reflects on any rash action he might take. When secure, he ponders what dangers
might arise, adjusting and repeating his precautions as though he were fearful that
some calamity might overtake him.55 Chapter 2 quotes several anecdotes to illus
trate the necessity for the ruler always to be mindful of what is in the fundamental
interest of his state's stability and prosperity.
Chapter 3 stresses that the ruler should seek out and rely on men of talent, but
condemns the controversies between the Mohists and Ru thinkers and poetically
evokes the aKing who possesses the Dao.55Chapter 4 continues the theme of prais
ing the worthy but it lacks the lattei^s references to the Dao. Chapter 5 suggests
that persuaders should fashion their arguments to “accord with” 因) the desires
and wishes of tlie audience. Hui Ang, a persuader of whom the chapter approves,
utilizes typically Mohist notions such as “benefiting others” （while at the same
time equating the ideas of Confucius and Mo Di). Tian Zan advocates ^ceasing to
use weapons and giving rest to the people,55 a principle associated with the later
Mohist school of Song Xing and Yin Wen.
Chapter 6 elaborates on the idea intrcxiuced in 14/6 that, while success or fail
ure is ultimately determined by Heaven, human effort is a necessary part of any
undertaking and should not be neglcacd. At its conclusion the chapter comments
that Guan Zhong “understood the great rituals.” Chapter 7 counsels learning how
to rely on external circumstances before proceeding with an undertaking. This
involves knowing the will of the people as well as examining the heavens for the
zodiac signs by which one knows the season and observing the moon to know its
phases. Chapter 8 refutes the principle of acmulating antiquity55as a means to solve
[336]
problems and advocates instead changing one5s methcxls so that they fit the present
circumstances. There is a close connection between this chapter and Hanfeizi
aWudu.wSome parts o f it are based on Mozi "'Shangtong.55The final portions o f the
chapter seem to be part o f a longer persuasion presented to a ruler o f Chu.
一曰慎大
CH A PTER 1
B E IN G C A R E F U L W H E N T H E ST A T E IS L A R G E
15/1.1
賢主愈大愈懼，愈彊愈恐。凡大者，小鄰國也；彊者，勝其敵也。勝其
敵則多怨；小鄰國則多患。多患多怨，國雖彊大，惡得不懼，惡得不恐？
故賢主於安思危，於達思窮，於得思喪。《周書》曰：「若臨深淵，若履薄
冰 j ，以言慎事也。
The larger his state, the more apprehensive is a w orthy ruler. The stronger
his state, the m ore concerned he is. As a general principle, large states have
small states as their neighbors, and strong states conquer their enemies.
Those w ho conquer their enemies create great animosity; those w ith small
states as neighbors suffer m any troubles. Even though one were large and
strong, how could he n o t be apprehensive and alarmed when confronted
by greater animosity and m ore troubles? Accordingly, when a w orthy ruler
is at peace, he contemplates danger; when he is successful, he contemplates
failure; and when he has obtained som ething, he contemplates losing it. A
Document ofZhou says:
Be as if you are on the edge o f a deep gorge, be as if you are treading

on thin ice.
Thus docs it describe how to be careftil about undertakings.
15/1.2
桀爲無道，暴戾頑貪，天下顗恐而患之，言者不同，紛紛 ( 分分 LC> 混
混1，其情難得。干辛任威，凌鑠諸侯，以及兆民，賢良鬱怨。殺彼龍逢，
以服群凶。眾庶泯泯，皆有遠志，莫敢直言，其生若 (驚 T V > 夢2。大臣同
患，弗周而畔。桀愈自賢，矜過善非，主道重塞，國人大崩。湯乃惕懼，
憂天下之不寧，欲令伊尹往視 (曠 G E > 猾3夏，恐其不信，湯由親自射伊
尹。伊尹奔夏三年，反報于亳，曰：F桀迷惑於末嬉，好彼碗、琰，不恤其
眾，眾志不堪，上下相疾，民心積怨，皆曰：「上天弗恤，夏命其卒」。 J
湯謂伊尹曰：1•若吿我( 曠 G Ê > 猾3夏盡如詩。』湯與伊尹盟，以示必滅夏。
伊尹又復往視 ( 曠 G E > 滑3夏，聽於末嬉。末嬉言曰：『今昔天子夢西方有
曰，東方有日，兩日相與鬥，西方日勝，東方日不勝。』伊尹以吿湯。商
涸旱，湯猶發師，以信伊尹之盟，故令師從東方出於國，西以進。未接刃
而桀走，逐之 ( 至)4大沙，身體離散，爲天下戮，不可 (正 S F > 証 5諫，雖後
悔之，將可奈何？湯立爲天子，夏民大說，如得慈親，朝不易位，農不去
疇，商不變肆，親鄣如夏。此之謂至公，此之謂至安，此之謂至信，盡行
伊尹之盟，不避旱殃，祖伊尹世世享商。
I. C hen Q iyou. 2. W u C hengshi. 3. C h en Q iyou. 4. C h en Q iy o u . 5. Ma X ulun.
Jie acted w ithout the Dao, was violent and avaricious, and so the whole
world was alarmed and distressed by him. Advisors disagreed am ong them
selves, were contradictory and full o f resentm ent, and the truth o f their
words was difficult to determine. Gan Xin encouraged Jie to indulge in
awe-inspiring displays that maltreated and insulted the feudal lords and even
the millions o f people, so that the w orthy and good were sad and resentful.
Jie m urdered Guan Longpeng in order to quell all opposition. The multi-
tudes grew restive and were alienated. N o one dared say an honest w ord,
their lives having become so nightm arish. The great ministers shared their
distress, did n o t remain true, and turned to open rebellion. Jie grew ever
more convinced o f his worthiness and ever m ore excessive in approving
w hat should be condem ned. The D ao o f ruling was repeatedly obstructed,
and the people o f the state were about to undergo a great convulsion.
It was then that Tang, grow ing uneasy and apprehensive about the u n
rest in the world, wanted to send Yi Yin to observe the disturbed situation
in Xia. But fearing that Yi Yin w ould n o t be trusted by the Xia, Tang himself
shot arrows at Yi Yin as if he had com m itted a crime. Three years after Yi
Yin had fled to Xia, he returned to the Shang capital at Bo and reported,
ccJie is entranced by M o Xi and is devoted to the wom en Wan and Yan. H e
shows no compassion for his m ultitudes, w ho in their inner minds will no
longer tolerate such treatm ent. Superiors and subordinates despise each
other, and the people accumulate ever greater resentm ent in their hearts, all
saying:
‘May Heaven on high show no pity，

The mandate of Xia will surely expire.555
Tang said to Yi Yin, “From w hat you have reported to me, the disturbed
situation in Xia is exactly as stated in this lyric.55Tang and Yi Yin swore a
covenant to make plain their determ ination to annihilate Xia. Yi Yin once
again w ent to obser the disturbed situation in Xia, and when M o Xi saw
him, she said, ccJust last evening the Son o f Heaven dream t that there was a
sun in the east and a sun in the west and that these two suns fought. The
sun in the west was victorious, and the sun in the east did n o t win.55Yi Yin
reported this to Tang.
T hough Shang was suffering from a prolonged drought, under the terms
o f his covenant w ith Yi Yin, Tang was obligated to send out an army. Accord
ingly, he ordered the army to leave Shang from the east and enter Xia from
the west. W ithout the crossing o f any blades, Jie fled. Tang pursued him to
Dasha where his body and limbs were to m apart and he was disgraced before
the whole world. Because Jie could n o t be chastened and w ould heed no
rem onstrance, although he later regretted his actions, w hat alternative was
there? Tang was established as Son o f Heaven, and the people o f Xia were
elated, as if they had found a loving relative. Those at court did not exchange
positions, farmers did not abandon their fields, merchants did not alter their
places o f business, and the people felt the same allegiance to the state o f Yi
that they had had to the Xia. This is w hat is m eant by C<supremc impartiality,55
“supreme security，” and “supreme trustw orthiness•” Tang fiilly carried out
the term s o f his covenant w ith Yi Yin and did n o t try to renounce them
because o f the catastrophe o f the drought. The descendants o f Yi Yin for
generations thereafter enjoyed offerings from the Shang.
1 5 / 1 . 3
武王勝殷，入殷，未下肇，命封黃帝之後於鑄，封帝堯之後於黎，封帝
舜之後於陳；下肇，命封夏后之後於杞，立成湯之後於宋以奉桑林。武王
乃恐懼，太息流涕，命周公旦進殷之遺老，而問殷之亡故，又問眾之所說、
民之所欲。殷之遺老對曰：「欲復盤庚之政。』武王於是復盤庚之政：發巨
橋之粟，賦鹿臺之錢，以示民無私；出拘救罪，分財棄責，以振窮困；封
比干之墓，（
靖 L C > 旌6箕子之宮，表商容之閭，（
士 G E > 徒7過者趨，車過
者下；三日之內，與謀之士封爲諸侯，諸大夫賞以書社，庶士 ( 施 G V > 弛 8
政去賦；然後於濟河，西歸報於廟；乃稅馬於華山，稅牛於桃林，馬弗復
乘，牛弗復服；釁鼓旗甲兵，藏之府庫，終身不復用。此武王之德也。故
周明堂外戶不閉，示天下不藏也。唯不藏也可以守至藏。
6. YuYuc. 7. YuYuc, Chen Qiyou. 8. Sun Qiangming, Chen Qiyou.
A. W hen King Wu conquered Yin and entered its capital, before he even
climbed dow n from his war chariot, he ordered that the descendants o f the
Yellow Sovereign be enfeoffed at Zhu, those o f Sovereign Yao at Li, and
those o f Sovereign Shun at Chen. After he climbed dow n from his war
chariot, he ordered that the descendants o f the Xia house be enfeoffed at
Lesser Qi, and he established the descendants o f Tang the Successful at
Song so that they could make offerings at Sanglin.
King Wu then began to tremble w ith fright, sobbing heavily, tears flow
ing. H e com m anded Dan, Duke o f Zhou, to bring forward the remaining
elders o f Yin so that he could inquire o f them the causes o f Yin5s demise as
well as w hat pleased the masses and w hat the people desired. The elders
replied, T h e y w ant the governm ent o f Pangeng restored.55King W u there
upon restored the governm ent o f Pangeng. H e dispensed the grain in the
Giant Bridge Granary and distributed the cash kept in Deer Terrace in order
to demonstrate to the people that he had not acted from selfish motives. H e
released the fettered, gave amnesty to criminals, distributed material goods,
and forgave debts in order to aid those in distress and need. H e sealed the
tom b o f Bigan, marked w ith a banner the palace o f the Viscount o f Ji, and
identified w ith a standard the village o f Shang Rong. Soldiers passing by on
foot hastened their pace to show respect; those passing in carriages climbed
down. D uring the next three days, knights w ho participated in laying the
plan for the conquest were enfeoffed as feudal lords, and all the grand officers
were given as rewards the title register to a village altar. The various ordi
nary knights were pardoned o f offenses against Z hou Xin5s prohibitions
and exempted from taxes.
Only after all this had been done did the king ford the Yellow River and
return west to report his accomplishment in the ancestral temple o f King
Wen. After that he fed his horses at M ount H u a and his oxen at Peach
Grove. The horses were never again ridden and the oxen never again yoked.
H e smeared with blood his war drums, banners, shields, and weapons, stored
them in the armory, and did n o t use them again for the rest o f his life. Such
was the virtuous Power o f King Wu. Thus, to teach the w orld not to hide
things, the outer gate o f the Z hou Hall o f Light was no t locked, for only
those w ho do n ot hide can preserve that which is m ost hidden.
武王勝殷，得二虜而問焉，曰：r若國有妖乎？』一虜對曰：r吾國有妖。

晝見星而天雨血，此吾國之妖也。』一虜對曰： 1
■此則妖也。雖然，非其
大者也。吾國之妖，甚大者，子不聽父，弟不聽兄，君令不行，此妖之大
者也。』武王避席再拜之。此非貴虜也，貴其言也。故《易》曰：『想恝履
虎尾，終吉。 J
B. W hen King W u conquered the Yin dynasty, he t œ k two prisoners
w hom he questioned: ccWere there omens o f the impending disaster in your
country?”
O ne prisoner replied, ccThe country did have evil omens. A star appeared
during daytime and the sky rained blood. These were omens o f its im pend
ing disaster.55
The other prisoner replied, ctThese were indeed evil omens, but they
were n o t the m ost im portant• 丁he m ost im portant omens o f im pending
disaster were sons no t obeying their fathers， younger brothers their elder
brothers, and the lord5s orders n o t being carried out. These were the greatest
evil om ens•”
King W u pushed aside his m at and bowed twice before the man. This
was n o t because he respected the prisoner, but because he respected his
words. Therefore, the Changes say:
Be as mindful as you would be treading on the tail of a tiger. In the end you
will be fortunate.
I5/ I .4
趙襄子 H吏新稚穆子 P 攻翟，勝 (老 G E > 左 1()人、中人，使使者來謁之，

襄子方食搏飯，有憂色。左右曰：「一朝而兩城下，此人之所以喜也，今君
有憂色何？』襄子曰：「江河之大也，不過三日；飄風暴雨 {不終朝丨 11，曰
中不須臾。今趙氏之德行，無所於積，一朝而兩城下，亡其及我乎？j 孔
子聞之曰 .• 1■趙氏其昌乎！夫憂所以爲昌也，而喜所以爲亡也，勝非其難者
也，持之其難者也。』賢主以此持勝，故其福及後世。齊、（荆 TA>楚、
吳、越皆嘗勝矣，而卒取亡，不達乎持勝也。唯有道之主能持勝。孔子之
勁，舉國門之關，而不肯以力聞；墨子爲守攻，公輸般服，而不肯以兵(加
G E > 知 12。善持勝者，以 (術彊弱 G E > 弱術彊13。
9. Chen Qiyou; “Jinyu” 晉語. io. Wang Niansun. 11. Ma Xulun; Liezi parallel.
12. Chen Changqi, Wang Niansun, Sun Shuchcng, Tao Hongqing; Liezi parallel. 13. TanJicfu.
Viscount Xiang o f Zhao ordered Xinzhi Muzi to attack the Di. W hen he
had conquered Zuoren and Zhongren, he sent a messenger to the viscount
to announce the victory. W hen the messenger arrived Viscount Xiang was
eating dumplings, but upon hearing the news, he pushed away his food
and had a worried look on his face. H is attendants said, aIn a single m orn
ing a pair o f cities has fallen. This w ould normally make a m an happy. Why,
then， does your lordship look so worried?”
Viscount Xiang answered, cT h e crest o f the flood in the Yangzi and
Yellow rivers does not last m ore than three days; whirlwinds and violent
storms do not last ou t the m orning; the sun is at high noon for no m ore
than a m om ent. N ow there has n o t been an accumulation o f virtuous acts
on the part o f the house o f Zhao, so if in one m orning a pair o f cities has
fallen to it, ruin will surely come to us!55
W hen Confucius learned this he said, aWill not the house o f Zhao surely
attain glory?
Such concern is responsible for glory;

Mere contentment leads to ruin.
To conquer is not the difficult task; it is holding on to w hat one has w on

that is difficult.”
Because o f this, w orthy rulers hold on to w hat they conquer, and their
good fortune extends to later generations. Qi, Chu, Wu, and Yue all rewarded
victory, and so in the end purchased defeat. N one o f them was accomplished
in holding onto w hat it had conquered. Only a ruler w ho possesses the D ao
is capable o f holding w hat he conquers. Conflicius was strong enough to lift
the bolt on the gate o f the capital, but he did not w ant to become renowned
for his strength. M o Di created strategies for defense that forced G ongshu
Ban to subm it, but he did no t w ant to be known as a warrior. Those skilled
at holding onto w hat they have w on use the m ethods o f weakness to be
come strong.
二曰權勳
CHA PTER 2
W E I G H I N G M E R IT
15/2.1
利不可兩，忠不可兼。不去小利則大利不得，不去小忠則大忠不至。故
小利，大利之殘也；小忠，大忠之賊也。聖人去小取大。
Benefit cannot derive from two sources; loyalty cannot be divided. I f
the lesser profit is n o t rejected, the greater profit will n o t be obtained; if the
lesser loyalty is n o t abjured, the greater loyalty will n o t be fulfilled. Thus,
lesser profit is the destroyer o f greater profit, and lesser loyalty is the assas
sin o f greater loyalty. The sage abjures the lesser and chooses the greater.
15/2.2
昔 (荆 T A > 楚龔王與晉厲公戰於鄢陵，（
荆 T A > 楚師敗，龔王傷。臨
戰，司馬子反渴而求飮，豎陽穀操 (黍 G E > 參1酒而進之。子反叱曰：『訾！
退！酒也。』豎陽穀對曰：r非酒也。』子反曰：『亟退，卻也。』豎陽穀
又曰：「非酒也。』子反受而飮之。子反之爲人也嗜酒，甘〔
之〕2而不能絕於
口，以醉。戰既罷，龔王欲復戰而謀 {事 }3 ，使召司馬子反。子反辭以心
疾。龔王駕而往視之，入幄中，聞酒臭而還，曰：「
今日之戰，不穀親傷，
所恃者司馬也。而司馬又若此，是忘 (荆 T A > 楚國之社稷、而不恤吾眾也。
不穀無與復戰矣。』於是罷師去之，斬司馬子反以爲戮。故豎陽穀之進酒
也，非以醉子反也，其心以忠 {愛 } ( 也 G E > 之4 ，而適足以殺之，故曰小
忠，大忠之賊也。
I. C h en Qiyou. 2. C h e n Qiyou. 3. C h en Qiyou; H F Z parallels.
4. C hen Qiyou; H F Z parallels.
Formerly, when Duke Li o f Jin did battle at Yanling, the army o f Chu
was defeated, and its King G ong w ounded. As he observed the battle in
progress. Prince Fan, director o f the horse, was thirsty and sought som e
thing to drink. H is page boy, Yanggu, approached w ith a cup o f spirits in
his hand. Prince Fan shouted at him, aFool! G o away! That^s liquor.55
The page boy said that it was not liquor.

Prince Fan said, “Get out of here. Scram!”
The page boy insisted that it was not liquor, so Prince Fan took the cup
and drank it. Prince Fan was the kind o f man who, once he tasted the liquor,
its sweetness made it impossible for him to stop drinking, so he got drunk.
W hen the battle was over, King G ong wanted to make plans for another
fight. H e sent for Prince Fan, his director o f the horse, w ho excused himself
saying he had a pain in his heart. King G ong took a carriage to see him and,
smelling the liquor as scx>n as he entered the tent, turned away, saying, uIn
tcxla^s battle, even I, the U nw orthy One, was personally w ounded and
now the director o f the horse on w hom I m ust depend for help is in this
condition. His actions betray a shameful disregard for C hu5s altars o f soil
and grain and exhibit a lack o f compassion for our soldiers. This U nw orthy
O ne will not do battle again w ith him on my side.55H e thereupon disbanded
the army and sent it away. H e beheaded Prince Fan, the director o f the
horse, for the terrible crime he had com m itted.
Thus, when the page boy Yanggu presented the liquor, he felt no enmity
for Prince Fan. H is heart was filled w ith loyalty and love for him, but it was
just the same as m urdering him. Therefore it is said, ccLesser acts o f loyalty
are the assassins o f greater acts o f loyalty.55
15/2.3
昔者晉獻公使荀息假道於虞以伐虢，荀息曰：「請以垂棘之璧與屈產之
乘，以賂虞公，而求假道焉，必可得也。』獻公曰：「夫垂棘之璧，吾先君
之寶也；屈產之乘，寡人之駿也。若受吾幣而不吾假道，將奈何？』荀息
曰：「不然。彼若不吾假道，必不吾受也。若受我而假我道，是猶取之內府
而藏之外府也，猶取之內皁而著之外皁也。君奚患焉？』獻公許之。乃使
荀息以屈產之乘爲庭實，而加以垂棘之璧，以假道於虞而伐虢。虞公濫於
寶與馬而欲許之。宮之奇諫曰：「不可許也。虞之與虢也，若車之有輔也，
車依輔，輔亦依車。虞、虢之勢是也。先人有言曰：「脣竭而齒寒。」夫虢
之不亡也恃虞，虞之不亡也亦恃虢也。若假之道，則虢朝亡而虞夕從之矣。
奈何其假之道也？』虞公弗聽，而假之道。荀息伐虢，克之。還反伐虞，
又克之。荀息操璧牽馬而報。獻公喜曰：1
■璧則猶是也，馬齒亦薄長矣。《I
故曰小利，大利之殘也。
Formerly， Duke Xian o f Jin sent Xun Xi to request right o f passage
through Yu to attack Guo. Xun Xi said, CCI propose that we bribe the duke o f
Yu w ith the jade disk from Chuiji and the team o f horses bred in Q u. Then
he will surely grant us our request to use the road.”
But the Duke Xian objected, cT h e jade disk from Chuiji is a treasure
that belonged to my predecessor, and the team o f Q u horses are my finest
steeds! I f they should take my gifts but not let us use the road, w hat could
we do about it?55
ccT hat will n o t happen,55Xun Xi replied. ccIf they do no t intend to allow
us use o f the road, they will certainly n o t accept our gifts. I f they accept our
gifts and allow us use o f the road, then we will be doing no m ore than
taking the jade from an internal repository and storing it in an outer reposi
tory, taking the horses from an inner stable and placing them in an outer
stable. W hat cause is there for my lord to be concerned about this?55
The Duke, having agreed to the plan, sent Xun Xi w ith the team o f
horses bred in Q u as treasure o f the court, to which was added the jade
from Chuiji in order to get access to the road through Yu for the attack on
Guo. The duke o f Yu, overwhelmed by the lavishness o f the treasure and
horses, w anted to grant permission, w hen G ong Zhiqi rem onstrated w ith
him: ccT hat cannot be granted. Yu and G uo are like a carriage and its wheels.
A carriage depends on its wheels, and the wheels depend on the carriage.
The situation o f Yu and G uo is o f this sort. O ur predecessors had a saying,
cW hen the lips are gone, the teeth get cold.5T hat G uo has n o t perished is
because it relies on Yu; that Yu has n o t perished is because it relies on Guo.
I f you let Jin use the road, G uo will be gone in a m orning and Yu will follow
by that evening. U nder no circumstances should you let Jin use the road.55
The duke o f G uo w ould n o t listen and allowed Jin use o f the road. Xun
Xi attacked G uo and conquered it. O n the trip back he attacked Yu and
conquered it as well. Xun Xi reported back w ith the jade in hand and pull
ing the horses behind him. Duke Xian, overjoyed, said, ccThe jade is just as
it was, and the horses are slighdy longer in the teeth.55
Therefore, it is said, ccSmall profit is the destroyer o f great profit.55
15/2.4
中山之國有旮繇者。智伯欲攻之而無道也，爲鑄大鐘，方車二軌以遺
之。旮繇之君將斬岸堙谿以迎鐘。赤章蔓枝諫曰：「《詩》云：「唯則定
國。」我胡則以得是於智伯？夫智伯之爲人也貪而無信，必欲攻我而無道
也，故爲大鐘，方車二軌以遺君。君因斬岸堙谿以迎鐘，師必隨之。j 弗
聽。有頃，〔
又〕5諫之，君曰 " 大國爲懼，而子逆之，不祥。子釋之。j 赤
章蔓枝曰：「爲人臣不忠貞，罪也；忠貞不用，遠身可也。《
I 斷轂而行，至
衛七日而旮繇亡。欲鐘之心勝也。欲鐘之心勝則安内繇之說塞矣。凡聽說，
所勝不可不審也，故太上先勝。
5. Chen Qiyou.
In the country o f Zhongshan there was Q iuyou which the Earl o f Zhi
wanted to attack; but because there was no road by which to go there, he
cast large bells, which he had arranged in a pair o f carts for presentation as
gifts. The lord o f Q iuyou was planning to bore through cliffs and fill in
gorges to receive the bells, but Chizhang M anzhi rem onstrated w ith him,
saying, ccAn O de says, cOnly he w ho knows the patterns can settle the state.5
W hat have we done to be favored this way by the Earl o f Zhi? The Earl o f
Zhi is a greedy and faithless man. H e certainly desires to attack us, but
because there is no road he has had these large bells cast and arranged in
two carts as a present for my lord. If on account o f his present my lord bores
through cliffs and fills in gorges to receive the bells, an army is sure to follow.55
W hen he was n o t heeded, he rem onstrated again, w hereupon his lord
said, CC
A great state has given us cause for celebration. T hat you, sir, oppose
it is unlucky. Give it up.55
aIt is a crime for a subject do be disloyal and unreliable,55said Chizhang
Manzhi. ccNow, if one w ho is loyal and reliable is n o t used, he may put
himself at a great distance.55Trimming the wheel hubs o f his cart, he left.
Seven days after he reached Wey, Qiuyou perished.
Since the lord o f Q iuyou5s desire for the bells trium phed over every
other consideration, persuasions that could have given Q iuyou security were
barred. As a general principle, in judging how to present a persuasion, those
concerns that are victorious cannot but be carefiilly scrutinized; this is why
the highest priority should be to give prom inence to them .
15/2.5
昌國君將五國之兵以攻齊。齊使觸子將，以迎天下之兵於濟上。齊王欲
戰，使人赴觸子，恥而訾之曰：「不戰，必 ( 剷 L C > 戢 6若類，掘若壟。j 觸
子苦之，欲齊軍之敗。於是以天下兵戰，戰合，擊金而卻之，卒北，天下
兵乘之，觸子因以一乘去，莫知其所，不聞其聲。達子又帥其餘卒，以軍
於秦周，無以賞，使人請金於齊王。齊王怒曰：「若殘豎子之類，惡能給若
金？《
I 與燕人戰，大敗，達子死，齊王走莒。燕人逐北入國，相與爭金於
美唐甚多。此貪於小利以失大利者也。
6. C hen Q iyou.
The Lord o f Changguo com m anded the armies o f the five states in an
attack on Qi in 28斗• Qi commissioned the Viscount o f C hu as its general to
oppose the armies o f the whole world on the banks o f the Ji River. The king
o f Qi, wanting to fight, sent a messenger to the viscount to shame and
revile him, saying, ccIf you do n o t fight, I will destroy you and your whole
family and dig up the graves o f your ancestors.55The Viscount o f C hu bit
terly resented this and hoped for the defeat o f the Q i army. A t this juncture,
he did battlç w ith the armies o f the whole world. W hen the fight was first
joined his troops repelled them by striking them w ith metal weapons; but
finally they turned and fled, the w orld5s armies tcx)k advantage o f this, and
in consequence the viscount fled in a single chariot. N o one knew where he
w ent nor was anything again heard o f him.
The Viscount o f D a took com m and o f the stragglers, reassembling the
army at Qinzhou. Having no way to pay them , he sent a messenger to
request m oney o f the king o f Qi. The king was enraged and said: ttW hy
should I give m oney for the ragtag band you lead, boy?55Q i then did battle
w ith the forces o f Yan and suffered a disastrous defeat， in which the Viscount
o f Da died and the king o f Qi was forced to flee to Ju. The army o f Yan
entered the capital in pursuit o f the fleeing soldiers o f Q i, fighting w ith
each other over the great quantity o f bronze stored in the treasury called
Beautiful Pavilion.
This is a case o f one whose greed for lesser profits resulted in the loss o f
m uch greater benefits.
三曰下賢
CHA PTER 3
S U B M IT T IN G T O T H E W O R T H Y
15/3.1
有道之士固驕人主，人主之不肖者亦驕有道之士，日以相驕，奚時相
得？若儒、墨之議與齊、（荆 T A > 楚之服矣。賢主則不然，士雖驕之，而
己愈禮之，士安得不歸之？士所歸，天下從之，帝。帝也者，天下之〔
所〕 1
適也；王也者，天下之〔
所〕1往也。得道之人，貴爲天子而不驕倨，富有天
下而不騁夸，卑爲布衣而不瘁攝，貧無衣食而不憂懾，狠乎其誠自有也，
覺乎其不疑有以也，桀乎其必不渝移也，循乎其與陰陽化也，匆匆乎其心
之堅固也，空空乎其不爲巧故也，迷乎其志氣之遠也，昏乎其深而不測也，
確乎其節之不庳也，就就乎其不肯自是，鵠乎其羞用智慮也，假乎其輕俗
誹譽也，以天爲法，以德爲行，以道爲宗，與物變化而無所終 ( 窮)2 ，精充
天地而不竭，神覆宇宙而無 ( 望 G E > 〈窮 >2 ，莫知其始，莫知其終，莫知其
門，莫知其端，莫知其源，其大無外，其小無內，此之謂至貴。士有若此
者，五帝弗得而友，三王弗得而師，去其帝王之色，則近可得之矣。
I. Sun Shuchcng, Liu Shipci. 2. Chen Qiyou; rhyme pattern.
Scholar-knights w ho possess the Way are consistently rude to rulers.
U nw orthy rulers respond in kind by being rude to such scholar-knights.
Each day they arc rude to one another; when will they cooperate? They are
like the M ohists and Ru arguing w ith one another, or Qi and Chu, trying to
subdue one another.
W orthy rulers arc no t like this. Even when scholar-knights are rude to
them , such rulers are even m ore polite to the scholar-knights; why, then,
would the scholar-knights not turn to them. Those to whom scholar-knights
turn, the w orld follows. A Sovereign is the one to w hom the w orld comes.
A King is the one to w hom the w orld travels. A m an w ho has attained the
Dao,
Although honored as a Son of Heaven,

Will not be rude or arrogant;
Although rich by possessing the whole world.
Will not be proud or boastful;
Although so base, he wears coarse garments,
Will not a a weak or humble;
Although so poor, he has no clothes or food,
Will not be sad and fearful.
How earnest! He truly has it himself.
How certain! He docs not doubt he has means.
How heroic! He is sure he will not change.
How concordant! He alters with Yin and Yang.
How industrious! the steadfastness of his heart.
How guileless! his not doing anything artfiil.
How boundless! the famess of his goals.
How dark! His depths cannot be fathomed.
How solid! His moral principles cannot be demeaned.
How tentative! He is unwilling to consider himself right.
How grand! his shame at using his own wisdom and thoughts.
How extensive! his treating blame and praise as inconsequential
and crude.
He takes Heaven as his model，
Virtuous Power as the basis of his acts.
The Way as his progenitor.
He transforms and metamorphoses with things.
But never reaches an end.
His essence fills Heaven and Earth,
But is not depleted.
His spirit covers the cosmos
And has no boundary.
No one knows his beginning,
Nor his end,
Nor his gateway.
Nor his starting point.
Nor his wcllspring.
He is so great, nothing is outside,
So small, nothing is inside.
This is called “perfect nobility•”
Such scholar-knights could n o t be obtained as friends even by the Five Sov
ereigns n o r as teachers by the Three Kings.
Rid yourselves of the attitude of a Sovereign or King,

Then perhaps you can obtain them.
15/3.2
堯不以帝見善綣，北面而問焉。堯，天子也；善綣，布衣也。何故禮之
若此其甚也？善綣得道之士也，得道之人，不可驕也。堯論其德行達智而
弗若，故北面而問焉，此之謂至公。非至公其孰能禮賢？
Yao did n o t give Shan Q uan audience as a Sovereign, rather faced north
and posed questions to him. Yao was the Son o f Heaven, while Shan Q uan
a coarsely clothed com m oner; why was he so excessively polite? Because
Shan Q uan was a scholar-knight w ho had attained the Way. A man w ho has
attained the Way cannot be treated w ith rudeness. Yao judged that his virtu
ous conduct and comprehensive wisdom could n o t be treated like others5;
this is why he faced north and asked questions. Such actions are term ed
"'perfect impartiality.55W ho but the perfectly impartial arc capable o f treat
ing the w orthy w ith full ritual politeness?
15/3.3
周公旦，文王之子也，武王之弟也，成王之叔父也，所朝於窮巷之中、
甕牖之下者七十人。文王造之而未遂，武王遂之而未成，周公旦抱少主而
成之，故曰成王，不唯以身下士邪。
Dan, the Duke o f Zhou, was the son o f King Wen, the younger brother
o f King Wu, and the uncle o f King Cheng; yet he paid court to seventy men
w ho lived in impoverished alleys and beneath crude windows made from
the m ouths o f jars. King Wen initiated the establishment o f the mandate,
but was unable to continue it; King Wu continued it but was unable to
complete it; and D an, the Duke o f Zhou, protected the young ruler w ho
completed it. This is why he was called King Cheng, ttthe completer.55D id
he n o t personally bow dow n to scholar-knights?
1 5 / 3 . 4
齊桓公見小臣稷，一日三至弗得見。從者曰：「萬乘之主，見布衣之
士，一日三至而弗得見，亦可以止矣。』桓公曰：「不然。士驚祿爵者，
固輕其主；其主驚霸王者，亦輕其士。縱夫子驚祿爵，吾庸敢驚霸王乎？J
遂見之，不可止。世多舉桓公之內行，內行雖不修，霸亦可矣。誠行之此
論而內行修，王猶少。
Duke H uan o f Q i w anted to see Lesser M inister Ji but one day though
the duke visited the m an three times, he did not get to see him. An atten
dant said to h im ,ccW hen the ruler o f a state w ith ten thousand chariots w ho
wants to see a coarsely clothed scholar-knight has been unable to sec him
three times in one day, surely he should desist.55
""Not so,” said Duke H uan. “A scholar-knight w ho is contem ptuous o f
salary and rank consistently treats his ruler w ith contem pt, and a ruler con
tem ptuous o f becom ing lord-protector or king w ould as a m atter o f course
treat the scholar-knight w ith contem pt. I f I indulge that m asters contem pt
for salary and rank, w ould I dare be arrogant about becom ing a lord-pro
tector or king?55H e subsequently saw Lesser M inister Ji, for he could n o t
be dissuaded from doing so.
O ur age frequentiy holds up to criticism the personal conduct o f Duke
H uan. Although his personal conduct was uncultivated, it was surely appro
priate that he become a lord-protector. Few are those who, having sincerely
acted on this premise and cultivated their personal conduct, became true
kings.
15/3.5
子產相鄭，往見壺丘子林，與其弟子坐必以年，是倚其相於門也。夫相
萬乘之國而能遺之，謀志論行，而以心與人相索，其唯子產乎？故相鄭十
八年，刑三人，殺二人，桃李之垂於 ( 行 G E > 術 3 者莫之援也，錐刀之遺於
道者莫之舉也。
3. Sun Shuchcng.
W hen Prince Chan was prim e m inister o f Zheng, he w ent to see H uqiu
Zilin and sat himself am ong his disciples, invariably following the principle
o f seniority， by which he left his ministership at the door. W ho but Prince
Chan could forget that he was prim e m inister o f a state o f ten thousand
chariots, discuss ideas, evaluate proper conduct, and yet be utterly compas-
sionate in his discussions w ith others? Thus, during his eighteen years as
prime minister o f Zheng, he punished three men and executed two. N o one
w ould gather peaches and plums that had fallen on the paths. N o one w ould
pick up awls and knives that had been dropped on the roads.
B O O K 15 351
15/3.6
魏文侯見段干木，立倦而不敢息，反見翟黃，踞於堂而與之言。翟黃不
說。文侯曰：「段干木官之則不肯，祿之則不受。今女欲官則相位，欲祿則
上卿，既受吾實，又責吾禮，無乃難乎？』故賢主之畜人也，不肯受實者
其禮之。禮士莫高乎節欲，（欲節則令行矣 ) 4 ，文侯可謂好禮士矣。〈
欲節則
令行矣， >4 ( 好禮士 ) 5故南勝 ( 荆 T A > 楚於連隄，東勝齊於長城，虜齊侯，獻
諸天子，天子賞文侯以上聞。
4 - Chen Qiyou. $. Chen Qiyou; dittography.
W hen M arquis Wen o f Wei w ent to see D uangan M u, he stood there
until he was quite tired but did n o t dare rest. U pon returning hom e, he saw
D i H uang and spoke w ith him squatting in a hall. W hen Di H uang was
displeased. Marquis Wen explained, ccI f D uangan M u were offered an official
position, he w ould be unwilling to serve in it, and if given an em olum ent ，
w ould refuse it. N ow you desire the position o f prime m inister as your
office， and you w ant the salary o f ä senior minister. H aving accepted my
material gifts, you criticize my manners; w hat choice have I but to rebuke
you?”
Thus, w hen a w orthy m aster provides for others, he is polite even to
those unwilling to accept his m aterial gifts. The highest form o f politeness
to scholar-knights is to m oderate one’s ow n desires, so M arquis Wen can
properly be described as ^devoted to being polite to scholar-knights.55W hen
desires are mcxlerated, com m ands are carried out. Thus, in the south the
marquis was victorious over C hu at Lianti, in the east he was victorious
over Q i at the Long Wall, took the m arquis o f Q i prisoner, and presented
prisoners to the Son o f Heaven. The Son o f Heaven having heard o f his
excellence rewarded M arquis Wen.
四曰報更
CH A PTER 4
O N R E P A Y IN G A N D R E C O M P E N S IN G
15/4.1
國雖小，其食足以食天下之賢者，其車足以乘天下之賢者，其財足以禮
天下之賢者，與天下之賢者爲徒，此文王之所以王也。今雖未能王，其以
爲安也，不亦易乎？此趙宣孟之所以免也，周昭文君之所以顯也，孟嘗君
之所以卻 (荆 T A > 楚兵也。古之大立功名與安國免身者，其道無他，其必
此之由也。堪士不可以驕恣屈也。
Any state, however small, has enough fcx>d to feed the worthies o f the
world, enough chariots to provide transportation for them , enough material
gcxxls to provide courteous gifts for them , and can form com m on alliance
w ith them. This is how King Wen became a universal king. Now, although
one may n o t be able to become a universal king, w ould it not be easy to use
this same methcxl to maintain peace? This was how Zhao Xuanmeng escaped
difficulties, how Lord Zhaowen o f Zhou became em inent, and how the
Lord o f M engchang repelled the soldiers o f Chu. In antiquity those w ho
managed to establish great achievements and reputations and at the same
tim e secure their states and keep themselves free o f danger followed no
other D ao and invariably employed this policy. E m inent scholar-knights
cannot be m ade to subm it through rudeness or recklessness.
15/4.2
昔趙宣孟將上之絳，見鼽桑之下，有餓人臥不能起者，宣孟止車，爲之
下食，（
蠲 L C > 續 1而鋪之，再咽而後能視。宣孟問之曰：『女何爲而餓若
是？』對曰：「臣宦於絳，歸而糧絕，羞行乞而憎自取，故至於此。』宣孟
與脯一朐，拜受而弗敢食也。問其故，對曰：『臣有老母，將以遺之。 j
宣孟曰：「斯食之，吾更與女。《
I 乃復賜之脯二束與錢百，而遂去之。處二
年，晉靈公欲殺宣孟，伏士於房中以待之，因發酒於宣孟。宣孟知之，中
飮而出。靈公令房中之士疾追而殺之。一人追疾，先及宣孟，（之面 G E >
面之 2 曰：「嘻，君肇！吾請爲君反死。』宣孟曰：「而名爲誰？』反走對曰：
4 可以名爲！臣骷桑下之餓人也。』還鬥而死。宣孟遂活。此《書》之所謂
「德幾無小』者也。宣孟德一士猶活其身，而況德萬人乎？故《詩》曰：
「
赳赳武夫，公侯干城』，「濟濟多士，文王以寧』，人主胡可以不務哀士
? 士其難知，唯博之爲可，博則無所遁矣。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Sun Qiangming.
In the past， when Zhao Xuanmeng was on his way lip to Jiang, he saw a
starving m an w ho was lying beneath a withered mulberry, unable to rise.
Xuanmeng stopped his carriage and handed some food dow n for the man.
H e selected bits o f dried meat and little by little fed him these. Only after
choking on it several times was the m an able to sec. Xuanmeng asked him,
aH ow is it that you came to be starving like this?55
B O O K 15 353
"Tour servant was an official in Jiang,55the m an replied. wW hen returning

hom e, my supplies ran out. I was ashamed to resort to begging and hated
the idea o f stealing for myself. So I ended up as you find m e.55
Xuanmeng shared a strip o f dried m eat w ith him. The m an bow ed and
accepted it b ut did n o t dare eat it. W hen asked why, the m an replied, "Tour
servant has an aged m other. I am going to keep it to give to her.55
Xuanmeng said, wE at it and I will give you m ore for her.55H e then pre
sented the man w ith another tw o bunches o f dried m eat as well as a hundred
pieces o f cash and then took leave o f him.
Two years later, Duke Ling o f Jin wanted to have Xuanm eng killed. H e
had a knight hide in a cham ber to await him. H e then set o u t liquor for
Xuanmeng. Xuanm eng knew about the plan and so left in the middle o f
drinking. Duke Ling ordered the m an hiding in the cham ber quickly to
chase and kill him. The m an quickly pursued him, and as soon as he caught
up w ith him, he said to his face, aAlas! Your lordship should leave by carriage.
I ask that I be allowed to go back and die on your lordship5s behalf?5
Xuanmeng asked, aBut w hat is your
Turning as he ran back, the m an said, t difference w ould my name
make? Your servant is the m an w ho was starving beneath the w ithered m ul
berry.55G oing back to the court, the m an died fighting. As a consequence,
Xuanm eng was able to survive.
This is w hat a Document calls ^virtue that seems to lack any smallness.55
Because Xuanmeng was virtuous to a single knight, he was able to survive.
H o w m uch more w ould have been the return had he been virtuous to ten
thousand men? Thus, an O de says:
So gallant is the soldier,

He is shield and wall for our Duke and Marquis.
“Zhounan，” 叮 uju，” Mao, 7)
And another says:
Perfectly arrayed arc the many knights,

With them King Wen achieved peace.
(SW, “Daya,” “Wenwang,” Mao 235)
H ow can a ruler not devote himself to being sympathetic to scholar-knights?

Scholar-knights are surely hard to find. Only by searching broadly will one
succeed. If he searches broadly, none will remain hidden from him.
15/4-3
張儀，魏氏餘子也，將西遊於秦，過東周。客有語之於昭文君者曰：「魏
氏人張儀，材士也，將西遊於秦，願君之禮貌之也。』昭文君見而謂之曰：
『聞客之秦。寡人之國小，不足以留客。雖 ( 游然 G E > 然游 3豈必遇哉？客
或不遇，請爲寡人而一歸也，國雖小，請與客共之。《
I 張儀還走，北面再
拜。張儀行，昭文君送而資之，至於秦，留有間，惠王說而相之。張儀所
德於天下者，無若昭文君。周，千乘也，重過萬乘也，〈
逢澤之會，魏王嘗
爲御，韓王爲右〉，令秦惠王師之。（
逢澤之會，魏王嘗爲御，韓王爲右)4，
名號至今不忘，此張儀之力也。
3. Wang Niansun. 4. Chen Qiyou; text jumbled.
Zhang Yi belonged to a cadet branch o f the house o f Wei. H e was plan
ning to travel west to Q in, and his route w ould take him through Eastern
Zhou. A retainer conversing w ith Lord Zhaowen said, ccZhang Yi o f the
house o f Wei is a talented scholar-knight w ho is planning to travel west to
Qin. I hope my lord will treat him w ith courtesy and re sp e a .55
Lord Zhaowen received him in an audience and said to him, aI, the
U nw orthy One, have heard that our guest is going to Qin. M y ow n state is
small and is insufficient to detain a guest. W henever one travels, are there
n o t bound to be chance encounters? But, my guest, some are n o t mere
chance encounters, and I ask that on m y behalf you return once again and
that even though my state is small, I be perm itted to share it w ith my guest.55
W hen Zhang Yi turned to go, he faced north tow ard Lord Zhaowen and
bowed twice. W hen he departed, Lord Zhaow en saw him off and provided
him w ith supplies.
Zhang Yi arrived in Q in and, after a short while, King H u i was pleased
w ith him and made him prime minister. O f all those w hom Zhang Yi, as
prime minister o f Qin, treated w ith kindness, none equaled Lord Zhaowen.
Z hou was a state w ith a mere thousand chariots, yet Zhang Yi treated it as
if it were as im portant as a state w ith ten thousand chariots. At the m eeting
at Fengze, the king o f Wei served as Lord Zhaowen's driver and the king o f
H an as his guard on the right. H e ordered King H u i o f Q in to regard Lord
Zhaowen as a teacher. Even today his reputation has no t been forgotten.
This resulted from the efforts o f Zhang Yi.
15/ 4 .4
孟嘗君前在於薛，（
荆 T A > 楚人攻之。淳于髡爲齊使於 ( 荆 T A > 楚，還
反，過於薛。孟嘗君令人禮貌而親郊送之，謂淳于髡曰：Y 荆 TA > 楚人攻
B O O K 15 355
薛，夫子弗爲憂，文無以復待矣。j 淳于髡曰：「敬聞命矣。j 至於齊，畢
報。王曰：「何見於 (荆 T A > 楚？』對曰：「(荆 T A > 楚甚固，而薛亦不量其
力。《
I 王曰：「
何謂也？』對曰：『薛不量其力，而爲先王立清廟，（
荆 TA>
楚固而攻薛，薛清廟必危，故曰薛不量其力，而 (荆 T A > 楚亦甚固。j 齊
王知顏色，曰：「嘻！先君之廟在焉。』疾舉兵救之，由是薛遂全。顚蹶之
請，坐拜之謁，雖得則薄矣。
( 故善說者，陳其勢，言其方，見人之急也，若自在危厄之中，豈用彊
力哉？彊力則鄙矣。說之不聽也，任不獨在所說，亦在說者。）5
5. Tao Hongqing, Ma Xulun, Chen Qiyou; this passage belongs at the beginning of 15/5.
Earlier in his career, w hen Tian Wen, the Lord o f M engchang, resided
in Xue, the army o f C hu attacked the state. Chunyu Kun, w ho had been
sent to C hu as an envoy o f Qi, passed through Xue on his return trip. The
Lord o f M engchang ordered his m en to welcome him w ith full ceremony
and w ent in person to greet him in the suburbs o f the city, saying, "The
army o f C hu is attacking Xue. I f you, sir, do n o t take pity on us, this will be
the last tim e I, Wen, will be able to pay you my respects.55
^1 reverentiy heed your com m and,55said Chunyu Kun.
W hen he had arrived in Q i and finished his report, the king asked him,
“W hat did you observe in Chu?”
H e replied, wC hu is extremely persistent and Xue, for its part, does n o t
estimate its ow n strength accurately.55
ccW hat do you m ean?55asked the King.
^Because Xue had no true measure o f its strength, it built the Ancestral
Temple o f Purity for the Early Kings o f Qi. Because Chu is persistent in its
attacks on Xue, the temple is definitely threatened. This is why I say that
Xue had no true measure o f its ow n strength and that Chu, for its part, is
extremely persistent.”
Realization o f his im port passed across the king’s face， and he said ，“Ah!
The tem ple to our Early Kings is there.” H e quickly raised troops to rescue
it. As a result o f this, Xue was subsequently preserved intact.
I f you prostrate yourself and plead, if you kneel and beg, you may get
w hat you seek, but you will have devalued yourself.
五曰順說
CH A PTER 5
O N M A K IN G P E R S U A S IO N S A G R E E A B L E
15/5.1
〈故善說者，陳其勢，言其方，見人之急也，若自在危厄之中，豈用彊
力哉？彊力則鄙矣。說之不聽也，任不獨在所說，亦在說者。y 善說者若巧
士，因人之力以自爲力；因其來而與來，因其往而與往；不設形象，與生
與長；〔
因〕2 而言之，與〔
影與〕
2 響；與盛與衰，以之所歸；力雖多，材雖
勁，以 3 制其命。順風而呼，聲不加疾也；（
際 G E > 證 G V > 登4 高而望，目
不加明也；所因便也。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou. 3. Chen Qiyou: text 以 GE 不 .
4. Ma Xulun, Chen Qiyou; X u n z i parallel.
Thus, the skilled persuader sets forth the facts and offers the remedy in
such a way th at as he observes the agitation o f his audience, it is as if he
himself were caught in their predicament. W hat need has he to employ any
force? Those w ho m ust compel their listeners arc demeaned. W hen persua
sions are n o t heeded, the responsibility lies n o t only w ith w hat is said but
also w ith the persuader himself.
A skillful persuader is like a clever knight;

He relies on the strength of others for his own strength.
Relies on their coming to help them come.
Relics on their going to help them go.
He docs not set forth his own forms or figures,
But creates and develops in accord with those of others,
Relics on them as he speaks,
Like their shadow, like their echo.
He expands or contracts with others;
Through these means he reaches his goal.
However great their strength, prodigious their talents,
He controls their fate.
W hen you shout w ith the wind, your voice is no m ore intense; when you
climb up high and gaze out, your vision is no clearer. The advantage comes
from w hat you have relied on.
B O O K 15 357
I5/5.2
惠盎見宋康王。康王蹀足謦欽，疾言曰：「
寡人之所說者勇有力也，而
無5 ( 爲 L C > 謂6仁義者。客將何以敎寡人？』惠盎對曰：「臣有道於此，使
人雖勇，刺之不入；雖有力，擊之弗中。大王獨無意邪？』王曰：「善！此
寡人〔
之〕7 所欲聞也。』惠盎曰：「夫刺之不入，擊之不中，此猶辱也。臣
有道於此，使人雖有勇弗敢刺，雖有力不敢擊。大王獨無意邪？』王曰：
「善！此寡人之所欲知也。』惠盎曰：「夫不敢刺、不敢擊，非無其志也。
臣有道於此，使人本無其志也。大王獨無意邪？』王曰：「善！此寡人之所
願也。《I 惠盎曰：「夫無其志也，未有愛利之心也。臣有道於此，使天下丈
夫女子莫不驩然皆欲愛利之，此其賢於勇有力也，居四累之上。大王獨無
意邪？』王曰：「此寡人之所欲得〔
也〕8 。』惠盎對曰：「孔、墨是也。孔丘、
墨翟，無地爲君，無官爲長，天下丈夫女子莫不延頸舉踵而願安利之。今
大王，萬乘之主也，誠有其志，則四境之內皆得其利矣，其賢於孔、墨也
遠矣。』宋王無以應。惠盎趨而出。宋王謂左右曰：「 ( 辨 G V > 辯9 矣。客之
以說服寡人也。』宋王，俗主也，而心猶可服，因矣。因則貧賤可以勝富
貴矣，小弱可以制彊大矣。
5. Cncn Qiyou; reject Bi Yuan emendarion to Liezi^ HNZ reading. 6. Chen Qiyou.
7. Sun Shuchcng; LieziyHNZ parallels.
8 . Bi Yuan, Jiang Wciqiao; Ltezi, HNZ parallels, jgSZTquotation. 9. Xu Wciyu, Chen Qiyou.
H u i Ang had an audience w ith King Kang o f Song. King Kang stamped
his foot, coughed, and said fiercely, ccBrave m en w ith strength please this
U nw orthy O ne, no t m en w ho discuss hum anity and morality. W hat does
my guest intend to teach m e?55
""Suppose,55 replied H ui Ang, UI knew the D ao that w ould cause men,
however brave, to fail to penetrate the flesh when they stab and, however
strong, to fail to hit when they strike; w ould the Great King have no inter
est in th a t?55
“Excellent!” said the king. ccT hat is som ething I w ant to learn about.”
aBut even if the m an fails to enter when he penetrates and fails to hit
when he strikes, you w ould still be hum iliated,55 said H ui Ang. ^Suppose
your servant knew the Dao that w ould make a brave man dare not stab you
o r a strong man dare not hit you. W ould the Great King have no interest in
that?”
"Excellent!55said the king. "That is som ething I w ant to know about.55
aBut just because he does not dare stab you or docs not dare strike you
docs n o t mean he lacks the will to do so,” said H ui Yang. “Suppose your
servant knew the Dao that could make a man fundamentally lack any such
will. W ould the Great King have no interest in that?w
“Excellent!” said the k in g /T h a t is w hat I hope for.”
aH e w ho lacks any such will may n o t yet have a m ind to love or benefit
others,55said H ui Ang. ccSuppose your servant knew the D ao that caused all
the m en and wom en o f the w orld joyously to desire to love and benefit
others. This w ould surely be the fourth rank w orthier than being brave or
strong. W ould the Great King have no interest in th at?55
"This is w hat I desire to obtain,55said the king.
ccThe teachings o f Confucius and M o D i are exactly this,w replied H u i
Ang. ccC onfudus and M o D i were lords o f no territory and supervised no
offices, yet all the m en and w om en o f the w orld stretched their necks and
stocxl on tiptoes hoping to be com forted and benefited by them . Now , the
Great King is the ruler o f ten thousand chariots. If he genuinely had the
same goal as Confucius and M o Di, then all w ithin the four borders w ould
enjoy his benefits, and he w ould be far w orthier than either o f them ,55
The king o f Song was at a loss to reply. H u i Ang left w ith courteous
haste. The king o f Song said to his courtiers, aW hat a discrimination! The
way my guest tam ed me w ith his persuasion!55
The king o f Song was a vulgar ruler and so the way his heart could be
tam ed by H u i Ang is an instance o f the technique o f ^relying.55By employ
ing the technique o f "'relying,55the poor and lowly can vanquish the rich and
noble and the small and weak can control the strong and big.
15/5.3
田贊衣補衣而見 ( 荆 T A > 楚王。（
荆 T A > 楚王曰：『先生之衣何其惡
也？』田贊對曰：「衣又有惡於此者也。』（荆 T A > 楚王曰：r 可得而聞
乎？』對曰：『甲惡於此。j 王曰：「何謂也？』對曰：『冬日則寒，夏日則
暑，衣無惡乎甲者。贊也貧，故衣惡也。今大王，萬乘之主也，富貴無敵，
而好衣民以甲，臣弗得也。意者爲其義邪？甲之事，兵之事也，刈人之頸，
刳人之腹，隳人之城郭，刑人之父子也，其名又甚不榮。意者爲其實邪？
苟慮害人，人亦必慮害之；苟慮危人，人亦必慮危之。其實 ( 人則 G E > 又 1()
甚不安。之二者，臣爲大王無取焉。』（
荆 T A > 楚王無以應。說雖未大行，
田贊可謂能立其方矣。若夫偃息之義，則未之識也。
io. Yu Yuc; parallelism.
W hen Tian Zan had an audience w ith the king o f Chu, he was dressed
in patched garments. The king asked, aWhy, master, are your clothes so
awfiil?”
Tian Zan replied, "There are clothes m ore awfiil than m ine.55
B O O K 15 359
^May one get to learn about th em ?55inquired the king o f Chu.

aA rm or is m ore awful than these clothes.55
“H o w do you mean?”
aSince arm or makes one cold in winter and h o t in summer, there are no
clothes more awful than armor. I, Zan, am pcx>r, and that is why m y clothes
arc awfiil. But you. Great King, are the ruler o f ten thousand chariots. Your
wealth and nobility have no m atch; yet you are fond o f dressing your sub
jects in armor. Your servant does n o t understand this. Is your idea perhaps
that by doing this, you will appear righteous? Now , matters requiring ar
m or are military matters, like slitting a man5s throat, cutting open his belly,
toppling a m an5s city walls, and punishing his father and sons. Anyone w ho
does such things will gain a reputation that is utterly inglorious. O r are you
doing it because you actually plan to use the armor? I f you contemplate
doing harm to a man, he will certainly also consider how to harm you; and
if you contemplate endangering him, he will certainly also consider how to
p u t you in danger. Anyone w ho actually uses arm or will find him self very
insecure. Your servant w ould no t chcx>se either o f these tw o alternatives for
the G reat King.55
The king o f C hu was at a loss to reply.
A lthough his persuasion never had any great effect, Tian Zan may be
called one w ho was able to establish his m ethods. As for “ceasing to use
weapons and resting the people,55he did n o t know how to im plem ent that
principle.
15/5.4
管子得於魯，魯束縛而檻之，使役人載而送之齊，其謳歌而引。管子恐
魯之止而殺己也，欲速至齊，因謂役人曰：^我爲汝唱，汝爲我和。』（其
G E > 具 11所唱適宜走，役人不倦，而取道甚速，管子可謂能因矣。役人得
其所欲，己亦得其所欲。以此術也，是用萬乘之國，其霸猶少，桓公則難
與往也。
il. C h en Q iyou.
W hen Guan Z hong was captured in Lu, he was tied up, put on a litter,
and carried back to Qi by slaves. They chanted and sang as they pulled him.
Fearful that Lu m ight detain him and kill him, Guan Z hong was anxious to
arrive quickly in Qi, he told the slaves, aI will be the lead singer and you
provide the harmony.wThe speed at which he sang was m atched by their
running. The slaves did not tire o u t and made the trip very quickly.
Guan Zhong may be said to have been c<able to use the technique o f
relying.55Both the slaves and he obtained w hat they desired. In using these
m ethods to exercise authority over a state o f ten thousand chariots and
making it lord-protector was the least he could have achieved. But w ith
Duke H uan being the ruler, it w ould have been difficult for G uan Z hong to
go any further.
六曰不廣
CH A PTER 6
O N N O T B E IN G N E G L I G E N T
15/6.1
智者之舉事必因時。時不可必成，其人事則不 ( 廣 S F > 曠1，成亦可，不
成亦可。以其所能託其所不能，若舟之與車。
I. C hen Q iyou.
In initiating any project, the wise invariably rely on the right opportu
nity. But since there can be no guarantee that the right opportunity will
develop, hum an effort should not be neglected. Since an opportunity may
or may n o t develop, one should use the capacities one has to make up for
those that one lacks, like using a boat or a cart.
15/6.2
北方有獸，名曰蹶，鼠前而兔後，趨則跆，走則顚，常爲蛩蛩距虛取甘
草以與之。蹶有患害也，
蛩蛩距虛必負而走。此以其所能託其所不能。
In the northern regions there is an animal called the "'stumbler55whose
front legs are those o f a rat and whose rear legs are those o f a hare. W hen it
tries to hop, it falls over backward, and when it tries to run it tumbles over
frontward. It always takes the sweet grasses it gathers and gives them to the
“fabulous big-and-small.” This is because whenever the “stum bler55 is in
trouble and danger the “fabulous big-and-small” will carry it off to safety. It
uses the capacity it has to make up for what it cannot do.
15/6.3
鮑叔、管仲、召忽，三人相善，欲相與定齊國，以公子糾爲必立。召忽
曰：F吾三人者於齊國也，譬之若鼎之有足，去一焉則不成。且小白則必不
B O O K 15 361
立矣，不若三人佐公子糾也。』管子曰：『不可。夫國人惡公子糾之母，以
及公子糾；公子小白無母，而國人憐之。事未可知，不若令一人事公子小
白。夫有齊國必此二公子也。j 故令鮑叔傅公子小白，管子、召忽居公子
糾所。（公子糾 ) 2外物則固難必。雖然，管子之慮近之矣。若是而猶不全
也，其天邪，人事則盡之矣。
2. YuYuc; dittography.
The three m en Bao Shu, G uan Zhong, and Shao H u were on gcxxl
term s w ith each other and w anted to cooperate in settling the state o f Qi.
Believing that Prince Jiu was certain to ascend the throne, Shao H u said,
ccWe three are to Q i like the feet o f a tripod. I f one foot is missing, the
tripod cannot stand. Further, Prince Xiaobo is certain not to ascend the
throne. It w ould be best for us to assist Prince Jiu.55
"That w ould n o t do,55said G uan Zhong. cT h e hatred the citizens o f our
state bear Prince Jiu5s m other extends to the prince himself. Since Prince
Xiaobo has no mother, the citizens pity him. We cannot predict the out
come, so it w ould be best if one o f us were to serve Prince Xiaobo. It is
certain that one o f these tw o will take possession o f the state o f Q i.55
Thus, they had Bao Shu made tutor to Prince Xiaobo, while Guan Z hong
and Shao H u resided w ith Prince Jiu. It is assuredly difficult to be certain
w ith regard to external things. Nonetheless, G uan Z h o n ^ s planning came
close to achieving certainty. I f one proceeds thusly and still docs n o t com-
plete onc5s task, surely this is because o f Heaven, if every hum an effort has
been expended.
15/6.4
齊攻糜丘。趙使孔青將死士而救之，與齊人戰，大敗之。齊將死。得車
二千，得尸三萬以爲二京。甯越謂孔青曰：F惜矣，不如歸尸以內攻之。越
聞之，古善戰者，莎隨 ( 賁服 L C > 般伏 3 ，郤舍延尸，（
彼得尸而財費乏)4 ，
車甲盡於戰，府庫盡於葬。此之謂內攻之。j 孔青曰： f ( 敵 < ^ > 適5齊不尸
則如何？』甯越曰：「戰而不勝，其罪一。與人出而不與人入，其罪二。
與之尸而弗取，其罪三。民以此三者怨上，上無以使下，下無以事上。是
之謂重攻之。j 甯越可謂知用文武矣。用武則以力勝，用文則以德勝。文
武盡勝，何敵之不服？
3. C hen Q iyou.
4. Chen Qiyou; Gao You commentary erroneously entered into the text in Bi Yuan^ collation; Sun
Yirang*s collation corrects the error. 5. Chen Qiyou.
W hen Qi attacked Linqiu, Z hao sent Kong Q ing at the head o f a suicide
squad to save it. H e fought the army o f Q i and inflicted a great defeat on
them , in which the Qi general died. Kong Q ing then gathered into two
m ounds the two thousand chariots and 30,000 corpses o f the Q i army.
N ing Yue said to Kong Qing, <cH ow unfortunate! It w ould have been
better to let them take the corpses hom e in order to attack from w ithin. I
have learned that in antiquity those w ho were skilled at warfare w ould with-
draw by one da^s march after the clamor o f the conflict, to allow the enemy
to gather up his corpses. Chariots and arm or were used up in the conflict;
the wealth o f storehouses and repositories w ould be consum ed in burying
the war dead. This is w hat 'attacking from within5means.55
aW hat should be done if Q i does n o t gather its corpses?55 asked Kong
Qing. N ing Yue said, ^ h e i r first crime then w ould be that they fought
and lost; their second crime, that they had left w ith all their m en but did
n o t return w ith all o f them ; and their third crime, that we gave them the
corpses but they would no t take them. O n account o f these three crimes the
populace o f Qi w ould hate its superiors. The superiors then would be at a
loss to employ their subordinates, and the subordinates w ould be unable to
serve their superiors. This is called "attacking them twice.5w
N ing Yue may properly be called knowledgeable in the use o f the civil
and military factors. W hen he made use o f military factors, he trium phed
through physical strength. W hen he made use o f the civilian factors, he
w on through moral power. W hen one is utterly trium phant in both civil
and military m atters, w hat enemy will not submit?
15/6.5
晉文公欲合諸侯。咎犯曰：「不可。天下未知君之義也。』公曰：「何

若？』咎犯曰：「天子避叔帶之難，出居于鄭。君奚不納之，以定大義？且
以樹譽。』文公曰：「吾其能乎？』咎犯曰：「事若能成，繼文之業，定武
之功，闢土安疆，於此乎在矣。事若不成，補周室之闕，勤天子之難，成
敎垂名，於此乎在矣。君其勿疑。』文公聽之，遂與草中之戎、驪土之翟，
定天子于成周。於是天子賜之南陽之地，遂霸諸侯。舉事義且利，以立大
功。文公可謂智矣。此咎犯之謀也。出亡十七年，反國四年而霸，其聽皆
如咎犯者邪！
W hen Duke Wen o f Jin w anted to assemble the feudal lords, Uncle Fan
said, "That would not be wise. The world has yet to recognize your lordship5s
sense o f moral purpose.55
^W hat should I d o ?55asked the Duke.
aIn order to escape the difficulties associated w ith his uncle Dai, the
B O O K 15 363
Son o f Heaven has gone o u t to live in Zheng,55said Uncle Fan. ^Why does
your lordship n o t take him in and thereby both assure your great moral
mission as well as plant the seeds o f your reputation?55
wHave I the ability to do th a t?55asked Duke Wen.
ccI f this m atter is brought to a successful com pletion, you will have con
tinued the endeavors o f M arquis Wen, consolidated the achievements o f
Duke W u, opened up territories, and pacified borders. The success o f these
depend upon doing that. I f the m atter does n o t succeed, you will still have
repaired some o f the deficiencies o f the house o f Zhou, diligendy aided the
Son o f Heaven in his difficulties, provided a m oral lesson, and left behind a
gcxxi name. The success o f these depend upon doing that. Let your lord-
ship n o t hesitate.55
Duke Wen heeded his advice and, as a consequence, in collaboration
w ith the R ong barbarians o f Caozhong and the Di barbarians o f Litu, estab
lished the Son o f Heaven in Chengzhou, ^ i a o r i o u s Z h o u .55At this, the
Son o f Heaven bestowed the lands o f Nanyang on him and subsequently
nam ed him lord-protector over the feudal lords. W hat he undertcx>k to do
was both right and beneficial and he thereby established a great achievement.
T hat Duke Wen may be called wise is because o f the planning o f his
maternal uncle Fan. After seventeen years o f exile and four years after return
ing to his state, he became lord-protector. Is it n o t because in his judgm ents
he always abided by Uncle Fan?
15/6.6
管子、鮑叔佐齊桓公舉事，齊之東鄙人有常致苦者。管子死，豎刁、易
牙用，國之人常致不苦，不知致苦，卒爲齊國良工，澤及子孫。知大禮，
知大禮雖不知國可也。
W hen G uan Z hong and Bao Shu aided Duke H uan in m anaging af
fairs, people in the eastern regions o f Q i constantiy complained o f their
hardship. By the tim e Guan Z hong died, when Shu D ao and Yi Ya took
control o f the country, they regularly expressed their happiness and no longer
complained o f hardship. In the end, Guan Z hong governed the state o f Qi
like a gcxxi artisan and the effects o f his accomplishments extended to his
posterity. Guan Zhong understood the great rituals. Understanding the great
rituals, even at the expense o f understanding statecraft, is permissible.
七曰貴因
CHA PTER 7
E S T E E M IN G T H E P R IN C I P L E O F R E L Y IN G
15/ 7.1
三代所寶莫如因，因則無敵。禹通三江、五湖，決伊闕，溝迴陸，注之
東海，因水之 (力 G E > 勢 1也。舜一徙成邑，再徙成都，三徙成國，而堯授
之禪位，因人之心也。湯、武以千乘制夏、商，因民之欲也。如秦者立而
至，有車也；適越者坐而至，有舟也。秦、越，遠塗也，崢立安坐而至者，
因其械也。
I. Chen Qiyou.
The Three Dynasties treasured nothing so m uch as relying on the natu

ral state o f things. W hen you rely on the natural state o f things, you will be
unopposed. Yu connected the three rivers and the five lakes, dredged the
Yique, made channels in the H uilu, and made the water flow into the East
ern Sea by relying on the natural tendency o f water. The first place to which
Shun moved became a tow n, the second a m etropolis, and the third a state,
so when Yao transm itted the position he had abdicated to Shun, he was
relying on the feelings o f the people. T hat Tang and Wu w ith only a th o u
sand chariots brought the Xia and Shang under their control was because
they were relying on the desires o f the people. T hat som eone traveling to
Q in arrives standing up is because he has a chariot. That som eone going to
Yue arrives sitting dow n is because he has a boat. The routes to Q in or Yuc
are distant. W hether you arrive standing straight up or comfortably sitting
relies on the nature o f the vehicle.
15/ 7 .2
武王使人候殷，反報岐周曰：『
殷其亂矣。』武王曰：r 其亂焉至？j 對
曰：「讒慝勝良 Q 』武王曰：「尙未也。』又 ( 復 ) 2往，反報曰，其亂加矣。 j
武王曰：r 焉至？』對曰：「賢者出走矣。』武王曰：「尙末也。』又往，反
報曰：「其亂甚矣。』武王曰：「焉至？j 對曰：「百姓不敢誹怨矣。』武王
曰：r 嘻！』遽吿太公。太公對曰：「讒慝勝良，命曰戮；賢者出走，命曰
崩；百姓不敢誹怨，命曰刑勝。其亂至矣，不可以駕矣。』故選車三百，
虎賁三千，朝要甲子之期，而紂爲禽，則武王固知其無與爲敵也。因其所
用，何敵之有矣？
2. XuWciyu; excrescent; jßSZTparallel.
B O O K 15 365
King Wu sent a m an to spy on Yin. W hen he returned to Q izhou to

report, he said, ^ i n is surely disordered.55
cT o w hat degree has its disorder developed?55asked King Wu.
"'Slanderers and evildoers have vanquished the good,55the spy replied.
ccIt has still n o t reached the right point,55said King Wu, and so the spy
returned to make further observations.
W hen he returned, he reported, ^The disorder has increased.55
“H o w far has it gone?
"The w orthy have begun to flee.55
“It has still not reached the right point,” said King Wu.
The m an w ent again, and w hen he returned to report, he said, aThe
disorder is extreme.55
“H o w far has it gone?”
"The H undred Clans dare n o t complain or express resentm ent.55
""Ah!55exclaimed King Wu and hurriedly reported this to the Grand Duke,
The G rand Duke observed, ccW hen slanderers and evildoers vanquish
the gcxxi, the name for it is "tyranny.5W hen the w orthy flee, the name for it
is "collapse.5W hen the H undred Clans dare n o t complain or express their
resentm ent, the name for it is Excessive punishm ent,5D isorder has reached
its peak and will increase no further.55
Therefore, King Wu selected three hundred chariots and three th o u
sand tiger braves. Having kept the appointed time o f dawn on the dzyjiazi^
he made Z hou Xin his captive. King W u knew for certain that he was no
match for the forces o f Zhou Xin. H e relied on w hat he could use; how
could he have been opposed?
15/7.3
武王至鮪水。殷使膠鬲候周師，武王見之。膠鬲曰：「西伯將何之？無欺
我也。j 武王曰：「不子欺，將之殷也。j 膠鬲曰：「鴣至？』武王曰：「將以
甲子至殷郊，子以是報矣。』膠鬲行。天雨，日夜不休，武王疾行不輟。軍師
皆諫曰：「卒病，請休之。j 武王曰：「吾已令膠鬲以甲子之期報其主矣。今甲
子不至，是令膠鬲不信也。膠鬲不信也，其主必殺之。吾疾行以救膠鬲之
死也。j 武王果以甲子至殷郊。殷已先陳矣。至殷，因戰，大克之。此武
王之義也。人爲人之所欲，己爲人之所惡，先陳何益？適令武王不耕而穫。
King Wu arrived at the Wei river. Yin had sent Jiao Gc to spy on the
Z hou army. King Wu gave him an audience, at which Jiao Ge asked, ^Wherc
does the Earl o f the West plan to go? D o n o t deceive mc.w
“I will n ot deceive you ，sir. I plan to go to Yin.”
“W hen will you arrive?”
CCI ex p ea to arrive in the suburbs o f Yin on the d^yjiazi. You may report
this.”
Jiao Gc departed. Despite constant rain. King W u marched quickly, not
resting day or night, and never stopping. All his generals complained, ^The
soldiers arc w orn out. Please let them rest.55
King W u replied, aI have already allowed Jiao Ge to report to the ruler
our fixed date o f jiazi. If we do n o t arrive on xhejiazi day Jiao Ge will no
longer be trusted, and if that is the case, the ruler will certainly kill him. We
are on a forced march to save Jiao Ge from death s As it turned out. King
W u did arrive at the suburbs o f Yin on the dzy jiazi. The Yin forces were
already arrayed in military formations. W hen the Z hou forces arrived, they
engaged them in battle and inflicted a great defeat on them . This is an in
stance o f King Wu5s observance o f moral principle. I f we do w hat the people
desire while others do w hat they hate, w hat advantage do they gain from
being the first to array their trcx>ps? This is a perfect example o f ^gathering
the harvest w ithout having broken the soil.55
15/7•斗
武王入殷，聞殷有長者。武王往見之，而問殷之所以亡。殷長者對曰：
「王欲知之，則請以日中爲期。j 武王與周公旦明日早要期，則弗得也。
武王怪之。周公曰：「吾已知之矣。此君子也，（
取 S F > 趣 3不能〔
殉〕4其主，
( 有 G V > 又5以其惡吿王，不忍爲也。若夫期而不當，言而不信，此殷之所
以亡也，已以此吿王矣。 j
3. Chen Qiyou. 4. Chen Qiyou. 5. Wang Niansun.
W hen King Wu entered Yin, he learned that there was an elder in the
city. King Wu w ent to see him, to inquire into the reasons Yin perished.
The Yin elder replied, ccI f the king wants to know, then I propose that we
arrange to m çet at noon.” Together w ith D an, Duke o f Z hou, King Wu
arrived early for the appointm ent, but the elder did n o t keep it.
King W u thought this peculiar, but the Duke o f Z hou explained: aI
already know the reasons for Yin5s demise. This m an is a gentleman; to have
to report to your majesty his rulers evils after having chosen the impossible
path o f n o t following his ruler to death, was m ore than he could bear to do.
As for his making an appointm ent and n o t keeping it and giving his w ord
b ut n o t living up to it, these arc the reasons for Yin5s demise. By his actions
he has already informed your majesty o f them .55
B O O K 15 3 6 7
I 5 /7 .5
夫審天者，察列星而知四時，因也。推歷者，視月行而知晦朔，因也。
禹之裸國，裸入衣出，因也。墨子見 ( 荆 T A > 楚王，（
錦衣 G E > 衣錦6吹
笙，因也。孔子道彌子瑕見釐夫人，因也。湯、武遭亂世，臨苦民，揚其
義，成其功，因也。故因則功，專則拙。因者無敵。國雖大，民雖眾，何
益？
6. S un S huchcng; TPYL q u o ta tio n .
W hen those w ho scrutinize the sky recognize the four seasons by exam-
ining the zodiac constellations, it is an instance o f relying on the natural
state o f things. W hen those w ho keep the calendars know when the first
and last days o f the m onth will occur by observing the movements o f the
m oon, it is a case o f relying on the natural state o f things. W hen Yu w ent to
the country o f the naked, he entered naked but left clothed. This is an in
stance o f relying on w hat is natural in the society. W hen M o D i had an
audience w ith the king o f Chu, he dressed in brocade and played tiic flute.
This is a case o f relying on w hat is natural in the scx:iety. W hen Confucius
was intrcxluced to Lady Li by M i Zixia, it was a case o f relying on w hat was
natural to the court, Tang and W u found themselves in a disordered age.
Observing the suffering people, they proclaimed their moral purpose and
completed their work. This is a case o f relying on w hat is natural to the
people. Thus, if you rely on w hat is natural to the situation, you will suc
ceed; but if you act alone, you will fail. Since those w ho rely on w hat is
natural to the situation cannot be opposed, w hat further advantage is to be
gained from the state however great it may be, or from the people, however
num erous they may be?
八曰察今
CH A PTER 8
E X A M IN IN G T H E P R E S E N T
15 / 8 .1
爲欲同，其所爲欲異。口惽之命不 ( 愉 G V > 諭 3 ，>4人以自是，反以相誹。天
下之學者多辯，言利辭倒，不求其實，務以相毀，以勝爲故。先王之法，
胡可得而法？雖可得，猶若不可法。凡先王之法，有要於時也，時不與法
倶至。法雖今而至，猶若不可法。故 ( 擇 G V > 釋 5先王之成法，而法其所以
爲法。先王之所以爲法者何也？先王之所以爲法者人也。而己亦人也，故
察己則可以知人，察今則可以知古，古今一也，人與我同耳。有道之士，
貴以近知遠，以今知古，以益所見，知所不見。故審堂下之陰，而知日月
之行、陰陽之變；見瓶水之冰，而知天下之寒、魚鱉之藏也；嘗一脬肉，
而知一鑊之味、一鼎之調。
I. Sun Jiangming, TanJicfu, Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou. 3. Yang Shuda.
4. Chen Qiyou; text scrambled. 5. XuWciyu.
W hy do rulers not adopt the laws o f the Form er Kings? It is no t because

these rulers arc n o t worthy, but because such laws cannot be adopted. The
laws o f the Form er Kings are classical standards, which have come to us
from ancient ages and which people have sometimes supplemented and other
times abridged; how could they possibly be adopted? Even if they had never
been supplemented or abridged, it w ould still not be possible to adopt them.
The ordinances o f the Yi and Xia states and the law codes o f antiquity and
the present employ different terminology and contain statutes with divergent
provisions. Thus, ancient ordinances are incommensurate w ith the terminol-
ogy o f the present， and the laws o f the present are frequently inconsistent
w ith the laws o f the past.
The divergent customs o f the various peoples is analogous to this. Since
their boats, carts, clothes, cuisine, music, and ideas o f feminine beauty are
n o t the same, and tiicir desires are the same, w hat they do in response to
these desires is different. The m ode o f speech o f one group is n o t under
standable to the other, so each group thinks itself correct and condemns the
practices o f others. The learned m en o f the world frequently engage in de
bate. W ith expressions that are piercingly sharp and propositions that turn
reality upside dow n, they do n o t seek tru th but strive to best one another,
considering v iao ry their sole purpose. H ow w ould it be proper to adopt
the laws o f the Form er Kings? Even if it were proper, the results w ould be
the same as if it were improper.
As a general principle, the laws o f the Form er Kings are bound up w ith
the age in which they were created; but the age that created these laws has
n o t survived along w ith them. A lthough the influence o f the laws reaches
the present, it still is not proper to adopt them . Thus, one should abandon
the established laws o f the Form er Kings but adopt the reasons for which
B O O K 15 369
they were originally enacted. W hat was the basis o f the Former Kings5enact
m ent o f laws? They took m an as the basis for their laws. And since the
Form er Kings were themselves also m en, by examining themselves, they
could know others. By examining the present, one can know the past, for
past and present share one and the same principle. O ther men and I share a
com m on identity. Scholar-knights w ho possess the D ao prize using the near
to know the distant, using the present to know the past, and knowing w hat
is n o t seen from w hat is seen. H ence, by examining the shadows at the foot
o f the hall one knows the movements o f the sun and the m oon and the
metam orphoses o f the Yin and Yang principles. By looking at the water that
has frozen in a jar, one may know how cold it is in the w orld at large and
that fish and tortoises have gone to the bottom . By tasting a single bite o f
the m eat, one can know the flavor o f the whole po t and how the ingredi
ents are blended in the whole cauldron.
15/8.2
( 荆 T A > 楚人欲襲宋，使人先表擁水。潴水暴益，（荆 T A > 楚人弗知，

循表而夜涉，溺死者千有餘人，軍驚而壞都舍。嚮其先表之時可導也，今
水已變而益多矣，（
荆 T A > 楚人尙猶循表而導之，此其所以敗也。今世之
主，法先王之法也，有似於此。其時已與先王之法〔
異，而先王之法〕
6虧
矣，而曰「此先王之法也』而法之以爲治，豈不悲哉？故治國無法則亂，
守法而弗變則悖，悖亂不可以持國。世易時移，變法宜矣。譬之若良醫，
病萬變，藥亦萬變。病變而藥不變，嚮之壽民，今爲殤子矣。故凡舉事必
循法以動，變法者因時而化。若〔
行之〕
7此論則無過務矣。
6 . C h e n Q iy o u . 7. T ao H o n g q in g .
The army o f Chu, w anting to make a surprise attack on Song, first sent
a m an to go and mark the fording place across the Yong River. But the Yong
River was subject to violent floods. The C hu army did no t know this, so
when they tried to ford the river at night, following the markers that had
been set, m ore than a thousand o f their m en drowned. The army panicked
and destroyed their whole encampm ent. W hen the markers had first been
placed, they could have been followed. But the river had changed and deep
ened considerably. Because the C hu army still followed the markers it was
defeated.
W hen the rulers o f the present age adopt the laws o f the Form er Kings,
it is rather similar to this. T hough their ow n times arc different from those
o f the Former Kings and the laws o f the Former Kings have been discredited.
these rulers neverthdcss say/HThese arc the laws o f the Porm er Kings and
so we shall adopt them .55They try to bring about order w ith them . Is that
n o t indeed pitiable? H ence, to govern the state w ithout having laws results
in anarchy; to preserve the laws w ithout modifying them w ith the times
results in rebellion and anarchy. A nd anarchy and rebellion cannot maintain
the state.
As generations change and the seasons replace one another, it is fitting
that one reforms the laws. It is like being a good doctor. I f he is to treat a
disease that undergoes a myriad o f transform ations, he m ust have a drug
that also undergoes a myriad o f transformations. If the disease transforms
but the drug does not, then those who lived long lives in the past will now
die young. Hence, as a general principle, proposals and undertakings m ust
comply w ith the law in order to be executed. In reform ing the law, one
relies on the times to make the modifications. I f you follow this thesis， then
you will n ot err in w hat you strive to accomplish.
15/8.3
夫不敢議法者，眾庶也；以死守〔
法〕8者，有司也；因時變法者，賢主
也。是故有天下〔
者〕9七十一聖，其法皆不同，非務相反也，時勢異也。故
曰良劍期乎斷，不期乎鍥铘；良馬期乎千里，不期乎驥驚。夫成功名者，
此先王之千里也。（
荆 T A > 楚人有涉江者，其劍自舟中墜於水，遽契其舟
曰：「
是吾劍之所從墜。』舟止，從其所契者入水求之。舟已行矣，而劍不
行，求劍若此，不亦惑乎？以 ( 此 )1()故法爲其國與此同。時已徙矣，而法不
徙，以此爲治，豈不難哉？有過於江上者，見人方引嬰兒而欲投之江中，
嬰兒啼，（人 )u 問其故，曰：「此其父善游。j 其父雖善游，其子豈遽善游
哉？〔以〕 12此任物亦必悖矣。（荆 T A > 楚國之爲政，有似於此。
8. Bi Yuan. 9- Chen Qiyou; parallel phrase in 22/5. 10. WangNiansun.
11. Chen Qiyou. 12. Wang Niansun.
Now, those w ho w ould n o t presume to debate laws are the m ultitude.

Those who die preserving the laws exactly as they are hold the offices charged
w ith managing them . Those w ho rely on the times to reform the laws are
worthy rulers. This is why the seventy-one sages w ho have possessed the
empire each had different laws. This was not because they overturned those
o f their predecessors, but because the times and situations were different.
Hence, it is said, aA goexi sword is measured by how well it cuts not by how
it compares to the Moye sword; a good horse is measured by w hether it
will go a thousand li} no t by how it compares w ith a Q i or an Ao thorough-
B O O K 15 371
bred.55Now, to perfect a reputation for achievement is the thousand-// test

o f the Form er Kings,
W hen a m an from C hu was fording a river, his sword fell from the boat
into the water. H e immediately m ade a notch in the boat and declared,
"This is where my sword w ent in .55W hen the boat stopped, he w ent into
the w ater to search for his sw ord in the spot indicated by the notch he had
made. The boat had m oved, but his sw ord had not. Was it n o t sheer delu
sion to search for a sword this way? U sing ancient laws to govern the state
is no different. Since the tim e has changed but the laws have n o t followed
suit, will it n ot be difficult to bring about order using them?
Som eone passing along a river saw a m an at that m om ent pulling on a
child, intending to throw it into the river. The child was screaming and the
passerby asked w hat the m an was doing. The m an said, aH is father is a
gocxl swimmer.55But just because a child5s father is a good swim m er does
n o t mean that the child will automatically be one. Such dependence on
things certainly defies all reason. The way the state o f C hu was governed is
rather similar to this.
Book 16
The eight chapters of this book set forth the principles and techniques by which
one should examine things and distinguish them from one another. The purpose
of this exposition is to teach the ruler how to go about identifying and employing
the worthy.
Chapter i explains that those who disagree with the ruler arc the ones to whom
he should listen, for they most clearly recognize the signs that portend calamity in
his state. The way to obtain the services of the worthy who possess the Dao, chap
ter 2 warns, is to treat them with utmost respect and courtesy. Chapter 3 points out
that the wise, unlike the stupid, can know the future. Thus, if a state perishes, it is
because a ruler foolishly failed to recruit wise men, preferring to rely on his own
limited capacity for understanding. What caused the tragedy of the last years of
Duke Huan's reign was his failutre to heed the wise counsel of Guan Zhong. Chapter
斗expands on the theme of shortsighted rulers failing to seek the advice of the
worthy. In the extended narrative that makes up the chapter, the grand officer of
Zhou, Prince Man, predias that in spite of its great strength the Qin army will be
defeated, because it has failed to observe the proper rituals in the presence of the
Son of Heaven—-an observation that appears to identify the chapter with Ru thinkers.
Chapter 5 advances the thesis that ordinary people arc too stupid to under
stand the implications of the acts of the sages. Thus, they need not be consulted,
though they should be included, in celebrating the successes of sagely govern
ment. This principle appears to have been borrowed from the Book o f L ord Shattg.
Chapter 6 points out that dose examination of their subtly minute beginnings
enables one to predict the outcome of all events. It praises Confucius for his re
markable ability to learn of the future from seemingly insignificant events and criti
cizes a number of others who lack such ability. The need to approach problems
without: bias and prejudice is the theme of chapter 7. Chapter 8 demonstrates how
stupid rulers can be fcx^lcd into accepting as worthy officials individuals who, their
common sense tells them, arc not fit for office. When the early Mohist Yin Wen
[372]
B O O K 16 373
claims that those who do not fight when insulted arc not disgraced and that the
king should reward such individuals with o伍cial appointment， King Min o f Qi is
too weak-minded to respond. According to this chapter, the success o f Yin Wen’s
argument signals the demise o f the grand old state o f Qi and calls for a ""Rectification
o f Names55 (the chapters title) in the state.
一曰先識
CHA PTER 1
FO REK N O W LED G E
16/1.1
凡國之亡也，有道者必先去，古今一也。地從於城，城從於民，民從於
賢。故賢主得賢者而民得，民得而城得，城得而地得。夫地得豈必足行其
地、人說其民哉？得其要而已矣。
Generally, w hen a state is about to perish, those w ho possess the D ao
are sure to depart before it happens—in this antiquity and the present are
the same. The territory follows the cities; the cities follow the people; the
people follow the worthy. H ence, if a w orthy ruler holds o nto w orthy offi
cials, the people are held; if the people are held, the cities are held; if the
cities arc held, the territory is held. Accordingly, in order to hold the terri
tory, why should it be necessary for the ruler to inspect his territories on
foot and to please his subjects in person? All that is necessary is that one
grasp the essentials.
16/1.2
夏太史令終古，〔
見桀惑亂〕，1出其圖法，執而泣之。（
夏桀迷惑，暴亂
愈甚，太史令終古乃出奔如商。）
2湯喜而吿諸侯曰：F夏王無道，暴虐百
姓，窮其父兄，恥其功臣，輕其賢良，棄義聽讒，眾庶咸怨，守法之臣，
自歸于商。 j
I. Chen Qiyou; B T S C quotation. 2. Dittography.
Z hong G u, head o f the G rand H istoriographers Office o f the Xia, per

ceiving that Jic was deluded and lawless, fled with its maps and laws, holding
fast to them as he wept. Greatly pleased, Tang reported to the feudal lords:
aThc king o f Xia lacks the Dao,

Tyrannizes the Hundred Names,
Inflicts hardship on his elders,

Shames his meritorious subjects,
Belittles the worthy and the good.
Casts aside the righteous, heeds the slanderous.
The masses are filled with resentment;
His ministers who maintain the laws
Have joined the Shang.”
16/1.3
殷內史向摯見紂之愈亂迷惑也，於是載其圖法，出亡之周。武王大說，
以吿諸侯曰：「商王大亂，（沈 G V > 酖 3于酒德，辟遠箕子，爰近姑與息，妲
己爲政，賞罰無方，不用法式，殺三不辜，民大不服，守法之臣，出奔周
國0j
3. Yang Shuda.
Xiang Zhi, inner scribe o f the Yin, seeing that Z hou Xin was increas
ingly lawless, benighted, and deluded, loaded its maps and laws in a cart
and fled to Zhou. King W u was overjoyed and reported to the feudal lords:
aThe king of Shang is utterly dissolute.

Addicted to the power of liquor.
He has exiled the Viscount of Ji,
He favors those who indulge and spoil him.
Daji controls the government;
There arc no standards for rewards and penalties.
Not employing laws and models,
He has murdered three innocent men.
The people are very disobedient;
His ministers who maintain the laws
Have all fled to the Zhou stated
16/1.4
晉太史屠黍見晉之亂也，見晉公之驕而無德義也，以其圖法歸周。周威公
見而問焉，曰：「天下之國孰先亡？j 對曰：「晉先亡。』威公問其故。對
曰：『臣比在晉也，不敢直言。示晉公以天妖，日月星辰之行多 ( 以 )4不當，
曰：「是何能爲？」又示以人事多不義，百姓皆鬱怨，曰：「是何能傷？」又
示以鄰國不服，賢良不舉，曰：「是何能害？」如是，是不知〔
所以存〕
5 ，所
以亡也，故臣曰晉先亡也。』居三年，晉果亡。威公又見屠黍而問焉，曰：
『孰次之？j 對曰：『中山次之。』威公問其故。對曰：1■天生民而令有別。
有別，人之義也，所異於禽獸麋鹿也，君臣上下之所以立也。中山之俗，
B O O K 16 375
以晝爲夜，以夜繼日，男女切倚，固無休息，〔
淫昏〕
6康樂，歌謠好悲。其
主弗知惡。此亡國之風也。臣故曰中山次之。』居二年，中山果亡。威公
又見屠黍而問焉，曰：F孰次之？』屠黍不對。威公固問焉。對曰：『君次
之。j 威公乃懼。求國之長者，得義蒔、田邑而禮之，得史轔、趙駢以爲
諫臣，去苛令三十九物，以吿屠黍。對曰：r 其尙終君之身乎 ! j 〔
威公問其
故。對〕
7 曰：「臣聞之：國之興也，天遺之賢人與極言之士；國之亡也，天
遺之亂人與善諛之士。』威公薨，肆，九月不得葬，周乃分爲二。故有道
者之言也，不可不重也。
4. Sun Shuchcng; S T parallel. 5. Liu Shipci; S T parallel.
6. XuWciyou, Chen Qiyou; S T parallel, quotation fromShuijin£f commentary. 7. Chen Qiyou.
Tu Shu, G rand H istoriographer o f Jin, seeing the disorder in Jin and

the arrogance and lack o f virtue and propriety o f the Duke o f Jin, fled to
Z hou w ith his maps and laws. Wei, the duke o f Z hou, granted him an audi
ence and asked him, ccO f the states o f the world, which will perish first?55
W hen he replied, aJin,55the duke asked why. c<W hen your subject was in
Jin, he did n o t dare speak forthrighdy. H e showed the duke o f Jin celestial
anomalies and the m any irregularities in the movements o f the sun, m oon,
planets, and constellations, but the duke said, "What can these things d o ?5
Your servant then showed him the m any improprieties in the handling o f
hum an affairs, the glœ m iness and resentm ent o f the entire populace, but
the duke said, cH o w can these be injurious?5Your servant then showed him
how disobedient neighboring states had become, and how the w orthy and
gcxxi were n o t being prom oted, but the duke said, cH o w can those do any
eing like this, the duke was utterly unaware o f w hat causes states to
>r perish. This is why your subject said, ‘Jin will be the first to per-
ish.555In three years, Jin did in fact perish.
Subsequently, Duke Wei had an audience w ith Tu Shu and asked o f
him, “W ho will be next?”
W hen he replied, “Z hongshan，” the duke asked him to explain. “W hen
nature created hum ankind, it decreed that there should be separation o f the
sexes. To have such a separation is the moral ground o f being hum an. It is
w hat distinguishes hum ans from wild birds and beasts as well as the mi deer
and lu deer and w hat provides a basis for distinctions between lord and
subject, superior and inferior. The customs o f Zhongshan allow people to
make the day into night, and the night to continue into the day. M en and
women are always kissing and hugging and never want to stop. They indulge
in pleasures, revel in debauchery, and make music w ith a particular delight
in m ournful sounds. Their ruler docs no t recognize the evil in all this. All
these are the practices o f a doom ed state. Your subject therefore said,
cZhongshan will be next.555In two years, Zhongshan did in fact perish.
Subsequentiy, Duke Wei had another audience w ith Tu Shu and asked
o f him, ccW ho will be next?55W hen Tu Shu did not reply, Duke Wei per
sisted and asked again. cT o u r lordship will be next.55 Duke Wei then grew
fearful and sought o u t the elders o f the state. Finding Yi Shi and Tian Yi, he
treated them w ith respect. Finding Shi Lin and Zhao Pian, he appointed
them rem onstrating officials. H e eliminated thirty-nine undertakings and
reported this to Tu Shu w ho responded, cT h is will surely at least allow Your
lordship to live o u t his life•”
Duke Wei asked his reasons, and Tu Shu replied, "Tour su b jea has heard
that w hen a state is going to rise, Heaven sends it w orthy m en and scholar-
knights w ho will im part to it all their wise advice. W hen a state is going to
fall, Heaven sends it rebellious men and scholar-knights w ho are good at
flattery.55
W hen Duke Wei died his corpse rem ained unburied for nine m onths,
and Z hou was divided into two small states. Thus, the advice o f those w ho
possess the D ao cannot but be valued.
16/1.5
周鼎著饕餮，有首無身，食人未咽，害及其身，以言報更也。爲不善亦
然。白圭之中山，中山之王欲留之，白圭固辭，乘輿而去；又之齊，齊王
欲留之 ( 仕 ) 8 ，又辭而去。人問其故。曰：「之二國者皆將亡。所學有五盡。
何謂五盡？曰：莫之必則信盡矣，莫之譽則名盡矣，莫之愛則親盡矣，行
者無糧、居者無食則財盡矣，不能用人、又不能自用則功盡矣。國有此五
者，無幸必亡。中山、齊皆當此。』若使中山之王與齊王，聞五盡而更之，
則必不亡矣。其患不聞，雖聞之又不信。然則人主之務，在乎善聽而已矣。
夫五割而與趙，悉起而距軍乎濟上，未有益也。是棄其所以存，而造其所
以亡也。
8. C h en Q iy o u ; ST parallel.
The tripods o f Z hou are decorated w ith the Taotie. It has a head but no
body. It devours people, but since it can never swallow them , its actions
bring harm to itself. This expresses the principle o f retribution. Acting con
trary to the good is quite like this.
W hen Bai Gui w ent to Zhongshan. its king w anted him to stay on. Bai
Gui adamantly refused, m ounted his chariot, departed, and w ent on to Qi.
The king o f Qi wanted him to stay on, but again he declined and left. W hen
someone asked him to explain, he said, ccBoth those states will perish. I
have learned that there are cfive depletions.555
^W hat are these?55
ccI f no one relies on you, your trustworthiness is depleted. I f no one
praises you, your reputation is depleted. I f no one cherishes you, your loved
ones are depleted. I f w hen travelling you have no provisions and while at
home you have nothing to eat, your resources arc depleted. If you can neither
employ others nor use your ow n resources, your effectiveness is depleted.
W hen a state has these five characteristics, it will n o t be spared and will
surely perish. Both Zhongshan and Qi fit this description.55
I f only the kings o f Zhongshan and Q i had learned o f the afive deple
tions55and changed accordingly, they surely w ould no t have perished. Their
m isfortune was that they had no t learned o f them ; but even if they had,
they w ould n o t have believed w hat they heard. Thus, the task o f the ruler
lies simply in being good at listening. It was to no avail that five times
Zhongshan ceded land to Z hao and that Q i mobilized an entire army to
counter the enemy forces on the Ji River. This is to cast aside w hat will save
you and to create the means o f your ow n destruction.
二曰觀世
CHA PTER 2
O B S E R V IN G T H E A G E
16/2.1
天下雖有有道之士，國猶少。千里而有一士，比肩也；累世而有一聖
人，繼踵也。士與聖人之所自來，若此其難也，而治必待之，治奚由至？
雖幸而有，未必知也，不知則與無賢同。此治世之所以短，而亂世之所以
長也。故王者不四，霸者不六，亡國相望，囚主相及。得士則無此之患。
此周之所封四百餘，服國八百餘，今無存者矣，雖存皆嘗亡矣。賢主知其
若此也，故日慎一日，以終其世。譬之若登山，登山者，處已高矣，左右
視，尙巍巍焉山在其上。賢者之所與處，有似於此。身已賢矣，行已高矣，
左右視，尙盡賢於己。故周公旦曰：『不如吾者，吾不與處，累我者也；
與我齊者，吾不與處，無益我者也。{吾所與處者，必賢於我。丨 1』惟賢者
必與賢於己者處。賢者之可得與處也，禮之也。
( 主賢世治，則賢者在上：主不肖世亂，則賢者在下。今周室既滅，天
子既廢。亂莫大於無天子，無天子則彊者勝弱，眾者暴寡，以兵相剷，不
得休息，而佞進，今之世當之矣。故欲求有道之士，則於江海之上，山谷
之中，僻遠幽閒之所，若此則幸於得之矣。太公釣於滋泉，遭紂之世也，
故文王得之。文王千乘也，紂天子也，天子失之，而千乘得之，知之與不
知也。諸眾齊民，不待知而使，不待禮而令；若夫有道之士，必禮必知，然
後其智能可盡也。）2
1. C h en Q iy o u ; DDLJ com m en tary q u o ta tio n .
2. C h e n Q iy o u ; e x c resc en t. T h is p assag e re c u rs in 13/5-3*
T hough in the w orld there are scholar-knights w ho possess the Dao,

w ithin any state they are few in number. I f in every thousand li there were
one such scholar， it w ould be as if they were crow ded shoulder to shoulder.
I f every several generations there were one such sage, it w ould be as if they
were stepping on one another's heels. It is as difficult as this to cause scholar-
knights and sages to come o f their ow n accord, yet good order requires
them. H ow ，then， is good order to be achieved? T hough through good
fortune there may be w orthy men, that does n o t necessarily m ean one will
recognize them . N o t to recognize a w orthy m an is the same as to lack him.
This is the reason ages o f order have been so short and ages o f anarchy last
so long. Accordingly, there have n o t been even four universal kings or six
lords-protector， yet perished states can gaze one upon the other and impris-
oned rulers can touch one another. I f such ä scholar-knight is obtained ，
these calamities do not occur. This is why m ore than four hundred fiefs
created by the Z hou, as well as m ore than eight hundred dependencies,
now no longer survive. Even those that still survive are all dcx)med. W orthy
rulers realize that this is the truth. Hence, each day they become m ore care
ful and thereby last a generation. It is like climbing a m ountain. W hen a
m ountain climber has reached a high place， he looks to left and right know-
ing that the loftiest peak is still above him. The w orthy m an l<x>ks at his
associates in the same way. If he himself is already w orthy and his actions
already lofty, he looks to left: and right knowing that there are still others
m ore w orthy than himself. Therefore Dan, Duke o f Z hou, said, CCI will not
abide those w ho are n o t equal to me, for they will bind me nor those w ho
are level w ith me, for they will do me no benefit. Those w hom I will abide
m ust be m ore w orthy than I am .55Only the w orthy always abide those w ho
are m ore w orthy than themselves. It is possible to get the w orthy to abide
one by treating them with courtesy.
16/ 2.2
晏子之晉，見反裘負芻息於塗者，以爲君子也，使人問焉，曰：「曷爲
而至此？』對曰：「齊人累之，名爲越石父。j 晏子曰：「譆！』遽解左驂以
贖之，載而與歸。至舍，弗辭而入。越石父怒，請絕。晏子使人應之曰：
「嬰未嘗得交也，今免子於患，吾於子猶未〔
可〕3邪也？』越石父曰：「吾聞
君子屈乎不己知者，而伸乎己知者，吾是以請絕也。4』晏子乃出見之曰：
「嚮也見客之容而已，今也見客之志。嬰聞察實者不留聲，觀行者不譏辭。
嬰可以辭而無棄乎！』越石父曰：「夫子禮之，敢不敬從。』晏子遂以爲
客。俗人有功則德，德則驕；今晏子功免人於阨矣，而反屈下之，其去俗
亦遠矣。此 ( 令 G E > 全5功之道也。
3. Sun Shuchcng; TZCQ'Xifixu parallels.
4. Chen Qiyou; on the basis of the TZCQ and SJ parallels, it appears that this reply is fragmentary.
5. Bi Yuan; TZCQzndXinxu parallels.
M aster Yan Ying w ent to Jin, where he saw a m an dressed in animal

skins and carrying fodder on his back taking a rest by the side o f the road.
M aster Yan, recognizing the m an to be a gentlem an, sent one o f his follow
ers to ask him, aH ow did you come to th is?55
The man replied, aA m an o f Q i enslaved me. M y name is Yue Shifu.55
Exclaiming aAh!wM aster Yan quickly untied the left horse o f his team
and bought Yue Shifu5s freedom w ith it. H e rode together w ith him in his
carriage, and when they arrived at the official lodging. M aster Yan entered
w ithout a formal leave-taking. Yue Shifu became extremely angry and p ro
posed to break o ff conneaions w ith M aster Yan. M aster Yan sent a m an to
respond for him: "Ting has n o t yet established any formal relations w ith
you, but he has kept you from m isfortune. Is there still som ething wanting
in his treatm ent o f you?55
Yue Shifu said, C(I have heard that a gentlem an will accept abuse from
those w ho do n o t recognize him for w hat he is, but will stand tall before
those w ho already do. O n account o f this, I propose to break w ith you.55
M aster Yan came o u t to sec him and said, ""Previously I had seen only
m y guests face, but now I see his true inner strength o f will. I, Ying, have
heard that one w ho has seen the true w orth o f a man pays no heed to his
voice, and that one w ho has examined the good acts o f another does not
criticize his words. May I apologize and n o t be cast aside?55
Yue Shifu said: wM y M aster has now treated me w ith due courtesy and
I dare n ot but respectfully follow.^ M aster Yan then made him a retainer.
I f a vulgar man accomplishes som ething on behalf o f another, he be
lieves he is owed a debt o f gratitude. W hen he believes he is owed a debt o f
gratitude, he becomes arrogant. N ow M aster Yan perform ed the favor o f
saving another from his adversity, but in contrast he demeaned himself be
fore this other man. H o w far he was from such vulgar men! This is the Dao
o f keeping in ta a w hat one has accomplished,
16/2.3
子列子窮，容貌有饑色。客有言之於鄭子陽者，曰：「列禦寇，蓋有道
之士也，居君之國而窮，君無乃爲不好士乎？』鄭子陽令官遺之粟數十秉。
子列子出見使者，再拜而辭。使者去，子列子入，其妻望而拊心，曰：『聞
爲有道者妻子，皆得逸樂，今妻子有饑色矣，君過而遺先生食，先生又弗
受也，豈非命也哉！』子列子笑而謂之曰：「君非自知我也，以人之言而遺
我粟也，至 ( 已 G E > 其6( 而 )6罪我也，（
有 G V > 又 ( 罪 )7且以人言，此吾所以
不受也。』其卒民果作難，殺子陽。受人之養，而不死其難則不義，死其
難則死無道也。死無道，逆也。子列子除不義、去逆也，豈不遠哉！且方
有饑寒之患矣，而猶不苟取，先見其化也。先見其化而已動，（
遠 G E > 達8
乎性命之情也。
6. Chen Qiyou. 7. Bi Yuan. 8. Chen Qiyou.
O ur M aster Liezi was impoverished and had the look o f som eone starv
ing to death. A retainer m entioned him to Prince Yang o f Zheng, saying,
aLiezi is probably a scholar-knight w ho possesses the Dao. Since he dwells
in your lordship's state and is impoverished, will it n o t be thought that
your lordship is n o t fond o f scholar-knights?55
Prince Yang ordered an officer to take him several tens o f measures o f
grain to eat. M aster Liezi came o u t to see the messenger， bow ed twice, and
refiised the gift. After the messenger had departed and M aster Liezi came
back in, his wife glared at him and beat her breast, saying, CCI have heard
that wife and children o f m en w ho possess the D ao always live comfortably
and happily. But your wife and children have the look o f starvation. H is
lordship has inquired after us and offered food, but my m aster w ould not
accept it. H o w could this be our fate?55
M aster Liezi, smiling， said to her， “H is lordship does n o t know me
personally. O n the basis o f another m an5s words, he has sent me grain. If
sometime later he should blame me, that too w ould be because o f another
m an5s words. T hat is w hy I did n o t accept his gift.55The final outcom e was
that the people in f a a rebelled and killed Prince Yang.
I f you accept nourishm ent from another person but do n o t die for him
when he is beset by troubles, then you are not moral; but if you die on
B O O K 16 381
account o f his troubles, you die for a person w ho lacks the Dao. To die for
one w ho lacks the D ao contravenes nature. M aster Liezi rem oved the
immoral and abjured anything that contravened nature—was he n o t far
distant from such men! Furtherm ore, even when he was suffering from
hunger and cold, he w ould n o t indecorously accept the gift because he fore
saw how things m ight change. H e acted only after having foreseen how
things m ight change—how well-versed he was in the essential qualities o f
inborn nature and the workings o f fate.
三曰知接
CHA PTER 3
W IS D O M A P P R E H E N D E D
16/3.1
人之目以照見之也，以瞑則 ( 與 V 不見，〔
其所以接見、所以接不見〕
1同，
其所以爲照、所以爲瞑異。瞑(士 G E > 者2未嘗照，故未嘗見，瞑者目無由
接也。無由接而言見，謊。智亦然，其所以接智、所以接不智同，其所能
接、所不能接異。智者其所能接遠也，愚者其所能接近也。所能接近而吿
之以遠化，奚由相得？無由相得，說者雖工，不能喩矣。戎人見暴布者而
問之曰：4 可以爲之莽莽也？』指麻而示之。怒曰：「
孰之壤壤也，可以爲之
莽莽也？j 故亡國非無智士也，非無賢者也，其主無由接故也。無由接之
患，自以爲智，智必不接。今不接而自以爲智，悖。若此則國無以存矣，
主無以安矣。智無以接而自知弗智，則不聞亡國，不聞危君。
I. Chen Qiyou; parallel in later passage. 2. Shcn Zumian; parallelism.
I f there is light a m an5s eyes can see, but if he closes his eyes he will not
see. The eyes are still the same w hether he apprehends w hat is to be seen or
not; the difference is w hether there is light or no light. Closed eyes never
experience light and thus never experience seeing. If closed, the eyes have
no means o f apprehending. N o t to apprehend and yet to say one is seeing is
a wildly false claim. The situation is the same w ith knowing. The faculty by
which one knows is the same whether one apprehends or not; the difference
lies in those w ho do the apprehending. The wise can apprehend w hat is
distant, but the stupid can apprehend only w hat is near. If you describe
distant transform ations to one w ho can only apprehend w hat is near, how
can he grasp w hat you are saying? Since there is no reason that he can, then
a persuader, however skilled he m ight be, will n o t be able to provide him
w ith appropriate illustrations.
A Rong barbarian saw someone drying cloth in the sun and asked, "^What
did you use to make the cloth so big?55 W hen the m an pointed to some
hemp, the barbarian angrily said, aH ow can som ething in pieces be m ade
into som ething big?53
Thus, the reason states perish is n o t the lack o f wise scholar-knights and
worthies, but their rulers5inability to apprehend the wise and worthy. The
calamity that comes from being unable to apprehend them is that one regards
oneself as wise, while those truly wise are necessarily not apprehended. N ow
it is contradictory no t to recognize those w ho are truly wise and yet to
regard oneself as wise. In such cases, the state will be unable to survive and
the ruler to enjoy peace. I f there is no means for his intelligence to recog
nize the truly wise, and yet a m an knows that he is no t wise, then it would
be unheard o f for the state to perish and the ruler to be endangered.
16/3.2
管仲有疾。桓公往問之曰：4 中父之疾病矣，將何以敎寡人？』管仲曰 :
「齊鄙人有諺曰：「居者無載，行者無埋。」今臣將有遠行，胡可以
問？』桓公曰：r 願仲父之無讓也。』管仲對曰：T願君之遠易牙、豎刀、常
之巫、衛公子啓方。』公曰：「易牙烹其子以慊寡人，猶尙可疑邪？』管仲
對曰：「人之情，非不愛其子也，其子之忍，又將何有於君？』公又曰：『豎
刀自宮以近寡人，猶尙可疑邪？」管仲對曰：「人之情，非不愛其身也，其
身之忍，又將何有於君？』公又曰：「常之巫審於死生，能去苛病，猶尙可
疑邪？《
I 管仲對曰：1■死生命也，苛病失也。君不任其命、守其本，而恃常
之巫，彼將以此無不爲也。』公又曰衛公子啓方事寡人十五年矣，其父
死而不敢歸哭，猶尙可疑邪？』管仲對曰：『人之情，非不愛其父也，其父
之忍，又將何有於君？』公曰：r 諾。』管仲死，盡逐之，食不甘，宮不
治，苛病起，朝不肅。居三年，公曰：「仲父不亦過乎？孰謂仲父盡之
乎？』於是皆復召而反。明年，公有病，常之巫從中出曰：「公將以某日
薨。』易牙、豎刀、常之巫相與作亂，塞宮門，築高牆，不通人，矯以公
令。有一婦人踰垣入，至公所。公曰：「我欲食。』婦人曰： r 吾無所
得。』公又曰：r 我欲飮。』婦人曰：「吾無所得。』公曰：《
■何故？』對曰：
「常之巫從中出曰：「公將以某日薨。」易牙、豎刀、常之巫相與作亂，塞
宮門，築高牆，不通人，故無所得。衛公子啓方以書社四十下衛。』公慨
焉歎涕出曰：「嗟乎 ! 聖人之所見，豈不遠哉？若死者有知，我將何面目以
見仲父乎？j 蒙衣袂而絕乎壽宮。蟲流出於戶，上蓋以楊門之扇，三月不
葬。此不卒聽管仲之言也。桓公非輕難而惡管子也，無由接 ( 見 G E > 故 3
也。無由接，固卻其忠言，而愛其所尊貴也。
3. Tan Jicfu.
W hen G uan Z hong became seriously ill, Duke H uan came to inquire
after him. ^Zhongfii, your illness has become grave. W hat instructions have
you for this U nw orthy O n e ?55
G uan Z hong replied, ccThe rustics o f Q i have a saying, "The sedentary
know nothing o f transporting things, and travelers know nothing o f bury
ing things.5N ow your servant is about to embark on a long journey. H ow
can I be asked for instructions?55
“I desire that Zhongfix n o t decline•”
“I hope，” replied G uan Z hong， “that my lord will send Yi Ya， Shu Dao,
the Sorcerer o f Chang, and Qifang, the prince o f Wey, far away.55
"Ti Ya boiled his ow n son to please me; how could it be possible to
d o u b t him?”
“It is essential to hum an nature to love one’s children. I f he could en-
dure his ow n son’s suffering, w hat w ould he do to my lord?”
aShu Dao castrated himself to be near to me; how could he be doubted?55
Ît belongs to the essential nature o f all m en to cherish their bodies. If
he could endure inflicting such suffering on his ow n body, w hat w ould he
do to my lord?”
cT h e Sorcerer o f Chang has examined life and death closely and is ca
pable o f dispelling spiritual afläictdons; how could he be d oubted ?55
aLife and death are a m atter o f fate. Spiritual afflictions are the result o f
neglect. I f my lord does n o t rely on his ow n fate and safeguard the roots o f
life, b ut instead depends on the Sorcerer o f Chang, that m an will use this as
an excuse to com m it any act he pleases.55
aQifang, the Prince o f Wey, has served me for fifteen years. Even when
his father died, he did no t dare return hom e to grieve. H ow could he be
doubted?”
aIt is essential hum an nature for a m an to love his father. I f he could
endure n ot grieving his fathers death, w hat w ould he be capable o f doing
to my lord?”
Duke H uan agreed, ^YtsP
W hen Guan Z hong died, the duke expelled all the men; but his food no
longer tasted sweet, the harem fell into disorder, spiritual afflictions dcvel-
oped, and the court was in disarray. After three years, Duke H uan exclaimed,
ccD id Zhongfu n o t go too far? W ho says that Zhongfu m ust be obeyed in
everything?55
Thereupon, he sum m oned the m en he had expelled. The next year, the
duke became ill. The Sorcerer o f Chang emerged from the inner chambers
and said, "The Duke is going to die on such-and-such a day.55
Yi Ya, Shu Dao, and the Sorcerer o f Chang staged a coup, blocked the
palace gates, built a high wall, w ould no t allow others access, and pretended
to be acting on the orders o f the duke.
O ne o f the palace w om en passed through a hole in the wall and entered
the chamber where the duke lay. The duke said, aI w ant som ething to eat.55
The wom an said， “I have nothing to give you.”
The duke said, aI w ant to drink.55
The wom an said, CCI have nothing to give y o u '5
The duke asked why and the w om an replied, ttThe Sorcerer o f Chang
emerged from the inner chambers and said, cThe Duke is going to die on
such-and-such a day.5Yi Ya, Shu Dao, and the Sorcerer o f Chang staged a
coup, blocked the palace gates, built a high wall, and will n o t allow others
access. This is why I have nothing to give you. Qifang, the Prince o f Wey,
gave Wey the tide to forty village altars.55
The duke, utterly distraught, m oaned and, w ith his tears flowing, said,
ccH o w far-reaching is the vision o f the sage. If the dead have awareness,
how will I face Z hongfu?55 Covering his head w ith his sleeved cloak, he
expired in the Palace o f Longevity. W hen m aggots from his corpse crawled
o u t o f the door, it was covered w ith a panel from the Yang Gate. For three
m onths he was n o t buried.
All o f this was the result o f not completely heeding G uan Z h o n ^ s in
structions. It was no t that Duke H uan was heedless o f difficulties or that he
detested M aster Guan, but that he was unable to grasp G uan5s reasons.
Since he did not grasp them , he obstinately discarded loyal advice and loved
those on w hom he had bestowed honor and distinction.
B O O K 16 385
四曰悔過
CHA PTER 4
R E G R E T T IN G M IS T A K E S
16/4.1
穴深尋則人之臂必不能極矣，是何也？不至故也。智亦有所不至。〔
智〕 1
所不至，說者雖辯，爲道雖精，不能見矣。故箕子窮于商，范蠡流乎江。
I. Chen Qiyou.
I f a hole is eight feet deep, a m an5s arm certainly cannot reach to the
bottom . Why? Because his arm docs n o t extend far enough. W ith resp ea to
intelligence, as well, there are areas where it does n o t extend far enough.
W here intelligence does not extend, then a persuasion, however well argued,
and acting w ith the D ao, however refined, cannot make such a m an see.
Thus, the Viscount o f Ji found himself impoverished in Shang, and Fan Li
floated about on the Yangzi.
16/4.2
昔秦繆公興師以襲鄭，蹇叔諫曰：「不可。臣聞之，襲國邑，以車不過
百里，以人不過三十里，皆以其氣之 ( 趫 L C > 歒 2與力之盛，至，是以犯敵
能滅，去之能速。今行數千里、又〔
數〕3絕諸侯之地以襲國，臣不知其可也。
君其重圖之。《
I 繆公不聽也。蹇叔送師於門外而哭曰：「師乎！見其出而不
見其入也。《
I 蹇叔有子曰申與視，與師偕行。蹇叔謂其子曰：「晉若遏師必
於殽。女死不於南方之 ( 岸 G E > 阜4 ，必於北方之 ( 岸 G E > 阜4，爲吾尸女之
易。』繆公聞之，使人讓蹇叔曰：『寡人興師，未知何如？今哭而送之，是
哭吾師也。《
I 蹇叔對曰：「臣不敢哭師也。臣老矣，有子二人，皆與師行，
比其反也，非彼死則臣必死矣，是故哭。j 師行過周，王孫滿要門而窺之，
曰：「嗚呼！是師必有疵。若無疵，吾不復言道矣。夫秦非他，周室之建國
也。過天子之城，宜棄甲束兵，左右皆下，以爲天子禮。今构服回建，左
不軾，而右之超乘者五百乘，力則多矣，然而寡禮，安得無疵？』師過周
而東。鄭賈人弦高、奚施將西市於周，道遇秦師，曰：「嘻！師所從來者遠
矣，此必襲鄭。』遽使奚施歸吿，乃矯鄭伯之命以勞之，曰：「寡君固聞大
國之將至久矣。大國不至，寡君與士卒竊爲大國憂，日無所與焉，惟恐士
卒罷弊與糗糧匮乏。何其久也 5 ，使人臣犒勞以璧，膳以十二牛。』秦三帥
對曰：「寡君之無使也，使其三臣丙也、秫也、視也於東邊候皤之道，過
是，以迷惑陷入大國之地。』不敢固辭，再拜稽首受之。三帥乃懼而謀曰：
「我行數千里、數絕諸侯之地以襲人，未至而人已先知之矣，此其備必已
盛矣。《
I 還師去之。當是時也，晉文公適薨，未葬。先輳言於襄公，曰：
「秦師不可不擊也，臣請擊之。j 襄公曰：「先君薨，尸在堂，見秦師利而
因擊之，無乃非爲人子之道歟？j 先轸曰：『不弔吾喪，不憂吾哀，是死吾
君而弱其孤也。若是而擊，可大彊。臣請擊之。j 襄公不得已而許之。先
榦遏秦師於殽而擊之，大敗之，獲其三帥以歸。繆公聞之，素服廟臨，以
說於眾曰：「天不爲秦國，使寡人不用蹇叔之諫，以至於此患。J 此繆公非
欲敗於殽也，智不至也。智不至則不信。言之不信，師之不反也從此生，
故不至之爲害大矣。
2. Ma Xulun. 3*Chen Qiyou; H N Z parallel. 4. Chen Qiyou.
5. Chen Qiyou; allusion to incomplete, should read:〈詩〉曰：「何其久也，必有以也，何
其處也，必有與也。」
Formerly, w hen Duke M u o f Q in raised an army w ith which to make a
surprise attack on Zheng, Jian Shu rem onstrated w ith him: ^This w ould be
wrong. Your servant has heard that in making a surprise attack on a state,
chariots should go no ftirther than one hundred and foot soldiers no für-
ther than thirty " , for then they will be in füll fighting spirit and at peak
strength w hen they arrive. O n account o f this, w hen attacking the enemy,
they destroy them and quickly pursue them . Now , your campaign involves
going several thousand //, and you have to cut across the territory o f the
feudal lords several times in order to make your surprise attack. Your ser-
vant does n o t see how this is possible. Your grace should rethink his plans.”
Duke M u did n o t heed him. Jian Shu accompanied the army beyond
the gates and cried, ccO men o f the army! I see you leave but shall no t see
you return.55N ow Jian Shu had two sons nam ed Shen and Shi w ho were
m arching w ith the army. Jian Shu said to his sons, aI f Jin presses its attack,
it will undoubtedly be at M ount Xiao. I f you do no t die on the southern
slope, you will certainly die on the northern slope. It will be easy for me to
collect your corpses.55
W hen Duke M u heard o f this, he sent a m an to reprim and Jian Shu:
have just raised an army and do not yet know w hat the outcom e will be.
N ow you cry when sending them off. This is to grieve for my arm y!55
cT o u r servant would not presume to grieve for the army,55Jian Shu re
sponded, uH e is old, and both his sons are m arching w ith the army. I f they
do n ot die, then your servant will surely die. It is for this reason that he
grieves.”
W hen the army passed through Zhou, Prince M an locked the gate and,
spying on the army, exclaimed, "They should take heed! This army is cer
tain to meet w ith disaster. I f it docs not, I will never speak again o f the Dao.
Now, Q in is unlike other states in that the house o f Z hou established it.
W hen passing by the city o f the Son o f Heaven, its soldiers ought to wrap
up their arm or and sheathe their weapons. The left and right armored chariot
guards should dism ount o u t o f courtesy to the Son o f Heaven. Now , the
entire army is all dressed in the same uniforms and the proper order o f
positions in the chariots has been reversed. The soldiers in the chariots on
the left do n o t bow dow n and touch the crossbars, and those accompanying
the chariots on the right indecorously leap into the five hundred chariots.
Their physical strength is certainly great, but such display diminishes ritual
propriety. H o w could this army n o t suffer disaster?55
Having passed Zhou, the army proceeded toward the east. Xian Gao and
Xi Shi， two m erchants o f Zheng， were on their way west to do business in
Zhou when they encountered the Q in army. Xian Gao exclaimed, aAlas! This
army has come a long way. It m ust be to make a surprise attack on Zheng.55
Forthw ith he sent Xi Shi back to report to Zheng, while he, pretending
to be acting on orders o f the carl o f Zheng, entertained the Q in army. aLong
indeed has my unw orthy lord heard o f the im m inent arrival o f the army o f
your great state. W hen your army did no t come, my unw orthy lord and his
soldiers hum bly ventured to w orry over the great state and were daily u n
able to be happy, since they were fearful that your soldiers had become
fatigued and your supplies depleted. (H ow long it has taken for you to ar
rive.5Your servant has been sent to reward your toils w ith a jade bi disk and
to provide you twelve oxen for food.55
The three leaders o f the Q in army replied, aO ur unw orthy lord, not
having a proper emissary to send, has dispatched his three subjects Bing,
Shu, and Shi to go to the eastern borders to examine the roads o f Jin. We
have gone farther than we intended and have thus lost our way and fallen
into the territory o f your great state.55
N o t daring to persist in refusing the gifts, the army leaders bowed twice,
knocked their heads upon the ground, and accepted them . G row ing ex
tremely frightened, the three plotted together: "T hough we have marched
several thousand li and have several times cut across the territories o f the
feudal lords to make this surprise attack, they knew about us even before
we arrived. Surely their defenses are already fully deployed.55They turned
the army around and left.
A t this juncture, Duke Wen o f Jin had died but n o t yet been buried.
Xian Zhcn advised Duke Xiang, "The army o f Q in m ust be attacked. Your
subject begs your leave to do so.w
Duke Xiang said, c<M y form er lord has died, and his corpse is still in the
hall. To attack the Q in army because we see a victory w ould surely n o t be
the proper way for a son to act•”
ccThe Q in army is no t concerned over our m ourning, nor is it troubled
by our grieÇ5 replied Xian Zhen. aIt is happy to see our lord dead and is
treating his orphan as if he were a weakling. If we attack in these circum
stances, we can become enorm ously powerful. Your servant requests leave
to attack.”
Duke Xiang, having no choice, perm itted it. Xian Zhen rushed to M ount
Xian, where he attacked the army o f Q in and inflicted a great defeat on it.
H e captured its three leaders and brought them back alive to Jin.
W hen Duke M u o f Q in heard this news, he dressed in m ourning garb
and w ent to the ancestral temple to cry o u t the defeat to his ancestors. To
the masses he said, aHeaven does n o t help the state o f Qin. Since it made
this U nw orthy M an n o t heed the criticism o f Jian Shu, we have come to
this catastrophe.” Thus, Duke M u did not wish for the defeat at Xiao, but
his wisdom was n o t far-reaching. W hen one5s wisdom is n o t far-reaching,
one docs n o t trust others. It was because advice was no t trusted that the
army did n ot return. Therefore, the harm brought about by shortsighted
ness is great indeed!
五曰樂成
CHA PTER 5
PL E A SU R E IN SU C C ESS
16/5.1
大智不形，大器晚成，大音希聲。
The greatest wisdom is formless;

The greatest vessel takes longest to complete;
The greatest music has the faintest notes.
16/5.2
禹之決江水也，民聚瓦礫。事已成，功已立，爲萬世利。禹之所見者遠
也，而民莫之知。故民不可與慮化舉始，而可以樂成功。
B O O K 16 3»9
While Yu was digging channels for the rivers and streams, the com m on
people were still futilely piling up potsherds for a dam. W hen Yu5s task was
com pleted and success achieved, a m yriad o f generations benefited. H is
vision was far-reaching, but the people were ignorant o f w hat to do. H e
could not, therefore, include the people in his plans nor in the initial work,
b ut he could enjoy w ith them the outcom e and success.
16/5.3
孔子始用於魯。魯人鷺誦之曰：「褰裘而譯，投之無戾；鏵而麇裘，投
之無郵。』用三年，男子行乎塗右，女子行乎塗左，財物之遺者，民莫之
舉。大智之用，固難踰也。
A. W hen Confucius was first employed in the governm ent o f Lu, a man
o f Lu carped in verse:
He who wears a doeskin coat with knee covers

Can be cast aside without fault.
He who wears knee covers with a doeskin coat
Can be cast aside without error.
W hen he had held office three years, m en walked on the right side o f the
road and w om en walked on the left, and people did not pick up things
others had lost. The workings o f great wisdom are assuredly difficult to
fathom.
子產始治鄭，使田有封洫，都鄙有服。民相與誦之曰：『我有田疇，而子產
賦之。我有衣冠，而子產貯之。孰殺子產？吾其與之。』後三年，民又誦
之，曰：「我有田疇，而子產殖之。我有子弟，而子產誨之。子產若死，其
使誰嗣之？j
B. W hen Prince Chan first governed Zheng, he ordered that fields be
demarcated by drainage ditches and that the people o f a tow n and its sur
rounding countryside wear clothing o f a prescribed style. A verse circulated
am ong the people:
We have the fields.

But Prince Chan taxes them;
We have robes and caps.
But Prince Chan collects them.
Who'll kill Prince Chan?
We’ll surely join him.
Three years later, the people sang a different tune:
We have the fields,

And Prince Chan makes them fertile.
We have our youths,
And Prince Chan instructs them.
Were Prince Chan to die,
Who could succeed him?
使鄭簡、魯哀當民之誹訛也而因弗遂用，則國必無功矣，子產、孔子必無
能矣。非徒不能也，雖罪施，於民可也。今世皆稱簡公、哀公爲賢，稱子
產、孔子爲能，此二君者，達乎任人也。
C. If Dukes Jian o f Zheng and Ai o f Lu had accepted the peopled carping
and rebukes, they w ould n o t have continued to employ Prince Chan and
Confucius, their countries w ould certainly never have achieved such accom
plishments, and Prince Chan and Confucius w ould surely have been unable
to show their talents. N o t only w ould they have been unable to practice
their talents, but they w ould have been chastised, and the people w ould
have approved. In the present age, everyone proclaims Duke Jian and Duke
Ai to be w orthy rulers, and Prince Chan and Confucius capable ministers.
These two lords were successful at employing others to do the work.
16/5.4
舟車之始見也，三世然後安之。夫開善豈易哉？故聽無事治。（
事V 治
之立也，人主賢也。魏攻中山，樂羊將，已得中山，還反報文侯，有貴功
之色。文侯知之，命主書曰：「群臣賓客所獻書者，操以進之。』主書舉兩
篋以進。令將軍視之，書盡難攻中山之事也。將軍還走，北面再拜曰：「中
山之舉，非臣之力，君之功也。』當此時也，論士殆之日幾矣，中山之不
取也，奚宜二篋哉！一寸而亡矣。文侯賢主也，而猶若此，又況於中主邪？
中主之患，不能勿爲，而不可與莫 (爲 G E > 易2 。凡舉無易之事，氣志視聽
動作無非是者，人臣且孰敢以非是邪疑爲哉？皆壹於爲，則無敗事矣。此
湯、武之所以大立功於夏、商，而句踐之所以能報其讎也。以小弱皆壹於
爲而猶若此，又況於以彊大乎？
I. Chen Qiyou; dittography. 2. Tao Hongqing.
It was three generations after boats and carts first appeared that people
became accustomed to them . H ow could the invention o f a good thing
have been easy? Therefore, rulers w ho heed their ministers govern nothing
well. The establishment o f governm ental order is caused by the w orth o f
the ruler.
B O O K 16 391
W hen Wei attacked Zhongshan, Yue Yang was in comm and. Having
taken Zhongshan, he returned to report to M arquis Wen. M arquis Wen
noticed his lœ k o f self-satisfaction in the accomplishment and so com
m anded the office in charge o f official docum ents, saying, aBring forth to
me all o f the docum ents that have been subm itted by our ministers and
retainers.”
The official in charge o f the documents brought him two boxes. Marquis
Wen ordered his general to look at the documents. All had criticized the
attack on Zhongshan. General Yue turned and w ithdrew a few steps, then
facing north, he bowed twice and said, cT h e defeat o f Zhongshan was due
n o t to my strength but to my lord’s merit.”
D uring the attack on Zhongshan, the num ber o f scholar-knights w ho
discussed the m atter and warned o f its dangers increased daily. If Zhongshan
could n o t be taken, why would tw o boxes o f docum ents stating tlie fact be
required? A single docum ent one inch long w ould have convinced the m ar
quis that Yue Yang w ould lose. M arquis Wen was a w orthy ruler, but his
ministers still disagreed. A nd this is even m ore true o f mediocre rulers. The
problem facing mediocre rulers is that they are unable n o t to act and yet
prevent any from dissenting.
As a general principle, when rulers undertake projects that generate no
dissent, their hum ors, goals, senses, and actions do not fail to be right, so
which o f their subjects w ould presume to contradict or perversely doubt
them? W hen all are united in an action, there can be no failure. This is how
Tang and Wu accomplished their great achievements against the Xia and
Shang, and how G oujian was able to take vengeance on his enemy. If the
small and weak can achieve such results through unity in action, how much
m ore can be achieved by the strong and great?
16/5.5
魏襄王與群臣飮，酒酣，王爲群臣祝，令群臣皆得志。史起興而對曰：
^群臣或賢或不肖，賢者得志則可，不肖者得志則不可。』王曰：F皆如西
門豹之爲人臣也。j 史起對曰：「魏氏之行田也以百畝，鄴獨二百畝，是田
惡也。漳水在其旁而西門豹弗知用，是其愚也；知而弗言，是不忠也。愚
與不忠，不可效也。』魏王無以應之。明日，召史起而問焉，曰：「潭水猶
可以灌鄴田乎？j 史起對曰：『可。』王曰：『子何不爲寡人爲之？』史起
曰：r 臣恐王之不能爲也。』王曰：r 子誠能爲寡人爲之，寡人盡聽子矣。 j
史起敬諾，言之於王曰：r 臣爲之，民大怨臣。大者死，其次乃藉臣。臣雖
死藉，願王之使他人遂之也。』王曰：『諾。』使之爲鄴令。史起因往爲
之。鄴民大怨，欲藉史起。史起不敢出而避之。王乃使他人遂爲之。水已
行，民大得其利，相與歌之曰：『鄴有聖令，（
時 L C > 是 3爲史公，決漳水，
灌鄴旁，終古斥鹵，生之稻粱。』使民知可與不可，則無所用〔
智〕4矣。賢
主忠臣，不能導愚敎陋，則名不冠後、實不及世矣。史起非不知化也，以
忠於主也。魏襄王可謂能決善矣。誠能決善，眾雖諠譁而弗爲變。功之難
立也，其必由啕啕邪。國之殘亡，亦猶此也。故啕啕之中，不可不味也。
中主以之啕啕也止善，賢主以之啕啕也立功。
3. Yang Shuda. 4. Chen Qiyou.
King Xiang o f Wei was drinking w ith his officials. W hen all were slightiy
high, the king offered a toast to his officials, which made them all feel satis
fied. Shi Qi arose and said in response, aSome officials are w orthy and o th
ers not. For the w orthy to feel satisfied is permissible, but it is w rong for the
unw orthy to feel so.55
The King said, ccM ay all officials be the kind o f official Ximen Bao was.55
"The family o f Wei has distributed to vassals parcels o f land o f a hundred
m m each,55responded Shi Qi. ccOnly the territory o f Ye was tw o hundred
mou^ but the fields were bad. The Zhang River ran alongside them , but
Ximen Bao did no t know how to make use o f it; this shows his ignorance.
I f he knew but said nothing， this shows his disloyalty. O ne should n o t emu-
late such ignorance and disloyalty.55
The king o f Wei was at a loss to respond. The next day he sum m oned
Shi Q i and asked whether the Zhang River could still be used to irrigate the
fields o f Ye. Shi Qi responded that it could, and so the king asked him,
ccW hy have you n ot done this for the sake o f this U nw orthy M an ?55
Shi Q i responded, cT o u r servant feared that your majesty w ould be
unable to do it.”
ccI f you, sir, truly can help this U nw orthy M an in doing it, he shall heed
your every w ord.55
Shi Qi respectfully consented and advised the king: aIf your servant
undertakes this project, the people are certain to harbor great resentm ent
against him. At the w orst, they will kill him, and short o f that, they will
trample him under foot. A lthough your servant may die or be tram pled, he
hopes that the king will then send another m an to see the project thro u g h .55
The king agreed and made him com m andant o f Ye. In consequence, Shi
Q i w ent to carry out the project. The people o f Ye were greatly resentful
and wanted to trample him. N o t daring to go out his gate, Shi Qi hid from
them . The king sent another m an to complete the job. W hen the water
flowed and the people thoroughly enjoyed its benefits, they all made a song:
B O O K 16 393
Ye had a sage commandant，

This was Sir Shi.
He channeled the river Zhang
To irrigate the lands round Ye.
What had from old been a salty waste
Now produces rice and grain.
I f the com m on people knew w hat was possible and w hat was not, there
w ould be no need to employ the wise. I f ä w orthy ruler and loyal m inister
can neither lead the ignorant nor teach the rustic, their reputations will not
reach later ages, n or their accomplishments benefit the present. Shi Qi was
n o t a person w ho failed to understand how things w ould develop, and he
valued loyalty to his ruler. King Xiang o f Wei can properly be described as
som eone ^capable o f deciding on the right course.55O ne w ho is truly capa
ble o f deciding on the right course will n o t alter it, no m atter how much the
masses m oan and complain. W hat makes true accomplishment so difficult
is precisely such m oans and complaints. The ruin and destruction o f states
is caused by the same thing. Thus, in the m idst o f all the m oans and com
plaints, it w ould be w rong for one to show any interest in such caq>ing. The
mediocre ruler stopped pursuing the right course because o f carping; the
w orthy ruler establishes his success in the m idst o f it.
六曰察微
CH A PTER 6
S C R U T IN Y O F T H E S U B T L E
I6/6.I
使治亂存亡若高山之與深谿，若白堊之與黑漆，則無所用智，雖愚猶可
矣。且治亂存亡則不然，如可知、如可不知，如可見、如可不見。故智士
賢者相與積心 ( 愁 G V > 擎 1慮以求之，猶尙有管叔、蔡叔之事與東夷八國不
聽之謀。故治亂存亡，其始若秋毫。察其秋毫，則大物不過矣。
I. Wang Yinzhi, Jin Qiyuan, Ma Xulun.
I f the distinction between order and disorder or survival and destruc
tion were the same as that between a tall m ountain and a deep gorge or
between white clay and black lacquer, then being wise w ould serve no pur
pose, for although one were stupid, one could still manage. But in matters
o f order and disorder or survival and destruction, this is not the case. Some
factors it is possible to know, others not, some it is possible to see, others
not. T hat is why wise scholar-knights and worthies join together to concen
trate their minds and collect their reflections in order to seek the distinction
between order and disorder, survival and destruction. Despite all this, such
things as the revolt o f G uanshu and Caishu and the disobedience o f the
Eight States o f the Eastern Yi still occur. Thus, the distinction between order
and disorder, survival and destruction, when it is first manifest， is as subtle
as autum n hair. I f one examines large undertakings dow n to their Uautum n
hairs,55then they will n o t go off course.
16/6.2
魯國之法，魯人爲人臣妾於諸侯、有能贖之者，取其金於府。子貢贖魯
人於諸侯，來而讓不取其金。孔子曰：「賜失之矣。自今以往，魯人不贖人
矣。取其金則無損於行，不取其金則不復贖人矣。』子路拯溺者，其人拜
之以牛，子路受之。孔子曰：「魯人必拯溺者矣。』孔子見之以細，觀化遠
也0
According to the laws o f Lu, if a native o f Lu was a servant or concubine
to another feudal lord and could be purchased ou t o f bondage, the purchase
price w ould be recompensed from the Lu state treasury. The disciple Zigong
purchased a Lu native from a feudal lord; but when he returned from his
mission, Zigong refused the payment o f recompense from the treasury.
Confucius said, aSi m ade an error in doing this. H enceforth people o f
Lu will never again purchase others out o f bondage. O btaining m oney for
such a purpose does no t damage moral conduct; but if the price is n o t rec
ompensed, no one will ever again purchase the freedom o f others.55
Zilu rescued som eone w ho was drowning, and the m an rewarded him
w ith an ox, which he accepted. Confucius said, ^People o f Lu will certainly
come to the aid o f the drowning.” Confiicius realized w hat the end result
w ould be from the very beginning, because his ability to perceive future
developments was far-reaching.
16/6.3
楚之邊邑曰卑梁，其處女與吳之邊邑處女桑於境上，戲而傷卑梁之處
女。卑梁人操其傷子以讓吳人，吳人應之不恭，怒殺而去之。吳人往報之，
盡屠其家。卑梁公怒，曰：「吳人焉敢攻吾邑？』舉兵反攻之，老弱盡殺之
矣。吳王夷昧聞之怒，使人舉兵侵楚之邊邑，克夷而後去之。吳、楚以此
大 ( 隆 L C > 鬨 2 。吳公子光又率師與楚人戰於雞父，大敗楚人，獲其帥潘子
臣、小惟子、陳夏齧，又反伐郢，得 (荆 G E > 楚平王之夫人以歸，實爲雞父
之戰。凡持國，太上知始，其次知終，其次知中。三者不能，國必危，身
必窮。《孝經 > 曰：「高而不危，所以長守貴也；滿而不溢，所以長守富
也。富貴不離其身，然後能保其社稷，而和其民人。』楚不能之也。
2. Sun Yirang, Zhang Binglin, Ma Xulun; Karlgrcn, Loan Characters 1013, (|^ SF> S-
There was a C hu border tow n called Beiliang. Its maidens and the m aid
ens o f a W u border tow n harvested mulberry leaves on the frontier between
the tw o states. W hile playing, one o f the Beiliang girls was hurt. The people
o f Beiliang seized the one w ho had hurt her in order to get the people o f
W u to apologize. But the people o f W u responded disrespectfully, so the
Beiliang people killed their hostage o u t o f anger and then q uit the place.
The people o f W u came for revenge and massacred the w ounded girFs en
tire family.
The Duke o f Beiliang angrily complained, ccH o w dare the people o f Wu
attack m y to w n .55H e raised troops and attacked them in turn, killing every
one, even the old and weak.
Angered after he heard the news, Yimei, the king o f Wu, sent a m an to
raise troops to raid the C hu border towns. The army left after having con
quered and pacified the region. Because o f this, the states o f W u and Chu
started a great quarrel am ong themselves. Thus, Prince G uang o f W u led an
army to fight w ith C hu at Jifu, inflicted a major defeat on Chu, and took
captive the military leaders Pan Ziehen, Xiao Weizi, and Xia N ie o f Chen.
H e w ent on to attack Ying and took hom e as hostage the wife o f King Ping
o f Chu. All this was in continuation o f the battle at Jifu.
As ä general rule， to maintain his state, ä ruler m ust first o f all under-
stand how things begin; next, he m ust understand how they will end; and
after that, he m ust understand w hat comes between the two. If a ruler is
unable to understand all three, then his state will surely be threatened and
his person impoverished. The C 似ww P —y says:
Being eminent but doing nothing dangerous results in keeping your nobility
forever. Being full yet doing nothing excessive results in preserving your
treasure forever. Only if you lose neither eminence nor treasure can you
protca your countr/s altars to the grain and soil and make your people
harmonious.
C hu was incapable o f practicing this.

1 6 /6 .4
鄭公子歸生率師伐宋。宋華元率師應之大棘，羊斟御。明日將戰，華元
殺羊饗士，羊斟不與焉。明日戰，怒謂華元曰：「昨日之事，子爲 ( 制 TA>
政；今日之事，我爲 ( 制 T A > 政。』遂驅入於鄭師。宋師敗績，華元虜。
夫弩機差以米則不發。戰，大機也。饗士而忘其御也，將以此敗而爲虜，
豈不宜哉？故凡戰必悉熟偏備，知彼知己，然後可也。
Prince Guisheng o f Zheng led an army to attack Song. H ua Yuan o f
Song led an army to m eet the enemy at Daji, w ith Yang Zhen serving as his
charioteer. The next morning, as the battle was impending, H ua Yuan slaugh
tered a lamb to feed his knights but did no t share any w ith Yang Zhen. As
the battle began on the next day, Yang Zhen angrily said to him , ^Yesterday
in the m atter o f the lamb, you were in charge; in todays task I am in charge.55
H e then drove the chariot into the middle o f the Zheng army, leading to
the disastrous defeat o f the Song army and H u a Yuan5s capture.
W hen the trigger mechanism o f a crossbow is off by the length o f a
single grain o f millet, it cannot shoot. A battle is like a giant crossbow trigger.
H u a Yuan fed his knights but forgot his ow n charioteer; the outcom e was
the defeat o f his army and his ow n capture. Is this n o t fitting? Thus, as a
general principle, in battle everything should be thoroughly considered and
fully prepared; only when you know both the enemy and yourself may you
proceed.
16/6.5
魯季氏與郗氏鬥雞。郿氏介其雞，季氏爲之金距。季氏之雞不勝。季平
子怒，因歸邸氏之宮而益其宅。郁昭伯怒，傷之於昭公，曰：「締於襄公之
廟也，舞者二人而已，其餘盡舞於季氏。季氏之無道，無上久矣，弗誅必
危社稷。《I 公怒不審，乃使邴昭伯將師徒以攻季氏，遂入其宮。仲孫氏、
叔孫氏相與謀曰：「無季氏，則吾族也死亡無日矣。』遂起甲以往，陷西北
隅以入之，三家爲一，邸昭伯不勝而死。昭公懼，遂出奔齊，卒於乾侯。
魯昭聽傷而不辯其義，懼以魯國不勝季氏，而不知仲、叔氏之恐而與季氏
同患也，是不達乎人心也。不達乎人心，位雖尊，何益於安也？以魯國恐
不勝一季氏，況於三季？同惡固相助。權物若此其過也。非獨仲、叔氏也，
魯國皆恐。魯國皆恐，則是與一國爲敵也，其得至乾侯而卒猶遠。
The Ji and H o u houses o f Lu held cockfighting contests. The H ou house
hold provided their cocks w ith tiny helmets, so the Ji household provided
theirs w ith metal spurs. Because the Ji cock did not win. Viscount Ping flew
into a rage and expropriated the dwelling o f the H o u , which he used to
augm ent his ow n mansion. Affronted, Earl Z hao o f the H o u slandered the
viscount to Duke Zhao o f Lu. ccAt the Di ceremonies in Duke Xiao5s temple,
there were only two dancers, the remainder being in the Ji household. There
is no precedent for the way the Ji family retains dancers. I f you do not
punish them , this will surely endanger our countx/s altars to the soil and
grain.”
Because he was incensed, Duke Zhao did n o t look into the details o f the
m atter b u t sent Earl Zhao to lead an army o f foot soldiers to attack the Ji
household and enter its dwellings. The Zhongsun and Shusun families plot-
ted together ，saying， ^W ithout the Ji family， our dans will perish in a m atter
o f days •” They forthw ith raised an army o f armed soldiers, which penetrated
the northw est com er o f the Ji house. W ith all three families united, Earl
Zhao was unable to win a victory and died. Duke Zhao o f Lu, alarmed, fled
to Qi, and later died at Ganhou.
Duke Zhao o f Lu listened to the slander but did not investigate its wider
meaning. H e was frightened because Lu did n o t overcome the Ji family,
b u t he did n o t realize that the Zhong and Shu families had been fearful that
they m ight share the misfortunes o f the Ji family. In this he did not under
stand the feelings o f others. I f you do not understand the feelings o f others,
then though your position is honorable, how will it give you m ore security?
I f the state o f Lu feared no t being able to overcome one Ji family, how
m uch m ore should they fear three Ji families! All were united in their hatred
o f the Lu house, so one could be sure that they w ould aid one another.
Weighing things in such a mistaken manner would make not only the Zhong
and Shu families, but all o f Lu fearful. Having everyone in the entire state
as his enemy, Duke Zhao was extremely fortunate to die abroad in Ganhou.
七曰去宥
CH A PTER 7
E L IM IN A T IN G B IA S
16/7.1
東方之墨者謝子將西見秦惠王。惠王問秦之墨者唐姑果。唐姑果恐王之
( 親 T V > 視謝子賢於己也，對曰：「謝子，東方之辯士也，其爲人甚 ( 險 GV>
撿 1 ，將奮於說以取少主也。」王因藏怒以待之。謝子至，說王，王弗聽。
謝子不說，遂辭而行。凡聽言，以求善也。所言苟善，雖奮於取少主，何
損？所言不善，雖不奮於〔
說以〕
2取少主，何益？不以善爲之愨，而徒以取
少主爲之悖，惠王失所以爲聽矣。用志若是，見客雖勞，耳目雖弊，猶不
得所謂也。此史定所以得行其邪也，此史定所以得飾鬼以人，罪殺不辜，
群臣擾亂，國幾大危也。人之老也，形益衰，而智益盛。今惠王之老也，
形與智皆衰邪？
I. Yang Shuda. 2. Tao Hongqing.
M aster Xie, one o f the Eastern M ohists, planned to travel west for an
audience with King H ui o f Qin. The king asked the Qin M ohist Tang Guguo
about him. Since Tang G uguo feared the king m ight regard M aster Xie as
m ore w orthy than himself, he responded, ^Master Xie, being an eastern
dialectician, is a very clever sort o f man. H e will devote him self to persua
sions w ith which he will be able to win the following o f our young lord, the
heir apparent.55In consequence the king awaited the arrival o f M aster Xie
w ith pent-up anger. W hen M aster Xie did arrive, he offered persuasions to
the king, but the king w ould not heed them. M aster Xie, displeased by this,
made his farewells and departed.
As a general principle, one listens to advice to discover whatever is good
in it. I f the advice proves good, then even were it intended to win over the
young lord, what harm w ould there be in tliat? Should the advice prove not
to be gocxl, then even if it were no t intended to win over the young lord
w ith persuasions, w hat benefit w ould there be in that? In being unwilling
to consider the worthwhile elements o f M aster Xie5s advice and in assuming
that M aster Xie was intent on persuading the young lord to be treacherous,
King H ui lost sight o f the reasons one listens to advice. A ruler w ho applies
his m ind in this way will never grasp the meaning o f w hat is said though he
tires himself seeing guests and wears o u t his ears and eyes.
This is how Scribe D ing succeeded in carrying ou t his evil, the reason he
was able to disguise a m an as a dem on, punish and m urder the innocent,
disrupt the official corps, and bring the state to the edge o f doom . W hen a
man reaches old age, his body declines, but his wisdom should continue to
increase and develop. H o w is it, then, that in King H u i5s old age, both his
body and m ind declined?
16/7.2
( 荆 G E > 楚威王學書於沈尹華，昭釐惡之。威王好制。有中謝佐制者，
爲昭釐謂威王曰：『國人皆曰：
王乃沈尹華之弟子也。』王不說，因疏沈尹
華。中謝，細人也，一言而令威王不聞先王之術，文學之士不得進，令昭
釐得行其私。故細人之言，不可不察也。且數怒人主，以爲姦人除路；姦
路以除而惡壅卻，豈不難哉？夫激矢則遠，激水則 ( 旱 S F > 焊 3 ，激主則悖，
悖則無君子矣。夫不可激者，其唯先有度。
3. Chen Qiyou; ST parallel.
K ing W ei o f C hu stu died the Documents w ith Shenyin H u a, a fact hated

by Z hao Xi. T he king w as d evoted to the regulations o f his governm ent. A n
official o f the M id dle Archery Bureau, w h o assisted the king in these regu
lation s, said to th e king at Z hao X i5s in stigation , ccE veryone says that your
m ajesty has becom e Shenyin H u a5s disciple.55Very displeased, the king ex
pelled Shenyin H ua. N o w , an assistant in the M iddle Archery Bureau is a
m inor individual; yet w ith a sin gle statem ent, he caused K ing W ei n o t to
learn about the techniques o f the Form er K ings, cultured and learned scholar-
knights n o t to be p rom oted to office, and the private w ish es o f Z hao Xi to
be enacted. T hus, even the advice o f m inor individuals cannot but be exam
ined closely. M oreover, because such p eop le frequently anger rulers, they
depend on w icked people to sm ooth the path for them . B ut w hen the w icked
have sm cx)thed the path, is it n o t difficult to block the evil and u n d o its
consequences?
A n arrow sh ot w ith great force flies far; constrained w ater flow s

fiercely; and an aroused lord d oes unreasonable thin gs.
I f he is unreasonable, n o gentlem an w ill help him . O nly a person w h o al

ready has standards o f his ow n is n o t susceptible to b ein g aroused.
16/7.3
( 鄰父 )4有與人鄰者，有枯梧樹。其鄰之父言梧樹之不善也，鄰人遽伐
之。鄰父因請而以爲薪。其人不說曰：「鄰者若此其險也，豈可爲之鄰
哉？』此有所宥也。夫請以爲薪與弗請，此不可以疑枯梧樹之善與不善也。
4- Tao Hongqing, Chen Qiyou.
A. There w as a m an w h o had a w ithered paulow nia tree in his garden.

T he old m an in the neighb oring h ou sehold said that the tree was n o t sound,
and so its ow n er w ith o u t further th ou gh t cut it d ow n . T hen the o ld m an
asked if he cou ld have it for firew ood. T he tree’s ow n er unhappily said, “S o
m y neighbor is as treacherous as this. H o w can w c rem ain real neighbors?55
T his is an exam ple o f being obsessed by som eth in g. W hether the neighbor
had asked for the tree as fircw cxxl or n o t had n oth in g to d o w ith d ou b tin g
w hether the tree had been sou n d or n ot.
齊人有欲得金者，清旦，被衣冠，往鬻金者之所，見人操金，擭而奪之。
吏搏而束縛之，問曰：「人皆在焉，子攫人之金，何故？』對吏曰：『殊不
見人，徒見金耳。j 此眞大有所肴也。夫人有所宥者，固以晝爲昏，以白
爲黑，以堯爲桀，宥之爲敗亦大矣。亡國之主，其皆甚有所宥邪？故凡人
必別宥然後知，別宥則能全其天矣。
B. A m an o f Qi, desiring to obtain some gold, got dressed in his cloak
and cap at the crack o f dawn, w ent to the place where it was sold, saw a m an
carrying some, and grabbed it away from him. Officials seized and bound
him, asking, "^Why did you steal another m an5s gold in front o f everyone?55
"'Because I saw only the gold and did n o t notice anything else.55
W hen m en are partial to a particular view, the necessary result is that
they will deem dawn to be dusk, white to be black, and the sage Yao to be
the tyrant Jie. The damage caused by such partiality is extremely great. Has
n ot each and every ruler o f a ruined country been notew orthy for the exces-
sivencss o f his obsessions? Thus, as a general rule, it is necessary for m en to
eliminate such partiality before they can know a thing completely. I f they
eliminate such partiality, they will be able to keep whole their natural
endowments.
八曰正名
CH A PTER 8
T H E R IG H T U SE O F N A M ES
16/8.1
名正則治，名喪則亂。使名喪者，淫說也。說淫則可不可而然不然，是
不是而非不非。故君子之說也，足以言賢者之實、不肖者之充而已矣，足
以喩治之所悖、亂之所由起而已矣，足以知物之情、人之所獲以生而已矣。
I f names are correct, there is order; if names are allowed to become
confused, there is disorder. W hat causes the confusion o f names are explana
tions that involve an excess o f elegance and subtiety. I f explanations involve
such excesses, then the not-acceptable is called acceptable, the not-so is called
so, the incorrect is called correct, and the not-w rong is called wrong.
Thus, the explanations o f the gentiem an are sufficient to discuss the
truth o f the w orthy and the reality o f the unworthy, but stop w ith that.
They are sufficient to illustrate the factors that cause disruption o f order
and the causes from which disorder arises, but stop w ith that. They are
sufficient to know the essential nature o f things and w hat m an m ust catch
in order to live, but stop w ith that.
16/8.2
凡亂者，刑名不當也。人主雖不肖，猶若用賢，猶若聽善，猶若爲可
者。其患在乎所謂賢、從不肖也，所 ( 爲 L C > 謂善、（
而) 從邪辟〔
也〕1，所
謂可、從悖逆也，是刑名異充而聲實異謂也。夫賢不肖、善邪辟、可悖逆，
國不亂、身不危奚待也？齊湣王是以知說士，而不知所謂士也。故尹文問
其故，而王無以應。此公玉丹之所以見信而卓齒之所以見任也。任卓齒而
信公玉丹，豈非以自讎邪？
I. Fan Gcngyan; parallelism.
As a general rule, confusion arises w hen form and name do n o t match.

A ruler, though unworthy, may seem to employ the worthy, heed the good,
and do w hat is proper. The problem is that those he calls ^worthy55are noth-
ing m ore than foolish, those he calls “good” arc nothing m ore than wicked,
and w hat he calls ""proper55is utterly unreasonable and contradictory. This is
an example o f form and name being different in reality, and o f w ord and
actuality referring to different things. I f one takes the foolish to be worthy,
the wicked to be good, and the perverse to be proper, how long will the
state remain w ithout anarchy and the rulers person o u t o f danger?
King M in o f Qi was an example o f this. H e knew about pleasing scholar-
knights, but he did not know w hat ^scholar-knight55 means. Thus, when
Yin Wen asked the king to explain himself, he was unable to respond. This
is the reason G ong Yudan enjoyed trust and Z huo Chi was relied upon. But
in relying on Z huo Chi and trusting G ong Yudan, how could the king not
be creating enemies for himself?
16/8.3
尹文見齊王。齊王謂尹文曰：「寡人甚好士。』尹文曰：f 願聞何謂士？ j
王未有以應。尹文曰：「今有人於此，事親則孝，事君則忠，交友則信，居
鄕則悌，有此四行者，可謂士乎？』齊王曰：『此眞所謂士已。』尹文曰：
「王得若人，肯以爲臣乎？j 王曰：『所願而不能得也。《I {是時齊王好勇，
於是丨 2尹文曰：「使若人於廟朝中，深見侮而不鬥，王將以爲臣乎？j 王曰：
「否。（
大 ) 3夫〔
士〕3見侮而不鬥，則是辱也。辱則寡人弗以爲臣矣。』尹文
曰：F雖見侮而不鬥，未失其四行也。未失其四行者，是未失其所以爲士
( 一 )4矣。未失其所以爲士（一 ) 4 , 而王 { 一 }4以爲臣，（
失其所以爲士一，而
王）{ 一丨 4不以爲臣，則灌之所謂士者乃〔
非〕4士乎？』王無以應。尹文曰：
「今有人於此，將治其國，民有非則非之，民無非則非之，民有罪則罰之，
民無罪則罰之，而惡民之難治可乎？j 王曰：『不可。』尹文曰：『竊觀下吏
之治齊也，方若此也。j 王曰：「
使寡人治〔
國〕5 ，信若是，則民雖不治，寡
人弗怨也。意者未至然乎。《
I 尹文曰：F言之不敢無說。請言其說。王之令
曰：「殺人者死，傷人者刑。」民有畏王之令，深見侮而不敢鬥者，是全王
之令也，而王曰「見侮而不敢鬥，是辱也」。夫謂之辱者，非 ( 此 )ö之 ( 謂 ) 7
也，〈此 >{ 無非而王非之，因除其籍，不 }6以爲臣。不以爲臣者，罪之也，
此無罪而王罰之也。j 齊王無以應。論皆若此，故國殘身危，走而之穀，
如衛。齊湣王，周室之孟侯也。〔
齊〕 7 ，太公之所老也。桓公嘗以此霸矣，
管仲之辯名實審也。
2. Added from Gon^sun Longzi parallel. 3. Chen Q iy o u ; Gonßsun Latißzi parallel.
4. Tan Jiefu; Gottßsun Longzi parallel. 5. Chen Qiyou; Gongsun Lon^fzi parallel.
6. C hen Qiyou; GonßsunLovßzi parallel. 7. C h e n Qiyou.
Yin Wen had an audience w ith the king o f Qi. The king said to Yin Wen.
CCI, the unw orthy one, am extremely fond o f scholar-knights.55
W hen Yin Wen wanted to know w hom the king called “scholar-knights，”
the king was unable to respond. Yin Wen continued, <cSuppose there was a
person w ho was filial to his parents, loyal in serving his lord, truthful to
friends and acquaintances, and respectful to the elders o f his community.
Should a person who behaves in these four ways be called a ^scholar-knight?555
aSuch a person is exaedy w hat I mean by cscholar-knight5555said the king.
ccI f your majesty obtained such a m an, would you be willing to make
him an official?55
C4This is w hat I have hoped for, but I have been unable to find any such
person•”
A t that time the king was devoted to m en o f courage, so Yin Wen said,
aI f this same person were in the area o f the ancestral temple or w ithin the
court and was profoundly insulted but w ould not fight, w ould the king still
make him an official?55
""No, For a scholar-knight to be insulted but n o t fight is a disgrace. I,
the U nw orthy M an, w ould no t make anyone w ho has been disgraced an
official o f m ine•”
""Although a man chooses not to fight when insulted, that does no t mean
he no longer 'behaves in the four ways.5And if he has n o t failed to behave in
these four ways, this means that he has not lost anything that m ade him fit
to be considered a scholar-knight. Yet in the one instance w hen he has not
lost w hat makes him a scholar-knight, your majesty w ould make him an
official, and in the other case would not. Is the person you formerly identified
as fit to be called a scholar-knight therefore not still fit to be a scholar-knight?55
W hen the king could n o t respond, Yin Wen continued, <cSay there was a
person w ho, in governing the state, faulted both wrongdoers and the gcxxl,
as well as punished both the guilty and the innocent. W ould it be proper for
him to hate the people for being hard to govern?55
^No, it w ould n o t be proper.55
“But I have observed that in governing Q i, your lesser officials are ex
actly like this•”
I, the U nw orthy M an, truly governed the country like this, then
although the people were disordered, I w ould n o t resent it. Perhaps things
have n o t yet become this bad!55
^W hen I teach， I dare n o t om it the flill explanation, so I w ould like to
give a fuller explanation. According to a royal command, C A m urderer should
die, and a m an w ho injures another should him self be maimed.5The people,
fearing the royal com m and, dare n o t fight even when they have been pro-
foundly insulted. This keeps the royal com m and intact. Yet your majesty
just said that cfor a grand officer to be insulted but not fight is a disgrace.5
But to call it a 'disgrace5is to condemn it. Your majesty, then, would condemn
w hat is in no way w rong and on that account w ould strike his name from
the list o f officials and n o t employ him as an official. N o t to be employed as
an official is a form o f punishm ent, so your majesty punishes w hat is in no
way w rong•”
T he king o f Q i could n o t reply. All o f King M in5s assessments were like
this, which is why his state was destroyed and his person placed in harm 5s
way. Fleeing, he w ent to the tow n o f G u and then to the state o f Wcy. The
Q i o f King M in had been the senior m arquisatc created by the Z hou house.
Qi was the place where the Grand Duke grew old, the state that enabled
Duke H u an to rule as lord-protector’ and the state where G uan Z hong had
been extremely careful in his investigations into names and realities.
Book 17
Book 17 combines chapters on athc Dao of the ruler55 with others that seem to
represent teachings characteristic of the various branches of the Legalist school.
Chapter 1 continues the theme of 16/8 and thus maintains that wthc task of
perfecting good order consists in correcting the use of names.55Attention to the
relationship between names and reality will help the ruler maintain the proper divi
sion of responsibilities that should exist between him and his officials. This will in
turn free the ruler from worry and hardship and allow him to cultivate himself so
that his energies ccfloat in the still and silent empyrean.55The stillness to which the
ruler should aspire is elaborated upon in chapter 2. There we find a portrait of the
ruler who reveals nothing about himself, to avoid being exploited by subordinates,
and who can avoid acting, because he deputes tasks and responsibilities to his
officers, all specialists in what they are assigned to do.
The rulers reliance on others is also a major theme of chapter 3. According to
“Employing Technique，” it is in the natural order of things for superiors to rely on
their subordinates; any reverse in the positions or fonctions of the two will result
in disaster. A quotation from Shen Buhai—to the effect that the rulers faculties are
too limited for him to learn on his own all he needs to know—suggests that the
Shu 術， or “Methods,” school of Legalism was influential in the compilation of this
chapter. Chapter 4 instruas rulers not to interfere in the responsibilities of their
subordinates. The tasks specific to the ruler are spelled out in the last paragraph of
the chapter. These are to learn what is essential by dwelling in tranquillity and
quiescence and relying on the transforming influence of his power; and to increase
the energy of his ears and eyes so that his officers will be careful and never remiss in
their duties. Reliance on subordinates is also an issue in chapter 5. “Knowing the
Measure55counsels rulers to avoid the pitfall of thinking themselves more intelli
gent than those who serve them and, furthermore, actually to use those they appoint
and to avoid discussing their performance with other subordinates.
Chapter 6 advises rulers to take advantage of the authority inherent in their
[斗 04]
positions， a principle closely associated with Shen Dao and his Shi 勢 , or “Power，”
school of Legalism. To make the best use of his power, the ruler must determine his
priorities in advance. He must also preserve the prerogatives of the nobility. He
should do this by granting fiefs and exclusive titles, thereby confirming the high
status of his family and followers and ensuring that no one unconnected with him
usurps such lands and titles.
Chapter 7, obviously fragmentary in its present state, is in a sense a miniature
version of the project undertaken in the Lüshi chunqiu as a whole. In order to
emphasize the need for unification and centralization, the chapter juxtaposes the
teachings of ten different masters whom it characterizes as “knights of outstanding
talent.55The themes of unification and centralization are continued in chapter 8.
aUpholding Unity55argues for strong, central leadership and claims that the world
“must have a Son of Heaven,” for his “holding fast to the One” eliminates chaos.
The Son of Heaven, that is, arecognizcs the transformations that turn strong points
into weaknesses and fullness into deûcicncf9and is thus able to sustain his rule and
preserve his life.
一曰審分
CH A PTER 1
O N E X A M IN IN G D I V IS I O N S O F R E S P O N S IB IL IT Y
1 7 / 1 .1
凡人主必審分，然後治可以至，姦僞邪辟之塗可以息，惡氣苛疾無自至
。夫治身與治國，一理之術也。今以眾地者，公作則遲，有所匿其力也；
分地則速，無所匿 (遲 G E > 力 1也。主亦有地，臣主同地，則臣有所匿其邪
矣，主無所避其累矣。
I. Chen Qiyou.
As a general rule, rulers m ust examine divisions o f responsibility. Only

then can good order be accomplished and the avenues o f treachery and per
versity ended so that evil ethers and dem onic afflictions have no means by
which to arrive. The techniques by which one governs the body and the state
share the same principles. Now, when the masses possess a parcel o f ground
and w ork it in com m on w ith others, progress will be slow because each
person finds a way to conceal his lack o f individual effort. But if the land is
divided, w ork will proceed rapidly because there is no way to conceal indi
vidual effort. The ruler also has his territory. W hen a ruler and his ministers
share the same territory， his ministers will have a way to conceal their per-
versity, and the ruler will have no way to escape the entanglements o f this.
17/1.2
凡爲善難，任善易。奚以知之？人與驥倶走，則人不勝驥矣；居於車上
而任驥，則驥不勝人矣。人主好治人官之事，則是與驥倶走也，必多所不
及矣。夫人主亦有居車，無去車，則眾善皆盡力竭能矣，諂諛詖賊巧佞之
人無所竄其姦矣，堅 ( 窮 L C > 倥 2廉直忠 ( 敦 L C > 惇 3之士畢競勸騁騖矣。人
主之車，所以乘物也。察乘物之理，則四極可有。不知乘物而自怙恃，（
奪
G E > 奮4其智能，多其敎詔，而好自以；若此則百官恫擾，少長相越，萬邪
並起，權威分移，不可以卒，不可以敎，此亡國之風也。
2. Zhang Binglin, Chen Qiyou. 3. Yang Shuda, Ma Xulun.
4. C h en C h an g q i, W ang N ian su n , Yu Yuc, C h en Q iy o u .
As a general rule, being expert at som ething is difficult, but it is easy to

employ those w ho are expert. H o w do I know this is so? I f a m an were to
race w ith the thoroughbred horse Ji, he could n o t win; but were he to ride
in a carriage pulled by Ji, then another thoroughbred could n o t beat the
man. A ruler w ho is devoted to m anaging the affairs o f his officials is racing
w ith Ji; inevitably he fails to catch up w ith him. Such a ruler also has a
carriage in which to ride. I f he does n o t discard the carriage, then skilled
officials will devote their full effort and exhaust their abilities for him; m en
w ho slander, lie, and flatter will have no way to hide their treachery from
him; and scholar-knights w ho arc steadfast, guileless, honest, and loyal will
all compete and strive on his behalf. The carriage o f the ruler is how he
carries things. I f he examines the principle o f carrying things, then all within
the limits o f the four directions can be possessed. I f he does no t understand
carrying things but relies on himself, he will strain his ow n wisdom and
abilities, and multiply the num ber o f instructions and directives he issues,
o u t o f his fondness for doing things himself. In such a situation, the bureau
cracy o f a hundred offices will be gready unsettled, junior and senior members
will com m it offenses against each other， a myriad o f perversions will all arise
at once, and the power and m ight o f the ruler will be dissipated, but he will
be unable to stop or redirect it. Such are the practices o f a dcx>mcd state.
1 7 / 1 . 3
王良之所以使馬者，約審之以控其轡，而四馬莫敢不盡力。有道之主，
其所以使群臣者亦有轡。其轡何如？正名審分，是治之轡已。故按其實而
B O O K 17 4 〇7
審其名，以求其情；聽其言而察其類，無使放悖。夫名多不當其實，而事
多不當其用者，故人主不可以不審名分也。不審名分，是惡壅而愈塞也。
壅塞之任，不在臣下，在於人主。堯、舜之臣不獨義，湯、禹之臣不獨忠，
得其數也；桀、紂之臣不獨鄙，幽、厲之臣不獨辟，失其理也。
The way that Wang Liang drove his horses was to bind them tightly, to
have firm control o f their reins; thus, none o f the team dared n o t expend all
o f its energy. The way that a ruler w ho possesses the Dao employs his subjects
also involves ^reins.55W hat are these ccreins55? The reins o f good governm ent
are none other than rectification o f names and investigation o f divisions o f
responsibility. Scrutinizing the names they use, therefore, w ith a firm hand
on the reality o f the situation is the way to seek the tru th in w hat subjects
say; being m indful o f the proper categories while listening to their advice is
the way to prevent subjects from acting recklessly and contrary to all reason.
It is because names frequently do no t correspond to reality and because
w hat is done frequentiy does n o t correspond to w hat is useful that the ruler
m ust scrutinize names and divisions o f responsibility. I f he does not, it is
the same as hating obstructions yet increasing impediments. The responsi-
bility for creating obstructions and impediments lies， not w ith subjects， but
w ith the ruler. The ministers o f Yao and Shun were n o t uniquely moral, nor
those o f Tang and Yu uniquely loyal; rather, these rulers obtained the proper
m ethods. The ministers o f Jie and Z hou Xin were not uniquely wicked, nor
those o f Kings You and Li uniquely depraved; rather, these rulers lost the
proper principles.
17/1.+
今有人於此，求牛則名馬，求馬則名牛，所求必不得矣；而因用威怒，
有司必誹怨矣，牛馬必擾亂矣。百官，眾有司也；萬物，群牛馬也。不正其
名，不分其職，而數用刑罰，亂莫大焉。夫說以智通，而實以 ( 過TV 遇 GV>
愚5俛；譽以高賢，而充以卑下；贊以潔白，而隨以汙 ( 德 G E > 優6 ; 任以公
法，而處以貪枉；用以勇敢，而堙以罷怯；此五者，皆以牛爲馬，以馬爲
牛，名不正也。故名不正，則人主憂勞勤苦，而官職煩亂悖逆矣。國之亡
也，名之傷也，從此生矣。白之顧益黑、求之愈不得者，其此義邪！故至
治之務，在於正名。名正則人主不憂勞矣。不憂勞則不傷其耳目之( 主 GE>
生7 。問而不詔，知而不爲，和而不矜，成而不處。止者不行，行者不止，
因刑而任之，不制於物，無肯爲使，清靜以公，神通乎六合，德耀乎海外，
意觀乎無窮，譽流乎無止，此之謂定性於大揪，命之曰無有。故得道忘人，
乃大得人也，夫（其 L C > 豈 8非道也；知德忘知，乃大得知也，夫（其 LC>
豈8非德也；至知不幾，靜乃明幾也，夫 ( 其 L C > 豈8不明也；大明不小事，
假乃理事也，夫 ( 其 L C > 豈8不假也；莫人不能，全乃備能也，夫 ( 其 LC>
豈8不全也。是故於全乎去能，於假乎去事，於知乎去幾，所知者妙矣。若
此則能順其天，意氣得游乎寂寞之宇矣，形性得安乎自然之所矣。全乎萬
物而不宰，澤被天下而莫知其所自姓，雖不備五者，其好之者是也。
5. Wang Niansun, YuYuc. 6. Chen Qiyou. 7. Bi Yuan, Chen Qiyou. 8. Yang Shuda.
Suppose a person seeks an ox calling it a ahorsewor seeks a horse calling

it an ccox.55H e certainly will never find w hat he seeks. I f he resorts to bully
ing and anger, the m anager will surely curse him and the oxen and horses
will surely all be disturbed and disordered. The hundred officials are but a
group o f managers, and the myriad things a herd o f oxen and horses. N o t
to use their names correctly or divide their responsibilities by function yet
frequently impose corporal punishments and fines will bring about the great
est kind o f anarchy. Speaking o f wisdom and mastery o f a subject but being
in fact stupid and careless; praising the em inent and w orthy yet surround
ing oneself w ith the mean and low; acclaiming the pure and spotiess but
following the vile and impure; dem anding public-spiritedness and uphold
ing o f the law from those one employs while dwelling oneself in greed and
deviousness; expecting bravery and daring from others but being filled one
self w ith fear and trem bling—these five m odes o f conduct are all instances
o f ^considering an ox to be a horse55and aa horse to be an ox55because the
names are n o t used correctiy. W hen names are not used correctly, a ruler
m ust toil and suffer, even while his officials become troublesom e and dis
obedient. Both the destruction o f the state and damage to the proper use o f
names arise from this. The expressions ccW hat one thought was white turned
o ut on second glance to be black55and ^The m ore one seeks it, the less one
finds it55surely have this meaning.
Therefore, the task o f perfecting gcxxl order consists in correcting the
use o f names. W hen names are used correctly, the ruler does n o t w orry or
labor. W hen he does no t worry or labor， he does no harm to the natural
development o f his ears and eyes. H e asks but does n o t direct, knows but
docs n o t act, is open but not boastful, and accomplishes things but does
not dwell on them. Those at rest do not move, and those w ho move are not
at rest. H e employs things according to their forms, is no t controlled by
things, is unwilling to subm it to external things, and his clarity and stillness
make him impartial. H is spirit permeates the six conjunctions， his virtuous
Power shines beyond the seas, his ideas will be known forever, and his repu-
tation will spread w ithout end. We call this ''establishing inborn nature in
the great void55and name it ^Possessing Nothing.55Therefore, those who attain
the Dao forget m en and therew ith win m en even m ore—how could this not
be due to the Dao? Those w ho know pow er forget knowledge and there
w ith obtain the greatest knowledge—how could this not be due to virtuous
Power? Perfect knowledge does n o t concern itself w ith m inute particulars
but, being quiescent, clearly sees the particular—how could this n o t be due
to clear-sightedness? The greatest clarity o f sight does no t deal w ith m inor
matters but avails itself o f the principles o f order natural to these m atters—
how could it n ot be due to ""availing itselP! The silent m an does n o t de
velop his abilities but by keeping him self intact becomes able—how could
this n o t be due to keeping him self intact! For this reason, it is through
keeping himself intact that he casts aside abilities, by availing him self o f
others that he casts aside tasks, and by his knowledge that he casts aside
minutiae; yet w hat he knows is subtle. Such a person has abilities that ac
cord w ith the endow m ent Heaven has given him, mental energies that float
in the still and silent empyrean， ä bodily form and inborn nature that find
ease in the hom e o f the spontaneous. H e keeps the myriad things intact but
docs n o t master them. H is influence covers the world, yet no one knows his
progenitor. A lthough he is n o t perfect in his mastery o f the five, he is one
w ho is devoted to them.
二曰君守
CHA PTER 2
W H A T T H E L O R D GRA SPS
17/2.1
得道者必靜。靜者無知，知乃無知，可以言君道也。故曰中欲不出謂之
扃，外欲不入謂之閉。既扃而又閉：天之用密，有准不以平，有繩不以正；
天之大靜，既靜而又寧，可以爲天下正。
A. O ne w ho has obtained the D ao is invariably still. O ne w ho is still
lacks knowledge. W hen knowledge becomes the same as lacking knowl
edge, one can converse about the D ao o f the ruler. Thus, it is said: ^When
inner desires do n ot get o u t， it is called “locking in”; when outer desires do
not get in it is term ed “blocking out.”
斗IO T H E E X A M IN A T IO N S
When one can both lock in and block out,

The workings of Heaven take place in secret.
Levels are not used to make things level
Nor marking lines to make things straight.
Such is Heaven’s grand stillness:
When one is still and adds tranquillity
One can serve as the corrector of the world.
身以盛心，心以盛智，智乎深藏，而實莫得窺乎。《鴻範》曰：「惟天陰騭
下民。j 陰之者，所以發之也。故曰不出於戶而知天下，不窺於牖而知天
道。其出彌遠者，其知彌少，故博聞之人、彊識之士闕矣，事耳目、深思
慮之務敗矣，堅白之察、無厚之辯外矣。不出者，所以出之也；不爲者，
所以爲之也。此之謂以陽召（
陽GE>陰 1 ，以陰召（
陰 G E > 陽1。
1. L iu X ianxin, Li B aoquan.
B. The bexly serves to contain the m ind, and the m ind serves to contain
wisdom. W isdom is stored deep within; thus, its true nature cannot be es
pied. The aH ongfanwsays:
Only Heaven protects and secures the people below.
T hat which protects them is w hat causes them to flourish. Thus, it is said:
H e leaves n o t his door yet knows the world, he looks n o t o u t his

w indow yet knows Heaven5s D ao [Laozi 47].
The further one ventures o u t the less one knows. Hence, the m an o f broad
learning and the scholar-knight o f powerful m em ory are deficient; efforts
to improve the faculties and deepen the thoughts arc wasted; examinations
o f the cchard and white,55 discriminations on the "V ithout thickness55 are
external to w hat matters. N o t to venture ou t is the means by which one
does venture out; no t to act is the means by which one acts. This is called
ausing the Yang to sum m on the Yin and using the Yin to sum m on the Yang.55
東海之極，水至而反；夏熱之下，化而爲寒。故（曰 G E > 昊2天無形，而萬

物以成；至精無 (象 G E > 爲3 ，而萬物以化；大聖無事，而千官盡能。此(乃
G E > 之4謂不敎之敎，無言之詔。
2. YuYuc. 3- Wang Niansun; rhyme. 4. Song Haoyuan, Jiang Weiqiao.
C. The water goes to the very end o f the Eastern Sea, then turns back;
after the m ost intense heat o f summer, the weather gradually becomes cold.
Thus, Great Heaven lacks shape, yet through it the myriad things take form;
the m ost subtie essence docs n o t act, yet through it the myriad things arc
transform ed; great sageliness has no official duties, yet the thousand offices
function fully. This is w hat is called
The teaching that docs not instruct,

The lesson without words.
故有以知君之狂也，以其言之當也；有以知君之惑也，以其言之得也。君
也者，以無當爲當，以無得爲得者也。當與得不在於君，而在於臣。故善
爲君者無識，其次無事。有識則有不備矣，有事則有不恢矣。不備不恢，此
官之所以 (疑 S F > 擬 5 ，而邪之所從來也。今之爲車者，數官然後成。夫國
豈特爲車哉？眾智眾能之所持也，不可以一物一方安 ( 車 )6也。
5. Chen Qiyou. 6. Wang Niansun, Tao Hongqing.
D. Therefore,
If his words are apt.

You know a ruler is crazy;
If his words arc sensible,
You know a ruler is benighted.
Being a ruler means to regard w hat is lacking aptness to be apt and w hat is
senseless to be sensible. Aptness and sensibility are n o t the concern o f the
ruler; they are the concern o f his ministers. Therefore, a good ruler lacks
responsibilities and, after that, he lacks tasks.
He who has responsibilities may be unprepared;

He who has tasks may not fully meet them.
Unprepared for responsibilities, not fully meeting tasks—
This is when officers resort to guesswork;
This is the source from which evil comes.
Nowadays, even in constructing a chariot, one has to make use o f the cx-
pertise o f several different specialists before it can be completed. H o w can
governing a state be as simple as constructing a chariot? A state relies upon
a large num ber o f wise and able men. It cannot find security simply by
using a single thing or a single m ethod.
17/2.2
夫一能應萬、無方而（出 G E > 持 7之 ( 務 )7者，唯有道者能之。魯鄙人遺

宋元王閉，元王號令於國，有巧者皆來解閉。人莫之能解。兒說之弟子請
往解之，乃 ( 能 )8解其一，不 ( 能 )8解其一，且曰：「非可解而我不能解也，
固不可解也。j 問之魯鄙人。鄙人曰：「然，固不可解也。我爲之而知其不
可解也。今不爲而知其不可解也，是巧於我。』故如兒說之弟子者，以「不
解 J 解之也。鄭大師文終日鼓瑟而興，再拜其瑟前曰：「我效於子，效於不
窮也。』故若大師文者，以其 ( 獸 L C > 守9者先之，所以中之也。故思慮自
( 心 ) 10傷也，智差自亡也，奮能自殃 ( 其 G E > 也 11，有處自狂也。故至神逍
遙倏忽而不見其容，至聖變習移俗而莫知其所從，離世別群而無不同，君
( 民 G E > 名 12孤寡而不可障壅，此則姦邪之情得而險陂讒慝諂諛巧佞之人無
由入。凡姦邪險陂之人，必有因也。何因哉？因主之爲。人主好以己爲，
則守職者舍職而阿主之爲矣。阿主之爲，有過則主無以責之，則人主曰侵
而人臣日得。是宜動者靜，宜靜者動也；尊之爲卑，卑之爲尊，從此生矣。
此國之所以衰而敵之所以攻之者也。
7. Chen Qiyou. 8. Tao Hongqing. 9. YuXingwu, Chen Qiyou.
10. Chen Changqi, YuYuc. 11. YuYuc. 12. Tao Hongqing.
aBeing capable o f using the one to respond to the ten thousand55 and
^holding on to things w ithout any m ethod5—only he w ho possesses the
D ao is capable o f these.
A rustic from Lu sent to King Yuan o f Song a puzzle consisting o f two
knotted cords. King Yuan issued an order throughout the state that anyone
w ho was clever should come and unravel them , bu t no one could do so. A
disciple o f the dialectitian N i Shuo begged leave to go unravel them , and he
succeeded in untying one but n o t the other. H e explained, aIt is no t that it
could be untied and that I was incapable o f doing it, rather that it was
inherent in the nature o f the thing that it was impossible to untie it.55 H e
asked the rustic o f Lu about it, and he said, ^ h a t is so. It is inherent in the
nature o f t±ds knot that it is impossible to untie it. I knew it could n o t be
untied, because I made it. But you knew w ithout having made it—thus,
you are cleverer than I am.55Therefore, those like the disciple o f N i Shuo
untie things by n o t untying them.
G rand Music M aster Wen o f Zheng arose only after having played the
zither an entire day. H e bowed twice before the zither and said, ul have
served you and served your limitiessness.55Therefore, those like G rand M u
sic M aster Wen o f Zheng give first priority to steadfastness as the means o f
hitting the mark. Thus,
Hopes and expectations lead you to harm,

Cleverness and cunning lead you to doom.
Determination and ability lead you to catastrophe,
Taking charge leads you to madness.
B O O K 17 斗 13
Thus,
The perfected spirit wanders free and easy,

then suddenly disappears from view;
Perfect sageliness modifies practices and changes customs,
but others know not that they arc following.
They are detached from their age and are separated from society,
yet in no way do they lack solidarity with it;
As rulers, they are called orphaned and unworthy,
yet they cannot be obstructed.
In this way, they can grasp the nature o f wickedness; yet m en w ho corrupt,
lie, toady, and scheme have no way to gain access.
It is a general principle that m en w ho are wicked and corrupt m ust have
som ething upon which to rely. O n w hat do they rely? They rely on the
activities proper to the ruler. If the ruler o f m en enjoys perform ing the tasks
o f governm ent himself, those charged w ith the responsibilities will ignore
them and simply agree w ith w hat the ruler does. Since they agree w ith what
the ruler does, should he be in error, the ruler w ould have no means to
criticize w hat was done. Thus, the ruler daily suffers greater harm , while his
subjects daily get their way. In this way， those w ho ought to act are at rest ，
whereas those w ho ought to rest act. Such a practice produces a situation in
which the honored are brought low and the lowly honored.
17/2.3
奚仲作車，蒼頡作書，后稷作稼，皋陶作刑，昆吾作陶，夏鯀作城，此
六人者所作當矣，然而非主道者，故曰作者 ( 憂 S F > 擾13，因者平。惟彼君
道，得命之情，故任天下而不 (彊 G V > 僵 14，此之謂全人。
13- Wang Niansun. 14. Gao Heng.
Xi Z hong invented the chariot, Cang Jie w riting, H ouji plant cultiva
tion, Gaoyao corporal punishm ent, Kunwu ceramic vessels, and G un o f Xia
city walls. W hat these six m en invented m et needs, nonetheless they are not
part o f the Dao o f ruling. H ence, it is said: Inventors suffer distress; those
w ho rely on them enjoy tranquillity.
Only lords o f the D ao
Grasp the true nature of fate.

Thus use the world but expend no cflfort—
They are called “complete men.”
三曰任數
CH A PTER 3
E M P L O Y IN G T E C H N I Q U E
1 7 / 3 . 1
凡官者，以治爲任，以亂爲罪。今亂而無責，則亂愈長矣。人主以好
( 暴 S F > 曝 1示能，以好唱自奮，人臣以不爭持位，以聽從取容，是君代有司
爲有司也，是臣得後隨以進其業〔
也〕2 。君臣不定，耳雖聞不可以聽，目雖
見不可以視，心雖知不可以舉，勢使之也。凡耳之聞也藉於靜，目之見也
藉於昭，心之知也藉於理。君臣易操，則上之三官者廢矣。亡國之主，其
耳非不可以聞也，其目非不可以見也，其心非不可以知也，君臣擾亂，上
下不分別，雖聞曷聞，雖見曷見，雖知曷知，〔
不聞而聞，不見而見，不知
而知〕
3 ，馳騁而因耳矣，此愚者之所不至也。不至則不知，不知則不信。無
骨者不可令知冰。有土之君，能察此言也，則災無由至矣。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou, Wang Niansun collation; Q S Z T quotation. 3. Chen Qiyou.
As a general principle, officers are entm sted w ith maintaining order and
are to be faulted when there is disorder. N ow ， when no one is blamed for
disorder, it continues to increase. I f the raler displays his abilities o u t o f a
fondness for exhibiting them or personally takes the initiative o u t o f a fond
ness for singing the lead, his ministers will try to hold onto their positions
by n o t contesting w hat he proposes, and they will try to curry favor by
heeding instructions and agreeing w ith the ruler. This is a case o f the lord’s
substituting himself for his officers and acting in the role o f an officer, and
o f his ministers5following along behind in order to advance their own careers.
W hen the relation between lord and m inister is no t fixed, then although
the ear may hear, it cannot be used to listen; although the eye may see, it
cannot be used to look; and although the m ind be able to recognize, it
cannot be used to select—because the circumstances overwhelm them . Si
lence is required for the ear to hear, light is required for the eye to sec, and
reason is required for the m ind to recognize. W hen the roles o f ruler and
m inister are interchanged, these three ""offices55o f the superior are rendered
useless. It is n o t that the ears o f the ruler o f a dex^med state cannot be used
to hear, his eyes to see, or his m ind to recognize. W hen the relation be
tween ruler and m inister is disturbed and the functions proper to superior
and subordinates not kept properly distinct, although they may hear, w hat
do they hear》 A lthough they may see, w hat do they see》 And although they
may recognize, w hat do they recognize? N o t really hearing but hearing
som ething, n o t really seeing but seeing som ething, not really recognizing
but recognizing som ething, they can do no m ore than scurry about for any
thing on which to rely. But the stupid do n o t reach even this point. N o t
reaching this point, they do not recognize that there is a problem; n o t rec
ognizing that there is a problem , they do n o t recognize that there could be
a problem . It is impossible for a sum m er insect to know about ice. If a lord
w ho possesses territory proves capable o f analyzing this advice, there will
be no place from which disaster can come.
17 /3 .2
且夫耳目知巧，固不足恃，惟脩其數、行其理爲可。韓昭釐侯視所以祠
廟之牲，其豕小，昭釐侯令官更之。官以是豕來也，昭釐侯曰：「是非嚮者
之豕邪？j 官無以對。命吏罪之。從者曰：r 君王何以知之？』君曰：『吾
以其耳也。 j
A. Furtherm ore, the ears, eyes, intelligence, and creativity are inherentiy
n o t sufficient to be depended on by themselves. Only cultivating proper tech
niques and implementing proper rational principles may be judged admissible.
W hen M arquis Zhaoxi o f H an looked over the sacrificial animals to be
used in w orship at the ancestral temples, the pig was to o small, so the m ar
quis ordered an official to substitute another. The official brought back the
same pig. The marquis said, ttIs this no t the same pig that was here just
before?55W hen the official had no response, the marquis ordered an officer
to censure him.
H is followers asked, aH ow did your majesty recognize that it was the
same pig?”
The lord answered， “By its ears.”
申不害聞之，曰：4 可以知其聾？以其耳之聰也。何以知其盲？以其目之明
也。何以知其狂？以其言之當也。故曰去聽無以聞則聰，去視無以見則
明，去智無以知則公。（
去 )4三者不任則治，三者任則亂。』以 ( 此)5言耳目
心智之不足恃也。
4 . Chen Qiyou, dittography. 5*Yang Shuda.
B. W hen Shen Buhai heard about this incident, he said:
By what do we recognize that he is deaf?

By the keenness of his cars.
By what do wc recognize that he is blind?
By the clarity of his vision.
By what do we recognize that he is mad?
By the match between what he says and the facts.
Hence, it is said:
I f a person excludes listening and has no other means o f hearing,

then his hearing will be keen; if he excludes looking and has no other
means o f seeing, then he will see clearly; and if he eliminates intelli
gence and has no other means o f recognizing, then he will be
impartial. I f these three faculties are n o t employed, there is order; if
they are employed, there is disorder.
This contends that the ear, eyes, m ind, and intelligence are no t sufficient to
be depended on by themselves.
耳目心智，其所以知識甚闕，其所以聞見甚淺。以淺闕博 ( 居 ) 6天下、安殊
俗、治萬民，其說固不行。十里之間而耳不能聞，帷牆之外而目不能見，
三畝之宮而心不能知。其以東至開梧、南撫多類、西服壽靡、北懷儋耳，
若之何哉？故君人者，不可不察此言也。
6. Chen Qiyou.
C. In the case o f ear, eye, m ind, and intelligence, their means o f recogniz-
ing and remembering are extremely deficient， and their means o f hearing
and seeing are extremely shallow. ccO ne uses w hat is deficient and shallow
to know the world broadly, be comfortable with diverse customs, and govern
the myriad kinds o f subjects5—this theory will definitely n o t work.
The ear is incapable o f hearing even to a distance o f ten /f, the eye is
incapable o f seeing behind a curtain or wall, and the m ind is incapable o f
knowing w hat transpires in a com pound o f three-wö« lots. W hat is to be
made o f the advice to use them to reach as far as Kaiwu in the east, pacify
D uoying in the south, cause Shoum i to subm it in the west, and cherish
D aner in the north? Thus, the lord o f m en cannot but thoroughly investi
gate this advice.
治亂安危存亡，其道固無二也。故至智棄智，至仁忘仁，至德不德。無言
無思，靜以待時，時至而應，心暇者勝。凡應之理，清淨公素，而正(始卒
G E > 卒始 7 ; 焉此治紀，無唱有和，無先有隨。古之王者，其所爲少，其所
因多。因者，君術也；爲者，臣道也。爲則擾矣，因則靜矣。因冬爲寒，
因夏爲暑，君奚事哉？故曰君道無知無爲，而賢於有知有爲，則得之矣。
7- Yang Shuda.
D. There are assuredly n o t two ways to turn disorder into order, danger
into security, and destruction into survival. Thus, perfect knowledge dis
cards knowledge, p e rfe a humaneness forgets humaneness, and p e rfe a vir
tue is n o t virtuous.
Do not speak, do not think,

Abide in quiescence awaiting the proper season;
When the season comes, respond.
The mind at ease is equal to its tasks.
As a general principle.
The rational way to respond

Consists in being dear, pure, impartial, and unadorned,
Keeping end and beginning aright.
Therewith these control the drawstring.
Not leading the singing but providing the harmony.
Not going first but accompanying.
The true kings of antiquity.
Seldom acted on their own,
But often relied on others.
Reliance on others is the technique o f the lord; action is the D ao o f the

minister. Acting by oneself entails disturbance; reliance on others, quiescence.
Relying on w inter creates cold; relying on sum m er creates heat—w hat need
is there for the lord to act in these matters? Thus, it is said: The D ao o f the
lord is no t knowing and not acting. Yet, because it is w orthier than knowing
and acting, it attains the truth.
17/3.3
有司請事於齊桓公。桓公曰：「以吿仲父。』有司又請。公曰：「吿仲

父j ，若是〔
者〕8三。習者曰：「一則仲父，二則仲父，易哉爲君！』桓公
曰：『吾未得仲父則難，已得仲父之後，曷爲其不易也？』桓公得管子，事
猶大易，又況於得道術乎？
8. Sun Shuchcng, Chen Qiyou; B TSC quotation, Xinxwparallel.
W hen an officer requested an assignment o f duties from Duke H uan o f

Qi, the duke said, '"Inform Zhongfu.55W hen the officer made his request
again, the duke said, aInform Zhongfu.55It happened like this three times.
An associate said, "The first time it was Zhongfu, the second time Zhongfu—
it is easy indeed to be a lord•”
Duke H uan said, ccBefore I obtained the services o f Zhongfu it was diffi
cult to be a lord; but after I had gotten him, why should it not have become
easy?”
I f the tasks o f governm ent became m uch easier after Duke H uan o b
tained the services o f Zhongfu, how much truer w ould this have been had
he obtained the D ao and techniques o f a lord!
17/3.4
孔子窮乎陳、蔡之間，藜羹不 ( 斟 G E > 糝 9 , 七日不嘗粒，晝寢。顏回
索米，得而爨之，幾熟。孔子望見顏回擭其甑中而食之。〈孔子佯爲不見
之。，選間，食熟，謁孔子而進食。1()孔子起曰：「今者夢見先君，食潔而
後饋。』顏回對曰：「不可。嚮者煤 ( 室 T V > 炱 11入甑中，棄食不祥，回摟
而飮之。』孔子歎曰：「所信者目也，而目猶不可信；所恃者心也，而心猶
不足恃。弟子記之，知人固不易矣。』故知非難也，（
孔子之)12所以知人難
也0
9. Bi Yuan. 10. YuYue. 11. Bi Yuan. 12. YuYuc, Tao Hongqing.
W hen Confucius was in straits in the area o f Chen and Cai, the broth o f
greens contained no rice, and for seven days he did not taste any grain, so
even during daylight he had to lie down. Yan H u i asked for some rice, o b
tained it, and prepared it. Confucius observed that Yan H ui reached for
som ething inside the pot and ate it. H e pretended that he had not seen it.
W hen after a while the fcxxl was cooked, Yan H ui announced it to Confucius
and brought o u t the food. Confucius rose and said, aJust now I dreamed o f
our late lord. Since this food is pure, I will offer some to him.55
Yan H u i replied, ^That w ould not be acceptable. Aw hile ago some char
coal ash fell into the pot. Because it is inauspicious to throw food out, I
took it o u t o f the pot and drank it.55
Confucius sighed and said, ttW hat I believed was my eyes, bu t it ap
pears that my eyes should not be trusted; w hat I depended on was my m ind,
but it appears that is insufficient to be depended on. Disciples, take note o f
this: knowing other people is assuredly no t easy.55
Thus, it is n o t the knowing that is difficult, but the means by which wc
know others that is difficult.
B O O K 17 斗 19
四曰勿躬
CH A PTER 4
N E V E R PERSO N A LLY
17/4.1
人之意苟善，雖不知可以爲長。故李子曰：f 非狗則不得兔，兔化而狗，
則不爲兔。《
I 人君而好爲人官，有似於此。其臣蔽之，人時禁之，君自蔽
則莫之敢禁。夫自爲人官，自蔽之精者也。祓藝日用而不藏於篋〈
則衰，
□ □ 日動而不 □ □ □ 則暗，□ □ 日作而不 □ □ □ 則倦 y 。（
故 ) 用則衰，動則
暗，作則倦。衰、暗、倦三者非君道也。
I. Chen Qiyou; reconstructed on basis of parallelism.
I f a m an5s intentions are good, then even though he is n o t wise, he may

still become a leader. Thus, M aster Li says, aIt is no t a m atter o f the dogs5
n o t catching the hares; rather the hares have been transform ed into dogs
and do n o t act like hares.55 The case o f a ruler w ho enjoys acting like an
official resembles this situation. O thers can sometimes prevent ministers
from deceiving their ruler; but no one dares prevent a ruler from deceiving
himself. Taking on the duties o f onc5s officials is the very essence o f self-
deception.
Since a broom is used every day and is no t stored away in a cupboard, it
wears out. Since . . . is moved everyday and n o t . . . , it grows dim. Since . . .
is started everyday and is n o t . . . , it grows tired. Therefore, w hat is used is
w orn out, what moves grows dim, and w hat starts things grows tired. Being
w orn out, becoming dim, and grow ing tired—these three do no t character
ize the D ao o f ruling.
17/4.2
大橈作甲子，黔如作 ( 虜 L C > 都2首，容成作〔
調〕3麻，羲和作占日，尙
儀作占月，后益作占歲，胡曹作衣，夷羿作弓，祝融作市，儀狄作酒，高
元作室，虞拘作舟，伯益作井，赤冀作臼，乘雅作駕，寒哀作御，王（冰
G E > 亥作服牛，史皇作圖，巫彭作醫，巫咸作筮，此二十官者，聖人之所
以治天下也。聖王不能二十官之事，然而使二十官盡其巧、畢其能，聖王
在上故也。聖王之所不能也、所以能之也，所不知也、所以知之也。養其
神、脩其德而化矣，豈必勞形愁〔
慮〕4弊耳目哉？是故聖王之德，融乎若月
之始出，極燭六合而無所窮屈；昭乎若日之光，變化萬物而無所不行。神
合乎太一，生無所屈，而意不可障；精通乎鬼神，深微玄妙，而莫見其形。
今曰南面，百邪自正，而天下皆反其情，黔首畢樂其志、安育其性，而莫
爲不成。故善爲君者，矜服性命之情，而百官已治矣，黔首已親矣，名號
已章矣。
2. Bi Yuan, Chen Qiyou. 3. Chen Qiyou, Shiben parallel. 4. Xu Wciyu.
Da N ao invented the cyclical signs for naming days; Qian Ru, thtpoushou
auspicious day that initiated a seventy-six-year period; R ong Cheng, the
system o f adjusting the calendar; Xi H e, the system o f determ ining lucky
days; Shang Yi, the system o f determ ining lucky m onths; H o u Yi, the sys
tem o f determ ining lucky years; H u Cao, clothes; Yi Yi, bows; Zhurong,
trading; Yi Di, alcohol; Gao Yuan, houses; Yu Xu, boats; Bo Yi, wells; Chi
Ji, mortars for grinding grain; Cheng Ya, using teams o f horses with chariots;
H an Ai, driving the chariot; W ang H ai, the art o f leading oxen; Scribe
H uang, charts; Sorcerer Peng, medicine; and Sorcerer Xian, divination stalks.
The sages used these twenty officials to govern the world. The sage-kings
could n o t perform the functions o f these twenty officials, yet because they
occupied the position o f superior, they were able to make them exhaust
their arts and use all their abilities. It was because o f the abilities they lacked
that the sage-kings were able to do things. It was because o f the knowledge
they lacked that they knew things. By nurturing their spirits and cultivating
their Power they could transform the myriad things. W hy should it have
been necessary for them to toil w ith their bodies， tax their m inds， or wear
o u t their senses? For this reason the Power o f the sage-king is as bright as
the newly risen m oon that illuminates everything w ithin the six conjunc
tions, w ith nothing to limit or oppress it. H is Power is
As dazzling as the light of the sun

That transforms and alters the myriad things
And misses not a single activity.
His spirit is conjoined with the Grand One,
His life suffers no oppression,
His ideas cannot be kept in bounds.
His vital essence communes with the ghosts and spirits,
Is so deeply subtle and mysteriously refined,
That no one perceives his true form.
Were he to face south today,
The hundred evils would correct themselves.
All under Heaven would revert to their true natures.
The black-headed people would all be happy with their goals,
Be pleased to foster their inborn natures.
And no one would remain incomplete.
Therefore, when the gcxxl ruler is careful to preserve the true essence o f
inborn nature and heavenly endowm ent, the hundred offices are put in good
order, the black-headed com m oners are brought close, and his fame and
reputation are m ade apparent.
17/4.3
管子復於桓公，曰：「墾田大邑，辟土藝粟，盡地力之利，臣不若甯遨，
請置以爲大田。登降辭讓，進退閑習，臣不若隰朋，請置以爲大行。蚤入
晏出，犯君顏色，進諫必忠，不辟死亡，不重富貴，臣不若東郭牙，請置
以爲大諫臣。平原廣 ( 城 G E > 域5，車不結軌，士不旋踵，鼓之，三軍之
士，視死如歸，臣不若王子城父，請置以爲大司馬。決獄折中，不殺不辜，
不誣無罪，臣不若弦 ( 章 G V > 商6 ，請置以爲大理。君若欲治國彊兵，則五
子者足矣；（
君 G E > 若7欲霸王，則夷吾在此。』桓公曰：「善。』令五子皆
任其事，以受令於管子。十年，九合諸侯，一匡天下，皆夷吾與五子之能
也。管子，人臣也，不任己之不能，而以盡五子之能，況於人主乎？人主
知能、不能之可以君民也，則幽詭愚險之言〔不入於朝，有職者〕 8無不職
矣，百官有司（
之事 )9畢力竭智矣。五帝三 ( 黃 G E > 王10之君民也，下固不
過畢力竭智也。夫君人而知無恃其能、勇、力、誠、信，則近之矣。凡君
也者，處平靜、任德化以聽其要，若此則形性彌羸，而耳目愈精；百官慎
職，而莫敢 ( 愉 G V > 偷 ( 誕 G E > 艇 11 ; 人事其事，以充其名。名實相保，之
謂知道。
5. Bi Yuzn^Xinxu parallel. 6. Wang Niansun, Chen Qiyou; HFZ parallel.
7. Chen Qiyou; TPTL quotation, Guanzi, HFZ^ Xinxu parallels. 8. Chcn Qiyou.
9. Chcn Qiyou. 10. Bi Yuan, Chcn Qiyou. 11. Wang Niansun.
Guan Zhong reported to Duke H uan: ccIn cultivating new lands, enlarg
ing cities, expanding territory, planting grains, and making fiill use o f our
land5s resources, your subject is not the equal o f N ing Su and requests that
you make N ing Su grand minister o f agriculture. In observing the proprieties
o f ascending and descending, declining and yielding, advancing and w ith
drawing, and training and rehearsing, your subject is not the equal o f Xi
Peng and requests that you make Xi Peng grand envoy. In attending to
duties early and leaving late， risking angry facial expressions from your lord-
ship, being invariably true to principles when offering remonstrances, as
well as in n o t avoiding death and n o t valuing prestige and wealth, your
subject is not the equal o f D ongguo Ya and requests that you make Dongguo
Ya grand remonstxatcr. W hen doing battle in the flat plains and broad
plateaus, in not having war chariots cross paths or knights turn and retreat,
but driving them on so that all the soldiers o f the Three Armies regard
death as returning home, your subject is no t the equal o f Prince Chengfu
and requests that you make Prince Chengfu grand marshal. In being just in
judicial decisions, in not killing the innocent, and in not falsely accusing
those w ithout guilt， your subject is not the equal o f Xian Shang， and requests
that you make Xian Shang grand judge. I f my lord wishes to put the state in
order and strengthen its armies, these five masters are adequate to the task.
I f he aspires to be a lord-protector or king, then I, Yiwu, am here to serve
him.55
“G ood，” responded Duke H uan, and he decreed that all five m en should
assume their duties and take their orders from G uan Zhong. In ten years,
the duke had nine times assembled the feudal lords and had completely
rectified the world. This was all due to the abilities o f Yiwu and the five
masters he recommended. Guan Zhong， as a subject， did not assume respon-
sibilities when he lacked the ability to perform them , but relied entirely on
the abilities o f the five masters. H ow m uch m ore should a ruler follow this
poliqr! W hen a ruler understands w hat he can and cannot do, he can be lord
to his subjects. Then the advice o f the secretive, the deceitful, the fœ lish
and the dangerous docs not enter his court, those responsible for tasks will
n o t be found lacking in any responsibility, and the officers o f the hundred
bureaus will devote all their strength and exhaust their wisdom. W hen the
Five Sovereigns and the Three Kings were lords to their subjects, their sub
ordinates definitely did no t err in devoting all their strength and exhausting
their wisdom. Now, if in ruling others you know not to rely on your ow n
abilities, courage, strength, genuineness, and sincerity, that is close to the
mark.
As a general principle, a lord should dwell in tranquillity and quiescence
and depend on the transform ing influence o f his Power in order to hear
w hat is essential. In this way, his bodily frame and inborn nature will gather
an ever-greater harvest and his ears and eyes will have ever more energy.
The hundred officials will all be carcfiil in their duties, and none will dare be
lax o r remiss. It is by doing his job that a m an satisfies the m eaning o f his
title.
When title and reality match,

This is called “knowing the Dao.”
B O O K 17 斗 23
五曰知度
CH A PTER 5
K N O W IN G T H E M EASURE
17/5.1
明君者，非遍見萬物也，明於人主之所執也。有術之主者，非一自行之
也，知百官之要也。知百官之要，故事省而國治也。明於人主之所執，故
權專而姦止。姦止則說者不來，而情諭矣；情者不飾，而事實見矣。此謂
之至治。
An enlightened lord is not one w ho universally sees all the myriad things
o f the world, but one w ho is enlightened w ith regard to w hat a ruler should
manage. The ruler w ho possesses the right techniques is not one w ho under
takes everything personally, but one w ho knows the essentials o f m anaging
his officials. Because he knows the essentials o f managing his officials，prob-
lems are few and his state is well-ordered. Because he is enlightened w ith
respect to w hat a ruler should manage, control is concentrated in his hands
and treachery is ended. W hen treachery is ended, then even though per
suaders do not come to his court, he understands the true nature o f things.
W hen the true nature o f things is not glossed over, the reality o f affairs is
obvious. This is called “perfect order.”
17/5.2
至治之世，其民不好空言虛辭，不好淫學流說，賢不肖各反其質。行其
情，不雕其素；蒙厚純樸，以事其上。若此則工拙愚智勇懼可得以故易官，
易官則各當其任矣。故有職者安其職，不聽其議；無職者責其實，以驗其
辭。此二者審，則無用之言不入於朝矣。君服性命之情，去愛惡之心，用
虛無爲本，以聽有用之言謂之朝。凡朝也者，相與召理義也，相與植法則
也。上服性命之情，則理義之士至矣，法則之用植矣，枉辟邪撓之人退矣，
貪得僞詐之曹遠矣。故治天下之要，存乎除姦；除姦之要，存乎治官；治
官之要，存乎治道；治道之要，存乎知性命。故子華子曰：『厚而不博，敬
守一事，正性是喜。群眾不周，而務成一能。盡能既成，四夷乃平。唯彼
天符，不周而周。此神農之所以長，而堯、舜之所以章也。 j
In an age o f perfect order, people dislike empty words, vacuous phrases,
wayward learning, and heterodox theories. Both the w orthy and inept revert
to their true charartcrs, act on their true feelings, and do not embellish their
original simplicity. They serve their superiors w ith honesty and purity. In
this situation ，then， skilled and clumsy， stupid and wise， brave and cowardly
can be convinced to exchange offices and in this way each finds the task for
which he is suited. Therefore make those w ith offices feel secure in those
offices and you will not have to listen to their complaints; and dem and
proof from those w ithout offices as a way o f testing their claims about them
selves. W hen these tw o principles are fully understcxxi, useless advice will
n ot enter the court.
I f the lord submits to the true elements o f his inborn nature and destiny,
rids himself o f the feelings o f love and hate, uses emptiness and non-assertion
as his base, and then listens to purposeful words, this is called ""holding
court.” As a general principle, holding court involves a m utual attem pt to
summon up principles o f order and standards and a mutual attem pt to imple
m ent laws and regulations. W hen a superior submits to the true elements o f
his inborn nature and destiny, scholar-knights versed in the rational prin-
ciples and moral standards will come to his court and applications o f laws
and regulations will be implemented, while m en w ho are corrupt, churlish,
perverse, and bullying will withdraw, and the cliques o f the avaricious and
deceitful will keep their distance.
Therefore, the essentials o f ordering the w orld are to be found in elimi
nating treachery; the essentials o f eliminating treachery are to be found in
ordering officials; the essentials o f ordering officials are to be found in accord
ing the Dao; the essentials o f according w ith the D ao are to be found in
understanding o n d sin b o m nature and destiny. T hus， our M aster H ua says:
Seeking depth, not breadth.

Reverently guarding one affair—
It is an upright inborn nature that he delights in.
With the masses not joining.
But striving to perfect one ability.
When this ability is utterly perfect,
The barbarian Yi states of the four quarters arc tranquil.
Only he who possesses Heaven’s tokens
Attains universal agreement without seeking it.
Such were the means by which Shennong prospered,
And Yao and Shun became illustrious.
B O O K 17 425
I7/5.3
人主自智而愚人，自巧而拙人，若此則愚拙者請矣，巧智者詔矣。詔多
則請者愈多矣，請者愈多，且無不請也。主雖巧智，未無不知也。以未無
不知，應無不請，其道固窮。爲人主而數窮於其下，將何以君人乎？窮而
不知其窮，其患又將反以自多，是之謂重塞，〔
重塞〕 1之主，無存國矣。故
有道之主，因而不爲，責而不詔，去想去意，靜虛以待，不伐之言，不奪
之事，督名審實，官使自司，以不知爲道，以柰何爲 (實 T V > 寶2 。堯曰「若
何而爲及日月之所燭』？舜曰 1■若何而服四荒之外』？禹曰 1■若何而治青
( 北 G E > 丘 3 、（
化 )4九陽、奇 (怪 G E > 肱 5之所際 j ?
I. Chen Changqi, Tao Hongzing, Yu Xingwu. 2. Bi Yuan. 3. Wang Niansun, Sun Yirang.
斗•Chen Qiyou; dittography， from 匕
. 5. Sun Yirang.
W hen ä ruler regards him self wise and others stupid， him self artfül and
others clumsy, the stupid and clumsy will ask directions, and the wise and
artful will have to inform them . The m ore they have to inform , the m ore
requests there will be for direction; and as these requests increase, there will
be nothing about which the stupid and clumsy will n o t ask for direction.
H ow ever clever and wise the ruler may be, he can never know everything.
I f one w ho does n o t know everything responds to every request, his Dao
will assuredly m eet its limitations. I f a ruler meets the lim itations o f his
techniques in dealing w ith his ow n subordinates, how then will he act as
lord to others? H aving m et his limitations and failed to realize they are
limitations increases the problems that burden him. This is w hat is m eant
by being “doubly im peded•” A ruler w ho is doubly im peded will n o t keep
his state. A ruler w ho possesses the Dao, therefore, relies on others and
does n o t act, assigns duties but does not inform. H e discards conceptual
ization and imagination, and awaits results in quiescence and emptiness.
H e does not substitute his words for theirs, nor does he usurp their tasks;
b ut he inspects the names and examines the reality, and the oflficials thereby
manage things themselves.
He takes “not knowing55as his Dao,

And ^^What should I do?” as his treasure.
Yao asked, aI f I do that, will my actions illuminate the w orld as do the

sun and m œ n ? 55 Shun asked, aI f I do that, will it cause those beyond the
distant realms o f the four quarters to submit?55Yu asked, aIf I do that, will it
bring order to the boundary areas o f Q ingqiu, Jiuyang, and Q igong?55
17/5.4
趙襄子之時，以任登爲中牟令，上計，言於襄子曰：「中牟有士曰（
膽
G V >瞻6、胥己、請見之。』襄子見7而以爲中大夫。相國曰：r 意者君耳而
未之目邪？爲中大夫若此其 ( 見 G E > 易 7也，非晉國之故。』襄子曰：「吾
舉登也，已耳而目之矣。登所舉，吾又耳而目之，是耳目人終無已也。 j
遂不復問，而以爲中大夫。襄子何爲任人，則賢者畢力。
6. Wang Niansun. 7- Bi Yuan.
D uring his reign, Viscount Xiang o f Zhao made Ren Deng com m an
dant o f Zhongm ou. W hen Ren D eng subm itted the tax calculations, he
advised Viscount Xiang, "There are scholar-knights in Z hongm ou nam ed
Zhan and Xuji. I beg that you grant them an audience.55 W hen Viscount
Xiang had the audience, he made them middle-rank grand officers.
The m inister o f the state said, aI suppose that you heard about these
m en but did n o t see them w ith your ow n eyes. A ppointing a middle-rank
grand officer w ith such little consideration is contrary to the precedents o f
the state o f Jin.55
Viscount Xiang replied, aW hen I appointed Deng, I had already heard
about and seen him. Those whom D eng appointed I also heard about and
saw. This hearing about and seeing people could go on w ithout end.55Con-
sequentdy, the m atter was not questioned again, and the men were in fact
made middle-rank grand officers. W hat else should Viscount Xiang have
done? Because he entrusted others w ith responsibilities, the worthies de
voted all their energies to serving him.
17/5.5
人主之患，必在任人而不能用之，用之而與不知者議之也。絕江者託於
船，致遠者託於驥，霸王者託於賢。伊尹、呂尙、管夷吾、百里奚，此霸
王者之船驥也。釋父兄與子弟，非疏之也；任庖人釣者與仇人僕虜，非阿
之也；持社稷立功名之道，不得不然也。猶大匠之爲宮室也，量小大而知
材木矣，訾功丈而知人數矣。故小臣、呂尙聽，而天下知殷、周之王也；
管夷吾、百里奚聽，而天下知齊、秦之霸也；豈特〔
船〕8驥 ( 遠 )8哉？
8. Bi Yuan.
The trouble w ith rulers is that while they m ust entrust responsibilities
to others, they are unwilling to allow them to do their jobs; o r if they perm it
them to do their jobs, they have their performance evaluated by m en w ho
do n o t understand them. To cross the Yangzi, you rely on a boat. To travel
great distances, you rely on a thoroughbred horse. To be a lord-protector or
a king, you rely on a worthy. Yi Yin, Lü Shang, Guan Yiwu, and Boli Xi
were the boats and thoroughbred horses o f lord-protectors and kings. T hat
the latter set aside their ow n fathers and elder brothers as well as their sons
and younger brothers is n o t because they were estranged from them . T hat
they entrusted a cook [Yi Yin]， fisherman [Lü Shang]， an adversary [Guan
Yiwu], and a slave [Boli Xi] w ith office is n o t because they preferred them
over their kin. The D ao that protects tlic altars to the grain and soil and
establishes a reputation for achievements cannot otherwise be attained. It is
like a great carpenter w ho is building a house: from measuring the size o f
the project, he knows the raw materials he needs; by assessing the num ber
o f feet required to finish the work, he knows the num ber o f m en needed.
Thus, the alcsser official55Yi Yin and Lü Shang adjudicated matters, and the
w orld recognized the kingships o f Yin and Zhou. G uan Yiwu and Boli Xi
adjudicated m atters, and the w orld recognized the hegemonies o f Q i and
Qin. Were they then merely boats to cross rivers and thoroughbred horses
to cover distances?
17/5.6
夫成王霸者固有人，亡國者亦有人。桀用（
羊 G E > 干 9 辛，紂用惡來，
宋用唐鞅，齊用蘇秦，而天下知其亡。非其人而欲有功，譬之若夏至之曰
而欲夜之長也，射魚指天而欲發之當也，舜、禹猶若困，而況俗主乎？
9. Chen Qiyou.
Those w ho succeeded in being king or hegemon o f course required men,
just as those w ho lost their states required them. Jie employed Gan Xin,
Z hou Xin used Wulai, Song employed Tang Yang, and Q i used Su Qin. All
the w orld knew these states were d œ m e d . N o t to have the right m an but
to desire accomplishments may be compared to
Wishing for a long night on the summer solstice,

Or hoping to shoot a fish by aiming an arrow at the sky.
I f even a Shun or Yu w ould be hard p u t to do it, how m uch more m ust an

ordinary ruler?
斗 28 T H E E X A M IN A T IO N S
六曰慎勢
CH APTER 6
H E E D I N G T H E C IR C U M S T A N C E S
17/ 6.1
失之乎數，求之乎信，（
疑 S F > 擬1 。失之乎勢，求之乎國，危。呑舟之
魚，陸處則不勝螻蟻。權鈞則不能相使，勢等則不能相幷，治亂齊則不能
相正，故小大、輕重、少多、治亂不可不察，此禍福之門也。
1. Chen Qiyou.
[Shen Buhai says] : "To m isapply the technique o f dealing w ith subordi
nates and yet seek to make up for it by em p loyin g trustw orthy subordinates
is guessw ork. To m isapply pow er and yet seek to m ake up for it w ith the
state is dangerous.55A fish that cou ld sw allow a boat w ou ld n o t be able to
overcom e m ole crickets o n dry land. P eople o f equal pow er cannot em ploy
each other; people o f equal advantage cannot op p ose each other; and people
equally chaotic cannot rectify each other. T herefore, on e cannot but exam -
ine closely relative size, w eig h t，num ber, and order. T his is the gate to m is-
fortune or fortune.
17/ 6.2
凡冠帶之國，舟車之所通，不用象譯狄鞮，方三千里。古之王者，擇天
下之中而立國，擇國之中而立宮，擇宮之中而立廟。天下之地，方千里以
爲國，所以極治任也。非不能大也，其大不若小，其多不若少。眾封建，
非以私賢也，所以便勢全威，所以博義。義博、〔
威全、勢便〕（
利)2則無
敵。無敵者安。故觀於上世，其封建眾者，其福長，其名彰。神農十七世
有天下，與天下同之也。
2. Chen Qiyou.
In general, the civilized states w here caps and belts are w orn, that can be
reached by carriage and boat, and that d o n o t require the services o f official
translators w h o understand the languages o f the barbarian states o f the south,
north, and w est con stitu te an area three thousand li square. T he kings o f
antiquity selected the very center o f the w orld for their capital, in w h ose
center they established their palace, in w h ose center they further established
their tem ple. W ithin the territory o f the w orld , an area a thousand li square
w as used for their state, so that it w ou ld be th e suprem e exam ple o f order
B O O K 17 斗 29
and delegation o f responsibilities to others. It is not that they could no t

have expanded their state， bu t that
Being big is inferior to being small.

Being many is inferior to being few.
They enfeoffed a multitude, no t because o f any personal interest in worthies,

but because this was the m ost convenient way to exercise control and keep
their majesty intact, as well as the way to extend the rule o f justice. W hen
the rule o f justice is extended, majesty kept in ta a , and control convenientiy
exercised, there will be no opposition, and w ith no opposition there is secu-
rity. T hus， we can see that w hen earlier ages created a m ultitude o f fiefs，
their gcxxl fortune became long-lasting and their reputations illustrious.
T hat the house o f Shennong possessed the w orld for seventeen generations
is because it shared its enjoym ent o f the world w ith others.
17/6.3
王者之封建也，彌近彌大，彌遠彌小，海上有十里之諸侯。以大使小，
以重使輕，以眾使寡，此王者之 ( 所以 ) 3家〔
所〕3以完也。故曰，以滕、費則
勞，以鄒、魯則逸，以宋、鄭則猶倍日而馳也，以齊、楚則舉而加綱旃而
已矣。所用彌大，所欲彌易。
3. YangShuda.
The practice o f true kings in creating fiefs was to make those closer to
the royal dom ain bigger and those farther away smaller. Feudal states on
the shores o f the surrounding seas were ten li in size. The large feudal states
employed their smaller neighbors, the powerful their weak neighbors, and
the states w ith large populations their sparsely populated neighbors. This is
how the true kings were able to keep their households intact. Thus, it is
said: W ith a Teng or Bi one will toil; w ith a Z ou or Lu one will be idle; w ith
a Song or Zheng one can make the journey in half the time; w ith a Q i or
C hu it is as easy as picking up one5s net and casting it over all the others.
The larger the utensil, the easier to get what you want.
17/6.4
湯其無鄣，武其無岐，賢雖十全，不能成功。湯、武之賢，而猶藉(知
G E > 資4乎勢，又況不及湯、武者乎？故以大畜小吉，以小畜大滅，以重使
輕從，以輕使重凶。自此觀之，夫欲定一世，安黔首之命，功名著乎槃盂，
銘篆著乎壺鑑，其勢不厭尊，其實不厭多。多實尊勢，賢士制之，以遇亂
世，王猶 ( 尙 )5少。天下之民，窮矣苦矣。民之窮苦彌甚，王者之彌易。凡
王也者，窮苦之救也。水用舟，陸用車，塗用輾，沙用鳩，山用摞，因其
勢也。〔
因勢〕
6者令行。
4 -Tao Hongqing. 5*Chen Qiyou. 6. Bi Yuan, Shen Zumian, Shököcn Usai.
I f Tang had n o t had his fief Yi nor King Wu his o f Qi, then had they
been w orthy ten times over, it still w ould have been impossible for them to
have completed their achievements. If despite tlieir worthiness, Tang and
Wu still had to avail themselves o f the power inherent in their having fiefs,
how m uch m ore is this the case for those w ho are no match for Tang and
Wu. Therefore,
When the large conserves the small, there is good fortune;

When the small conserves the large, there is disaster.
When the powerful employ the weak, there is accord;
When the weak employ the powcrftil, there is ill fortune.
From this point o f view, if you wish to make the whole w orld stable, secure
the allotted span for the black-haired commoners, have your achievements
and name recorded on basins and vessels, and have celebratory inscriptions
done in fancy characters recorded on winepots and mirrors, then you should
never be satisfied w ith the honor o f your position or w ith the am ount o f
your strength. Even in a chaotic age, those with strength and honored posi
tion, assisted by w orthy scholar-knights w ho manage their affairs, will at
the very least become kings. The people o f the w orld are impoverished and
miserable. As their poverty and misery grow m ore severe， the easier it will
be to become a universal king. All true kings come to the aid o f the impov
erished and miserable. O n water one uses a boat, on land a chariot, in the
m ud a m ud sledge, in sand a sand vehicle, and in m ountains m ountain gear.
O ne accords w ith the circumstances. Those w ho âccord w ith the circum
stances55will have their orders carried out.
17/6.5
位尊者其敎受，威立者其姦止，此畜人之道也。故以萬乘令乎千乘易，
以千乘令乎一家易，以一家令乎一人易。嘗 (識及 G E > 試反 7此，雖堯、舜
不能。諸侯不欲臣於人，而不得已，其勢不便，則奚以易臣？權輕重，審
大小，多建封，所以便其勢也。王也者，勢也；王也者，勢無敵也。勢有
敵則王者廢矣。有知小之愈於大，少之賢於多者，則知無敵矣。知無敵則
似類嫌 (疑 S F > 擬 8之道遠矣。故先王之法，立天子不使諸侯 (疑 S F > 擬 8焉，
立諸侯不使大夫 ( 疑 S F > 擬 8焉，立適子不使庶孽 ( 疑 S F > 擬 8焉。（
疑 SF>
擬 8生爭，爭生亂。是故諸侯失位則天下亂，大夫無等則朝庭亂，妻妾不分
則家室亂，適孽無別則宗族亂。慎子曰：『今一兔走，百人逐之。非一兔足
爲百人分也，由未定。由未定，堯且屈力，而況眾人乎？積兔滿市，行者
不顧。非不欲兔也，分已定矣。分已定，人雖鄙不爭。故治天下及國，在
乎定分而已矣。 j
7. Bi Yuan. 8. C h e n Q iyou.
The instructions o f those whose position is honored are accepted;

treachery ends when majesty o f authority is established.
This is the D ao o f training others. It is easy, therefore, for a ten thousand-

chariot state to comm and a one-thousand chariot state, easy for a onc-thou-
sand chariot state to com m and a noble household, and easy for a noble
household to com m and a single individual. Anyone w ho tried to oppose
you, even if he were a Yao or Shun, w ould find it impossible. The feudal
lords do n ot w ant to become the subjects o f others but have no choice. If,
however, the power inherent in the rulers position provided no advantage,
how could subjecting them be easy? W eighing weakness and power, exam
ining relative size, and increasing the num ber o f fiefs are techniques for
making the power inherent in your position advantageous. The position o f
king is the position o f greatest inherent power. The power o f a king is w ith
o u t peer, and were someone to equal his power, the king w ould be toppled.
Those w ho understand that the small can surpass the large and the few can
overcome the many know how to preserve power that is w ithout peer. If
you know how to be unm atched by others, then those w ho follow the Dao
o f im itation and mimicry will keep their distance. Therefore, the m odel o f
the Form er Kings provided for the establishment o f the Son o f Heaven and
did n o t allow the feudal lords to imitate him; provided for the establish
m ent o f feudal lords but did no t perm it grand officers to imitate them ;
provided for establishing an heir apparent but did not allow otJier sons to
imitate him. Im itation breeds contention, and contention breeds chaos. For
this reason, when feudal lords disregard their proper place, the w orld falls
into chaos; when grand officers step o u t o f their proper rank, the court falls
into anarchy; when the rights o f the various wives are not distinguished,
the household falls into turm oil; and when nothing distinguishes the heir
apparent from the other sons, the clan lineage falls into disarray.
Shcn Dao says: ^Whcn a rabbit runs by, a hundred people chase it. The
reason is n o t that a hundred people could divide one rabbit, but that its
ownership has not yet been settled. Since its ownership has not yet been
settled, even a Yao m ight exhaust his strength chasing it. H ow m uch m ore
w ould this be the case w ith an ordinary man! But when the market is filled
w ith rabbits, passersby pay them no heed. The reason is not that they do
n o t desire rabbits, but that their ownership is settled. W hen ownership is
settled, no one, no m atter how backward, contests w ith another over it.
Therefore, governing the world, as well as a single state, rests on nothing
m ore than settling ownership.55
17/6.6
莊王圍宋九月，康王圍宋五月，聲王圍宋十月。楚三圍宋矣而不能亡，
非不可亡也，以宋攻 ( 楚 G E > 宋9 , 奚時止矣？凡功之立也，賢不肖彊弱治
亂異也。
9. C hen C hangqi.
King Zhuang o f Chu laid siege to Song for nine m onths. King Kang for
five m onths, and King Sheng for ten m onths. Three times Chu besieged
Song but proved incapable o f defeating it. It was no t impossible to defeat
Song; but when a state w ith the qualities o f Song attacks Song, how will the
hostilities ever stop? It is a general principle that whenever som ething has
been accomplished, it is because a distinction was drawn between w orth
and incompetence, strength and weakness, and order and chaos.
17/6.7
齊簡公有臣曰諸御鞅，諫於簡公曰：「陳 ( 成常 T A > 恆 1(>與宰予，之二臣
者甚相憎也，臣恐其相攻也。相攻唯固則危上矣。願君之去一人也。j 簡
公曰：「非而細人所能識也。』居無幾何，陳 ( 成常 T A > 恆 11果攻宰予於庭，
即簡公於廟。簡公喟焉太息曰：「余不能用鞅之言，以至此患也。』失其
數，無其勢，雖悔無聽鞅也與無悔同，是不知恃可恃而恃不恃也。周鼎著
象，爲其理之通也。理通，君道也。
10. L iang Yushcng.
Duke Jian o f Q i had a subject nam ed Zhuyu Yang w ho rem onstrated

w ith the duke: "Tour two ministers Chen H eng and Zai Yu hate each other
so much that your subject fears they will attack each other. Should they do
this, it will certainly endanger their superior, I beg your lordship to banish
one o f them.”
Duke Jian replied, "This is no t som ething that you, little m an, could
B O O K 17 斗 33
recognize.55After a short time, Chen H eng did indeed attack Zai Yu in the
court and chased Duke Jian in the ancestral temple. Duke Jian sighed heavily,
uAlas! Because I was incapable o f heeding Yang^s advice, this calamity has
befallen m e.55 Having ignored the techniques by which one controls offi
cials, he lost his power. A lthough he regretted n o t listening to Yang, the
end result was indistinguishable from no t regretting it. This is a case o f not
know ing to rely on the reliable but relying instead on the unreliable. The
Z hou tripods are engraved w ith images so that the principles o f order inher
ent in the designs will be pervasive. M aking principles o f order pervasive is
the D ao o f the lord.
七曰不二
CH A PTER 7
N O D U A L IT Y
1 7 / 7 .1
聽群眾人議以治國，國危無日矣。何以知其然也？老耽貴柔，孔子貴
仁，墨翟貴 ( 廉 G V > 兼 1 ，關尹貴清，子列子貴虛，陳駢貴齊，陽 ( 生 GE>
朱2貴己，孫臏貴勢，王廖貴先，兒良貴後。 3
I. Sun Yirang. 2. Shököcn Usai, Jiang Weiqiao, Yang Shuda.
3. Eleven characters—此十人者，
皆天下之豪士也一 are addedto the text byBi Yuanon the basis of
the quotation in Li Shan's commentary to W X y but occur in no early edition and arc rejected by Chen
Qiyou.
A. I f you heed the arguments o f a m ultitude o f individuals as a means o f

ordering the state, it will be endangered in no time. H ow does one know
that this is so? Lao Dan esteemed softness, Confucius benevolence, M o Di
wholeness, M aster Guanyin purity, M aster Lie Yukou emptiness, Tian Pian
equanimity, Yang Zhu the self, Sun Bin strategic position, Wang Liao going
first, and N i Liang going last.
有金鼓所以一耳也；同法令所以一心也；智者不得巧，愚者不得拙，所以
一眾也；勇者不得先，懼者不得後，所以一力也。故一則治，異則亂：一
則安，異則危。夫能齊萬不同，愚智工拙，皆盡力竭能，如出乎一穴者，
其唯聖人矣乎！無術之智，不敎之能，而恃彊速貫習，不足以成也。
B. There arc bells and drum s to unite their ears; solidarity w ith law and
regulation to unite their minds; keeping the wise from being clever and the
stupid from being clumsy to unite the troops; and n o t perm itting the brave
to go first nor the tim id to go last to unite strength. W here there is unity,
order results; where there are differences, chaos ensues; where there is unity,
security results; and where there are differences, danger arises. Surely it is
only the sage w ho can unify the myriad differences so that the stupid and
wise, the skilled and clumsy, exhaust their strength and tax their ability as if
they emerged from a single cave. W isdom that lacks proper techniques and
ability that is undisciplined—even w ith reliance on strength, nimblencss ，
experience， and practice—are insufficient to bring about success.
八曰執一
CH A PTER 8
U P H O L D I N G U N IT Y
17/8.1
天地陰陽不革，而成萬物不同。目不失其明，而見白黑之殊；耳不失其
( 聽 G E > 聰 1 ，而聞清濁之聲。王者執一，而爲萬物正。軍必有將，所以一
之也；國必有君，所以一之也；天下必有天子，所以一之也；天子必執一，
所以 ( 搏 G V > 專2之也。一則治，兩則亂。今御騮馬者，使四人，人操一策，
則不可以出於門閭者，不一也。
I. Chen Changqi, Tao Hongqing. 2. Bi Yuan.
Heaven and Earth, Yin and Yang, do n o t alter, and yet they give form to
the myriad types o f things, each o f which is different. The eye docs n o t lose
its clarity o f sight in perceiving the differences between white and black.
The ear does n ot lose its keenness o f hearing in distinguishing treble and
bass sounds. The true king by holding fast to the O ne makes the myriad
things correct. An army m ust have a general, for he is w hat unifies it; a state
m ust have a ruler, for he is w hat unifies it; and the w orld m ust have a Son o f
Heaven, for he is w hat unifies it. The Son o f Heaven m ust hold fast to the
One, for that is w hat makes him unique. Where there is unity, there is order;
where there is duality, there is chaos. Now, were a person w ho drives a team
o f four horses to hire four people and give each o f them a whip to wield, he
w ould n ot get his team o u t o f the village gate, because their actions w ould
n ot be done in unison.
1 7 / 8 . 2
楚王問爲國於詹子。詹子對曰：「
何聞爲身，不聞爲國。』詹子豈以國
可無爲哉？以爲爲國之本在於爲身，身爲而家爲，家爲而國爲，國爲而天
下爲。故曰以身爲家，以家爲國，以國爲天下。此四者，異位同本。故聖
人之事，廣之則極宇宙、窮日月，約之則無出乎身者也。慈親不能傳於子，
忠臣不能 ( 入 S F > 內 S F > 納 3於君，唯有其材者爲近之。
3. Yang Shuda.
W hen the king o f C hu asked Zhan H e how to govern the state, Zhan
H e replied, aI have heard about tending to the person but n o t about tend
ing to the state.55Can Z han H e really have m eant to suggest that there is no
way to tend to the state 》Rather, he believed that the foundation o f tending
to the state lay in tending to the person. W hen the person is tended to, the
household is tended to; when the household is tended to, the state is tended
to; and when the state is tended to, the w orld is tended to. Therefore, it is
said: Use the person to tend to the household, the household to tend to the
state, and the state to tend to the world. These four occupy different posi
tions but share a com m on foundation. Hence, w hat the sage does, consid
ered in terms o f its breadth, reaches to the ends o f the universe, to the very
limit o f where the sun and m oon shine; but when considered in term s o f its
essentials, it does not go o u t beyond his ow n person. Loving parents have
proved incapable o f transm itting learning to their children; loyal ministers
have proved incapable o f keeping their rulers properly informed. Only those
w ho have the right qualities come near doing this.
17/8.3
田駢以道術說齊。齊王應之曰：f 寡人所有者齊國也，願聞齊國之政。 j
田駢對曰：「臣之言，無政而可以得政。譬之若林木，無材而可以得材。願
王之自取齊國之政也。駢猶淺言之也，博言之，豈獨齊國之政哉？變化應
來而皆有章，因性任物而莫不宜當，彭祖以壽，三代以昌，五帝以昭，神
農以鴻。 j
W hen Tian Pian spoke at the court o f Q i about his Dao and its tech
niques, the king o f Qi responded to him, ^W hat I, the U nw orthy One,
possess is the state o f Qi. I need to hear about the governing o f the state o f
Q i•”
Tian Pian replied, ^ o u r servants teachings contain nothing about gov
erning, but they can be used to govern. They arc, to use an analogy, like a
grove o f trees: they arc n o t lumber, but lum ber can be made from them . I
hope that your majesty will select for himself w hat pertains to governing
the state o f Qi. W hen I say this, I am still speaking superficially. Speaking
m ore broadly—how could any teachings apply solely to governing the state
ofQ i?
Responding to what comes by transforming and altering

Yet always having visible signs.
Relying on inborn nature to employ things
Yet nothing is not both suitable and perfectly suited—
Patriarch Peng used this to attain a great age.
The Three Dynasties to flourish,
The Five Sovereigns to become illustrious,
And Shennong to flourish•”
17/ 8.4
吳起謂商文曰：r 事君果有命矣夫！』商文曰：『何謂也？』吳起曰：『治
四境之內，成馴敎，變習俗，使君臣有義，父子有序，子與我孰賢？j 商
文曰：「吾不若子。』曰：「今日置質爲臣，其主安重；今日釋璽辭官，其
主安輕；子與我孰賢？』商文曰吾不若子。』曰：「士馬成列，馬與人
敵，人在馬前，援桴一鼓，使三軍之士，樂死若生，子與我孰賢？』商文
曰：「吾不若子。』吳起曰：『三者，子皆不吾若也，位則在吾上，命也夫
事君！』商文曰：「善。子問我，我亦問子。世變主少，群臣相疑，黔首不
定，〔
當此之時〕 4 屬之子乎？屬之我乎？』吳起默然不對，少選曰：『與
子！』商文曰：「是吾所以加於子之上已。』吳起見其所以長，而不見其所
以短；知其所以賢，而不知其所以不肖。故勝於西河，而困於王錯，傾造
大難，身不得死焉。夫吳勝於齊，而不勝於越；齊勝於宋，而不勝於燕；
故凡能全國完身者，其唯知長短 ( 贏 L C > 盈 5拙之化邪。
4. Chen Qiyou; TFTL quotation, SJ parallel. 5. Chen Qiyou.
Once when Wu Qi was talking w ith Shang Wen, he observed, ^Service

to onc5s lord in the end is a m atter o f fate!55
Shang Wen said, “W hat do you mean?”
aFor bringing order to everything within the borders o f the state, perfect
ing training and instruction, reform ing practices and customs, and causing
lord and ministers to interact according to principles o f morality, fathers
and sons according to the requirements o f their respective positions, w ho is
worthier, you o r I?”
“I am no m atch for you, sir•”
""Suppose that one day you present yourself and are m ade a m inister and
as a consequence your ruler becomes im portant, or suppose that you give
B O O K 17 斗3 7
up your seals and resign your office and as a consequence your ruler be
comes unim portant. W ho w ould achieve greater w orth in that regard, you
o r I?”
^1 am no m atch for you, sir.55
cT o r arranging knights and horses in ranks, w ith horses and knights
well matched and the m en standing in front o f their m ounts anxious to go
forward; for having someone seize the baton and w ith one beat o f the drum
make the soldiers o f the Three Armies gladly embrace death as if it were life.
W ho is m ore w orthy in that regard, you o r I ?55
“I am no m atch for you, sir.”
W u Q i said, uIn these three you arc no m atch for me, and yet your
position is higher than mine. Fate is involved in serving a ruler!55
"^Well argued! You questioned me; now let me question you. W hen we
pass from one generation to the next and the ruler is still a m inor, the m in
isters are all suspicious o f one another, and the black-haired comm oners are
in turm oil—in times such as these, to w hom w ould you entrust the situa-
tion, you o r m e?55
W u Q i remained silent for a tim e and did n o t answer. Then he said, aI
w ould hand it over to you, sir•”
T h a t is why I have been made superior to you.55
W u Q i could see his strong points but no t his weaknesses. H e knew
where he excelled, but he did not know where he was inept. Thus, he pre
vailed in the campaign west o f the Yellow River but was trapped by Wang
Cuo. N o t long after that, he found himself in great difficulty and did not
enjoy a happy end.
W u prevailed over Qi but n o t over Yue; Q i prevailed over Song but not
over Yan. Thus, it is a general principle that only those w ho recognize the
transform ations that turn strong points into weaknesses and fullness into
deficiency are capable o f keeping their states whole and preserving their
lives.
Book 18
The first three chapters of Bcx>k 18 all promote an ideal of nonverbal communica
tion. Chapters 4 through 7 set forth the problems that inevitably arise when words
arc used to communicate. Chapter 8 differs from the other chapters in this book in
not being concerned with language and argumentation.
Chapter 1 cites six exchanges between rulers and those offering them advice
and comments on whether, in each case, it was the rulers comportment or words
that were in error or the advice offered him that was not trustworthy and reasonable.
In judging the reliability of advice, a gocxl ruler should rely on his own under
standing of and investigation into a matter; and he should be careful that his words
and facial expressions do not disclose his true sentiments and thus allow others to
use that knowledge to deceive him. Chapter 2 continues the theme of the rulers
mindfulness of what he says, illustrating the point with several anecdotes. The last
story in the chapter, however, is unrelated to the others and instead anticipates the
theme of chapter 3: that it is possible to communicate without language. aOn Subde
Communication55illustrates what this means by relating stories of those who can
penetrate the thoughts of others by closely observing facial expressions, mannerisms,
and bearing. The chapter argues that those who share similar aims are especially
perceptive in this regard. For example, the Zhou allies who plotted against the
Shang had no need of putting their plans into words. Hence, while the Shang were
suspicious of Zhou intentions, they could never prove that Zhou planned an insur
rection, nor learn anything of its details.
Chapter 斗complains about those， like Deng Xi of Zheng and Chunyu Kun of
Qi, who in their speech and actions arc mindless of standards of right and wrong.
Chapter 5 argues that language is a dependable means of communicating only when
it is used to express one's thoughts and intentions. If it is used to deceive and
obfuscate, then language becomes a source of chaos. The chapter offers the logi
cians Gongsun Long and Hui Shi as examples of those who have corrupted
language. In chapter 6, Hui Shi again serves as an example of someone who used
[438]
B O O K 18 斗3 9
language merely to obfuscate and deceive. The chapter claims that the agrand
methods55Hui Shi employed when governing Wei wmade him the laughingstock of
the entire world; everyone was able to cite examples of his mistakes.55Chapter 7,
lacking an intxcxluctory paragraph of its own, relates six anecdotes that continue
the themes of chapters 4,5, and 6. (One of the anecdotes, in 18/7.3, seems to support
the Mohist opposition to aggressive warfare and thus contradicts 7/3.) Comments
attached to the last of these stories, in 18/7.5 and 18/7.6, stress the importance of
rulers being able to make judgments and take actions independent of the advice
they are receiving. Chapter 8 recounts two stories about how Fu Zijian succeeded
in governing Shanfu, without interference from the lord of Lu, by relying on the
force of his charaacr rather than on corporal punishment. These stories were per
haps meant to pick up the thread of the comments on self-reliance that conclude
chapter 7.
一曰審應
CH A PTER 1
E X A M IN IN G R E S P O N S E S
18/1.1
人主出聲應容，不可不審。凡主有識，言不欲先。人唱我和，人先我
隨。以其出爲之入，以其言爲之名，取其實以責其名，則說者不敢妄言，
而人主之所執其要矣。
H o w a ruler utters sounds and responds w ith facial expression cannot
but be examined. It is a general principle that when a ruler knows something,
he docs n o t w ant to be the first to express it in words. “Others sing the lead ，
I provide the harm ony; others lead, I follow.55 By w hat a m an utters, you
know w hat he will contribute; by w hat he advises, you determine the tide
he should possess; and by how he realizes w hat he has advised, you test
w hether he has lived up to that tide. Then persuaders will not dare to make
wild claims, and rulers will have a means to hold fast to w hat is essential.
18/1.2
孔思請行。魯君曰：「天下主亦猶寡人也，將焉之？』孔思對曰：『蓋聞

君子猶鳥也，駭則舉。』魯君曰：「主不肖而皆以然也，違不肖，過不肖，
而自以爲能論天下之主乎？』凡鳥之舉也，去駭從不駭。去駭從不駭，未
可知也。去駭從駭，則鳥曷爲舉矣？（
孔思 G E > 魯君 1之對 ( 魯君 G E > 孔思 1
也亦過矣。
I. Chen Qiyou; required by context.
W hen Kong Si requested his permission to depart, the lord o f Lu said,

aAll the rulers o f the w orld are the same as this U nw orthy One. W here will
you go?” Kong Si replied， “Probably it is as I have heard: the gentlem an is
like a bird, when alarmed, it will fly away.55The lord o f Lu countered: aAll
the rulers o f the w orld are inept. I f you leave one inept leader just to go over
to another, do you yourself think this constitutes any ability to assess the
rulers o f the world?”
As a general rule, when a bird flics, it leaves the place where it was alarmed
to go to a place where it is not frightened. It cannot know in advance whether
it will n o t be alarmed there. W hy w ould a bird fly away at all if it were
leaving one frightening place for another? The lord o f Lu5s reply to Kong Si
was certainly incorrect.
i 8/ i .3
魏惠王使人謂韓昭侯曰：「夫鄭乃韓氏亡之也，願君之封其後也，此所
謂存亡繼絕之義，君若封之則大名。』昭侯患之。公子食我曰：『臣請往對
之。』公子食我至於魏，見魏王曰大國命弊邑封鄭之後，弊邑不敢當
也。弊邑爲大國所患，昔出公之後聲氏爲晉公，拘於銅鞮，大國弗憐也，
而使弊邑存亡繼絕，弊邑不敢當也。《
I 魏王慚曰：「固非寡人之志也，客請
勿復言。』是舉不義以行不義也。魏王雖無以應，韓之爲不義愈益厚也。
公子食我之辯，適足以飾非遂過。
King H u i o f Wei sent a messenger to M arquis Zhao o f H an to say:
aSince the state o f Zheng perished at the hands o f the house o f H an, I beg
that you enfeoff its descendants. This is w hat is called the duty o f "preserving
the perished and continuing those w ho have been cut off? Were my lord to
enfeoff them , he w ould achieve great fame.55
M arquis Zhao was troubled by this. Prince Shiwo said, ttLet your sub
ject go and reply to them .55
W hen Prince Shiwo arrived in Wei, he had an audience w ith the king, at
which he said:, “Your great state has m andated that our unw orthy city be
used to enfeoff the descendants o f Zheng. O u r unw orthy city dares not
accede to this. Your great state has in the past caused our unw orthy tow n
troubles. Previously, when the head o f the Sheng clan, a descendant o f Duke
C hu o f Jin, became the duke o f Jin, he was captured at Tongti, but your
great state w ould n o t take pity on him. Yet you w ould have our unw orthy
city 'preserve the perished and continue those w ho have been cut off? O ur
unw orthy city dares not accede to this.”
The king o f Wei, mortified, said, "This was n o t at all my intention. I ask
that m y guest speak no further o f it.55
This is an example o f citing another's unjust a a to excuse one5s injustice.
A lthough the king o f Wei was unable to respond, the injustice com m itted
by H an was m uch greater than that com m itted by Wei. Prince Shiwo5s
argum ent is an instance o f successfully ""disguising wrongs and encourag
ing transgressions.55
i 8/ i .4
魏昭王問於田 111曰： f 寡人之在東宮之時，聞先生之議曰：「爲聖
易。」有諸乎？』田訕對曰：「臣之所舉也。 j 昭王曰：「然則先生聖
于？』田訕對曰：「未有功而知其聖也，是堯之知舜也；待其功而後知其聖
也，是市人之知 (聖 G E > 舜 2也。今訕未有功，而王問訕曰「若聖乎」，敢
問王亦其堯邪？』昭王無以應。田訕之對，昭王固非曰「我知聖也』（
耳
G E > 且 3問曰『先生其聖乎？』己因以知聖對昭王，昭王有非其有，田訕不
察0
2. Chen Changqi, YuYuc, Xu Wciyu. 3. Yang Zhaojun, Chen Qiyou.
King Zhao o f Wei inquired o f Tian Q u, aW hen I, the U nw orthy One,

resided in the Eastern Palace o f the heir apparent, I heard you argue the
thesis cBeing ä sage is easy.’ Is that true?”
‘T h a t is a point your servant m ade•”
^That being so, are you. Master, a sage?
""Recognizing that a man is a sage before he has accomplished anything
is how Yao recognized Shun. Recognizing that a m an is a sage only after he
has accomplished som ething is how an ordinary tow nsm an recognizes a
Shun. Now , I have yet to accomplish anything, and yet your majesty has
asked m e cAre you a sage?51 presume to ask his majesty if he is a Yao.55King
Zhao could n o t answer.
W ith regard to Tian Q u5s response, it m ust be said that King Zhao abso-
lutely did n o t say “I recognize sages” but asked “Is the M aster a sage?”
Moreover, in Tian Q u 5s response to the king, he him self introduced the
su b je a o f recognizing sages, thus attributing to the king a quality he did
n o t possess. In this Tian Q u docs not bear scrutiny.
18/1.5
趙惠王謂公孫龍曰：F寡人事偃兵十餘年矣而不成，兵不可偃乎？j 公
孫龍對曰：「偃兵之意，兼愛天下之心也。兼愛天下，不可以虛名爲也，必
有其實。今藺、離石入秦 •，而王縞素布總；東攻齊得城，而王加膳置酒。
秦得地而王布總，齊亡地而王加膳，所非兼愛之心也。此偃兵之所以不成
也。』今有人於此，無禮慢易而求敬，阿黨不公而求令，煩號數變而求靜，
暴戾貪得而求定，雖黃帝猶若困，〔
而況俗主乎〕
4。
4. Chen Qiyou; standard dosing formula.
King H ui o f Zhao said to G ongsun Long, al have endeavored for m ore

than ten years now to abolish the use o f weapons o f war but have no t sue-
cceded. Is it impossible to abolish the use o f w eaponry?55
<cThe idea o f abolishing weapons,55replied G ongsun Long, "'requires for
its success a m ind that loves all the w orld universally. Such universal love
cannot be brought about w ith empty w ords but requires concrete deeds.
Now, w hen Lin and Lishi were absorbed by Q in, your majesty dressed in
m ourning garb; when you attacked Q i to the east and took a walled city,
you celebrated the victory w ith liquor and a feast. W hen Q in gains terri
tory, your majesty m ourns; when Q i loses territory, your majesty feasts.
This contradicts any intention to love the w orld universally， and this is why
you have been unsuccessful in abolishing the use o f weaponry.55
I f a person sought respect while being rude and im pudent, sought gcxxl
relations w ith others yet was partial to his clique and n o t public-spirited,
sought tranquillity yet was annoying and capricious, sought to settle matters
yet was cruel and greedy—even if he were the Yellow Sovereign, he w ould
be hard p u t to do so. H ow m uch m ore is this true o f a mediocre ruler!
18/1.6
衛嗣君欲重稅以聚粟，民弗安，以吿薄疑曰：「民甚愚矣。夫聚粟也，
將以爲民也。其自藏之與在於上奚擇？j 薄疑曰：「不然。其在於民而君弗
知，其不如在上也；其在於上而民弗知，其不如在民也。』凡聽必反諸己，
審則令無不聽矣。國 ( 久 G E > 反5則固，固則難亡，今虞、夏、殷、周無存
者，皆不知反諸己也。
5. Chen Qiyou; context.
Lord Si o f Wey desired to increase taxes in order to accumulate more

grain. Because his people were disquieted by this, he complained to Bo Yi:
aM y people arc extremely foolish. The grain I plan to accumulate is for
B O O K 18 斗斗3
their benefit. W hat difference does it make if they store it themselves or it

remains here w ith their superiors?55
Bo Yi replied, ^ h a t is n o t the case. I f it remained w ith the people and
my lord had no further knowledge o f it, he w ould believe it best if it were
w ith him. I f it were here w ith the superiors and the people had no further
knowledge o f it, they w ould believe it best if it remained w ith them .55
W henever you listen to a certain opinion, you rely on yourself. I f you
can inquire into m atters closely, your orders will never be disobeyed. W hen
a nation relies on itself, it becomes strong, and being strong, it becomes
difficult to destroy. The reason that the Yu, Xia, Shang, and Z hou dynasties
did n o t survive was that they did not understand the meaning o f self-reliance.
18/ 1.7
公子沓相周，申向說之而戰。公子沓訾之曰：「申子說我而戰，爲吾相
也夫？』申向曰：「向則不肖。雖然，公子年二十而相，見老者而使之戰，
請問孰病哉？』公子沓無以應。戰者，不習也；使人戰者，嚴駔也。意者
恭節而人猶戰，任不在貴者矣。故人雖時有自失者，猶無以易恭節。自失
不足以難，以嚴駔則可。
W hen Prince Ta was the prime m inister o f Zhou, every tim e Shen Xiang
offered him a persuasion he trem bled, for which Prince Ta upbraided him.
ttIs it because I am the m inister that you tremble whenever you talk to mc?w
aI, Xiang, am unw orthy but it is you, sir, w ho, having become a m inister at
twenty, makes an old m an tremble when he sees you. I beg to inquire w ho
is m ore at fault.55Prince Ta could no t answer.
O ne w ho trembles before an audience is unpraetdeed, but one w ho makes
others trem ble is too austere and stem . It w ould seem that when one is
respectful and m oderate yet others still tremble, the fault docs no t lie w ith
the em inent individual. Thus, although others may occasionally make mis
takes in their court demeanor, one should n o t alter onc5s respectful and
mcxlcrate manner. T hat others make such mistakes is insufficient grounds
for reprim anding them ， but one should be reprim anded for being too aus-
tere and stern.
二曰重言
CH A PTER 2
O N V A L U IN G S P E E C H
18/2.1
人主之言，不可不慎。高宗，天子也，即位諒闇，三年不言。卿大夫恐
懼，患之。高宗乃言曰：「以余一人正四方，余唯恐言之不類也，茲故不
言。』古之天子，其重言如此，故言無遺者。
A ruler cannot but be cautious about his speech. W hen Gao Z ong
ascended the throne as Son o f Heaven, he observed the seclusion o f those
in m ourning and did not speak for three years. The officers o f the court
were frightened and w orried over this. Only then did Gao Zong speak,
saying, "The reason I did not speak was that I, the U nique M an, m ust rectify
the four quarters, and I feared that my words w ould not equal my position.55
Because those w ho were Son o f Heaven in antiquity valued words to this
extent, there were no errors in their speech.
18/2.2
成王與唐叔虞燕居，援梧葉以爲珪，而授唐叔虞曰：f 余以此封 ( 女 SF>
汝。《
I 叔虞喜，以吿周公。周公以請曰：r 天子其封虞邪？』成王曰：T余一
人與虞戲也。』周公對曰：「臣聞之，天子無戲言。天子言，則史書之，工
誦之，士稱之。』於是遂封叔虞于晉。周公旦可謂善說矣，一稱而令成王
益重言，明愛弟之義，（
有 G V > 又輔王室之固。
Once when King Cheng o f Zhou was relaxing w ith his younger brother
Tang Shuyu, he picked a leaf from a paulownia tree and, using it as a jade
scepter, bestowed it upon Tang Shuyu w ith the words, CCI herewith enfeoff
you.55
Shuyu was overjoyed, and told the Duke o f Z hou about it. The Duke o f
Zhou requested an explanation from the king. wD id the Son o f Heaven
really enfeoff Shuyu?”
King Cheng replied, ^1, the O ne M an, was playing w ith Shuyu.55
The Duke o f Z hou responded, aI have learned that the Son o f Heaven
utters no playful words. W hat the Son o f Heaven says, the scribes record,
the musicians chant, and the scholar-knights proclaim As a consequence,
he thereupon enfeoffed Shuyu at Jin.
B O O K 18 445
Dan, Duke o f Z hou, may be described as a skillfdl speaker. W ith a single

declaration he caused King Cheng to be m ore careful o f speech, he explained
the duty o f loving a younger brother, and, furtherm ore, bolstered the
strength o f the royal house.
18/2.3
( 荆 T A > 楚莊王 ( 立 5 ? > 蒞 1三年，不聽而好譫。成公賈入諫。王曰：「不

穀禁諫者，今子諫，何故？』對曰：『臣非敢諫也，願與君王讕也。』王曰：
1■胡不設〔
譫言於〕2不穀矣。』對曰：「有鳥止於南方之阜，三年不動不飛不
鳴，是何鳥也？j 王射之曰：「有鳥止於南方之阜，其三年不動，將以定志
意也；其不飛，將以長羽翼也；其不鳴，將以覽民則也。是鳥雖無飛，飛
將沖天；雖無鳴，鳴將駭人。賈出矣，不穀知之矣。』明日朝，所進者五
人，所退者十人。群臣大說，（
荆 T A > 楚國之眾相賀也。故《
詩》曰：『何
其久也，必有以也，何其處也，必有與也』，其莊王之謂邪？成公賈之譫
也，賢於太宰嚭之說也。太宰嚭之說，聽乎夫差，而吳國爲墟；成公賈之
讖，喩乎 ( 荆 T A > 楚王，而 ( 荆 T A > 楚國以霸。
I. Wang Niansun;Xjwcw parallel. 2. Chen Qiyou.
For the first three years o f his reign, King Zhuang o f C hu did no t listen
to official matters but preferred riddles. Chenggong Jia entered the court to
rem onstrate, and the king said, CCI, the U nw orthy O ne, have forbidden re
m onstrance. Why, sir, are you now doing it?55
aYour servant would no t dare rem onstrate. I only wish to provide your
majesty w ith a riddle.”
aW hy do you not try the riddle on this U nw orthy O n e?55
ccThere was a bird w ho perched upon a m ound in the south. For three
years it neither moved, nor flew, nor cried out. W hat bird was this?55
The king guessed it, saying, "The bird perched on the earthen m ound in
the south
Did not move for three years because it was still determining its goals;
Did not fly because it was waiting for its wings to grow long;
Did not cry out because it was observing the rules of the people.
Although this bird has not flown, when it does so, it will pierce
the heavens;
Although it has not cried out, when it docs so, its cry will startle men.
You may go, Jia. This U nw orthy O ne has understood your meaning.”
A t the next d a /s dawn court, five m en were prom oted and ten men
dismissed. The assembled ministers were greatly pleased, and the people o f
the state o f C hu all congratulated one another.
An O de says:
Why do you delay?
There must be a reason.
Why do you remain?
There must be a cause.
[ÄW，
“B d fc n g ，” “M a o q iu ，” M ao 37]
This surely describes King Zhuang. The riddle o f Chenggong Jia was w or
thier than the persuasion o f G rand Steward Pi. The persuasion o f G rand
Steward Pi was heeded by Fuchai, and the state o f W u was laid waste. The
riddle o f Chenggong Jia served to instruct the king o f Chu, and he thereby
became lord-protector.
18/2.4
齊桓公與管仲謀伐莒，謀未發而聞於國，桓公怪之曰：「與仲父謀伐
莒，謀未發而聞於國，其故何也？』管仲曰：「國必有聖人也。』桓公曰：
F譆！日之役者，有執躕 (癌 G V > 利 3而上視者，意者其是邪？』乃令復役，
無得相代。少頃，東郭牙至。管仲曰：『此必是已。』乃令賓者延之而上，
分級而立。管子曰：『子邪言伐莒者？』對曰：「然。』管仲曰：『我不言伐
莒，子何故言伐莒？』對曰：「臣聞君子善謀，小人善意。臣竊意之也。 j
管仲曰：「我不言伐莒，子何以意之？』對曰：「臣聞君子有三色：顯然喜
樂者，鐘鼓之色也；愀然清靜者，衰経之色也；艴然充盈，手足矜者，兵
革之色也。日者臣望君之在臺上也，艴然充盈，手足矜者，此兵革之色也。
君呋而不哙，所言者「莒」也；君舉臂而指，所當者莒也。臣竊以慮諸侯
之不服者，其惟莒乎。臣故言之。』凡耳之聞以聲也，今不聞其聲，而以
其容與臂，是東郭牙不以耳聽而聞也。桓公、管仲雖善匿，弗能隱矣。故
聖人聽於無聲，視於無形，詹何、田子方、老耽是也。
3. Chen Qiyou.
Duke H uan o f Q i was plotting w ith G uan Z hong to attack Ju. Before
the plans were realized, they were learned o f throughout the state. Duke
H u an found this curious and said, aI was plotting w ith Zhongfu to attack
Ju, and before the plan was executed, it was known throughout the state.
H o w did this happen?”
aA sage m ust reside in the state,55G uan Z hong replied.
aAha!wexclaimed Duke H uan. aA m ong the workers that day, there was
one holding a hoe w ho approached and watched us closely. D o you sup-
pose th at it was h e ?55 H e then ordered that those w ho were working that
day should come again to w ork and that there were to be no substitutions.
After a short while, D ongguo Ya arrived.
G uan Z hong said, ^This m an is certainly the one w ho spread the news.55
H e then sent the chief o f protocol to lead the m an forward. G uan Z hong
and the m an stood on separate stairways [as befits a host greeting a guest].
G uan Z hong asked him, ttWas it you, sir, w ho spoke o f our attack on Ju ?55
“It was，” the m an replied.
“But I have said nothing about attacking Ju，” G uan Z hong said. “W hy
have you m entioned an attack on Ju ?55
ccYour subject has heard that the gendem an is skilled at devising plans
and the petty m an is skilled at m aking suppositions. Your servant， in his
stupidity, supposed it•”
aBut as nothing was said about attacking J u —w hat made you suppose
it?”
cT o u r subject has heard that the gendem an has three kinds o f facial ex
pression: exaltation mixed w ith pleasure and happiness is the look o f one
listening to bells and drum s; a plaintive air mixed w ith purity and quies
cence is the look o f a person wearing the m ourners headband; and con
tained anger, w ith hands and feet m oving in disciplined fashion, is the look
o f a person w ho will use weapons and armor. O n that day, your subject
observed th at w hen the lord was on the terrace, he looked as if his anger
were contained, and his hands and feet m oved in disciplined fashion—the
bearing o f one w ho will use weapons and armor. H is m outh opened and
did n o t close， so the w ord he form ed was “Ju •” The lord raised his arm and
pointed, and the direction was that o f Ju. Your servant, in his stupidity,
thereby concluded that the feudal lord w ho was disobedient was surely Ju,
and he therefore spoke about it.55
As a general rule, the ears d e te a things because o f the sounds they make.
Now , n o t to listen to sounds but to rely on som eone’s face and arm s—this
is how D ongguo Ya learned o f things w ithout using his ears to listen. Al
though Duke H uan and Guan Z hong were skilled at secrecy, still they were
unable to keep their plans hidden• 丁hcreforc， the sage listens to that which
is w ithout sound and observes that which is w ithout shape. Zhan H e, Tian
Zifang, and Lao Dan were all sages o f this sort.
三曰精諭
CH A PTER 3
O N S U B T L E C O M M U N IC A T IO N
18/3.1
聖人相諭不待言，有先言 ( 言 G E > 諭 1者也。
I. TanJicfu, Chen Qiyou.
A. Sages can understand one another w ithout relying on language, for

there are things that precede language in com m unicating meaning.
海上之人有好蜻者，每居海上，從蜻游，蜻之至者，百數而不止，前後左
右盡蜻也，終日玩之而不去。其父吿之曰：「聞蜻皆從 ( 女 S F > 汝居，取而
來，吾將玩之。』明日之海上，而蜻無至者矣。
B. There was a boy living by the sea w ho loved seagulls. Each tim e he
w ent to the shore, he cavorted w ith the birds, and m ore birds came to him
than could be counted in the hundreds. Before and behind, left: and right,
he was completely surrounded by birds and spent the entire day playing
w ith them , unwilling to leave the place. H is father told him: UI have heard
that all the birds alight upon you. Catch some and bring tliem for me to
play w ith.55The next day, no birds w ould come to him.
18/3.2
勝書說周公旦曰：「廷小人眾，徐言則〔
人〕2不聞，疾言則人知之，徐言
乎？疾言乎？j 周公旦曰：「徐言。』勝書曰：「有事於此，而精言之而不
明，勿言之而不成，精言乎？勿言乎？』周公旦曰：1■勿言。』故勝書能以
不言說，而周公旦能以不言聽，此之謂不言之聽。不言之謀，不聞之事，
殷雖惡周，不能疵矣。口（喟 G V > 吻不言，以精相吿，紂雖多心，弗能知
矣。目視於無形，耳聽於無聲，商聞雖眾，弗能窺矣。同惡同好，志皆有
欲，雖爲天子，弗能離矣。
2. Tao Hongqing.
Sheng Shu said to Dan, Duke o f Z hou, ^Where the courtyard is small
and people are many, if you speak in a low voice, you will not be heard, but
if you speak in a high-pitched voice, then people will understand w hat you
say. W hich do you choose, a low voice or a high-pitched voice?55
aA low voice,55answered the Duke.
"There is som ething to be done. If you explain it in subtle words, people
B O O K 18 斗斗9
will n o t understand, and if you say nothing at all, the task will no t be com
pleted. W hich do you choose, subtie words or saying nothing at all?55
aI w ould say nothing at all,55answered the Duke.
Hence, Shcng Shu was able to persuade w ithout words, and the Duke
o f Z hou was able to com prehend w ithout words. This is called <ccompre-
hending w hat is n o t spoken.55
Because their plans were not spoken,

Their affairs were not heard of,
So although the Yin despised the Zhou,
They were unable to denounce them.
Since their mouths uttered nothing
But they communicated by the most subtle o f means,
Although Zhou Xin was suspicious,
H e could not know what the Zhou planned.
Because their eyes gazed upon the invisible
Their ears listened to the inaudible;
Although the Yin had many informants,
They could not espy what the Zhou were doing.
When men share the same likes and dislikes,
Have aims that are informed by the same desires.
Even though one is the Son o f Heaven,
H e cannot separate them.
1 8 /
3 . 3
孔子見溫伯雪子，不言而出。子貢曰：「夫子之欲見溫伯雪子好矣，今
也見之而不言，其故何也？』孔子曰：「若夫人者，目擊而道存矣，不可以
容聲矣。《
I 故未見其人而知其志，見其人而心與志皆見，天符同也。聖人
之相知，豈待言哉？
Confucius had an audience w ith W enbo Xuezi but left w ithout saying
anything. Zigong inquired, uSince my m aster has long wished an audience
w ith W enbo Xuezi, why has he now seen him but said noth in g ?55
aW ith som eone like that, one merely need look w ith the eyes to know
that the Way is present in him. Words w ould be o f no use.55
T hat before having seen a man, one can know his aims, and one can
know his m ind and his aims clearly upon seeing him, is because both par
ties share the same Heavenly Tally. Sages understand one another directiy;
why should they rely upon language?
45〇 T H E E X A M IN A T IO N S
18/ 3.4
白公問於孔子曰：「人可與微言乎？』孔子不應。白公曰：1

■若以石投水
奚若？』孔子曰：『沒人能取之。j 白公曰：「若以水投水奚若？j 孔子曰：
「淄、澠之合者，易牙嘗而知之。』白公曰：「然則人不可與微言乎？j 孔
子曰：「胡爲不可？唯知言之謂者爲可耳。』白公弗得也。知謂則不以言
〔
言〕3矣。言者，謂之屬也。求魚者濡，爭獸者趨，非樂之也。故至言去言，
至爲無爲。淺智者之所爭則末矣。此白公之所以死於法室。
3-Tao Hongqing; Liezi^ W enziy andH N Z parallels .
The Duke o f Bo inquired o f Confucius, saying, aIs it possible for m en

to share a secret?55W hen Confucius did no t respond, the duke said, ccIsn5t it
a m atter o f throw ing a stone into w ater?55
CC
A diver could fetch it,55replied Confucius.
“Isn’t it ，then， like throw ing water into water?”
ccW hen the waters o f the Zi and Sheng rivers were blended, Yi Ya could
taste the difference between the tw o,55
aGiven that, is it then impossible for m en to share a secret?55
ccW hy regard it as impossible?55asked Confucius. aBut it is possible only
for those who understand the im port o f w ords.55
The Duke o f Bo did not grasp w hat Confucius said. Those w ho under
stand the im port do not use words to speak. W ords are things attached to
im port. Those w ho catch a fish get wet, and those w ho h unt animals run
after th em —but no t for the pkasure o f it. Therefore， perfect speech dis-
cards speech, and perfect action is nonaction. W hat those o f slight wisdom
struggle after is inconsequential. This is the reason the Duke o f Bo died in
prison.
18/ 3.5
齊桓公合諸侯，衛人後至。公朝而與管仲謀伐衛，退朝而入，衛姬望見
君，下堂再拜，請衛君之罪。公曰：「吾於衛無故，子曷爲請？』對曰：「妾
望君之入也，足高氣彊，有伐國之志也；見妾而有動色，伐衛也。』明曰
君朝，揖管仲而進之。管仲曰：r 君舍衛乎？』公曰：T仲父安識之？j 管
仲曰：「君之揖朝也恭，而言也徐，見臣而有慚色，臣是以知之。』君曰：
「善。仲父治外，夫人治內，寡人知終不爲諸侯笑矣。《
I 桓公之所以匿者
不言也，今管子乃以容貌音聲，夫人乃以行步氣志，桓公雖不言，若暗夜
而燭燎也。
W hen Duke H uan o f Q i assembled the feudal lords, the representative
from Wcy arrived late. At his dawn court the duke and Guan Z hong planned
an attack on Wcy. W hen the duke left the court and entered his private
chambers, his wife, the lady o f Wey, regarded her lord from afar, w ent to
the foot o f the hall, and bowed repeatedly to beg forgiveness for the lord o f
W e /s offense. The duke said, <CI have no business w ith Wey. W hy do you
make a request for them ，madam?”
"^When I regarded from afar your lordship’s entrance，” she replied, “it
was w ith high steps and a belligerent manner. This is because you have in
m ind attacking a state. U p o n seeing your concubine, your expression
changed suddenly. This means it is Wey you will attack.55
A t the lord5s court the next day, he beckoned Guan Z hong to approach
him. G uan Z hong said, aM y lord has p u t aside his plan to attack Wey!55
“H o w docs Zhongfli know?”
ccW hen my lord came to court, his m anner o f beckoning me was re
spectful, his words were slow, and upon seeing his servant m y lord blushed
w ith shame. This is how I knew.55
“Excellent^， com m ented the duke. “W ith Zhongfli governing things
outside and my wife governing things inside, I will never be subject to ridi
cule by the feudal lords.55
W hat Duke H uan concealed and w ould n o t speak of， G uan Zhong real-
ized through his gestures and voice， and his wife discovered through his
step and spirit. A lthough Duke H uan did not speak, he was nevertheless
like a bright beacon in the dark o f night.
18/3.6
晉襄公使人於周曰：r 弊邑寡君寢疾，卜以守龜曰：「三塗爲祟。」弊邑
寡君使下臣願藉途而祈福焉。』天子許之。朝，禮使者事畢，客出。萇弘
謂劉康公曰：「夫祈福於三塗，而受禮於天子，此柔嘉之事也，而客武色，
殆有他事，願公備之也。』劉康公乃儆戎車卒士以待之。晉果使祭事先，
因令楊子將卒十二萬而隨之，涉於棘津，襲聊阮、梁、蠻氏，滅三國焉。此
形名不相當，聖人之所察也，萇弘則審矣。故言不足以斷 ( 小 )4事，唯知言
之謂者 ( 可爲 G V > 爲可5。
4 . Tao Hongqing. 5- Wang Niansun.
Duke Xiang o f Jin sent a man to announce to the Z hou, cT h e O rphaned

Lord o f our miserable city is sick in bed. We have divined, using the tortoise
reserved for such purposes, and the divination has said. T h e spirit o f M ount
Santu has put a curse on him.^Thc O rphaned Lord o f our miserable city has
dispatched his lowly servant in the hope that we m ight avail ourselves o f
the road through your territory to go to the m ountain and beg blessings
from it.”
The Son o f Heaven granted permission. At court the protocols involved
in giving ritual gifts to the emissary were completed, and the guest departed.
Chang H o n g said to Duke Kang o f Liu, ^Begging the blessings from the
spirit o f M ount Santu and receiving ritual gifts from the Son o f Heaven are
benign and blessed things, yet the guest had a martial look about him. I fear
that there is som ething else afoot and beg the duke to make preparations
for it•”
Duke Kang o f Liu then alerted his war chariots and foot soldiers to
await an attack. It turned ou t that Jin first ordered that the sacrifice to the
m ountain spirit be perform ed but availed itself o f this opportunity to send
along general Yang Zi, leading a force o f 120,000 soldiers. They crossed at
Jujube Ford, made a surprise attack on the barbarian states o f Liuruan, Liang,
and M anshi, and destroyed all three. This is a case where form and name
did n o t tally. This is the kind o f situation that requires close scrutiny from
the sage, and therefore Chang H o n g inquired into the matter. Thus, words
alone are n ot a sufficient basis for determ ining how to judge matters. Only
knowing what the words imply will do.
四曰離謂
CH A PTER 4
D E P A R T IN G F R O M T H E IM P O R T
18/4.1
言者，以諭意也。言意相離，凶也。亂國之俗，甚多流言，而不顧
其實，務以相毀，務以相譽，毀譽成黨，眾口熏天，賢不肖不分，以此治
國，賢主猶惑之也，又況乎不肖者乎？惑者之患，不自以爲惑，故惑惑之
中 ( 有 G V > 又曉焉，冥冥之中 ( 有 G V > 又昭焉。亡國之主，不自以爲惑，
故與桀、紂、幽、厲皆也。然有亡者國，無二道矣。
Words are used to convey our ideas. W hen the words we use are at cxids
w ith o u r ideas, we suffer misfortune. It is com m on in a chaotic state for
there to be frequent wayward usage o f words and for no heed to be paid to
the reality. Some are bent on blaming each other, others on praising each
other. W hen those w ho are blamed and praised form factions, their clamor
blazes up to the sky， and the truly w orthy are n o t distinguished from the
unworthy. If a state is governed in this way, even a w orthy ruler suffers
confusion; how m uch m ore will this be true o f the unw orthy ruler? The
trouble w ith those w ho arc confused is that they themselves do n o t recog
nize that they are confused. W hen they are m ost confused they think they
understand clearly， and when lost in utter darkness think they see light.
Because the rulers o f states that perished did n o t recognize their ow n con
fusion, they joined the company o f Jie, Z hou Xin, and Kings You and Li.
T hat being so, there are n o t tw o Daos by which states have perished.
18/4.2
鄭國多相縣以書者。子產令無縣書，鄧析致之。子產令無致書，鄧析倚
之。令無窮，則鄧析應之亦無窮矣。是可不可無辨也。可不可無辨，而以
賞罰，其罰愈疾，其亂愈疾，此爲國之禁也。< A : 理也者，是非之宗也。 ^
故辨而不當理則僞，知而不當理則詐，詐僞之民，先王之所誅也。（ A)1
1. Chen Qiyou; context.
In Zheng it was the custom for people to hang criticisms o f the laws
from the walls. W hen Prince Chan ordered that no more be hung, D eng Xi
added his ow n construction o f the m eaning o f the laws. W hen Prince Chan
ordered that no such constructions be added, D eng Xi found yet other
devious ways o f twisting the m eaning o f the laws. To whatever orders the
Prince issued, D eng Xi had a ready response. H is actions obliterated the
distinction between w hat was permissible and w hat was not. W hen these
cannot be properly distinguished and one makes use o f rewards and punish-
merits, the m ore extreme the punishm ents become, the graver the anarchy
that results• 丁his is precisely w hat those governing ä state should forbid.
The principles o f reason arc the antecedents o f right and wrong. There
fore, if in making cüscriminations one does not conform to reason, the results
will be deceptive; and if in acquiring knowledge one does not conform to
reason, the results will be false. The Form er Kings punished deception and
falsity in their subjects.
18/4.3
子、商容以此窮，周公、召公以此疑，范蠡、子胥以此流，死生存亡安危，
從此生矣。
The Wei River is very great in size. A wealthy m an from Zheng drow ned
in it, and someone retrieved his body. The wealthy man^s family sought to
buy it, but the one w ho found the body was asking a great deal o f money.
The family reported this to D eng Xi, w ho said, aD o n o t worry about it. H e
certainly can sell it to no one else•” The m an w ho found the corpse was anx-
ious about this and reported to Deng Xi, w ho told him, ccD o not worry about
it. They certainly will be unable to buy the corpse from someone else.55
The situation o f persons w ho vilify loyal officials resembles this case.
Loyal officials are vilified if they fail to win the people, and they are vilified
if they win the people. Is it no t grievous that rulers lack proper standards
and thus have no way o f realizing this? Bigan and Chang H ong died because
o f this; the Viscount o f Ji and Shang R ong were impoverished because o f
this; the Duke o f Z hou and the Duke o f Shao were doubted because o f
this; Fan Li floated about Lake Tai in his boat and the corpse o f W u Zixu
floated in a sack in the Yangzi because o f this. Life and death, survival and
preservation, and security and danger all spring from this.
18/4.4
子產治鄭，鄧析務難之，與民之有獄者約，大獄一衣，小獄襦褲。民之
獻衣襦褲而學訟者，不可勝數。以非爲是，以是爲非，是非無度，而可與
不可日變。所欲勝因勝，所欲罪因罪。鄭國大亂，民口謹譁。子產患之，
於是殺鄧析而戮之，民心乃服，是非乃定，法律乃行。今世之人，多欲治
其國，而莫之誅鄧析之類，此所以欲治而愈亂也。
W hen Prince Chan governed Zheng, D eng Xi strove to disrupt things.
H e m ade ä pact w ith those involved in litigation by which those w ho
intended to pursue major legal cases should subm it an upper garm ent, and
those w ho wished to pursue m inor legal cases should subm it a short coat
and lower garm ent. Those w ho subm itted these garments and involved
themselves in litigation were too numerous to count. Thus, w rong was taken
to be right, and right was taken to be wrong. W ith no standard o f w hat was
right and w rong, w hat was permissible and impermissible varied each day.
Those w hom D eng Xi wished to win in litigation did win, and those w hom
D eng Xi wished to punish were punished. The state o f Zheng fell into com
plete chaos, and the populace clamored. Prince Chan, troubled by this turn
B O O K 18 斗 55
o f events, had D eng Xi executed and his corpse exposed. The peopled hearts
were then stilled, right and w rong were settled, and the laws and regula
tions enforced. In the present age, many wish order in their states but are
unable to execute the likes o f D eng Xi. This is why their states grow chaotic
even though they wish order.
18/4.5
齊有事人者，所事有難而弗死也，遇故人於塗。故人曰：「固不死乎？j
對曰：『然。凡事人以爲利也。死不利，故不死。』故人曰：『子尙可以見人
乎？』對曰：「子以死爲顧可以見人乎？』是者數傳。不死於其君長，大不
義也，其辭猶不可服，辭之不足以斷事也，明矣。夫辭者，意之表也。鑒
其表而棄其意，悖。故古之人，得其意則舍其言矣。聽言者以言觀意也。
聽言而意不可知，其與 ( 橋 L C > 窕 1言無擇。
I. Chen Qiyou; H F Z technical term.
In Qi there was a servant whose master encountered difficulties, but the

servant was unwilling to die w ith him. The servant encountered an old ac
quaintance on the road w ho asked, wSo you did no t die?55
cT h a t is so. O ne serves another because service produces benefits, but
death is n o t beneficial so I did not die.55
ccWill you still be able to look other people in the face?55
“I f I were dead, could I face others?”
This kind o f story is frequently told. N o t to die for onc5s lord or supe
rior is the greatest immorality, but the m an5s propositions appear to be irre
futable. It is clear, however, that they are inadequate to decide the matter.
Now, propositions are the signposts o f ideas. To take a warning from
the signposts while discarding the ideas is madness. Thus, the men o f old
cast aside the words once they grasped the idea. Those w ho listen to the
words m ust use them to perceive the ideas. If in listening to the words the
ideas cannot be known, there is no difference between the language em
ployed and idle nonsense.
18/4.6
齊人有淳于髡者，以從說魏王。魏王辯之，約車十乘，將使之 ( 荆 TA>
楚。辭而行，有以橫說魏王，魏王乃止其行。失從之意，又失橫之事。夫其
多能不若寡能，其有辯不若無辯。周鼎著倕而龁其指，先王有以見大巧之
不可爲也。
C hunyu Kun, a native o f Qi, offered a persuasion that the king o f Wei
should join the Vertical Alliance in opposition to Qin. Because the king o f
Wei considered his argum ent subtle, he gave him ten chariots for a mission
to Chu. As Chunyu Kun was taking his leave, he offered a persuasion that
the king o f Wei should join the H orizontal Axis w ith Q in, so the king o f
Wei canceled his mission. H e failed no t only in getting the ruler to join the
Vertical Alliance, but also in having him join the H orizontal Axis. H e would
have been better off w ith fewer abilities and no elcxjuence at all. O n the
Z hou tripods there is pictured the ancient artisan Chui chewing on his own
fingers. By this means did the ancient kings illustrate the uselessness o f ex
cessive skill.
五曰淫辭
CH A PTER 5
CARELESS PH RA SES
18/5.1
非辭無以相期，（
從 G E > 徒 1辭則亂。（
亂 )2辭之中又有辭焉，心之謂也。
言不欺心，則近之矣。凡言者，以 ( 諭 G V > 喩心也。言心相離，而上無以
參之，則下多所言非所行也，所行非所言也。言行相詭，不祥莫大焉。
I. Tao Hongqing. 2. Chen Changqi, Tao Hongqing; dittography.
It is only w ith propositions that wc convey our expectations; but if we

trust only in propositions, confusion results. W ithin every proposition there
is yet another proposition that refers to the m ind5s intention. W ords that
do n o t confound the m ind5s intention approximate it. As a general prin
ciple, words are used to convey our meanings. W hen words and intentions
are detached from each other and superiors lack the means to test them ,
inferiors will frequentiy say one thing and do another, or do one thing and
say another. There is no greater m isfortune that can occur than when words
and actions contradict each other.
18/5.2
空雄之遇，秦、趙相與約 ( 約 )3曰：「自今以來，秦之所欲爲，趙助之；
趙之所欲爲，秦助之。』居無幾何，秦興兵攻魏，趙欲救之。秦王不說，
使人讓趙王曰約曰「秦之所欲爲，趙助之；趙之所欲爲，秦助之」。今
秦欲攻魏，而趙因欲救之，此非約也。』趙王以吿平原君。平原君以吿公
孫龍。公孫龍曰：『亦可以發使而讓秦王曰：「趙欲救之，今秦王獨不助趙，
此非約也。」 J
3. YangShuda, Chen Qiyou; dittography.
A t the m eeting at Kongxiong, Q in and Z hao joined together in a treaty,
which said, aFrom this tim e forward, Z hao will support Q in in whatever
Q in desires to do, and Q in will support Z hao in whatever Zhao desires to
do.” Shortly thereafter， Q in raised an army to attack Wei， and Zhao wished
to rescue the latter. The king o f Q in was displeased and sent a m an to repri
m and the king o f Zhao. ccO ur treaty says, cZhao will support Q in in what
ever Q in desires to do, and Q in will support Z hao in whatever Zhao desires
to d o .5Q in now desires to attack Wei, and Z hao on account o f this wishes to
assist Wei. This is contrary to our treaty.55
The king o f Zhao reported this to the Lord o f Pingyuan, w ho told Gong-
sun Long. G ongsun Long said, cT o u too may send o u t an emissary to rep
rim and the king o f Q in, saying, cIt is Zhao5s desire to assist Wei, but now
the King o f Q in alone refuses to support Zhao. This is contrary to our treatyf55
18/5.3
孔穿、公孫龍相與論於平原君所，深而辯，至於藏三 ( 牙 G E > 耳4，公孫
龍言藏之三 ( 牙 G E > 耳4甚辯，孔穿不應，少選，辭而出。明日，孔穿朝。
平原君謂孔穿曰：「昔者公孫龍之言甚辯。《
I 孔穿曰：『然。幾能令藏三(牙
G E > 耳4矣。雖然難。願得有問於君，謂藏三 ( 牙 G E > 耳4甚難而實非也，
謂藏兩 ( 牙 G E > 耳4甚易而實是也，不知君將從易而是者乎？將從難而非者
乎？』平原君不應。明日，謂公孫龍曰：「公無與孔穿辯。{其人理勝於辭，
公辭勝於理。 Pj
4. Bi Yuan, Wang Niansun; Kongcongzi parallel. 5. Konßconßzi parallel.
Kong Chuan and Gongsun Long were arguing at the residence o f the
Lord o f Pingyuan. So profound and involved were their arguments that
they reached the proposition ccZang has three ears.55 G ongsun L o n ^s dis
cussion o f the statem ent ccZang has three ears55was so extremely complex
that Kong Chuan was unable to respond, and after a short time the latter
excused him self and left. The next day, when Kong Chuan came to court,
the Lord o f Pingyuan said to him, aG ongsun Lx^n^s discussion was ex
tremely intricate.55
cTes, it was,55Kong Chuan r lied. ctH e could almost have made Zang
have three ears. A lthough this is so, his position was difficult to maintain.
May I p ut a question to your grace? The claim that cZang has three ears5is
difficult to argue because it is contrary to the facts, whereas the claim that
cZang has two ears5 is easy to argue because it affirms the facts. I w onder
whether your grace will follow w hat is easy and agrees w ith fact, or w hat is
difficult but contrary to fact?55
The Lord o f Pingyuan did not reply, but the next day he said to Gongsun
Long, ^Never again, sir, engage in disputation w ith Kong Chuan! In him
reason prevails in the proposition advexated, whereas in you the proposi
tion trium phs over reason.55
1 8 /
5 . 4
(荆 T A > 楚柱國莊伯令其 (父 G V > 巫6 「視（曰 G E > 曰。，（日 G E > 曰7

「在天 j ; 「視其奚如 j ? 曰：「正圓 j 「視其時 j ，（日 G E > 0 7 「當
今j 。令謁者「駕 j ，曰「無馬 j 。令涓人「取冠』，〔曰〕
8 「進上 j 。問
『馬齒 j ，圉人曰『齒十二與牙三十 j 。
6. Chen Qiyou. 7- Chen Qiyou^ reconstruction of this passage.
8. Chen Qiyou.
The supporter o f the state in Chu, the Earl o f Zhuang, ordered his sha-
man to “observe the sun.” “It is in the sky，” the m an replied. H e asked him
to “observe w hat it was like.” “It is perfectly round，’’ the m an replied. H e
then asked him to “regard the time.” “It is the present.”
W hen the Earl o f Z huang ordered his herald to aprepare the carriage,55
the officer replied, aI have no horses.55
W hen the Earl o f Zhuang ordered the official sweeper to âdjust the
cap，” the m an replied, “It is already on to p •”
W hen the Earl o f Z huang asked the stableman about the condition o f a
horse5s back teeth, the m an replied by saying, ccH e has twelve back teeth
and thirty front teeth.55
18/5.5
人有任臣不亡者，臣亡，莊白決之，任者無罪。
I f a person entrusted som ething to his servant so that it w ould not be
lost, and the servant did lose it, and the Earl o f Zhuang was to decide the
matter, he w ould hold the person given the responsibility blameless.
B O O K 18 斗 59
18/5.6
宋有澄子者，亡緇衣，求之塗，見婦人衣緇衣，援而弗舍，欲取其衣，
曰：1■今者我亡緇衣。』婦人曰：「公雖亡緇衣，此實吾所自爲也。』澄子
曰 . • 「子不如速與我衣。昔吾所亡者，紡緇也。今子之衣，襌緇也。以襌緇
當紡緇，子豈不得哉？ j
In Song there was a M aster Cheng w ho lost his black robe. H e was
looking for it on the road w hen he saw an older w om an wearing a black
robe. H e grabbed her and w ould n o t release her, w anting to take the robe
from her ，saying， “I just lost m y black robe.”
""Although you lost your black robe, sir, this one is actually som ething I
made myself?
^You had best give me the robe quickly. The robe I lost was made o f spun
silk. This one o f yours does n o t even have a lining. D on't you see that you are
getting off cheaply by substituting an unlined garm ent for one o f spun silk?”
18/ 5.7
宋王謂其相唐鞅曰：「寡人所殺戮者眾矣，而群臣愈不畏，其故何也？j
唐鞅對曰：「王之所罪，盡不善者也。罪不善，善者故爲不畏。王欲群臣之
畏也，不若無辨其善與不善而時罪之，若此則群臣畏矣。』居無幾何，宋
君殺唐鞅。唐鞅之對也，不若無對。
The king o f Song said to his prime minister Tang Yang, “I have executed
a m ultitude, yet my officials fear me even less. W hy is th a t?55
aThose w hom your majesty condem ned were all no t good,55Tang Yang
replied. aPunishing those w ho are n o t good is itself a good thing; that is
why it produces no fear. I f his majesty desires that all his officials fear him,
it would be best to condem n good and not-gexxi alike. T hen all his officials
w ould certainly fear him .55
A short time later the lord o f Song executed Tang Yang. It would have
been better for Tang Yang had he not responded at all to the question.
18/5.8
惠子爲魏惠王爲法。爲法已成，以示諸民人，民人皆善之。獻之惠王，
惠王善之，以示翟翦。翟翦曰：「善也。』惠王曰：1■可行邪？』翟翦曰：
r 不可。』惠王曰：「善而不可行，何故？』翟翦對曰：「今舉大木者，前乎
輿講，後亦應之，此其於舉大木者善矣，豈無鄭、衛之音哉？然不若此其宜
也。夫國亦木之大者也。 j
M aster H ui Shi produced a code o f law for King H ui o f Wei. W hen it
was finished, he showed it to the people, w ho all considered it excellent. H e
presented it to King H ui, w ho considered it excellent and showed it to Di
Jian. Di Jian proclaimed, “It is excellent!”
ccCan it be enacted?55the king asked Di Jian.
ccN o, it cannot，” D i Jian replied.
aBut how can you proclaim it excellent yet say it cannot be enacted?55
ccNow, when lifting a large piece o f lumber, those in front shout out,
cHeave-ho5and those in the rear echo them . This is an excellent way to lift a
large piece o f lumber. While they all enjoy the music o f Zheng and Wey, it
is n ot as suitable for getting m en to lift a heavy load as shouting o u t cHeave-
h o .5In governing the country there are also large pieces o f lumber.55
六曰不屈
CH A PTER 6
N O T C O M P L Y IN G
18/6.1
察士以爲得道則未也。雖然，其應物也，辭難窮矣。辭雖窮，其爲禍福
猶未可知。察而以達理明義，則察爲福矣；察而以飾非惑愚，則察爲禍矣。
古者之貴善御也，以逐暴禁邪也。
Critical scholar-knights w ho believe they have obtained the D ao have
n o t yet done so. Nevertheless, when they respond to things, their proposi
tions arc hard to fathom. Their propositions, even were they to be fathomed,
are such that it could never be known w hether they w ould produce disaster
or gocxl fortune. If their critiques comprehend reason and elucidate morality,
they occasion good fortune; if they gloss over errors and mask stupidity,
they produce disaster. The ancients regarded being a gcxxl charioteer as an
im portant skiU that enabled one to drive away wantonness and proscribe
evil.
18/6.2
魏惠王謂惠子曰：f 上世之有國〔
者〕1 ，必賢者也。今寡人實不若先生，
願得傳國。』惠子辭。王又固請曰：『寡人莫有之國於此者也，而傳之賢
者，民之貪爭之心止矣。欲先生之以此聽寡人也。j 惠子曰：「若王之言，
則施不可而聽矣。王固萬乘之主也，以國與人猶尙可〔
止貪爭之心〕
2 。今
施，布衣也，可以有萬乘之國而辭之，此其止貪爭之心愈甚也。j 惠王謂
惠子曰：『古之有國者，必賢者也 j 。夫受而賢者舜也，是欲惠子之爲舜
也；夫辭而賢者許由也，是惠子欲爲許由也；傳而賢者堯也，是惠王欲爲
堯也。堯、舜、許由之作，非獨傳舜而由辭也，他行稱此。今無其他，而
欲爲堯、舜、許由，故惠王布冠而拘于鄄，齊威王幾弗受，惠子易衣變冠，
乘輿而走，幾不出乎魏境。凡自行不可以幸，爲必誠。
I. XuWciyu. 2. Tao Hongqing.
King H u i o f Wei said to M aster H ui Shi, "Those w ho in previous gener

ations controlled states were invariably w orthy men. But I, the U nw orthy
One, am n o t the equal o f you. Master, and so I w ant to hand the state over
to you.55
H u i Shi declined the offer, but the king pressed him w ith the request
that he accept it. “I f I ， the U nw orthy O ne， do no t keep the state for myself
but give it to a w orthy m an, the people will stop being avaricious and con
tentious. This is why I hope that my M aster will obey me.55
ccI f it is as your majesty says, then I cannot accept. N ow if your majesty,
as a master o f ten thousand chariots, were to give your state to another, this
w ould surely be acceptable as a means to stop people from being avaricious
and contentious. But if I, a mere commoner, were to have the chance to
ow n a state b ut declined it, this example w ould m ore likely stop people
from being avaricious and contentious.55
King H u i o f Wei said to H u i Shi, ccThosc w ho in antiquity controlled
states were invariably w orthy men.55
Shun is an example o f a m an w ho was w orthy though he accepted a
state; in offering him the state, the king wanted H ui Shi to play the role o f
a Shun. Xu You is an example o f a man w ho was w orthy though he declined
such an offer; in declining, H ui Shi desired to play the role o f a Xu You. Yao
is an example o f a man w ho was worthy though he handed over his state; in
handing over his state, King H ui wanted to play the role o f a Yao. The
actions for which Yao, Shun, and Xu You were praised were not merely a
m atter o f Shun5s having accepted Yao5s gift, but o f Xu You5s having declined
it. Their other acts were equally praiseworthy. Now, w ithout having per
form ed any other praiseworthy acts, it was because they wanted to play the
roles o f a Yao, Shun, or Xu You that King H ui o f Wei put on the cap o f a
defeated state and had him self imprisoned at Juan and that King Wei o f Qi
was unwilling to accept King H u i5s subservience. H ui Shi changed his robe
and cap, climbed aboard a chariot, and fled, and almost did no t escape
beyond the borders o f Wei. As a general principle, personal actions should
n o t be allowed to depend on chance; they m ust be sincere.
18/6.3
匡章謂惠子於魏王之前曰：「蝗螟，農夫得而殺之，奚故？爲其害也。
今〔惠〕 3公行，多者數百乘，步者數百人；少者數十乘，步者數十人。此無
耕而食者，其害稼亦甚矣？』惠王曰：「惠子施也，難以辭與公相應。雖
然，請言其志。惠子曰：「今之城者，或 ( 者 )4操大築〔
築〕5乎城上，或負畚
而赴乎城下，或操表掇以善晞望。若施者，其操表掇者也。使工女化而爲
絲，不能治絲；使大匠化而爲木，不能治木；使聖人化而爲農夫，不能治
農夫。施而治農夫者也。」公何事比施於塍螟乎？』惠子之治魏，〔以大
術〕6爲本，其治不治。當惠王之時，五十戰而二十敗，所殺者不可勝數，大
將、愛子有禽者也。大術之愚，爲天下笑，得舉其諱，乃請令周太史更著
其名。圍邯鄲三年而弗能取，士民罷潞，國家空虛，天下之兵四至。罪庶
誹謗，諸侯不譽。謝於翟翦而更聽其謀，社稷乃存。名寶散出，土地四削，
魏國從此衰矣。仲父，大名也；讓國，大實也。說以不聽、不信。（聽 GE>
說 7而若此、不可謂工矣。不工而治，賊天下莫大焉，幸而獨聽於魏也。以
賊天下爲實，以治之爲名，匡章之非，不亦可乎？
3. C h en Qiyou. 4. Xu Wciyu. 5. Xu Wciyu. 6. C h en Qiyou.
7. C hen Q iyou, dittography.
Knang Zhang discussed M aster H u i Shi w ith King H ui o f Wei, saying ，

<cW hy do farmers kill locusts? It is because they destroy crops. N ow when
his grace H u i Shi travels, he has as m any as several hundred accompanying
carriages and several hundred foot soldiers or at the very least several tens o f
accompanying carriages and several tens o f foot soldiers. All o f these people
eat w ithout plowing, and so their damage to the crops is even greater than
that o f the locusts.55
King H u i said, Âlthough M aster H u i Shi, w ho is my teacher, may find
it difficult to respond to your propositions, sir, let him speak his mind.55
H ui Shi responded, ccW hen building a wall, some wield the large posts
that ram dow n the earth at the top o f the wall, others carry baskets o f earth
on their backs to the base o f the wall, and still others carry the surveying
instruments in order to inspect things at a great distance expertly. I am like
the person w ho carries surveying instrum ents. I f we changed weavers into
silk^ they could no longer supervise the weaving o f silk; or carpenters into
w o o d —they could no longer supervise w orking w ith w ood; or sages into
farm ers—they could no longer supervise the farmers. I am someone w ho
supervises farmers. W hy then do you, sir, compare me to a locust?55
W hen H u i Shi governed Wei, he made using ugrand m ethods55his fun
damental principle, so the order he achieved was no t real order. D uring the
reign o f King H ui, the state lost twenty o f fifty battles, enorm ous numbers
o f m en were killed, and the enemy captured great generals as well as the
king^s beloved son. The stupidity o f H u i Shi’s “grand m ethods” made him
the laughingstock o f the entire world; everyone was able to cite examples o f
his mistakes.
Despite all this, King H ui requested th at the grand historiographer o f
the Z hou be ordered to change the way H u i Shi5s name was recorded [so
that he was referred to w ith the honorific ccU n d e to the King55]. The king
laid siege to H andan but was no t able to take it after three years. As a result,
the knights and the general populace were exhausted, the resources o f the
state were depleted, and troops came to H andan5s rescue from the four
directions. The masses criticized the king, and the feudal lords w ould not
associate w ith him. H e apologized to D i Jian, again adopted his counsel,
and thereafter the altars to the grain and soil survived. The famous treasures
o f the state were scattered, and its territory was pared away at all four borders.
From this tim e forward, Wei declined.
""Uncle to the King55is a great title; to yield the state to another is a great
reality. H u i Shi used persuasions that could be neither heeded nor trusted.
O ne w ho offers such persuasions cannot be called skillful. N othing prcxiuces
m ore w anton damage to the whole w orld than for the unskillfiil to govern.
It is lucky that H u i Shi gained audience only in Wei. The reality is that
M aster H u i wantonly damaged the world, but he had a reputation for gov
erning well—is it not indeed fitting that he was condemned by Kuang Zhang!
18/6.4
白圭新與惠子相見也，惠子說之以彊，白圭無以應。惠子出。白圭吿人
曰：「人有新取婦者，婦至，宜安矜煙視媚行。豎子操蕉火而鉅，新婦曰：
「蕉火大鉅。」入於門，門中有歛陷，新婦曰：「塞之，將傷人之足。」此
非不便之家 ( 氏 L C > 室8也，然而有大甚者。今惠子之遇我尙新，其說我有
大甚者。』惠子聞之曰：「不然。〈詩》曰：「愷悌君子，民之父母」。愷
者，大也；悌者，長也。君子之德，長且大者，則爲民父母。父母之敎子
也，豈待久哉？何事比我於新婦乎？《詩〉豈曰「愷悌新婦」哉？』誹汙因
汙，誹辟因辟，是誹者與所非同也。白圭曰「惠子之遇我尙新，其說我有
大甚者』，惠子聞而誹之，因自以爲爲之父母，其非有甚於白圭 ( 亦 G E >
之9有大甚者。
8. C h e n Q iy o u . 9. C h e n Q iy o u .
As soon as Bai Gui gave an audience to M aster H u i Shi, H u i Shi offered

an extremely forceful persuasion to which he was unable to respond. After
H ui Shi departed, Bai Gui said to someone else, aLet us say a m an has taken
a new wife. W hen the bride first arrives at his hom e, she is compliant, shyly
squints her eyes, and acts seductive. W hen a youth holds a torch for her and
the flame is too great, the new wife says, cThe flame is too great.5W hen enter
ing the door she sees a small hole in the entxanceway and says, T ill it! It will
injure someone’s foot.’ It is true that in doing this she is benefiting her
husbands household, yet she is being rather excessive. Now, H ui Shi just
paid a call on me, and his persuasion was marked by the same kind o f excess.55
W hen H u i Shi heard o f Bai G ui5s words, he said, c<This is n o t so. An
Ode says, joyous and pleased is the gentleman, / Father and m other to his
people.’ ‘Joyous’ means ‘great，， and ‘pleased’ means ‘mature.’ The Power o f
the gentleman is both great and m ature so that he can be father and m other
to the people. H o w is it that one m ust wait for parents to discipline their
children? W hy compare me to a new bride? Does the O de say, ‘Joyous and
pleased is the new bride5?55
W hen one uses filth to criticize filth or perversity to criticize perversity,
then the critic is no better than w hat he condemns. Bai G ui said that when
H ui Shi m et him for the very first time his attem pts to persuade him were
excessive. When H ui Shi learned o f this and criticized it by portraying himself
as the father and m other o f the people, his condem nation was excessive—
far beyond any excess Bai Gui had accused him of.
七曰應言
CH A PTER 7
R E S P O N D IN G T O W O R D S
1 8 / 7 .1
圭聞之曰：「無所可用者，
意者徒加其甑邪？j 白圭之論自悖，其少魏王太
甚。以惠子之言 ( 螭 L C > 狗 1焉美無所可用，是魏王以言無所可用者爲仲父
也，是以言無所用者爲美也。
1. Sun Yirang.
Bai Gui said to King H u i o f Wei, ccW hen you use a tripod from Shiqiu
to cook a chicken, if you stew the chicken too long it will be flavorless and
inedible, and if you sim mer the chicken too short a tim e, it will be ccx>ked
but n ot well done. This is so, and yet when one looks at the vessel, it appears
skillfully and finely m ade—even if useless. Your m aster H u i Shi5s doctrines
bear a resemblance to this tripod.55
cT h a t is n o t true,55said M aster H ui upon learning o f Bai G ui5s remarks.
aI f the Three Armies were starving and such a tripod was nearby, how fit-
ting it w ould be to use it as a steamer. N othing w ould be m ore effective
than this vessel!”
W hen Bai Gui heard this, he said, ccDoes he really suppose that he can
make such an utterly useless thing serve as a cooking vessel?55
Bai G ui’s assessments were self-contradictory， and he was excessive in
his belittling o f the king o f Wei. H e regarded H ui Shi5s doctrines as skillfully
and finely w rought but unusable. This is tantam ount to Bai G ui5s saying
that the king o f Wei had nam ed aUncle to the King55one whose advice was
unusable; this is to consider useless advice as ccfinely wrought.55
18/7.2
公孫龍說燕昭王以偃兵。昭王曰：f 甚善。寡人願與客計之。』公孫龍
曰：1■竊意大王之弗爲也。』王曰：1■何故？』公孫龍曰：「日者大王欲破
齊，諸天下之士，其欲破齊者，大王盡養之；知齊之險阻要塞君臣之際
者，大王盡養之；雖知而弗欲破者，大王猶若 ( 弗養 G E > 養之 2 ; 其卒果破
齊以爲功。今大王曰「我甚取偃兵」。諸侯之士，在大王之本朝者，盡善
用兵者也，臣是以知大王之弗爲也。』王無以應。
2. Tao Hongqing.
G ongsun Long persuaded King Zhao o f Yan to abolish the use o f weap
ons. The king declared, aPerfectly splendid! I, the U nw orthy O ne, hope to
plan how do it w ith my guest.55
ul hum bly suspect that the king will not carry through w ith the plans.55
“Why?” asked the king.
aAt one time, your great majesty wanted to destroy Qi. All the knights
o f the world w ho shared that desire were boundlessly supported by your
great majesty. Those w ith knowledge o f the dangerous passes and critical
strongholds in Qi, as well as the relations between lord and ministers in Qi,
were boundlessly supported. But those w ith such knowledge w ho did not
w ant to destroy Qi were merely supported by your great majesty. In the
final analysis, it was the destruction o f Q i that was regarded as the true
achievement. Now, your great majesty may say, CI very much w ant to adopt
a policy that will abolish the use o f weapons.5 But o f the knights o f the
feudal lords, those present at your great m ajestés court are all skilled at
warfare. It is thus that your subjea knows that the king will not carry through
w ith the plans•”
The king could not respond.
18/7.3
司馬喜難墨者師於中山王前以非攻，曰：「先生之所術非攻夫？j 墨者
師曰：「然。』曰：「今王興兵而攻燕，先生將非王乎？』墨者師對曰：r 然
則相國是攻之乎？』司馬喜曰：r 然。』墨者師曰：T今趙興兵而攻中山，
相國將是之乎？』司馬喜無以應。
Sima Xi tried to discredit, in the presence o f the king o f Zhongshan, a
M ohist teacher w ho was arguing against offensive warfare. "Tour policy.
Master, is to condem n offensive warfare, is it not?55
叮 hat is true•”
ccNow , if his majesty raised an army to attack Yan, w ould the M aster
condem n the King?55
cTcs. I f his majesty were to do this, w ould the prime m inister approve
o f the attack on Yan?55
“I would.”
aW hat if Zhao raised an army to attack Zhongshan? W ould the prime
m inister approve o f that?55
Sima Xi could not respond.
18/7.4
路說謂周頗曰：『公不愛趙，天下必從。』周頗曰：「固欲天下之從也。

天下從則秦利也。』路說應之曰：「然則公欲秦之利夫？』周頗曰：「欲
之。』路說曰：「公欲之，則胡不爲從矣？j
Lu Yue said to Z hou Po, ttI f your grace did n o t love the state o f Zhao,
the w orld w ould surely follow you.55
^ have long w anted the people o f the w orld to follow me,55said Z hou
Po, ufor that would benefit Qin.55
ccI f th at is so, then docs your grace desire to benefit Qin?55
"That is w hat I desire.”
aI f your grace desires it, why then do you n o t do w hat will make the
w orld follow you?”
1 8 / 7 .5
魏令孟(卬 G E > 卯 3割絳、（
宿 G V > 汾、安邑之地，以與秦王。王喜，
令起賈爲孟(卬 G E > 卯3求司徒於魏王。魏王不說，應起賈曰：『( 卬 G E>
卯 3 ，寡人之臣也。寡人寧以臧爲司徒，無用 ( 卬 G E > 卯3。願大王之更以他
人詔之也。』起賈出，遇孟 ( 卬 G E > 卯 3於廷，曰：『公之事何如？』起賈
曰：r 公甚賤於公之主。公之主曰「寧用臧爲司徒，無用公」。』孟（
卬
〇五> 卯 3入見，謂魏王曰：「秦客何言？j 王曰：「求以 ( 女 S F > 汝爲司徒。 j
孟（
卬 G E > 卯 3 曰：『王應之謂何？j 王曰：「寧以臧，無用（
J：卩 G E > 卯3
也。』孟 ( 卬〇 £ > 卯 3太息曰：1•宜矣王之制於秦也。王何疑秦之善臣也？以
絳、（
宿 G V > 汾、安邑令 ( 負牛 G E > 牛負 4書與秦，猶乃善牛也。（
卬 G E>
卯 3雖不肖，獨不如牛乎？且王令三將軍爲臣先曰「視 ( 卬〇 £ > 卯 3如身」，
是重臣也。（
令二 G E > 今王 5輕臣也。令臣責，（
卬 G E > 卯 3雖賢固能乎？j
居三日，魏王乃聽起賈。凡人主之與其大官也，爲有益也。今割國之錙錘
矣，而因得大官，且何地以給之？大官，人臣之所欲也。孟 ( 卬 G E > 卯3令
秦得其所欲，秦亦令孟 ( 卬 G E > 卯3得其所欲，責以償矣，尙有何責？魏雖
彊猶不能責無責，又況於弱？魏王之令 ( 乎 ) 6孟 ( 卬 G E > 卯3爲司徒以棄其責
則拙也。
3. Bi Yuan, Chen Qiyou. 4- Chen Changqi, YuYuc. 5. YuYuc. 6. YuYuc.
Wei ordered M eng M ao to take territories o f Jiang, Fen, and Anyi and
give them to the king o f Qin. The king o f Q in was very pleased and ordered
Qi Jia to seek to have the king o f Wei appoint M eng M ao director o f the
masses. The king o f Wei was displeased by this and responded to Qi Jia5s
request: aM ao is this U nw orthy O nc5s minister, and he w ould prefer to
have a slave as director o f the masses and will n o t employ Mao. I hope that
the great king will recom m end another m an to me.55
W hen Q i Jia departed, he encountered M eng M ao in the courtyard.
The latter said, aH o w w ent your business w ith the king?55
^ o u , sir, have com m itted a grave offense against your master,55 Q i Jia
responded. aYour m aster has said that he w ould rather have a slave as direc
to r o f the masses and w ould n o t employ you.w
M eng M ao entered for an audience and asked the king o f Wei, ccW hat
did the guest from Q in say?55
aH e sought to have you made director o f the masses,55the king answered.
“H ow did your majesty respond?”
"That I w ould rather use a slave and I w ould n o t employ you, Mao.55
M eng M ao sighed heavily. ccIt is fitting that Wei should be controlled by
Qin. H ow could your majesty doubt a su b jea w hom Q in regards as good?
You ordered that the docum ents pertaining to Jiang, Fen, and Anyi be car
ried by ox to Qin, yet you nevertheless still regard the ox as good. Although
I am unworthy, how could you not believe me the equal o f the ox? Moreover,
your majesty ordered three generals to serve as your subjects vanguard,
telling them , "Regard M ao as you w ould my royal body.5In this way you
showed how you valued your subject. But now your majesty demeans his
subject. Thus, should you henceforth com m and your subject to assume a
responsibility, however w orthy I may be o f it, how could I fulfill it?55After
another three days, the King o f Wei heeded Q i Jia5s request.
As a general rule, when a ruler awards high office, it is because he expects
advantage from it. I f ministers rely on ceding the territory o f the state by
bits and pieces in order to obtain high office, how will the supply o f land be
sufficient for their needs? H igh office is w hat ministers desire. M eng M ao
allowed Q in to obtain w hat it desired, and Q in allowed M eng M ao to o b
tain w hat he desired. W hen a debt has been repaid, w hat m ore can be de
manded? However strong Wei m ight have been, it could not make demands
when nothing was owed. H ow much less could it do so as a weak country?
It was stupid for the king o f Wei to order that M eng M ao be director o f the
masses and thus cast aside whatever demands he could have made on Q in
for having ceded the territory to it.
18/7.6
秦王立帝，宜陽令許綰誕魏王，魏王將入秦。魏敬謂王曰：「以河內孰
與梁重？』王曰：「梁重。』又曰：1■梁孰與身重？』王曰：「身重。』又曰：
「若使秦求河內，則王將與之乎？』王曰：「弗與也。j 魏敬曰：「河內，三
論之下也。身，三論之上也。秦索其下而王弗聽，索其上而王聽之，臣竊
不取也。』王曰：f 甚然。』乃輟行。秦雖大勝於長平，三年然後決，士民
倦，糧食〔
索〕7 。當此時也，兩周全，其 (北 G E > 比 8存。魏舉陶削衛，地方
六百，有之 (勢是 G E > 是勢 9 ，而入大蚤，奚待於魏敬之說也？夫未可以入
而入，其患有將可以入而不入，入與不入之時，不可不熟論也。
7. C h e n Q iy o u . 8. C h e n Q iy o u . 9. C h e n C h a n g q i, T ao H o n g q in g , T an Jicfu .
B O O K 18 斗 69
A t Yiyang, after the king o f Q in had claimed for him self the title o f
""Sovereign,55he sent Xu Wan to trick King [Zhao] o f Wei into going to the
Q in court to pay homage. Wei Jing asked the king o f Wei, uW hich is more
valuable, H enei or Daliang?55
“Daliang•”
aW hich is m ore valuable, Daliang or your ow n person?55
“M y ow n person.”
aI f Q in were to seek H enei from you, w ould you hand it over?55
^No, I w ould not.55
aB u tf Wei Jing responded, ^ e n e i is the least valuable o f the three choices,
and you yourself arc the m ost valuable o f the three. You w ould n o t respond
to Cÿi^s request for the least valuable， but you w ould respond to Qir^s rc-
quest for the m ost valuable. I hum bly subm it that this is n o t acceptable.55
^What you say is very true,” the king replied, and he canceled his journey.
A lthough Q in ultimately enjoyed a great victory at C hangping, it took
three years to conclude the battle. As a result, Q in5s soldiers and populace
were exhausted and its supplies depleted. At this time both the eastern and
western Z hou domains were intact, and both still survived. Wei attacked
Tao and took territory from Wey am ounting to six hundred square li. In
these circumstances, it was prem ature for Wei to go pay hom age to Qin.
W hy did the king need to wait for Wei Jin^s advice before determ ining not
to go? The disaster o f going w hen one should not go is the same as， in the
future, n ot going when one should go. The time when one should or should
n o t go cannot but be maturely assessed.
八曰具備
CH A PTER 8
O N N E C E S S A R Y C O N D I T I O N S A N D P R E P A R A T IO N S
18/8.I
今有羿、蜂蒙，繁弱於此，而無弦，則必不能中也。中非獨弦也，而弦
爲（弓 V 中之具也。夫立功名亦有具，不得其具，賢雖過湯、武，則勞而無
功矣。湯嘗約於鄣薄矣，武王嘗窮於畢裎矣，伊尹嘗居於庖蔚矣，太公嘗
隱於釣魚矣，賢非衰也，智非愚也，皆無其具也。故凡立功名，雖賢必有
其具然後可成。
I. YuYuc.
Now, suppose the archers Yi and Pangmeng were to have excellent bows
like Fanruo. W ithout bowstrings, they could never hit the bull5s-eye. It is
n o t that hitting a bull5s-eye depends solely on the bowstring, but that the
bowstring is a necessary tool for hitting the bull’s-eye. N ow then， there are
also necessary tools for establishing a m eritorious reputation. I f a person
does not obtain these tools, although he is w orthier than Tang o r W u, his
labors will come to naught. A t one time, Tang was in straitened circum
stances at Yi and Bo, King W u was impoverished at Bi and Cheng, Yi Yin
lived among cooks and butchers, and the G rand Duke rem ained hidden
am ong fishermen. It was no t that their worthiness was wanting o r that they
lacked wisdom, but that they did n o t have the right tools. Therefore, as a
general rule, establishing a m eritorious reputation, no m atter how w orthy
one is, can be realized only if one possesses the necessary tools.
18/8.2
宓子賤治亶父，恐魯君之聽讒人，而令己不得行其術也。將辭而行，請
近吏二人於魯君，與之倶至於亶父。邑吏皆朝，宓子賤令吏二人書。吏方
將書，宓子賤從旁時掣搖其肘。吏書之不善，則宓子賤爲之怒。吏甚患之，
辭而請歸。宓子賤曰：「子之書甚不善，子勉歸矣。』二吏歸報於君，曰：
r 宓子不得爲書。』君曰：「何故？』吏對曰：r 宓子使臣書，而時掣搖臣之
肘，書惡而 ( 有 G V > 又甚怒，吏皆笑宓子，此臣所以辭而去也。』魯君太
息而歎曰：「宓子以此諫寡人之不肖也。寡人之亂〔
宓〕2子，而令宓子不得行
其術，必數有之矣。微二人，寡人幾過。』遂發所愛，而令之亶父，吿宓
子曰：「自今以來，亶父非寡人之有也，子之有也。有便於亶父者，子決爲
之矣。五歲而言其要。』宓子敬諾，乃得行其術於亶父。
2. Tao Hongqing.
A. W hen Fu Zijian was given charge o f Shanfu, he feared that because

the lord o f Lu was heeding slanderers, he w ould be unable to put his m eth
ods into practice. W hen he was about to take his leave and start on his way,
he requested o f the lord o f Lu that tw o officials close to the lord be allowed
to accompany him to Shanfu. All the officials o f the tow n came to Fu Zijian5s
court, and Fu Zijian ordered the tw o officials to write. The officials were
about to write when Fu Zijian, standing at their side, kept pulling and shak
ing their elbows. W hen their calligraphy was n o t good, Fu Zijian became
angry. The officials were very w orried about this, made their apologies, and
requested leave to return home. Fu Zijian said, ttYour calligraphy is very
bad. You, sirs, are encouraged to return home.55
The tw o officials returned hom e and reported to the lord, ccM aster Fu
did n ot approve o f our writing.55
^Why?53the lord asked.
The officials replied, ""Master Fu made us write, but he kept pulling and
shaking our elbows, and w hen ou r calligraphy was bad, he became very
angry. All the officials laughed at M aster Fu. This is why your servants took
their leave and departed.55
The lord o f Lu sighed deeply: “M aster Fu is using this to reprove my
unworthiness. By my disrupting M aster Fu, there m ust have been many
occasions on which I did n o t allow him to p u t his m ethods into practice. If
it were n o t for these tw o m en, I surely w ould have continued to err.55 H e
thereupon dispatched one w hom he loved and com m anded that he go to
Shanfu and report to M aster Fu, ^Henceforth, Shanfu is n o t my posses
sion. I t belongs to you, sir. You m ust decide w hat is m ost beneficial for
Shanfu. Every fifth year inform m e o f the essentials.55
Master Fu respectfully assented and was then able to practice his methods
in Shanfu.
三年，巫馬旗短褐衣弊裘，而往觀化於亶父，見夜漁者，得則舍之。巫馬
旗問焉，曰：「漁爲得也。今子得而舍之，何也？』對曰：「宓子不欲人之取
小魚也。所舍者小魚也。《
I 巫馬旗歸，吿孔子曰：「宓子之德至矣。使民闇
行，若有嚴刑於旁。敢問宓子何以至於此？』孔子曰：『丘嘗與之言曰：「誠
乎此者刑乎彼」。宓子必行此術於亶父也。』夫宓子之得行此術也，魯君
後得之也。魯君後得之者，宓子先有其備也。先有其備，豈遽必哉？此魯
君之賢也。
B. Three years later, W uma Qi, disguised in a short hem p garm ent and
tattered fürs， w ent to observe w hat transform ations had taken place in
Shanfu. W hen W uma Qi saw a nighttim e fisherman throw back w hat he
had caught, he asked him, ccWhy, if a fisherman tries to catch fish, do you
now throw back w hat you have caught?55
The man replied, ^Master Fu docs no t w ant the people to take small
fish, so I threw back a small fish.55
Wuma Qi returned hom e and reported to Confucius, ^Master Fu5s virtue
is perfect! H e causes people to act in tlic dark as if there were a strict punish
m ent at hand. May I ask how M aster Fu has achieved these rcsults?w
Conflicius replied, “I, Q iu, once talked w ith him about it， and he said ，
"Sincerity in oneself serves as a model for others.5M aster Fu m ust be practic
ing this m ethod in Shanfu.w
斗72 T H E E X A M IN A T IO N S
After M aster Fu succeeded in practicing this m ethod, the lord o f Lu

obtained him. T hat the lord o f Lu later obtained him was because M aster
Fu first made the necessary preparations. Having first made the necessary
preparations, was it no t inevitable? This is an example o f the worthiness o f
the lord o f Lu.
三月嬰兒，軒冕在前，弗知欲也，斧鉞在後，弗知惡也，慈母之愛諭焉，誠
也。故誠 ( 有 G V > 又3誠乃合於情，精 ( 有 G V > 又3精乃通於天。（
乃)4通於
天，水木石之性，皆可動也，又況於有血氣者乎？故凡說與治之務莫若誠。
聽言哀者，不若見其哭也；聽言怒者，不若見其鬥也。說與治不誠，其動
人心不神。
3. Tao Hongqing. 斗•Chen Qiyou.
C. Ä three-m onth-old baby does no t know that it should desire the im-
posing ceremonial cap in front o f it, nor that it should fear the ax behind it.
W hat it understands is the love o f its mother. This is because o f sincerity.
Therefore， when sincerity is made m ore sincere, one is conjoined w ith the
true nature o f things. Only w hen the vital essences arc made m ore subtle
docs one comm une w ith Heaven. W hen one communes w ith Heaven, the
basic natures o f water ，fire, w ood， and stone can be moved; how m uch
m ore so can those w ho possess blood and breath? Therefore, as a general
principle, in the tasks o f those w ho persuade and govern, nothing equals
sincerity. H earing grief in a personas words does n o t equal seeing him cry,
nor does hearing anger in his words equal seeing him fight. I f persuaders
and rulers arc n ot sincere, th d r “moving^ o f others will not have the magi-
cal effect o f a spirit.
Book 19
The first three chapters o f Book 19 for the most part recount the stories o f those
willing to die to preserve their honor. Chapters 4 through 7 are concerned with the
techniques by which a ruler can “employ the people，” that is, make them willing to
die for his causes. Chapter 8 reverts to a topic common to û vtL ü sh i chunqiu: selecting
and engaging the worthy.
Chapter 1tells the tales of six figures, otherwise unknown in history, who com
mit suicide or perform extraordinary acts of self-denial rather than allow them
selves to be corrupted or suffer disgrace. Their dramatic behavior is what is meant
by the chapters title, ^Departing from Conventional Conduct.55The first four talcs,
which arc also found in Zhuangzi^ ccRang wang,55imply criticism of the sage kings
Shun and Tang. The chapter therefore notes at the conclusion of the tales that
Shun and Tang are to be commended for having loved and benefited the people
and having been accommodating enough to have made the conduct of the myriad
peoples their standard of righteous behavior. Chapter 2 adds to the list of exem
plars who preferred self-denial or even death to anything that might bring them
shame or disgrace: Confucius and Mo Di are among them; the others are relatively
unknown. Anecdotes quoted in chapter 3 serve to praise those who relied on virtue
and righteousness.
A note tacked onto the end of chapter 3 condemns as inferior those methods of
governing that depend on the use of rewards and punishments. According to the
opening paragraph, the superiority of righteousness over rewards and punishments
in ""employing the people55is the theme of chapter 4. The message conveyed by the
anecdotes related in the chapter is, however, somewhat different. They emphasize
that a rulers success on the battlefield and elsewhere depends on his ability to rally
his people; and one of the stories (19/4.4) suggests that the key to accomplishing
this is through the proper use of rewards and punishments. The chapter concludes,
however, with a very short reference to a typically stupid native of Song who cut
ofFhis horsed head at the first sign that it would not obey him. The long explanation
[473]
provided for this tale observes that a ruler must not be excessive in his severity but
must be sure to temper it with aa commitment to loving and benefiting the people.55
Chapter 5 elaborates on the importance of treating the people with kindness and
generosity. Essential to this endeavor is the avoidance of burdening and confusing
them with complex laws and ritual observances.
Chapter 6 notes that it is because people have desires that they can be gov
erned. Indeed, because a superior ruler is one who knows how to satisfy the desires
of his people, he is able to employ them to fight on his behalf and work for him. As
for the ruler's own desires, he need not attempt to limit or reject them, as long as
his actions do not acontxavenc nature.55Consistent with this view is the claim, made
later in the chapter, that only if the king5s cause is a righteous one will his battles
end in goexi fortune. Chapter 6 concludes with a story about Duke Wen of Jin that
makes the point that a ruler must be true to his promises if he expects his people to
go to war for him. This story has little to do with the remainder of the chapter， but
it is closely connected to chapter 7. Chapter 8 explores the difficulties in finding
and employing men of talent, a theme unrelated to the remainder of Book 19 but
quite common to the L iishi chunqiu more generally. The chapter advises the ruler
to be generous and lenient in assessing the worth of others, applying stricter stan
dards to himself than he docs to others. Since there is no such thing as athc perfect
man,55the ruler should cast as wide a net as possible.
一曰離俗
CHA PTER 1
D E P A R T IN G F R O M C O N V E N T IO N A L C O N D U C T
19/1.1
世之所不足者，理義也；所有餘者，妄苟也。民之情，貴所不足，賤所
有餘。故布衣人臣之行，潔白清廉，〔
進退〕
1中繩，愈窮愈榮。雖死，天下
愈高之，〔
貴〕2所不足也。然而以理義斲削，神農、黃帝，猶有可非，微獨
舜、湯。飛兔、要褢，古之駿馬也，材猶有短。故以繩墨取木，則宮室不成
矣0
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou.
Reason and a sense for w hat is right arc in short supply in the world,
while recklessness and opportunism exist in abundance. It is in the nature
o f hum ans to value w hat is in short supply but to disdain w hat exists in
abundance. Accordingly, when people, w hether commoners or officials, act
w ith honesty and integrity and observe s tria adherence to standards in
accepting and leaving office, greater glory is attached to the greater difficulty
o f their actions—for the w orld reserves its highest esteem for those w ho die
in the course o f carrying o u t their duties, because hum ans value w hat is in
short supply. This is so, and yet in terms o f hewing the precise line o f reason
and moral right, even Shennong and the Yellow Sovereign could be faulted,
n o t merely Shun and Tang. Feitu and Yaoyao, prize horses o f antiquity,
were deficient in some qualities. Hence, if you use the blackened marking
line to select the trees, the house will never be built.
19/1.2
舜〔以天下〕 3讓其友石戶之農。石戶之農曰：「棬棬乎后之爲人也，葆力
之士也。』以舜之德爲未至也，於是乎夫負妻 ( 妻 G E > 載4 攜子以入於海，
去之終身不反。舜又讓其友北人無擇。北人無擇曰：「異哉后之爲人也，居
於甽畝之中，而游 ( 入 ) 5於堯之門。不若是而已，又欲以其辱行漫我，我羞
〔
見〕0之。』而自投於蒼領之淵。
3- Chen Qiyou; ZZ parallel. 4. Bi Yuan; Z Z parallel. 5. Chen Qiyou; gloss.
6. C h en Q iy o u ; Z Z parallel.
A. Shun yielded the empire to his friend the farmer o f Shihu. The latter
said， “H o w he putters about， our monarch. H e is the sort o f man too com-
m itted to working himself?5Realizing that Shun5s Power was no t going to
develop any further, he and his wife put their belongings on his back and
her head, took their children by the hand, and, fleeing from Shun, disap
peared into the sea, never to return.
Shun then w anted to yield the empire to the Beiren Wuze. The latter
said, ccW hat an odd person our m onarch is! From the fields and ditches
where he belongs, he traveled to the gate o f Yao to offer him the empire.
N o t willing to stop w ith that, he further proposes to taint me w ith his
disgraceful conduct. I am ashamed even to see him.55 H aving said this, he
threw him self into the gorge at Cangling.
湯將伐桀，因卞隨而謀。卞隨辭曰：「非吾事也。』湯曰：「孰可？』卞隨

曰：r 吾不知也。』湯又因務光而謀。務光曰：「非吾事也。』湯曰：「孰
可？』務光曰：1■吾不知也。』湯曰：1■伊尹何如？j 務光曰：1■彊力忍詬，
吾不知其他也。」湯遂與伊尹謀 ( 夏 ) 7伐桀，克之，以讓卞隨。卞隨辭曰：
「后之伐桀也，謀乎我，必以我爲賊也。勝桀而讓我，必以我爲貪也。吾
生乎亂世，而無道之人再來詬我，吾不忍數聞也。』乃自投於潁水而死。
湯又讓於務光曰：『智者謀之，武者遂之，仁者居之，古之道也。吾子胡不
位之？請相吾子。《
I 務光辭曰：「廢上，非義也。殺民，非仁也。人犯其
難，我享其利，非廉也。吾聞之：「非其義，不受其利；無道之世，不踐其
土」，況於尊我乎？吾不忍久見也。』乃負石而沈於募水。
7. C hen Q iyou.
B. W hen Tang was about to attack Jie, he approached Bian Sui for help
in laying plans for the campaign, but Bian Sui said, aIt is n o t my affair.55
“W ho w ould do it?”
“I don’t know•”
Thereupon, Tang approached Wu G uang， but he said， “It is not my
affair.” “W ho w ould do it?”
“I do n o t know•”
“H ow about Yi Yin?”
aA m an o f energy w ho will endure disgrace. I know nothing m ore about
him.”
Tang and Yi Yin w ent on to plot the attack on Jie, overthrew him, and
then tried to yield the throne to Bian Sui. Bian Sui declined, saying, ccW hen
our m onarch was planning the attack on Jie, he w anted to plot w ith me, so
he m ust have considered me a traitor. N ow that he has conquered Jie, he
tries to yield the throne to me, so he m ust believe that I am driven by avarice.
I live in an age o f chaos, in which a man w ho lacks the Dao has twice come
to disgrace me. I cannot bear to hear any m ore such proposals.55Then he
drow ned himself in the Ying River.
Tang then wished to yield the throne to W u Guang, to w hom he said,
ccWise men lay the plans, warriors carry them out, and the hum ane settle the
result—this was the D ao o f antiquity. W hy not take the throne yourself and
allow me to serve as your minister?55
Wu Guang declined, saying, cT o overthrow your superior is contrary to
moral principles, and to kill people is contrary to humaneness. For others to
suffer the difficulties while I enjoy the profit is no t an act o f integrity. I have
heard that one should accept no benefit from a m an w ho acts contrary to
morality, and that one should not tread upon the soil o f a w orld that lacks
the Dao. H ow m uch less should one accept its greatest honor? I can no
longer bear the sight o f you.55 H e then loaded a stone on his back and
drow ned himself in the M u River.
故如石戶之農、北人無擇、卞隨、務光者，其視天下若六合之外，人之所
不能察；其視富貴也，苟可得已，則必不之賴；高節 ( 厲 S F > 勵 8行，獨樂其
意，而物莫之害；不漫於利，不牽於埶，而羞居濁世；（
惟此 G E > 此惟9四
士者之節。
8. C h e n Q iy o u . 9. C h e n Q iy o u .
C. Those such as the farmer o f Shihu, Beiren Wuze, Bian Sui, and W u
Guang regarded the w orld as som ething beyond the Six Conjunctions. This
is som ething others could n o t fathom . They regarded nobility and wealth
as things one should never place any trust in if one happened to obtain
them . W ith their lofty ethics and strict conduct, in solitude they found plea
sure in their ow n ideals, and no external thing could harm them . N o t
influenced by the opportunity for profit and not com prom ised by the pros-
pect o f power， they were ashamed to continue dwelling in ä corrupt world.
Only these four m en adhered to these ethical principles.
若夫舜、湯，則苞裹覆容，緣不得已而動，因時而爲，以愛利爲本，以萬
民爲 (義 S F > 議 1(> 。譬之若釣者，魚有小大，餌有宜適，羽有動靜。
io . C h e n Q iy o u .
D. As for Shun and Tang,
They embraced and accommodated all things.

Moved when they could not avoid it,
Acted when the opportunity arose,
Made loving and benefiting others their fundamental task,
And the myriad peoples their standard o f right.
O ne may compare this to fishing: one varies the kind o f bait and w hether
the lure moves or stays still depending on the size o f the fish.
1 9 / 1 . 3
齊、晉相與戰，平阿之餘子亡戟得矛，卻而去，不自快，謂路之人曰：
「亡戟得矛，可以歸乎？』路之人曰：「戟亦兵也，矛亦兵也，亡兵得兵，
何爲不可以歸？』去行，心猶不自快，遇高唐之孤叔無孫，當其馬前曰：
『今者戰，亡戟得矛，可以歸乎？』叔無孫曰：r 矛非戟也，戟非矛也，亡
戟得矛，豈亢責也哉？《
I 平阿之餘子曰：「嘻！還反戰，趨尙及之。』遂戰
而死。叔無孫曰：『吾聞之：君子濟人於患，必離其難。』疾驅而從之，亦
死而不反。令此將眾，亦必不北矣：令此處人主之旁，亦必死義矣。今死
矣而無大功，其任小故也。任小者，不知大也。今焉知天下之無平阿餘子
與叔無孫也？故人主之欲得廉士者，不可不務求。
W hen Qi and Jin were engaged in battle, a conscript from the Qi tow n
o f Ping5e lost his halberd but found a spear. Retreating from the battle, he
was very unhappy and said to a passerby, aI lost my halberd but found a
spear. D o you think I may still return home?55
ccWhy can5t you return home?55 asked the passerby. ""After all, both a
halberd and a spear are weapons. You just lost one w eapon and found
another.”
The conscript left but still felt unhappy. O n his way, he encountered
Shu W usun， the protector o f the Qi tow n o f Gaotang. Standing before the
officers horse, the conscript said, aIn the recent battle, I lost my halberd
but found a spear. May I still return home?55
aA halberd is n o t a spear and a spear is no t a halberd,55said Shu W usun.
“H o w will you settle your debt?”
The conscript cried, aAh, woe! I shall turn back, rejoin the fight, and
run back to the battleground.55In the course o f the battle, he died fighting.
Shu W usun said, aI have heard it said th at w hen a gentlem an leads
others into difficulties, he too m ust pass through the same difficulties.55H e
hurriedly rode to join the conscript, and he also died in battle, never to
return.
If these two led an army, it w ould never retreat. I f they stood by the side
o f the ruler, they w ould die for a righteous cause. T hat they died w ithout
accomplishing anything great is simply because they had been assigned m inor
responsibilities. One w ho is given m inor responsibilities does n o t consider
great matters. Now, how do we know that there are not other m en like the
conscript from P in ^ e and Shu Wusun? Thus, a ruler w ho wishes to obtain
scholar-knights o f high integrity cannot but strive to find them.
1 9 / 1 . 4
齊莊公之時，有士曰賓卑聚，夢有壯子，白縞之冠，丹績之洵，（
東
G E > 柬 11布之衣，新素履，墨劍室，從而叱之，唾其面，惕然而寤，徒夢
也。終夜坐不自快。明日召其友而吿之曰：「吾少好勇，年六十而無所挫
辱。今夜辱，吾將索其形，期得之則可，不得將死之。』每朝與其友倶立
乎衢，三日不得，卻而自（
歿 G V > 刎 12 。謂此當務則未也。雖然，其心之不
辱也，有可以加乎。
h. WenTingshi, TanJicfii, Chen Qiyou. 12. YuYuc.
In the time o f Duke Z huang o f Qi there was a knight called Bin Beiju,
the "'Outsider W ho Affronts Everyone.55 O ne night he dream t o f a robust
youth w ho wore a cap o f undyed silk w ith strings o f red hemp, a cloak o f
coarse sackcloth, new shoes o f plain silk, and a black-scabbardcd sword.
B O O K 19 斗 79
The youth walked up to him and cursed him, spitting in his face. A t that,
the knight was starded o u t o f his sleep and only then realized that it was a
dream. For the rest o f the night, dispirited, he sat awake. The next day he
sum m oned a friend and told him, ccW hen I was young I loved bravery, and
for all m y sixty years I have never allowed myself to be disgraced. But last
night I was shamed. I m ust seek o u t this apparition. I f I can find him , then
things may still be all right w ith me. I f I do not, then I m ust die.55 Each
m orning at dawn he and his friend w ould sit at the crossroad, but after
three days they did n o t encounter the apparition. The knight then returned
hom e and slit his ow n throat. O ne m ight say that this is a way we should all
strive to be, but this is n o t necessarily the case. Nevertheless, the knight was
the sort o f m an w ho could n o t tolerate disgrace. Could he be surpassed in
w hat he did?
二曰高義
CH A PTER 2
A LO FTY SE N SE O F H O N O R
19/2.1
君子之自行也，動必緣義，行必誠義，俗雖謂之窮，通也；行不誠義，
動不緣義，俗雖謂之通，窮也；然則君子之窮通，有異乎俗者也。故當功
以受賞，當罪以受罰。賞不當，雖與之必辭；罰誠當，雖赦之不外。度之
於國必利，（
長久長久 G E > 張 1之於主必宜，內反於心不慚然後動。
I. Chen Qiyou; dittography.
W hen the gentlem an behaves according to his ow n choices, each act

m ust be based upon his sense o f honor, and his conduct m ust fully manifest
his concept o f w hat is right. A lthough the ordinary man may say he is a
failure, he has succeeded. W hen his conduct docs not fully manifest his
moral ccxlc and his actions arc n o t based on his concept o f w hat his right,
even though the ordinary man may say he is a success, he has failed. T hat
being so, his standards for judging success and failure are quite different
from those o f the ordinary man. Hence, he will accept a reward that is com
m ensurate w ith his achievement, and punishm ent that is comm ensurate
w ith his crime. I f the reward is not fitting, although it is offered, he m ust
decline it; and if the punishm ent is genuinely fitting, although he is offered
a pardon, he will n o t allow an exception to be made for him. H e calculates
to ascertain whether his actions will benefit the state and tests to ascertain
w hether they are w orthy ,o f his ruler, and only after having insured that
w ithin his own heart there is no feeling o f shame docs he act.
19/2.2
孔子見齊景公，景公致糜丘以爲養，孔子辭不受，入謂弟子曰：『吾聞
君子當功以受祿。今說景公，景公未之行而賜之糜丘，其不知丘亦甚矣。 j
令弟子趣駕，辭而行。孔子布衣也，官在魯司寇，萬乘難與比行，三王之
佐不顯焉，取舍不苟也夫！
Confucius had an audience witii Duke Jing o f Qi, w ho offered him the
tow n o f Linqiu as his em olum ent. Confucius declined and, upon exiting,
said to his disciples, C<I have heard that a gentleman accepts rewards com
mensurate w ith his merits. Now , I offered a persuasion to Duke Jing, but
before he even put my advice into practice, he wanted to bestow Linqiu
upon me. H is lack o f understanding o f me is certainly great.” Conflicius
then ordered his disciples quickly to make ready his chariot, and taking
formal leave o f the duke, he departed.
G^nfucius was a com m oner whose highest office was that o f m inister o f
crime in Lu. Yet the ruler o f a state o f ten thousand chariots w ould find it
difficult to match his conduct, and the assistants to the Three Kings were
no m ore illustrious than he. This is because he was n o t at all careless about
w hat he would accept and reject.
19/2.3
子墨子游公上過於越。公上過語墨子之（
義 S F > 議，越王說之，謂公上
過曰：「子之師苟肯至越，請以故吳之地，陰江之浦，書社三百，以封夫
子。』公上過往復於子墨子。子墨子曰：「子之觀越王也，能聽吾言，用吾
道乎？』公上過曰：r 殆未能也。』墨子曰：《 ■不唯越王不知翟之意，雖子亦
不知翟之意。若越王聽吾言、用吾道，翟度身而衣，量腹而食，比於賓萌，
未敢求仕。越王不聽吾言、不用吾道，雖全越以與我，吾無所用之。越王
不聽吾言、不用吾道，而受其國，是以義 ( 翟 G E > 糴也，義 ( 翟 G E > 糴何
必越，雖於中國亦可。』凡人不可不熟論。秦之野人，以小利之故，弟兄
相獄，親戚相忍；今可得其國，恐虧其義而辭之，可謂能守行矣；其與秦
之野人相去亦遠矣。
O u r M aster M o D i sent G ongshang G uo traveling to Yue. T here
Gongshang G uo expounded upon his code o f conduct. The king o f Yue
was so pleased that he said, ccI f only your teacher were willing to come to
Yue, I w ould hope to enfeoff him w ith the form er territories o f Wu, the
banks o f the Yin River, and three hundred registered communities.55
Gongshang G uo w ent back to M aster M o Di, w ho asked him , <cFrom
your personal observations o f the king o f Yue, did you find him capable o f
heeding my advice and o f employing my Dao?55
aI fear that he will never be capable o f it,55replied Gongshang Guo.
Ît is n o t only the king o f Yue w ho docs no t understand m y ideas; you,
too, do n ot understand them . I f the king o f Yue were to heed my advice and
employ my Dao, I w ould be willing to go to him for clothing enough to
cover my body and food enough to fill my stomach and a situation com
parable to other guests5, but I w ould n o t presume to seek office. I f the king
o f Yue w ould n o t heed my advice nor employ my Dao, even if he were to
give me the entire state o f Yuc, I w ould have no use for it. If he neither
heeded my advice nor employed my D ao yet I were to accept his state, I
w ould be treating m y m oral principles as so much grain to sell. I f I were
willing to treat them just like grain to sell, I should have ample opportunity
here in the Central States, so why w ould there be any necessity o f going to
Yue?”
As a m atter o f general principle, people cannot but become well ac
quainted w ith this assessment. There was an uncultured m an in Q in, w ho
for the sake o f a little profit, was willing to have his brothers arrested and
his relatives suffer. But M o Di was willing to decline a state because he
feared that accepting it w ould compromise his moral principles. H e may
properly be called someone w ho was capable o f preserving proper behavior.
D istant indeed was he from the uncultured man o f Qin.
19/2.4
( 荆 T A > 楚人與吳人將戰，（
荆 T A > 楚師寡，吳師眾，（
荆 T A > 楚將軍
子囊曰：>■我與吳人戰，必敗。敗王師，辱王名，虧壤土，忠臣不忍爲
也。』不復於王而遁。至於郊，使人復於王曰：r 臣請死。』王曰：r 將軍
之遁也，以其爲利也。今誠利，將軍何死？』子囊曰：^遁者無罪，則後世

之爲王將者，皆依不利之名而效臣遁。若是則（
荆 T A > 楚國終爲天下 (撓
G V > 樣 2 。』遂伏劍而死。王曰：「請成將軍之義。j 乃爲之桐棺三寸，加
斧鑕其上。人主之患，存而不知所以存，亡而不知所以亡，此存亡之所以
數至也。鄣、岐之廣也，萬國之順也，從此生矣。（荆 T A > 楚之爲〔國〕 3四
十二世矣，嘗有乾谿、白公之亂矣，嘗有鄭 ( 襄 T A > 褎 4 、州侯之避矣，而
今猶爲萬乘之大國，其時有臣如子囊與？子囊之節，非獨厲一世之人臣也。
2. Chen Qiyou, Gao You commentary. 3. Sun Jiangming, Chen Qiyou. 4. Wang Niansun.
The populace o f C hu was about to go to war w ith the populace o f Wu.
The army o f Chu was small, but that o f Wu was large. The Chu commanding
general. Prince N ang, said, c<If we do battle w ith the forces o f W u, we will
surely be defeated. Defeat o f the king^s army, disgrace to the king's name,
and loss o f territory is something a loyal minister cannot bear to bring a b o u ti
H e did n o t report back to the king but retreated. W hen he reached the
outskirts o f the capital, he sent a messenger to report to the king, saying,
cT o u r servant requests that he be allowed to die.55
The king replied, wW hen a com m anding general retreats, it is because
this action is ultimately beneficial. N ow it has truly been beneficial, so why
m ust the com m ander die?55
Prince N ang replied, “If those w ho retreat are not charged w ith a crime ，
then royal subjects in later generations will all use the excuse that fighting
was n o t beneficial, and im itating me, they will retreat. In this way, the state
o f C hu will ultimately be regarded as the w orlds weakling.55 H e then fell
upon his sword and died.
The king o f C hu declared, aI shall endeavor to carry ou t the general5s
moral principles.55H e then had m ade for him a coffin three inches thick (as
prescribed for criminals) on the top o f which was placed the executioners
ax and the criminal^ placard stating the crime.
The problem w ith rulers is that they do not understand the reasons they
survive or perish. This is why crucial situations that m ight lead to survival or
downfall occur so frequentiy. Such circumstances resulted in Tang and King
Wu, with territories the size o f Yi and Qi, w inning the allegiance o f a myriad
o f states. The state o f Chu has lasted for forty-two generations, has suffered
the disorders associated w ith the G anqi Terrace, the revolt o f the Duke o f
Bo, as well as the treachery o f Zheng Xiu and the M arquis o f Z hou, yet today
it is still a great state o f ten thousand chariots. Is this not because at the
right time it had ministers like Prince Nang? The ethical example o f Prince
N ang served to discipline the ministers o f m ore than a single generation.
19/2.5
( 荆 T A > 楚昭王之時，有士焉，曰石渚。其爲人也，公直無私，王使爲
( 政廷 G E > 廷理 5 。有殺人者，石渚追之，則其父也。還車而返，立於廷曰 :
BOOK 19 483
「殺人者，僕之父也。以父行法，不忍；阿有罪，廢國法，不可。失法伏
罪，人臣之義也。』於是乎伏斧鑕，請死於王。王曰：「追而不及，豈必伏
罪哉？子復事矣。』石渚辭曰：「不私其親，不可謂孝子。事君枉法，不可
謂忠臣。君令赦之，上之惠也。不敢廢法，臣之行也。』不去斧鑕，歿頭
乎王廷。正法枉必死，父犯法而不忍，王赦之而不肯，石渚之爲人臣也，
可謂忠且孝矣。
5. Chen Qiyou.
In the tim e o f King Zhao o f Chu, there was a scholar-knight nam ed Shi
Zhu. Because he was a fair and upright m an w ho showed no personal bias,
the king made him a judge. Once he pursued a m urderer w ho turned ou t to
be his father. Shi Z hu turned his carriage around, returned to court, and
said, cT h e m urderer is your servants father. I cannot bear to apply the law
to my father, yet I cannot perm it that a crime be tolerated and the laws o f
the state ignored. T hat having broken the law I should subm it to punish
m ent is your servants moral duty.55 H e thereupon lifted on his back an
executioners ax and a criminal^ placard, and requested that the king have
him killed.
^You pursued him but did not catch him ; why m ust you be punished?
R eturn to your duties, sir.55
Shi Z hu declined the king^s generosity. ccO ne w ho is n o t partial to his
parents is n o t properly term ed a cfilial son.5 O ne w ho in serving his lord
breaks the law is no t properly called a 4oyal subject.5For your lordship to
order that he be pardoned is an expression o f a superiors kindness. But it is
a subjects charge not to presume to neglect the law.55W ithout removing the
ax and placard, he cut his throat there in the royal court.
W hen those charged w ith upholding the law bend it o u t o f personal
interest, they m ust be punished by death. Shi Z hu5s ow n father violated the
law, but he could n o t endure punishing him; the king offered to pardon
him, but he was unwilling to accept it—Shi Z hu may properly be said to
have been a m inister w ho was loyal as well as filial.
三曰上德
CHA PTER 3
S U P R E M E V IR T U E
19/ 3.1
爲天下及國，莫如以德，莫如行義。以德以義，不賞而民勸，不罰而邪
止，此神農、黃帝之政也。以德以義，則四海之大，江河之水，不能亢矣；
太華之高，會稽之險，不能障矣；闔廬之敎，孫、吳之兵，不能當矣。故
古之王者，德迴乎天地，澹乎四海，東西南北，極日月之所燭，天覆地載，
愛惡不臧，虛素以公，小民(皆SF>偕 1之其 ( 之 ) 2敵而不知其所以然，此之謂
順天；〔
其〕3 敎變容改俗而莫得其所受之，此之謂順情。故古之人，身隱而
功著，形息而名彰，說通而化奮，利行乎天下而民不識，豈必以嚴罰厚賞
哉？嚴罰厚賞，此衰世之政也。
I. YuXingwu. 2. Chen Qiyou 3- Chen Qiyou; parallelism.
For governing the w orld as well as a single state, nothing equals using
Power and acting morally. W hen you use Power and morality, the people
are encouraged w ithout being rewarded and stop doing evil w ithout being
punished. Such was the governm ent practiced by Shennong and the Yellow
Sovereign. W hen virtue and morality are used,
Nothing in the vast lands within the four seas,

In the waters o f the rivers.
Is capable o f withstanding you;
Nothing in the lofty peaks o f Mounts Tai and Hua,
The narrow passes o f Kuaiji,
Is capable o f blocking your way;
None o f the disciplined troops o f Helu,
The military techniques o f a Sun Wu or Wu Qi,
Is capable o f matching you.
Hence, when the kings o f antiquity ruled, their Power circulated through
o u t Heaven and Earth, reaching to the four seas, east, west, south, and
north, to the farthest places illuminated by the sun and mcx)n. They cov
ered all like Heaven, supported all like Earth, harbored neither love nor
hate, and, being empty and plain, were fair-minded. The little people joined
with them in solidarity, but they did not know why they d id —this is term ed
ttbeing in accord w ith natural endowm ent.55Their teachings transform ed
manners and reformed customs, but no one realized w hat had transpired—
this is term ed abcing in accord w ith essential nature.55
Hence, the ancients kept their bodies hidden, but their deeds were well
known; their parsons were seroic, but th d r names became glorious; and as
their teaching spread, its transform ing influence diffused everywhere. They
benefited the entire world, but the people were unaware o f it, so o f w hat
use w ould severe punishm ents o r generous rewards have been? Severe
punishm ents and generous rewards belong to ages whose governm ent is in
decline.
19/3.2
三苗不服，禹請攻之。舜曰：「以德可也。』行德三年，而三苗服。孔子

聞之曰：「通乎德之情，則孟門、太行不爲險矣。故曰德之速，疾乎以郵傳
命。』周明堂，金在其後，有以見先德後武也。舜其猶此乎？其臧武通於
周矣。
W hen the San M iao tribe w ould n o t subm it, Yu asked leave to attack
them . Shun said, aIt w ould be m ore appropriate to use your Power.55 Yu
practiced his Power for three years and the San M iao subm itted.
W hen Confiicins learned o f this, he com m ented, aW hen you under
stand the essential nature o f Power, then such m ountains as M engm en and
Taihang hold no threat—hence, the saying. T ow er moves faster than a com
m and transm itted through posting stations.555
In the Zhou Hall o f Light the bronze implements were placed at the
rear to show that the use o f Power came first and military m ight second.
Was this the doing o f Shun? H is keeping martial things in hiding was con
veyed to the Zhou.
19/ 3.3
晉獻公爲麗姬遠太子。太子申生居曲沃，公子重耳居蒲，公子夷吾居
屈。麗姬謂太子曰：「往昔君夢見姜氏。』太子祠而膳于公，麗姬易之。公
將嘗膳，姬曰：「所由遠，請使人嘗之。《
I 嘗人人死，食狗狗死，故誅太
子。太子不肯自釋，曰：「君非麗姬，居不安，食不甘。』遂以劍死。
A. Because o f Concubine Li, Duke Xian o f Jin was estranged from his
crown prince. Crow n Prince Shensheng lived at Quw o, Prince C h o n ^ er
lived at Pu, and the Prince Yiwu lived at Q u. Concubine Li said to the crown
prince, ^Recently our lord dream t o f [your deceased m other] Lady Jiang.w
The crown prince m ade an offering to his m other and presented his father,
the duke, a gift o f some o f the food. Concubine Li switched the food, and
just as the duke was about to taste it, she warned, "The food has come from
afar, please have someone taste it first.55The taster died; when the food was
then given to a dog, the dog, too, died. As a result, the duke blamed the
crown prince, but the latter was unwilling to plead his case, remarking only,
c<I f m y lord does no t have Concubine Li, he will n o t live in peace and his
food will n o t taste sweet.55H e then killed himself w ith his sword.
公子夷吾自屈奔梁。公子重耳自蒲奔翟。去翟過衛，衛文公無禮焉。過五
鹿如齊，齊桓公死。去齊之曹，曹共公視其駢脅，使袒而捕池魚。去曹過
宋，宋襄公加禮焉。之鄭，鄭文公不敬，被瞻諫曰：『臣聞賢主不窮窮。今
晉公子之從者，皆賢者也。君不禮也，不如殺之。』鄭君不聽。去鄭之(荆
T A > 楚，（荆 T A > 楚成王慢焉。去荆之秦，秦繆公 ( 入 S F > 納之〔
晉〕4。
4. Chen Qiyou; on the basis of Gao Youcommentary.
B. Prince Yiwu fled from Q u to Liang, and Prince Chongêr fled from
Pu to the Di tribes. Leaving the Di tribes, Ghongêr passed through Wéy,
where Duke Wen treated him with a lack o f proper protocol. H e then passed
through Wulu, and proceeded to Qi, where Duke H uan o f Q i had died. H e
left Q i for Cao. W hen Duke G ong o f Cao saw that C h o n ^ er had linked
ribs， he had him strip naked and catch fish in his pool. C h o n g er left Cao,
and passed through Song, where Duke Xiang treated him w ith special cour
tesy. H e then w ent to Zheng, where Duke Wen was disrespectful. Bei Zhan
rem onstrated w ith the duke, saying, UI have heard it said that a w orthy
ruler does n ot persecute those w ho are experiencing hardship. Now, the
followers o f the prince o f Jin are all worthy, and if your lordship will not
treat him as protocol requires, it w ould be best to kill him now.55The lord o f
Zheng did n ot heed the warning. C hong5er left: Zheng and traveled to Chu,
where King Cheng was rude to him. H e left C hu and w ent to Q in, and
Duke M u restored him to power in Jin.
晉既定，興師攻鄭，求被瞻。被瞻謂鄭君曰：「不若以臣與之。』鄭君曰：
「此孤之過也。《
I 被瞻曰：「殺臣以免國，臣願之。』被瞻入晉軍，文公將
烹之。被瞻據鑊而呼曰：「三軍之士皆聽瞻也，自今以來，無有忠於其君，
忠於其君者將烹。』文公謝焉，罷師，歸之於鄭。且被瞻忠於其君、而君
免於晉患也，行義鄭、而見說於文公也，故義之爲利博矣。
C. W hen affairs in Jin were settled, Duke Wen raised an army to attack
Zheng, and he sought out Bei Zhan. Bei Zhan said to the lord o f Zheng, aIt
w ould be best to hand me over to him.55
aBut I, the U nw orthy One, am at faulty protested the lord o f Zheng.
aBy killing your subject, you can spare your state. This is w hat I hope
for.wBei Zhan then surrendered to the Jin army. As Duke Wen was about to
BOOK 19 487
have him boiled alive, Bei Z han grabbed hold o f the po t and shouted, CCA11
you knights o f the Three Armies listen to me. From now on do n o t bother
to be loyal to your lord, for whosoever is loyal will be boiled alive.55Duke
Wen let him go, disbanded his army, and returned hom e from Zheng.
Furtherm ore, because o f Bei Z han5s loyalty to his lord, his lord avoided
problems w ith Jin, and because he practiced morality in Zheng, he was
viewed w ith pleasure by Duke Wen. Thus, the benefits brought about by
morality are extensive.
19/3.4
墨者鉅子孟勝，善 ( 荆 T A > 楚之陽城君。陽城君令守於國，毀璜以爲
符，約曰：「
符合聽之。』（
荆 T A > 楚王薨，群臣攻吳起，兵於喪所，陽城
君與焉，（
荆 T A > 楚罪之。陽城君走，（
荆 T A > 楚收其國。孟勝曰：「受人
之國，與之有符。今不見符，而力不能禁，不能死，不可。』其弟子徐弱
諫孟勝曰：『死而有益陽城君，死之可矣。無益也，而絕墨者於世，不可。 j
孟勝曰：「不然。吾於陽城君也，非師則友也，非友則臣也。不死，自今以
來，求嚴師必不於墨者矣，求賢友必不於墨者矣，求良臣必不於墨者矣。
死之所以行墨者之義而繼其業者也。我將屬鉅子於宋之田襄子。田襄子賢
者也，何患墨者之絕世也？』徐弱曰：『若夫子之言，弱請先死以除路。 j
還歿頭 (前於 G E > 於前 5 。孟勝因使二人傳鉅子於田襄子。孟勝死，弟子死
之者百八十。（
三 G E > 二6人以致令於田襄子，欲反死孟勝於 (荆 T A > 楚，
田襄子止之曰：『孟子已傳鉅子於我矣，當聽。』〔
不聽〕
7 ，遂反死之。墨者
以爲不聽鉅子不察。嚴罰厚賞，不足以致此。今世之言治，多以嚴罰厚賞，
此上世之 (若客 G E > 苦害 8也。
5. Chen Qiyou. 6. Wu Kaisheng. 7. Chen Qiyou. 8. Xu Wciyu.
The M ohist leader M eng Sheng was on gcxxl term s w ith the Lord o f
Yangchcng, so the Lord o f Yangchcng made him protector o f his fief in
Chu. Breaking a jade half-circle in two as a token, each took the oath, ccOnly
when the halves are joined, will I obey an order.55W hen King Dao o f Chu
died, his ministers and vassals attacked Wu Qi. There was fighting at the
burial ground in which Lord Yangcheng participated. Chu condem ned him
for that and so the Lord o f Yangcheng fled. W hen C hu tried to appropriate
his state, M eng Sheng said, ttI have been entrusted w ith another man5s state.
To hand it over I require the token. I have not received the token, yet I do
n o t have the power to resist, so I m ust be prepared to die.55
“It is unacceptable that you die，” rem onstrated his disciple Xu Ruo, “for
w hat gcxxl w ould your death do the Lord o f Yangcheng? N o t only w ould it
be o f no advantage to him, you w ould also be cutting off the transmission
o f M ohism to later generations. This is equally unacceptable.55
ccT hat is not so,55said M eng Sheng. W ith the Lord o f Yangcheng, I was
n o t only a teacher but a friend, n o t only a friend but a subject. I f I do not
die, from this day forward, M ohists will n o t be sought as serious teachers,
w orthy friends， and good subjects. By dying I can propagate the code o f
conduct o f the M ohist school and carry on its tasks. I will assign the position
o f leader to M aster Tian Xiang o f Song. Tian Xiang is worthy. W hy need we
be concerned that M ohism shall be cut off?55
ccI f it is as the M aster says,55answered Xu Ruo, aI beg permission to die
first in order to clear the path.55Turning away, Xu Ruo slit his throat in front
o f M eng Sheng.
M eng Sheng then sent two m en to transm it the title o f leader to M aster
Tian Xiang. W hen M eng Sheng died, 180 disciples died w ith him. The two
men w ho brought the charge to M aster Tian Xiang wished to return to Chu
to die w ith M eng Sheng. M aster Tian Xiang stopped them , saying, ^Master
M eng has already passed the title o f leader to me, so you m ust obey.55But
they w ould n ot heed his order, and the tw o returned to C hu to die.
The Moliists believe that those w ho do not obey the leader do not under
stand the teachings. Severe punishm ents and generous rewards are insuffi
cient to make people reach this state. In this present age, many advocate
stern punishm ents and generous rewards, but in earlier ages such people
were those w ho m istook faultfinding for careful examination.
四曰用民
CH A PTER 4
E M P L O Y IN G T H E P E O P L E
19/4.1
凡用民，太上以義，其次以賞罰。其義則不足死，賞罰則不足去就，若
是而能用其民者，古今無有。民無常用也，無常不用也，唯得其道爲可。
As a general principle, it is o f supreme importance to use morality when
employing the people, and o f secondary importance to use rewards and
punishm ents. I f morality were insufficient to cause people to die for your
cause, and if rewards and punishm ents were insufficient to cause them to
BOOK 19 斗 89
avoid evil and cleave to the gcxxl, then no one in the past or present w ould
have been able to employ his people. There are no constant principles for
employing the people, nor for n o t employing them. Only those w ho have
attained the true D ao can do it.
19/4.2
闔廬之用兵也不過三萬，吳起之用兵也不過五萬。萬乘之國，其爲三萬
五萬尙多。今外之則不可以拒敵，內之則不可以守國，其民非不可用也，
不得所以用之也。不得所以用之，國雖大，勢雖便，卒雖眾，何益？古者
多有天下而亡者矣，其民不爲用也。用民之論不可不熟。
The armies o f King H elu o f W u never had m ore than thirty thousand
soldiers, nor those o f W u Q i m ore than fifty thousand. I f the ruler o f a state
o f ten thousand chariots uses even m ore than their thirty to fifty thousand
b ut cannot withstand his enemies abroad nor hold fast to the state w ithin,
it is n o t that the people cannot be used, but that the ruler o f this state docs
n o t know how to use them . I f he docs n o t succeed in using his people,
however large the state, convenient the situation, and numerous the soldiers,
o f w hat advantage will they be? M any past rulers lost possession o f the
w orld because they did no t properly use their people. The principles o f
employing the people m ust be thoroughly understood.
19/4.3
劍不徒斷，車不自行，或使之也。夫種麥而得麥，種稷而得稷，人不怪
也。用民亦有種，不審其種，而祈民之用，惑莫大焉。
A sword does not cut things, a carriage does not move on its own: some
one m ust make use o f them . N o one marvels at the fact that if you plant
wheat, you harvest wheat, and if you plant millet, you harvest millet. Using
the people involves som ething like planting. There is no greater delusion
than failing to be properly attentive to "'planting55and yet praying that the
people will be properly used.
19/4.4
當禹之時，天下萬國，至於湯而三千餘國，今無存者矣，皆不能用其民
也。民之不用，賞罰不充也。湯、武因夏、商之民也，得所以用之也。
管、商亦因齊、秦之民也，得所以用之也。民之用也有故，得其故，民無
所不用。用民有紀有網，壹引其紀，萬目皆起，壹引其網，萬目皆張。爲
民紀網者何也？欲也惡也。何欲何惡？欲榮利，惡辱害。辱害所以爲罰充
也，榮利所以爲賞實也。賞罰皆有充實，則民無不用矣。
In the time o f Yu, there were ten thousand states in the world; by the
time o f Tang, the num ber was a little m ore than three thousand. In every
case, the states that have no t survived until the present proved incapable o f
employing their people. They could not use their people because rewards
and punishm ents were inadequate. T hat Tang and W u could rely on the
people o f the Xia and Shang, respectively, after they vanquished these dynas
ties is because they knew how to employ them. T hat Guan Zhong and Lord
Shang could rely on the people o f the states o f Q i and Q in, respeaively, is
because they knew how to employ them. W henever the people may be used,
there is a cause. Once you grasp the cause, there is nothing to prevent the
peopled being used. In employing the people, there are small lines and a
main cord just like those found in a net. W ith a single tug on the small lines,
the net is lifted; w ith a single pull o f the main rope, the net is made taut.
W hat are the small lines and main rope in handling the people? They are
desires and aversions. W hat are the peopled desires and aversions? They
desire honor and profit, and they hate disgrace and harm. Disgrace and harm
are how you make your punishm ents material; honor and profit are how
you make your rewards concrete. If rewards and punishm ents are material
and concrete, all people may be used.
19/4.5
闔廬試其民於五湖，劍皆加於肩，（
地流血G E > 流血〔
至 ) 地1 ，幾不可
止；句踐試其民於寖宮，民爭入水火，死者千餘矣，遽擊金而卻之；賞罰
有充也。莫邪不爲勇者 ( 興 G E > 與2懼者變，勇者以工，懼者以拙，能與不
能也。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Wang Niansun.
King H eiu put his people to the test at Five Lakes: swords were plunged
into their shoulders, their blood flowed on the ground, but still their advance
could n o t be halted. King Goujian put his people to the test when the Q in
Palace was on fire: they struggled to be the first to enter the boiling water
and flames, m ore than a thousand died, and only by rapidly beating on the
bronze instrum ents could he make them withdraw. This was because the
two kings carried through w ith their rewards and punishm ents. The sword
Moye docs n o t change its character depending on w hether a brave man or
a coward uses it. That the brave man uses it skillfully and the coward clumsily
is because the one is capable and the other not.
19/4.6
夙沙之民，自攻其君，而歸神農。密須之民，自縛其主，而與文
王。湯、武非徒能用其民也，又能用非己之民。能用非己之民，國雖小，卒
雖少，功名猶可立。古昔多由布衣定一世者矣，皆能用非其有也。用非其
有之心，不可〔
不〕3察之本。三代之道無二，以信爲管。
3. Bi Yuan.
The people o f Susha took it on themselves to attack their ow n lord and

offer their allegiance to Shennong. The people o f M ixu took it on them
selves to tic up their ruler and offer allegiance to King Wen. Tang and W u
were capable, n o t merely o f using their ow n people, but also o f employing
people w ho were not their subjects. I f you are capable o f employing people
w ho are n ot your subjects, however small your state and however few its
soldiers, it will be possible to establish a reputation for accomplishments.
Since antiquity, many have been capable o f rising from the status o f com
m oner to that o f one w ho settles the affairs o f the world, and this is because
all o f them were capable o f employing w hat they did n o t possess. A m ind
set on using w hat is n o t yours is a fundam ental principle that cannot but be
investigated. The Dao used by the Three Dynasties was nothing other than
m aking trustworthiness their standard.
19/4.7
宋人有取道者，其馬不進，倒而投之鶴水。又復取道，其馬不進，又倒
而投之瀠水。如此者三。雖造父之所以威馬，不過此矣。不得造父之道，
而徒得其威，無益於御。人主之不肖者，有似於此。不得其道，而徒多其
威。威愈多，民愈不用。亡國之主，多以多威使其民矣。故威不可無有，
而不足專恃。譬之若鹽之於味，凡鹽之用，有所託也，不適則敗〔
所〕4託而
不可食。威亦然，必有所託，然後可行。惡乎託？託於愛利。愛利之心諭，
威乃可行。威太甚則愛利之心息，愛利之心息而徒疾行威，身必咎矣，此
殷、夏之所以絕也。君，利勢也，次官也。處次官，執利勢，不可而不察
於此。夫不禁而禁者，其唯深見此論邪。
4. Sun Shuchcng; ß S Z T quotation.
W hen a man from Song steered his carriage onto a road, his horse would
n o t proceed, so he cut off its head and threw it into the Qi River. W hen a
second time he took the road and again his horse w ould not proceed, he
again cut off that horse's head and threw it into the Q i River. This happened
three times. Even the famed charioteer Zaofu was never this severe. The
m an from Song did not have Zaofu5s Dao. H e merely grasped its severity,
but this was o f no advantage to driving horses.
Incom petent rulers resemble the m an from Song. They lack the proper
D ao and have merely m ultiplied severity, and the more severe they become,
the less their people can be employed. The rulers o f perished states have
frequently magnified their severity in governing their people. Therefore,
while it is true that one cannot do w ithout severity, severity in itself is insuf
ficient if it is the sole technique on which one relies.
The situation is analogous to using salt to enhance flavor. Generally
speaking w hen you use salt, you add it to some other thing. I f the am ount
you use is n o t suitable, you ruin the other thing and the result is inedible. It
is the same w ith severity. You can only use it when there are other things to
which you add it. W hat are these other things? You add it to love and benefit.
Only when your com m itm ent to loving and benefiting the people is under
stood can you practice severity. Severity becomes excessive when your com
m itm ent to love and benefit your people wanes. W hen this happens, and
you are too hasty in practicing severity, you are certain to be cursed w ith
disaster. This is why the Yin and Xia dynasties were cut off. The position o f
lord has an inherent power to benefit the people and is the best location for
defense. I f a lord is to m aintain his defensive position and to preserve his
power to benefit, these matters cannot but be thoroughly investigated. Only
those w ho have lcx)ked deeply into these principles can forbid w ithout being
forbidding.
五曰適威
CHA PTER 5
M O D E R A T IN G S E V E R IT Y
19/5.1
先王之使其民，若御良馬，輕任新 ( 節 G E > 策 1 ，欲走不得，故致千里。
善用其民者亦然。民日夜祈用而不可得，苟得爲上用，民之走之也，若決
積水於千仞之谿，其誰能當之？
I. Jin Qiyuan.
A. The Form er Kings employed their people the way a charioteer docs
fine horses. A light load, a new whip, and n o t allowing the horses to run at
will are the reasons the horses cover a thousand li. The same is also true o f
those w ho are skillful at using the people. Day and night the people pray in
vain that they will be used properly. Should they happen to be properly
used by their superior, the people w ould run to him like a great reservoir o f
water pouring o u t o f a breach into a ravine eight thousand feet below. W ho
w ould be capable o f stopping them?
《周書》曰：「民善之則畜也，不善則讎也。』有讎而眾，不若無有。厲

王，天子也，有讎而眾，故流于彘，禍及子孫，微召公虎而絕無後嗣。今世
之人主，多欲眾之，而不知善，此多其讎也。不善則不有。有必緣其心愛
之謂也，有其形不可爲有之。舜布衣而有天下。桀，天子也，而不得息，
由此生矣。有無之論，不可不熟。湯、武通於此論，故功名立。
B. K Document ofZhou says,
Treat the people well, and they arc supporters;

Treat them poorly and they are enemies.
To have a m ultitude o f enemies is worse than having none. King Li o f the

Z hou was the Son o f Heaven, yet he had a m ultitude o f enemies, so he was
chased to Zhi, and the catastrophe affected his descendants. If it had no t
been for H u , the Duke o f Shao, the Z hou line w ould have been cut off and
no one w ould have succeeded to it.
Rulers o f the present age frequently desire to increase their populations,
but n ot understanding how to treat them well, they instead increase the num
ber o f their enemies. Since they do no t treat their people well they cannot
hold o n to them . H olding onto the people means loving them from one5s
heart. O ne w ho merely goes through the m otions can never win the peopled
support. The fact that Shun, a com m oner, possessed the entire world,
whereas Jie, a Son o f Heaven, enjoyed no rest, arises from this difference.
This assessment o f the difference between possessing and not possessing
the people m ust be thoroughly understood. Tang and Wu understcx)d it,
and thus their m eritorious names were established.
19 /5 . 2
古之君民者，仁義以治之，愛利以安之，忠信以導之，務除其災，思致
其福。故民之於上也，若璽之於塗也，抑之以方則方，抑之以圜則圜；若
五種之於地也，必應其類，而蕃息於百倍；此五帝三王之所以無敵也。身
已終矣，而後世化之如神，其人事審也。
In antiquity those who were lords over the people governed them accord
ing to humane and moral principles, pacified them by loving them and bene
fiting them, led them w ith loyalty and trustworthiness, worked at preventing
calamities, and longed to bring them blessings. Accordingly, the people are
to their superiors as a seal is to scaling clay. I f the clay is impressed w ith a
square shape, the impression is square, and if w ith a round shape, round.
Furtherm ore, they are as the five grains are to the soil in which they are
planted: each kind always responds characteristically according to its type,
and their numbers increase a hundredfold. This is why the Five Sovereigns
and Three Kings were w ithout equals. A lthough they are long dead, later
generations are still transform ed by them , as if by magic. This is because
they were attentive to the concerns o f their people.
1 9 / 5 .3
魏武侯之居中山也，問於李克曰：『吳之所以亡者何也？』李克對曰：
『驟戰而驟勝。』武侯曰：「驟戰而驟勝，國家之福也。其獨以亡，何
故？』對曰：「驟戰則民罷，驟勝則主驕。以驕主使罷民，然而國不亡者，
天下少矣。驕則恣，恣則極物；罷則怨，怨則極慮。上下倶極，吳之亡猶
晚，此夫差之所以自歿於干隧也。 j
A. W hen Marquis W u o f Wei lived in Z hongshan, he inquired o f Li Ke,
“W hy did the state o f Wu perish?”
“Repeated victories in repeated battles•”
ccBut repeated victories in repeated battles are a blessing for a state. W hy
has only Wu perished?55
ccRepcated battles exhaust the people; repeated victories make a ruler
overbearing. W hen an overbearing ruler governs an exhausted people, it
w ould require rare circumstances for such a state not to perish. Arrogance
on the part o f the ruler leads to wantonness, which in turn depletes re
sources; exhaustion in the populace leads to resentm ent, which in turn de
pletes their mental capacities. W ith both superiors and inferiors exhausted,
it would seem that the demise o f W u occurred later than m ight be expected.
This is why King Fuchai ended up killing him self at Gansui.55
東野稷以御見莊公，進退中繩，左右旋中規。莊公曰：f 善』，以爲造父不
過也，使之鉤百而少（及 G E > 反 2焉。顏闔入見。莊公曰：「子遇東野稷
乎？』對曰：r 然。臣遇之。其馬必敗。』莊公曰：「將何敗？j 少頃，東野
之馬敗而至。莊公召顏闔而問之曰：「子何以知其敗也？j 顏闔對曰：「夫進
退中繩，左右旋中規，造父之御，無以過焉。鄕臣遇之，猶求其馬，臣是
以知其敗也。 J
2. Chen Qiyou; ZZ parallel.
B. Dongye Ji displayed his charioteering skills to Duke Zhuang o f Wey.

H e w ent forward and backward along a perfectiy straight line; his turns to
the left: o r right traced a perfect arc. Êxcellent!55exclaimed Duke Zhuang.
H e judged that even the charioteer Zaofu could do no better, and he ordered
him to gallop a hundred li before returning to the palace. W hen Yan H e
entered for his audience, Duke Zhuang asked him, ccDid you see Dongye Ji?55
^Yes， your servant saw him , and his horses are certain to collapse.”
ccW hy will they collapse?55the duke asked. In a few m om ents Dongye Ji
arrived to rep o rt th at his horses had in fact collapsed. D uke Z huang
sum m oned Yan H e, asking, uH o w did you know that the horses w ould
collapse?”
Yan H e replied, ttH c made them go forward and backward in a perfectiy
straight line and made them turn left and right in a perfect arc. Even the
charioteering o f a Zaofu w ould be no better than that. Yet when I later
encountered him, he was still dem anding m ore o f his horses—that is how I
knew they w ould collapse.55
故亂國之使其民，不論人之性，不反人之情，煩爲敎而過不識，數爲令而
非不從，巨爲危而罪不敢，重爲任而罰不勝。民進則欲其賞，退則畏其罪。
知其能力之不足也，則以 ( 爲 S F > 僞 3繼〔
之〕3矣。以 ( 爲 S F > 偽 3繼 ( 知 GE>
之3 ，則上又從而罪之，是以罪召罪，上下之相讎也，由是起矣。
3. Tao Hongqing.
C. The way anarchic states treat their people does not take hum an na
ture into account, nor does it consider natural hum an predispositions: it
irritates them w ith complicated instructions and faults the people for not
knowing them , increases the num ber o f orders and condemns the people
for n o t following them , makes restrictions more severe but condemns the
people for n o t being daring, burdens the people w ith heavier responsibil
ities and punishes them for not being able to bear them. The people go
forward only because they w ant the reward, and they retreat only because
they fear the punishm ent. Knowing that their strength is insufficient, they
pretend to continue in their efforts. W hen their pretense is discovered, their
superiors follow through by condem ning them. In this way, condem nation
brings about m ore condem nation. And it is in this way that tfie m utual
animosity between superior and inferior is created.
故禮煩則不莊，業煩則無功，令苛則不聽，禁多則不行。桀、紂之禁，不
可勝數，故民因而身爲戮，極也。（不能用威適。）4子陽極也好嚴，有過而
折弓者，恐必死，遂應淛狗而弑子陽，極也。周鼎 ( 有 G E > 著5竊，曲狀甚
長，上下皆曲，以見極之敗也。
4- Chen Changqi, YuYuc, Tao Hongqing; note entered into the text. 5. Sun Qiangming.
D. Accordingly， rites that are too complicated lead to irreverence ，com-

plicated tasks to nonprcxluctiveness, complicated rules to disobedience, and
complicated prohibitions to inactivity. The prohibitions o f Jie and Z hou
were so num erous they could not be counted. The people responded to this
situation, and Jie and Z hou were m urdered. It was because they were ex
treme. Prince Yang was fond o f severity. A passerby broke his bow and feared
he w ould be killed for it, so when a m ad dog was being chased, he tcx>k
advantage o f this to assassinate Prince Yang—all because the prince was
extreme. The Z hou bronze tripods are decorated w ith a qie insect pattern,
wherein the shape is very long but the top and bottom are both curved, to
symbolize the defects inherent in that which is extreme.
六曰爲欲
CH A PTER 6
U S IN G D E S IR E
19/6.1
使民無欲，上雖賢猶不能用。夫無欲者，其視爲天子也與爲輿隸同，其
視有天下也與無立錐之地同，其視爲彭祖也與爲殤子同。天子至貴也，天
下至富也，彭祖至壽也，誠無欲則是三者不足以勸。輿隸至賤也，無立錐
之地至貧也，殤子至夭也，誠無欲則是三者不足以禁。會有一欲，則北至
大夏，南至北戶，西至三危，東至扶木，不敢亂矣；犯白刃，冒流矢，趣水
火，不敢卻也；晨寤興，務耕疾庸，槓爲煩辱，不敢休矣。故人之欲多者，
其可得用亦多；人之欲少者，其得用亦少；無欲者，不可得用也。人之欲
雖多，而上無以令之，人雖得其欲，人猶不可用也。令人得欲之道，不可
不審矣。
Were people to have no desires, then their superior, however w orthy he
m ight be, w ould be unable to use them. People w ho lack desires regard
being Son o f Heaven as equivalent to being a cartman or menial, possessing
the entire w orld as equal to lacking so m uch as an awl-point o f land, and
Patriarch Pen^s longevity as equal to an infantas early death. Son o f Heaven
is the noblest position， the w orld the greatest wealth, and the life o f Patri-
arch Peng the greatest longevity. Yet if you genuinely had no desires, these
three w ould be insufficient to m otivate you. Cartm en and menials are the
m ost contem ptible positions， lacking so m uch as an awl-point o f land is
extreme poverty, a child that dies in infancy has the shortest o f fated life
spans. Yet if you genuinely had no desires, these three w ould be insufficient
to deter you.
But should people have even one desire, then as far north as Daxia, as
far south as Beihu, as far west as Sanwei, and as far east as Fusang, no one
w ould dare create problems. Even if they had to fall on bare blades, endure
a torrent o f arrows raining dow n on them , or run through floods and fires,
they w ould n o t dare retreat. They w ould arise early in the m orning, w ork at
plowing, suffer hiring themselves o u t as laborers, and on certain occasions
have to bear vexatious and demeaning conditions; yet they would n o t dare
rest. Therefore, the m ore num erous a persons desires, the m ore he can be
used; the fewer his desires, the less he can be used; a person w ho lacks
desires cannot be used at all. I f people possess m any desires, but their ruler
lacks the means to com m and them , then even though the people obtain
everything they wish, they still cannot be used. The D ao by which one per
mits people to obtain w hat they desire cannot but be examined.
19/6.2
善爲上者，能令人得欲無窮，故人之可得用亦無窮也。蠻夷反舌殊俗異
習之國，其衣服冠帶，宮室居處，舟車器械，聲色滋味皆異，其爲欲使一
也。三王不能革，不能革而功成者，順其天也；桀、紂不能離，不能離而
國亡者，逆其天也。逆而不知其逆也，湛於俗也。久湛而不去則若性。性
( 異 G E > 與 1非性，不可不熟。不聞道者，何以去非性哉？無以去非性，則
欲未嘗正矣。欲不正，以治身則夭，以治國則亡。故古之聖王，審順其天
而以行欲，則民無不令矣，功無不立矣。聖王執一，四夷皆至者，其此之
謂也。
I. Sun Qiangming, Tao Hongqing, Chen Qiyou.
A skilled superior is capable o f causing people to satisfy their desires

w ithout limit; and this is why his people can be used w ithout limit. The
M an and Yi barbarians—despite their backward tongues, their different
customs, and odd practices; despite their clothes, caps and belts, houses
and encampments, boats, carts, vessels, and tools; and despite their pref-
erences o f sound, sight, and flavor all being different from o u rs—are one
w ith us and the same as us in satisfying their desires. Even the Three Kings
could n ot alter the desires. Despite the fact that the desires could no t be
altered, they accomplished their tasks because they conform ed to the nature
w ith which Heaven endow ed people. Jie and Zhou Xin could not reject the
desires. Despite their inability to depart from the desires, their states perished
because they contravened the endowm ent Heaven gave them. To contravene
Heaven and n o t recognize that one has done so is ""immersion in custom.55
The long-term effect o f such immersion, if no t cast out, is akin to that o f
inborn nature. One m ust thoroughly understand the relation between inborn
nature and the ccnature55that is not inborn. H ow can one w ho has n o t been
instructed in the D ao hope to cast o u t the nature that is no t inborn? I f you
have no means o f casting o u t the nature that is not inborn, your desires will
never be proper. I f your desires are n o t proper and you use them to govern
yourself, you will die prematurely. If your desires are n o t proper and you
use them to govern your state, it will perish. Therefore the sage-kings o f
antiquity paid particular attention to conforming to the endowm ent Heaven
gave them in acting on their desires; all the people, therefore, could be
comm anded and all their accomplishments were firmly established. aThe
sage-kings held fast to the O ne, and the barbarians o f the four directions
came to them 55refers to this.
19/6.3
執一者至貴也。至貴者無敵。聖王託於無敵，故民命 ( 敵 G V > 適2焉。群
狗相與居，皆靜無爭，投以炙雞，則相與爭矣，或折其骨，或絕其筋，爭術
存也。爭術存因爭，不爭之術存因不爭。取〔
不〕3爭之術而相與爭，萬國無
— • 〇
2. Chen Qiyou. 3*Sun Qiangming.
H e w ho holds fast to the O ne is the noblest person, and the noblest has
no peer. The sage-kings depended on having no peer; this is why the people
entrusted their fate to them . There was a pack o f dogs that lived together
peacefully and w ithout fighting over anything. W hen, however, a roast fowl
was tossed into their m idst they all fought over it. Some had their bones
broken, others their flesh ripped, because the chicken was a reason to fight.
W hen there is a reason to fight, then there is fighting. W hen there is no
reason to fight, then there is no fighting. N o t one o f the myriad states will
fight w ith others when there is no reason to fight.
BOOK 19 斗9 9
1 9 /6 .4
凡治國令其民爭行義也，亂國令其民爭爲不義也；彊國令其民爭樂用
也，弱國令其民爭競不用也。夫爭行義樂用與爭爲不義競不用，此其爲禍
福也，天不能覆，地不能載。
A. As a general principle, well-governed states order their people to fight
w hen the cause is righteous， and anarchic states order their people to fight
for immoral reasons. W hen strong states order their people to fight, they
are happy to fight; but w hen weak states order their people to fight, they
are always apprehensive that the people will n o t fight. ccFighting for a righ
teous cause55and ubeing happy to fight55as opposed to c<fighting for immoral
reasons55and an ot being willing to fight55result, respectively, in good fortune
and catastrophe o f such proportions that Heaven cannot cover them , nor
E arth support them .
晉文公伐原，與士期七日，七日而原不下，命去之。謀(士 G E > 出4言曰：

「原將下矣。』師吏請待之。公曰：4 言，國之寶也。得原失寶，吾不爲
也。j 遂去之。明年復伐之，與士期必得原然後反，衛人聞之乃下。衛人
聞之，以文公之信爲至矣，乃歸文公。故曰 ^ 文原得衛』者，此之謂也。
文公非不欲得原也，以不信得原，不若勿得也，必誠信以得之，歸之者非
獨衛也。文公可謂知求欲矣。
4- Wang Niansun.
B. W hen Duke Wen o f Jin attacked Yuan, he prom ised his knights that
the fight w ould last seven days. W hen, after seven days. Yuan did n o t fall,
he ordered his army to quit the place. A rem onstrator came forward, saying,
"Tuan is about to fall.55The officers o f the army requested that they carry on
the siege, but the Duke said, ""Keeping promises is the treasure o f the state.
To gain Yuan b ut only at the expense o f losing this treasure is som ething I
will n o t do.55And so they quit the place. The next year he again attacked
Yuan, but this tim e prom ised his knights that he w ould return hom e only
after he had w on the place. W hen the people o f Yuan heard o f that promise,
they surrendered. W hen the people o f Wey heard about it, they regarded
the example o f Duke Wen5s keeping his promise as perfect, and they gave
their allegiance to him. Hence, the saying wH c w on Wey by attacking Yuan55
refers to this episode.
It is n o t that Duke Wen did n o t wish to win Yuan, but that he thought
it best n ot to win the place if w inning it m eant no t keeping his promise. It
was necessary to win Yuan by truly keeping his prom ises—then it w ould be
not merely Wey that w ould give him allegiance. Duke Wen may properly be
term ed a m an w ho ccknew how to seek w hat he desired.55
七曰貴信
CH A PTER 7
P R I Z I N G K E E P IN G P R O M IS E S
19/7.1
凡人主必信。信而又信，誰人不親？故《周書》曰：「允哉允哉！』以言

非信則百事不滿也，故信之爲功大矣。信立則虛言可以 ( 賞 S F > 償 1矣。虛
言可以 ( 賞 S F > 償 1 ，則六合之內皆爲己府矣。信之所及，盡制之矣。制之
而不用，人之有也；制之而用之，己之有也。己有之，則天地之物畢爲用
矣。人主有見此論者，其王不久矣；人臣有知此論者，可以爲王者佐矣。
I. Chen Qiyou.
As a general principle, rulers m ust keep their promises. Keeping promises

inspires greater trust; who, then, w ould no t feel close to them? ^Document
of Zhou says, ^Sincerity! It is all sincerity!5' In this way it describes how a
ruler w ho does n ot keep his promises fails in everything he ventures. Hence,
the accomplishments that result from keeping promises are great indeed!
W hen keeping promises is the ruler's established practice, empty words can
be properly recompensed. W hen empty words are properly recompensed,
all within the Six Conjunctions become the rulers personal storehouse.
Keeping promises leads finally to complete control. I f the ruler has complete
control but does n o t use it, he turns his possessions over to others. If he has
control and uses it, his possessions remain his. W hen he keeps them in his
personal possession, all the things o f Heaven and E arth become his to use.
Were a ruler to apprehend this principle, his becom ing a universal king
would not be long in happening; were a minister to understand this principle,
he could become his king^s chief assistant.
19/7.2
天行不信，不能成歲；地行不信，草木不大。春之德風，風不信，其華
不盛，華不盛則果實不生；夏之德暑，暑不信，其土不肥，土不肥則長遂
不精；秋之德雨，雨不信，其穀不堅，穀不堅則五種不成；冬之德寒，寒
不信，其地不剛，地不剛則凍閉不開。天地之大，四時之化，而猶不能以
不信成物，又況乎人事？
A. I f the activities o f Heaven were not dependable, the harvest could
n o t m ature. I f those o f Earth were n o t dependable, plants and trees could
n ot grow.
The Power of spring is the wind,

But if the wind were not dependable,
Flowers would be stunted.
And in stunted flowers fruit docs not develop.
The Power of the summer is heat,
But if the heat were not dependable,
The soil would not be fertile,
And in infertile soils growing plants do not reach full vigor.
The Power of autumn is rain.
But if the rains were not dependable,
The cereals would not harden.
And with cereals that do not harden the five grains do not mature.
The Power of winter is cold.
But if the cold were not dependable.
The earth would not become hard.
And in unhardened earth the ice seals and docs not split open.
Great as Heaven and E arth are and as transform ing as the four seasons are,
they would be incapable o f completing things by being undependable. H ow
much m ore, then, is this true o f hum an affairs?
19/7.2
君臣不信，則百姓誹謗，社稷不寧；處官不信，則少不畏長，貴賤相輕；賞
罰不信，則民易犯法，不可使令；交友不信，則離散鬱怨，不能相親；百工
不信，則器械苦僞，丹漆 ( 染色 ) 2不貞。夫可與爲始，可與爲終，可與尊
通，可與卑窮者，其唯信乎！信而又信，重襲於身，乃通於天。以此治人，
則膏雨甘露降矣，寒暑四時當矣。
2. Sun Qiangming.
B. W hen ruler and ministers do not keep promises,
The Hundred Clans criticize and vilify them.

The altars of the soil and grain become insecure.
When officers do not keep promises,
The young do not fear their elders,
The noble and the base demean each other.
When rewards and punishments arc not dependable,
The people regard violating the law a trifling matter,
And so cannot be governed.
T H E E X A M IN A T IO N S
When friends and associates do not keep promises.

They become alienated and develop hostilities,
And so are no longer capable of being close to one another.
When the hundred artisans arc not dependable.
Vessels and tools are crude shams,
And the red cinnabar and black lacquer are not pure.
What a person can begin with.

What he can end with.
What he can enjoy honor and success with,
What he can endure dishonor and failure with
—surely this is trustworthiness? Keeping promises inspires greater trust, so
Double and redouble trustworthiness in yourself,

And thereby you will come to understand Heaven.
I f you use trustworthiness to govern others.
The enriching rains and sweet dew will fall,

The cold and heat of the four seasons will come when they should.
1 9 / 7 .3
齊桓公伐魯，魯人不敢輕戰，去魯國五十里而封之，魯請比關內侯以
聽，桓公許之。曹翩謂魯莊公曰：『君寧死而又死乎？其寧生而又生乎？j
莊公曰：4 可謂也？』曹翩曰：『聽臣之言，國必廣大，身必安樂，是生而
又生也。不聽臣之言，國必滅亡，身必危辱，是死而又死也。』莊公曰：
「請從。《
I 於是明日將盟，莊公與曹翩皆懷劍至於壇上。莊公左搏桓公，
右抽劍以自承，曰：『魯國去境數百里，今去境五十里，亦無生矣。（
鈞
G V > 均其死也，戮於君前。』管仲、鮑叔進，曹翩按劍當兩陛之閒曰：「且
二君將改圖，毋或進者。』莊公曰：r 封於汶則可，不則請死。』管仲曰：
「以地衛君，非以君衛地，君其許之。』乃遂封於汶南，與之盟。歸而欲
勿予。管仲曰；「不可。人特劫君而不盟，君不知，不可謂智；臨難而不能
勿聽，不可謂勇；許之而不予，不可謂信。不智不勇不信，有此三者，不
可以立功名。予之，雖亡地亦得信。以四百里之地見信於天下，君猶得
也。』莊公，仇也；曹翩，賊也。信於仇賊，又況於非仇賊者乎？夫九合之
而合，壹匡之而聽，從此生矣。管仲可謂能因物矣。以辱爲榮，以窮爲通，
雖失乎前，可謂後得之矣。（
物固不可全也。） 3
3. Sun Qiangming.
Duke H u an o f Qi attacked the state o f Lu [681], but the populace o f Lu
did n o t dare consider it a trivial m atter to engage in battle w ith Qi and so
established the boundary between the two states some fifty li from the Lu
capital. Lu then proposed that it be perm itted to obey Q i as a marquisate
w ithin the stated border posts, and Duke H uan granted the request.
C ao H u i asked D uke Z huang o f Lu, ^W oiild you rather d ie and then die
a secon d tim e, or w o u ld y o u rather live and then live a secon d tim e?55
aW hat are y o u talking about?55D uke Z huang asked.
“I f you heed your subject^ w ords，” Cao H u i responded ，ccy〇ur state will
definitely increase in size, and you yourself will surely enjoy peace and hap
piness. This is w hat it means to live and then live a second time. If on the
other hand, you do n o t heed your subjects words, your state will certainly
be destroyed, and you will suffer danger and disgrace. This is w hat it means
to die and then die again.55
^1 beg to follow your advice,55Duke Zhuang replied. In accordance w ith
this, on the following day, when the duke was to swear the covenant w ith
Qi, he and Cao H u i carried concealed swords to the top o f the altar. W ith
his left hand grasping Duke H uan, Duke Z huang used his right to pull ou t
his sword, and pointing it at himself, he said, Ôriginally the borders o f Lu
were several hundred li from the capital. N ow they are fifty, so I surely
cannot go on living. Since I m ust die anyway, I wiU kill myself here in front
o f my lord.”
G uan Z h on g and B ao Shu attem pted to advance, but C ao H u i, w ith his
hand o n his sw ord, planted h im self betw een the tw o stairways leading to
the to p o f the altar. aO ur tw o lords are g o in g to change their plans,55 he
exclaim ed, “and so n o on e m ay advance•”
D uke Z huang said, c(I f you establish the border at the W en River, that
w ill be perm issible. O therw ise, I propose to die.55
G uan Z h on g sh ou ted to D uke H uan , aO ne uses territory to protect the
ruler, n o t the ruler to protect the territory. You should grant the request, m y
lord.55 T he border w as thus fixed sou th o f the W en River, and a covenant
w as m ade.
A fter returning h om e, D uke H uan desired n o t to conced e the land, but
G uan Z h on g said, "That w ou ld be w rong. T heir purpose was to extort land
from m y lord and n o t to m ake a covenant, but m y lord did n o t understand
th is, so he cannot be called w ise. Because m y lord confron ted the difficulty
but w as unable to resist acquiescing to the other p a it /s w ish es, he cannot
be called brave. Because he agreed to the terms but is now unwilling to live
up to them , he cannot be called trustworthy. I f you are neither wise， nor
brave, nor trustw orthy then you will not be able to establish a m eritorious
name. Give them w hat they want. Even though you lose territory, you will
have kept your w ord. At the price o f four hundred li o f land, you will gain
the trust o f the w orld.55
Duke Z huang was an enemy, and Cao H ui was a bandit. I f Duke H uan
kept his promises to an enemy and a bandit, how much better w ould be his
treatm ent o f those w ho were neither! T hat w hen he nine times convened
the feudal lords, they all came together, and that when he rectified every
thing, they all heeded him, were due to this. G uan Z hong may properly be
said to be “capable o f relying on things as they are.” H e turned disgrace into
glory and failure into success. A lthough there were losses at the beginning,
it can be said that there were gains in the end.
八曰舉難
CHA PTER 8
T H E D IF F IC U L T IE S O F M A K IN G P R O M O T IO N S
19/8.1
〈
物固不可全也。>1以全舉人固難，物之情也。人傷堯以不慈之名，舜以
卑父之號，禹以貪位之意，湯、武以放弑之謀，五伯以侵奪之事。由此觀
之，物豈可全哉？故君子責人則以人，自責則以義。責人以人則易足，易
足則得人；自責以義則難爲非，難爲非則行飾；故任天地而有餘。不肖者
則不然，責人則以義，自責則以人。責人以義則難 ( 瞻 G V > 膽2 ，難 ( 瞻 GV>
膽 2則失親；自責以人則易爲，易爲則行苟；故天下之大而不容也，身取
危、國取亡焉，此桀、紂、幽、厲之行也。尺之木必有節目，寸之玉必有瑕
璉。先王知物之不可全也，故擇務而貴取一也。
I. Sun Qiangming, Chen Qiyou. 2. Liang Zhongzi.
It is assuredly impossible for things to be perfect. To use perfection as a

standard for prom oting m en is surely difficult, given the essential nature o f
things. People disparaged Yao for his reputation as an unloving father. Shun
for his notoriety as the debaser o f his father, Yu for the aim o f coveting the
throne, Tang and W u for the allegations o f plotting the expulsion and assas
sination o f their lords, and the Five L ords-P roteaor for the claim that their
goal was to encroach upon and seize the territory o f others. I f we consider
the implications o f this, how can anything be considered perfect?
The gentleman therefore holds others accountable according to the stan
dards o f other men, but he uses the standard o f morality in holding himself
accountable. Since he holds others accountable according to the standards
o f other men, it is easy to find them adequate to the task and hence to
obtain them . Since he uses the standard o f morality in holding himself ac
countable, it is difficult for him to do anything w rong and hence his actions
are scrupulous. Therefore, he can be entrusted w ith the responsibility for
Heaven and Earth and still have energy to spare.
O f the unw orthy m an this is n o t true. H e uses morality as a standard for
holding others accountable, while holding himself accountable only to the
standards o f other men. Since he holds others accountable using the stan
dard o f righteousness, it is difficult for them to suffice, and hence he loses
those w ho are close to him. By holding him self accountable using the stan
dards o f others, it is easy for him to do as he wishes, and hence his actions
are careless. The world accordingly is no t big enough to accommodate him,
so his choices bring danger to himself and destruction to his state. Such
were the actions o f Jie, Z hou Xin, King You, and King Li. A foot o f lum ber
is certain to have knots in it, and an inch o f jade is certain to have flaws. The
Form er Kings knew that perfection in things is impossible; hence, they se
lected those w ho worked at things and honored the principle o f choosing
those w ho were good at one thing.
19/8.2
季孫氏劫公家。孔子欲諭術則見外，於是受養而便說，魯國以訾。孔子
曰：「龍食乎清而游乎清，螭食乎清而游乎濁，魚食乎濁而游乎濁。今丘上
不及龍，下不若魚，丘其螭邪。』夫欲立功者，豈得中繩哉？救溺者濡，
追逃者趨。
The head o f the Ji clan had usurped the power o f the ducal house o f Lu.
Confucius wanted to instruct him in the proper methods while disassexiating
himself from his action. But because Confiicius accepted a salary and took
the opportunity to offer persuasion, people in Lu criticized him.
Confucius responded, ccThe dragon eats and swims in clear water; the
one-footed dragon eats in clean water but swims in m uddy water; fish eat
and swim in m uddy water. Now, I have not ascended to the level o f a dragon
but I have n ot descended to that o f fish. I am perhaps a onc-footcd dragon !,5
W hen you want to accomplish som ething， how do you coincide per-
fectly w ith the carpenters line? Rescuing the drow ning requires getting
wet; chasing someone running away means having to sprint.
19/ 8.3
魏文侯弟曰季成，友曰翟璜。文侯欲相之而未能決，以問李克。李克對
曰：F君欲置相，則問樂騰與王孫苟端孰賢？』文侯曰：『善。』以王孫苟
端爲不肖，翟璜進之；以樂騰爲賢，季成進之；故相季成。凡聽於主，言人
不可不慎。季成，弟也，翟璜，友也，而猶不能知，何由知樂騰與王孫苟
端哉 > 疏賤者知，親習者不知，理無自然。〔
理無〕
3 自然而斷相過，李克之
對文侯也亦過。雖皆過，譬之若金之與木，金雖柔猶堅於木。
3. YuYuc, YuXingwu.
M arquis Wen o f Wei had a younger brother named Jicheng and a friend
nam ed Di H uang. M arquis Wen wished to name one o f them his m inister
b ut could n o t decide which, so he asked Li Kc about it. Li Ke said, aI f my
lord wishes to name a minister, then it should be on the basis o f determ in
ing w ho is worthier. Le Teng or Prince G ouduan.55
“Excellent,” said Marquis Wen. Because he found Prince Gouduan, whom
D i H uang had recom mended to be incom petent, while he found Le Teng,
w hom Jicheng had recom m ended, to be worthy, he made Jicheng his
minister.
As a general rule, the advice o f others cannot but be closely examined.
Jicheng was M arquis Wen5s younger brother, Di H uang was his friend, and
yet he was incapable o f knowing them . H ow then could he better under
stand Le Teng and Prince Gouduan? It is unreasonable to assume that one
can be sufficiently familiar w ith those w ho are distant and lower in rank
while not being sufficientiy familiar w ith those who are close and with whom
one has repeated contact. It is unreasonable, and yet this was how M arquis
Wen chose his minister. In this he was mistaken, and so Li Kc5s advice to
M arquis Wen was also mistaken. A lthough both were mistaken, the situa
tion is like the relation o f metal to w ood: although metal is flexible, it is still
harder than wood.
19/8.4
孟嘗君問於白圭曰：「魏文侯名過桓公，而功不及五伯，何也？j 白圭
對曰：『文侯師子夏，友田子方，敬段干木，此名之所以過桓公也。卜相曰
「成與璜孰可」？此功之所以不及五伯也。相也者，百官之長也。擇者欲
其博也。今擇而不去二人，與用其讎亦遠矣。且師友也者，公可也；戚愛
也者，私安也。以私勝公，衰國之政也。然而名號顯榮者，三士羽之也。 J
The Lord o f M engchang inquired o f Bai Gui, ^Why is it that the repu
tation o f M arquis Wen o f Wei exceeds that o f Duke H uan o f Q i but his
accomplishments do no t equal those o f the Five Lords-Protector?55
^Marquis Wen took Zixia as his teacher, befriended Tian Zifang, and
respected D uangan M u, and this is why his reputation exceeds that o f Duke
H uan. In divining about w ho should be m inister he asked, (W ho is m ore
suitable, C heng o r H u a n g ?5 and this is why his accomplishments do n o t
equal those o f the Five Lords-Protector. The prime m inister is the chief o f
the hundred offices. W hen a ruler seleas him, he should w ant to search
broadly, b ut in making his choice. M arquis Wen did no t reach beyond tw o
m en —this is a far cry from Duke H uan, w ho employed his enemy. M ore
over, M arquis Wen, in choosing his teacher and friends, acted for the public
good; b ut in choosing ä relative and favorite as his prime minister, he acted
on the basis o f his personal interests. To allow purely personal interests to
trium ph over public interests is the sort o f policy that will bring a state into
decline. Nonetheless, M arquis Wen5s reputation is em inent and glorious,
and this was because the three scholar-knights carried it higher.55
19/8.5
甯戚欲干齊桓公，窮困無以自進，於是爲商旅將任車以至齊，暮宿於郭
門之外。桓公郊迎客，夜開門，辟任車，爝火甚盛，從者甚眾。甯戚飯牛
居車下，望桓公而悲，擊牛角疾歌。桓公聞之，撫其僕之手曰：「異哉！之
歌者非常人也。』命後車載之。桓公反，至，從者以請。桓公賜之衣冠，
將見之。甯戚見，說桓公以治境內。明日復見，說桓公以爲天下。桓公大
說，將任之。群臣爭之曰：「客，衛人也。衛之去齊不遠，君不若使人問
之，而固賢者也，用之未晚也。《
I 桓公曰：「不然。問之，患其有小惡，以
人之小惡，亡人之大美，此人主之所以失天下之士也已。』凡聽必有以矣。
今聽而不復問，合其所以也。且人固難全，權而用其長者。當〔
此〕4舉也，
桓公得之矣。
4. Bi Yuan, XuWciyu, Chen Qiyou; H N Z ^X inxu parallels.
N ing Qi wished to seek office from Duke H uan o f Qi, but being w ith
o u t resources, he lacked the means to have himself recommended. H e there
upon got himself to Qi as the driver o f a cart bearing goods for merchants.
T hat night he lodged outside an outer-wall gate. Since Duke H uan was to
come to the outskirts o f the city to welcome guests, the gate opened that
night and N ing Qi moved his cart ou t o f the way. The entire area was filled
w ith the light o f torches, and the duke5s attendants form ed a great throng.
N ing Q i fed his ox and rested beneath his cart. Gazing at Duke H uan, he
felt melancholy, and so, tapping on the ox5s horns, he sang w ith great agita
tion. Duke H uan heard the song, and restraining the hands o f his driver, he
said, ccH o w strange! T hat is no t the song o f an ordinary m an.55The duke
then ordered a rear carriage to bring N ing Q i along.
Duke H uan then turned back tow ard the city, and when he arrived at
court, his followers asked him w hat he w anted done w ith N ing Qi. Duke
H uan had bestowed on him a robe and cap and then granted him an audience.
W hen N ing Qi came for the audience, he offered Duke H uan a persua-
sion about how to achieve order within his borders. At ä second audience
the following day, he offered Duke H uan a persuasion about how to deal
w ith the entire world. Duke H uan was greatiy pleased and planned to ap-
point N ing Q i to office. H is various ministers argued w ith him about this,
saying, cT h e guest is a native o f Wey. Since Wey is but a short distance from
Qi, it w ould be best to send someone there to make inquiries about him. If
it turns o u t that he is worthy, it will n o t be too late to employ him .55
ccN o t so,55said Duke H uan. <cIf we make inquiries about him, I fear he
will have some m inor flaw. It is by allowing ä m an’s m inor flaws to cause
one to lose sight o f his great attributes that we miss obtaining the scholar-
knights o f the w orld.55
As a general rule, whenever som eone^ advice is heeded, there m ust be a
reason. I f in this particular case, his advice was heeded and his character was
n o t further investigated, it was because w hat he said was consistent w ith
the thinking o f the listener. Moreover, as it is assuredly difficult for a m an to
be perfect, one should evaluate him in terms o f his strong points. This is the
proper way for the ruler to appoint a man to office—Duke H uan grasped
this principle.
Book 2 0
While chapters i and 2 arc both concerned with the relationship between the Mohist
concept of “benefit” （&•) and the art of ruling, the remaining chapters of Book 20
are only loosely connected to these and to each other in their common concern
with having rulers and their loyal ministers act selflessly and for the gcx>d of the
state and its population.
Chapter 1 opens with a long discourse on the mutual benefits that result from
social organization—this includes a much-noted line about how, in high antiquity
when there were no rulers, people akncw their mothers but not their fathers.55The
chapter then discusses how the institution of rulers was created to bring unity and
benefit to the world. Since, however, "Virtue declined and the world was thrown
into chaos,55 rulers think only to benefit themselves. This introduces two stories
about loyal subjects willing to suffer or die in order to call attention to their rulers
misdeeds. Chapter 2 provides historical examples of how a true knight is willing to
make sacrifices for the sake of winning long-term benefits for the world. The point
of the chapter is to criticize the selfish greed of Chen Wuyu, a grand officer of Qi
who attacked other families in Qi and plundered their wealth.
Since prosperity and failure, as well as life and death, are matters determined
by wfatew(m ing)^ chapter 3 explains, true knights base their decisions, not on what
will benefit them, but on their sense of duty and honor. ccKnowing Crucial Distinc-
tionswtells the stories of several worthies who did what was right even when they
faced ruin or death. A ruler who wishes to attract such righteous knights, the chapter
observes in conclusion, needs to examine his policies of reward and punishment.
Chapter 4 quotes passages from 13/2 concerning the principles of resonance and
causality that seem to hold between athings belonging to the same category.^ To
these passages the chapter adds discussions and stories that show that the opera
tion of principles, with respect to warfare, dictates that the righteous and worthy
arc invincible. Chapter j opens with an analogy between the human body and the
state. Just as illness results when the vital ethers do not circulate freely, so will a
[5 0 9 ]
State suffer myriad catastrophes when ccthe rulers Power docs not circulate or the
people’s desires are frustrated.” To prevent such catastrophes, the ruler needs to
value the eminent knights and loyal ministers willing to reprimand him and thus
break through the impediments that hinder the progress of the state.
Chapter 6 relates a series of stories to make the point that because rulers must
judiciously act out of concern for their people, they must on occasion endure cir-
stances they find personally offensive and distasteful. Thus, for example, King
tolerated Zhou Xin because he knew that the Shang ruler might otherwise
murder him and destroy the Zhou house. The notoriously inept King Min of Qi，
whose self-indulgence resulted in the demise of his state, provides a negative ex
ample. The need for caution, moderation, and humility on the part of rulers is also
the theme of chapter 7. Such virtues will enable the ruler to employ the talented,
win the support of his people, and expand the wealth of his state—all of which lie
at the heart of the Dao of rulership. To ensure that he holds firm to these virtues
and thus eliminates from his person the “arrogance and excessive indulgence” of
the chapter's tide, the ruler should be attentive to the advice of his worthies and
severely punish slanderers and other purveyors of false rumors. The asigns55(biao)
that chapter 8 advises the ruler to observe arc those aspects of a man's behavior that
reveal the true intentions and motivations he works to conceal. A sage is so atten
tive to the indications other people provide in their comportment that he is able to
predict what they will do in the future. The story of Wu Qi, who recognizes the
signs in the behavior of Marquis Wu that portend the demise of Wei, occurs in
identical form in 11/5.
一曰恃君
CH A PTER 1
R E L Y IN G O N R U L E R S
20/1.1
凡人之性，爪牙不足以自守衛，肌膚不足以扞寒暑，筋骨不足以從利辟
害，勇敢不足以卻猛禁焊，然且猶裁萬物，制禽獸，服狡蟲，寒暑燥溼弗能
害，不唯先有其備，而以群聚邪。群之可聚也，相與利之也。利之出於群
也，君道立也。故君道立則利出於群，而人備可完矣。
It is the inborn nature o f all humans that their nails and teeth are insuffi
cient to protect them, their muscles and skin inadequate to ward oflf extremes
o f cold and heat, their sinews and bone insufficient to win them benefit or
save them from harm, their bravery and daring inadequate to repel the fierce
BOOK 20 S n
and restrain the violent. Despite all this, hum ans are able to manage the
myriad things, control birds and beasts, subdue noxious things and poison
ous pests, and keep cold, heat, drought, and flcxxl from doing harm. All
this occurs simply because m en can prepare for things in advance, and that
derives from their ability to form societies. They form societies because living
together in groups produces m utual benefit. W hen benefit is prcxiuced from
social organization, the D ao o f rulership is established. Thus, when the
Dao o f rulership is established, benefit derives from social organization and,
as a consequence, it is possible for people to be completely prepared for
these threats.
20/1.2
昔太古嘗無君矣，其民聚生群處，知母不知父，無親戚兄弟夫妻男女之
別，無上下長幼之道，無進退揖讓之禮，無衣服履帶宮室畜積之便，無器
械舟車城郭險阻之備，此無君之患。故君臣之義，不可不明也。自上世以
來，天下亡國多矣，而君道不廢者，天下 ( 之利 G E > 利之 1也。故廢其非君，
而立其行君道者。君道何如？利而 ( 物 G V > 勿2利章。
I. Tao Hongqing, XuWciyu; TPYL quotation. 2. YuYuc.
Long ago5 in great antiquity, there were no rulers, but people lived
together in societies. They knew their m others but not their fathers. There
were no distinctions made between close and distant relatives, older and
younger brothers, husbands and wives, and male and female; no D ao for
dealing w ith superiors and inferiors or older and younger; no rituals gov
erning advancing and w ithdraw ing in court or bowing and yielding; nor
any such conveniences as clothing, shoes, belts, houses, and storehouses;
nor any such facilities as tools and utensils, boats and carts, inner and outer
city walls, or border fortifications. These hardships existed because there
were no rulers. Accordingly, wc cannot but make clear the moral principles
that govern the relations between lord and minister.
From highest antiquity dow n to the present, the w orld has seen many
states perish, yet the D ao o f rulership has n o t been abandoned because it is
o f benefit to the world. Therefore, lords w ho were not true lords have been
abandoned but those w ho practiced the D ao o f rulership have been estab
lished. W hat is the art o f ruling? It is taking ^benefiting w ithout deriving
benefit55as onc5s standard.
20/1.3
( 非 G E > 渭3濱之東，夷、穢之鄕，大解、陵魚、（
其 G E > 共〔
人〕4、鹿
野、搖山、揚島、大人之居，多無君；揚、漢之南，百越之際，敝凱諸、夫
風、餘靡之地，縛婁、陽禺、驩兜之國，多無君；氐、羌、呼唐、離水之
西，焚人、野人、篇笮之川，舟人、送龍、突人之鄕，多無君；臈門之北，
鹰隼、所鶩、須窺之國，饕餮、窮奇之地，叔逆之所，儋耳之居，多無君；
此四方之無君者也。其民麋鹿禽獸，少者使長，長者畏壯，有力者賢，暴
傲者尊，日夜相殘，無時休息，以盡其類。聖人深見此患也，故爲天下長
慮，莫如置天子也；爲一國長慮，莫如置君也。置君非以阿君也，置天子
非以阿天子也，置官長非以阿官長也。德衰世亂，然後天子利天下，國君
利國，官長利官，此國〔
之〕5所以遞興遞廢也，亂難之所以時作也。故忠臣
廉士，內之則諫其君之過也，外之則死人臣之義也。
3. Chen Qiyou. 4. LüTiaoyang, Chen Qiyou. 5. XuWciyu.
For the m ost part, there are no lords to the east o f the banks o f the Wei,
in the villages o f the Yi H ui barbarians, and in the dwelling places o f the
Dajic, the Lingyu, the G ong people, the Luye, the Yaoshan, the Yangdao,
and the Giants. For the m ost part, there are no rulers to the south o f the
Yang and H an rivers, in the confederation o f the H undred Yue tribes, in the
territories o f Bikaizhu, Fufeng, and Yumi, and in the states o f Fulou, Yangyu,
and H uandou. For the m ost part, there are no rulers to the west o f the Di
and Qiang barbarians, and the H utang and Li rivers, am ong the streams o f
the Bo people, the savages, and the Pianzuo, and in the villages o f the Zhou
people, the Songlong, and the Tu people. For the m ost part, there are no
rulers to the north o f Yanmen, in the states o f Yingshun, Suozhi, and Xukui,
in the territories o f Taotie and Q iongqi, in the locale o f Shuni, and in the
dwelling place o f Daner. It is in these four regions that there are no rulers.
Their people are like the deer, wild birds, and the beasts, in that the young
order the old about, the old fear the able-bodied, the strong are the cSvor-
thy，” the violent and arrogant the “honored.” They harm each other day and
night, they never rest, and in this way destroy their ow n kind.
A sage looked deeply into this troubling situation. Pondering long over
how to govern the world, he thought it best to establish the position o f Son
o f Heaven. Pondering long over how to unify the states, he thought it best
to establish a lord. The establishment o f a lord was not done o u t o f partiality
for lords, nor the establishment o f Son o f Heaven o u t o f partiality for the
Son o f Heaven, nor the heads o f office o u t o f partiality for heads o f office.
Only later after Power had declined and the world was throw n into chaos
did the Son o f Heaven benefit from the w orld, the ruler o f a state from his
state, and the head o f an office from that office. This is w hat explains the
rise and fall o f states and the regular occurrence o f periods o f chaos and
difficulty. And it is why loyal ministers and incorruptible scholar-knights
criticize their rulers transgressions and are willing to die for their sense o f
duty.
20/1.4
豫讓欲殺趙襄子，滅鬚去眉，自刑以變其容，爲乞人而往乞於其妻之
所。其妻曰：『
狀貌無似吾夫者，其音何類吾夫之甚也？』又呑炭〔爲啞〕 6以
變其音。其友謂之曰：「子之所道甚難而無功。謂子有志則然矣，謂子智則
不然。以子之材而索事襄子，襄子必近子，子得近而行所欲，此甚易而功
必成。j 豫讓笑而應之曰：「是先知報後知也，爲故君賊新君矣，大亂君臣
之義者無此，失吾所爲爲之矣。凡吾所爲爲此者，所以明君臣之義也，非
從易也。 j
6. C h en Q iy o u ; ZGC parallel.
Yu Rang wanted to kill Viscount Xiang o f Zhao. In order to alter his appear-
ance， he shaved his hair, removed his eyebrows, and scarred his face. Looking
like a beggar, he w ent to beg at his wife5s home. She said, cT o u look nothing
at all like my husband—how is it that your voice very m uch resembles his?55
Yu Rang swallowed burning coals to change his voice to a croak.
An acquaintance said to him, aThe D ao you have chosen is extremely
difficult, yet it prcxluces no results. It w ould be correct to call you willful
but n o t to call you wise. W ith your talents, were you to seek to serve Vis
count Xiang, he w ould certainly make you one o f his intimates. I f you be
came an intim ate, you could realize your desire. It w ould be very easy for
you definitely to achieve results.55
Yu Rang answered him w ith a laugh. ccW hat you propose w ould be to
take vengeance on som eone w ho came to know me later for the sake o f
someone w ho knew me earlier, to m urder a new lord because o f an old lord.
There could be no greater distortion o f the m oral obligations between lord
and m inister than this. Your advice misses entirely w hat I am doing. The
reason I am doing it this way is to make clear the moral obligations be
tween lord and m inister; it is not to follow the easiest course.55
2 〇 /l.5
柱厲叔事莒敖公，自以爲不知，而去居於海上，夏日則食菱芡，冬曰則
食橡栗。莒敖公有難，柱厲叔辭其友而往死之。其友曰：『子自以爲不知故
去，今又往死之，是知與不知無異別也。j 柱厲叔曰：「不然。自以爲不知
故去。今死而弗往死，是果知我也。吾將死之以醜後世人主之不知其臣者
也，所以激君人者之行，而厲人主之節也。行激節厲，忠臣幸於得察。忠
臣察則君道固矣。 J
Z hu Lishu served Duke Ao o f Ju. Because he thought his talents were
n o t recognized, he w ent to live by the sea. In the sum m er he ate water
chestnuts, and in the w inter acorns. W hen Duke Ao was in trouble, Z hu
Lishu bid farewell to his friend and w ent to die for the duke5s cause.
H is friend said, "Tou left because you yourself thought he did not rec
ognize your talents, and now you w ant to go and die for him. If you do
this, you will eliminate the distinction between being recognized and not
being recognized.”
ccN o t so,55 replied Z hu Lishu. aIt is true that I left because he did not
recognize me. N ow if I die w ithout having done this, it w ould show that in
the final analysis he had recognized me for w hat I was. I am going to die for
him to bring ignominy to rulers o f later ages wlio do not recognize the
talents o f their ministers, to stimulate rulers to act properly and to make
their ethical standards more rigorous. W hen proper actions have been so
stimulated and ethical standards made rigorous, loyal ministers will enjoy
the blessing o f careful scrutiny. W hen loyal ministers arc carefully scruti
nized, the D ao o f the lord is made m ore secure.55
二曰長利
CH A PTER 2
L O N G -T E R M B E N E F IT S
20/2.1
天下之士也者，慮天下之長利，而固處之以身若也：利雖倍於今，而不
便於後，弗爲也；安雖長久，而以私其子孫，弗行也。自此觀之，陳無宇
之可醜亦重矣，其與伯成子高、周公旦、（
戎 G E > 式 1夷也，形雖同，取舍
之殊，豈不遠哉？
I. Liang Yushcng.
The scholar-knights o f the w orld consider w hat will produce long-term
benefits for the w orld and steadfastiy secure it w ithin their ow n persons.
They w ould n o t do som ething even though it m ight double the benefits
today if it w ould disadvantage later ages. They w ould no t put into practice
som ething even though it m ight bring long-lasting security if it w ould show
favoritism tow ard their ow n descendants. I f we look at the implications o f
this, the vileness o f Chen W uyu is especially grave. A lthough his bcxlily
form was the same as that o f Bocheng Zigao, the Duke o f Zhou, and Shi Yi,
is he n o t distant from them in terms o f w hat he w ould take and reject?
20/2.2
堯治天下，伯成子高立爲諸侯。堯授舜，舜授禹，伯成子高辭〔
爲〕2諸
侯而耕。禹往見之，則耕在野。禹趨就下風而問曰：「堯 ( 理 T A > 治3天下，
吾子立爲諸侯，今至於我而辭之，〔
其〕4故何也？』伯成子高曰當堯之
時，未賞而民勸，未罰而民畏，民不知怨，不知說，愉愉其如赤子。今賞罰
甚數，而民爭利且不服，德自此衰，利自此作，後世之亂自此始。夫子盍行
乎，無 ( 慮 L C > 留5吾農事。』協而耰，遂不顧。夫爲諸侯，名顯榮，實佚
樂，繼嗣皆得其澤，伯成子高不待問而知之，然而辭爲諸侯者，以禁後世
之亂也。
2. Chen Qiyou; parallelism. 3*Liu Wcntian. 4. Chen Qiyou; Z Z parallel.
5. Chen Qiyou; ZZ^Xinxu parallels.
W hen Yao governed the w orld, Bocheng Zigao was established as one
o f the feudal lords. After Yao had handed the throne over to Shun, and
Shun to Yu, Bocheng Zigao resigned his position as a feudal lord and be
came a farmer. Yu went to see him and found him plowing in the wilds. Yu
m oved quickly, w ith the air o f a subordinate, and inquired, c<Sir, when Yao
governed the world, you were established as a feudal lord, but now that it
has come to me, you have resigned your position. W hy is th a t?55
“In the age o f Yao,” Bocheng Zigao replied, “people were encouraged
even though they were never rewarded, and they were fearful though they
were never punished. Knowing neither resentment nor happiness, they were
as docile as new born babies. N ow there arc innumerable rewards and pun
ishments, but the people quarrel over profit and refuse to subm it. It is with
this that Power begins its decline, that the search for profit arises, and that
the chaos o f later ages begins. W hy do you not let me be, sir? D o no t keep
me from m y farm ing!55H e happily returned to covering his seeds w ith soil
and paid no further attention to Yu.
Feudal lords have glorious reputations and comfortable circumstances,
and their descendants richly benefit from them . Bocheng Zigao needed to
ask no questions to know these things, and yet he declined being a feudal
lord to prevent the chaos o f later ages.
20/2.3
辛寬見魯繆公曰：「臣而今而後知吾先君周公之不若太公望封之知也。
昔者太公望封於營丘，之渚海阻山 ( 高 )6險固之地也，是故地日廣，子孫彌
隆。吾先君周公封於魯，無山林谿谷之險，諸侯四面以達，是故地日削，
子孫彌殺。』辛寬出，南宮括入見。公曰：「今者寬也非周公，其辭若是
也。《
I 南宮括對曰：「寬少者，弗識也。君獨不聞成王之定成周之說乎？其
辭曰：「惟余一人，營居于成周。惟余一人，有善易得而見也，有不善易得
而誅也。」故曰善者得之，不善者失之，古之道也。夫賢者豈欲其子孫之
阻山林之險以長爲無道哉？小人哉寬也！』今使燕爵爲鴻鵠鳳皇慮，則必
不得矣。其所求者，瓦之閒隙，屋之翳蔚也；與一舉則有千里之志，德不
盛、義不大則不至其郊。7 愚庳之民，其爲賢者慮，亦猶此也。固妄誹訾，
豈不悲哉？
6. Chen Qiyou. 7*Sun Qiangming, Chen Qiyou; textual lacuna here.
Xin Kuan had an audience w ith Duke M u o f Lu, to w hom he said,

aH enceforth I will know that our form er lord the Duke o f Z hou was no t as
wise as Grand Duke Wang when it came to knowing how to get a good fief.
In the past, G rand Duke W ang was enfeoffed at Yingqiu, which w ith its
protecting sea and barrier m ountains is an easily defended land. This is why
the territory o f Qi expands every day and the G rand Duke5s descendants
flourish ever more. O ur form er lord the Duke o f Z hou was enfeoffed at Lu ，
which lacks the protection o f forested mountains and deep gorges, and gives
easy access from all four directions to the other feudal lords. This is why the
territory o f Lu decreases daily and the descendants o f the Duke o f Z hou
diminish ever more.”
W hen Xin Kuan departed, N angong Gua entered for an audience and
the duke said to him, ccJust now Kuan condem ned the Duke o f Zhou, and
his words seem correct to m e.55
“Kuan is young，” said N angong Gua, “and does n o t understand things.
Is your lordship the only person w ho has not heard about King Cheng^s
speech when he settled Chcngzhou? H is words were these: T ruly it is I, the
O ne M an, w ho fortifies and builds residences at Chcngzhou. Truly I, the
O ne M an, will see to it that my good points are easily recognized and my
bad ones easily condem ned.5Hence, it is said, T h e good succeed and the
bad fail is an ancient principle.5 Now, how could the w orthy wish their
descendants to be cut off by forested m ountains and thus live long in a
condition o f doing immoral things? W hat a petty man is K uan!55
Now, if swallows and sparrows were allowed to make plans for geese
and phoenixes, their plans w ould inevitably fail. Swallows and sparrows
seek a small crevice in a ro o f tile or a space beneath the eaves o f the house ，
whereas geese and phoenixes aspire to travel a thousand li in a single flight.
I f your Power is n ot full and your sense o f rightness not great, then you will
n o t reach even the suburbs. To perm it the stupid and base to plan for the
worthy is the same as this. Is not obstinate and wicked slander to be lamented?
20/2.4
( 戎 G E > 式8夷違齊如魯，天大寒而後門，與弟子一人宿於郭外，寒愈

甚，謂其弟子曰：「子與我衣，我活也；我與子衣，子活也。我國士也。爲
天下惜死；子不肖人也，不足愛也。子與我子之衣。』弟子曰：「夫不肖人
也，又惡能與國士之衣哉？』（
戎 G E > 式 8夷太息歎曰：「嗟乎！道其不濟
夫。』解衣與弟子，夜半而死，弟子遂活。謂 ( 戎 G E > 式8夷其能必定一世，
則未之識；若夫欲利人之心，不可以加矣。達乎〔
死生之〕
9分，仁愛之心(識
G E > 誠 1(>也，故能以必死見其義。
8. Liang Yushcng (see n. 1). 9. Sun Qiangming. 10. Sun Qiangming, Chen Qiyou.
W hen Shi Yi departed Qi and traveled to Lu, the weather was extremely
cold. Since he arrived at Lu after the gates had been closed, he and a disciple
were forced to spend the night outside o f the walls. As the cold got even
worse, Shi Yi said to his disciple, aIf you give me your clothes, I will sur
vive; if I give you mine, you will survive. I am a scholar-knight o f use to the
state whose death would be m ourned by the world. You are an unw orthy
m an whose life is not w orth cherishing. You should give me your clothes.55
<cH ow could one so unw orthy be allowed to give his clothes to a scholar-
knight o f state?55asked the disciple.
Shi Yi sighed deeply, wAlas! The D ao may not succeed!55
A t that, he took off his clothes and gave them to his disciple. By m id
night he was dead, and the disciple survived.
It will never be known w hether we should call Shi Yi a man definitely
capable o f settling a single age. In that his m ind was governed by his desire
to benefit others, he cannot be surpassed. Because he fully understood the
crucial distinction between life and death and because his humane and com-
passionate feelings were genuine, he was able to use his certain death to
make manifest his sense o f duty.
三曰知分
CH A PTER 3
K N O W IN G C R U C IA L D IS T I N C T I O N S
2 0 / 3.1
達士者，達乎死生之分。達乎死生之分，則利害存亡弗能惑矣。故晏子
與崔抒盟而不變其義；延陵季子，吳人願以爲王而不肯；孫叔敖三爲令尹
而不喜，三去令尹而不憂；皆有所達也。有所達則物弗能惑。
Intelligent scholar-knights fully understand the crucial distinction be
tween life and death and, having this understanding, cannot be confounded
as to the difference between benefit and harm or survival and ruin. Hence,
M aster Yan Ying made a covenant w ith Gui Z hu w ithout altering his sense
o f propriety. As for Jizi o f Yanling, tfie people o f W u hoped to make him
king, but he was unwilling to accept. Sunsliu Ao thrice held the position o f
prime minister but felt no joy because o f it, and thrice he left the office and
felt no regret. All o f these m en had full understanding, and so things could
n o t confound them.
20/3.2
( 荆 T A > 楚有次非者，得寶劍于干遂，還反涉江，至於中流，有兩蛟夾
繞其船。次非謂舟人曰：「子嘗見兩蛟繞船能兩活者乎？』船人曰：「未之
見也。』次非攘臂袪衣拔寶劍曰：「此江中之腐肉朽骨也。棄劍以全己，余
奚愛焉！』於是赴江刺蚊，殺之而復上船，舟中之人皆得活。（荆 TA > 楚王
聞之，仕之執圭。孔子聞之曰：『夫善哉！不以腐肉朽骨而棄劍者，其次非
之謂乎？j
A man from C hu named Ci Fei obtained a precious sw ord at Gansui.
O n his way home, he had to ford the Yangzi and at midstream a pair o f scaly
flood-dragons closely encircled his boat. Ci Fei said to the boatm an， “W hen
you have in the past seen these two scaly flood-dragons closely encircling
your boat, have both the dragons and your passengers survived?55
aI have never seen them before,55 answered the boatm an. Ci Fei then
laid bare his arms and pulled up his clothes. Drawing out his sword, he
declared, 'T h is body o f mine may become rotting flesh and decaying bones
floating in the Yangzi, but if by losing my sword I keep myself intact, why
should I begrudge its loss?” H e thereupon jum ped into the river， stabbed
the scaly flood-dragons and, when he had killed them , climbed back aboard
the boat. All the passengers survived.
W hen the king o f C hu heard about his exploit, he knighted Ci Fei as
“holder o f the jade baton•” W hen Confiicius learned about it， he said ，“Excel-
lent indeed! N o t worrying about becoming rotting flesh and decaying bones
or the risk o f losing his sw ord—w ho but Ci Fei could that refer t o !55
2〇/3.3
禹南省，方濟乎江，黃龍負舟。舟中之人，五色無主。禹仰視天而歎
曰：1■吾受命於天，竭力以養 ( 人 T A > 民 1 。生，性也；死，命也。余何憂於
龍焉？』龍俛 ( 耳 G E > 首 2低尾而逝。則禹達乎死生之分，利害之經也。
I. Jiang Wciqiao; Tang taboo. 2. Chen Qiyou.
A. Yu was making a tour o f inspection o f the south. Just when he was

fording the Yangzi, a yellow dragon lifted his boat upon its back. All the pas
sengers turned five different colors. Yu lcx>ked up towards Heaven and sighed,
“Having received the Mandate from Heaven,

I have expended all my energy in nourishing the people.
Life is a matter of human nature, death a matter of fate.
What have I to fear from a dragon?”
The dragon hung its head dow n, dropped its tail, and slithered off. Thus,
Yu fully imderstcx>d the difference between death and life and the constant
principles o f benefit and harm.
凡人物者，陰陽之化也。陰陽者，造乎天而成者也。天固有衰 ( 嗛 G V > 歉 3
廢伏，有盛盈 ( 蚣 L C > 蕃4息；人亦有困窮屈匮，有充實達遂；此皆天之容、
物〔
之〕s理也，而不得不然之數也。古聖人不以感私傷神，俞然而以待耳。
3. MaXulun. 4 - Chen Qiyou. 5- Tan Jicfu, Yang Shuda.
B. As a general principle, humans and things are produced by the trans

formations o f the Yin and Yang. The Yin and Yang are created by Nature. In
Nature there definitely is decline, d e fic ie n t decrease, and demise, as well
as flourishing, surplus, increase, and reproduction. Similarly, hum ans expe
rience trouble, failure, exhaustion, and insufficiency, as well as fullness, frui
tion, mastery, and success. All o f these are principles o f N ature embracing
all things， enumerations o f w hat m ust be so. The ancient sages did not allow
their personal feelings to harm their spirits but instead quietly awaited w hat
was to be.
20/3.4
晏子與崔抒盟，其辭曰：「不與崔氏而與公孫氏者受其不祥。』晏子俛
而飮血，仰而呼天曰：『不與公孫氏而與崔氏者受此不祥。』崔抒不說，直
兵造胸，句兵鉤頸，謂晏子曰：「子變子言，則齊國吾與子共之；子不變子
言，則今是已。《
I 晏子曰：『崔子！子獨不爲夫詩乎？《詩》曰：「莫莫葛
萬，延于條枚，凱弟君子，求福不回。」嬰且可以回而求福乎？子惟之
矣。』崔抒曰：「此賢者，不可殺也。』罷兵而去。晏子援綏而乘，其僕將
馳，晏子 (無 S F > 撫 ( 良 )6其僕之手曰：「安之！毋失節。疾不必生，徐不必
死。鹿生於山而命懸於廚。今嬰之命，有所懸矣。』晏子可謂知命矣。命
也者，不知所以然而然者也，人事智巧以舉錯者不得與焉。故命也者，就
之未得，去之未失。國士知其若此也，故以義爲之決而安處之。
g was to make the covenant w ith Cui Zhu, the

text said: “I f I am not allied with the Cui family but w ith the ducal family o f
Qi, may I suffer m isfortune.55Yan Ying lowered his head and spread blood
across his m outh, then raising his head, called o u t to Heaven: aIf I am not
allied w ith the ducal family o f Qi but w ith the Cui family, let me suffer
m isfortune•”
Cui Z hu was very displeased. H e pointed the tip o f a lance at Yan Yin^s
breast and placed the crook o f a halberd across his neck, saying to Yan Ying,
ccI f you change your words, I will share the state o f Qi w ith you, but if you
do n ot change them , all is finished w ith you.55
ctO h, M aster C ui,55replied Yan Ying, ccare you the only one w ho has not
studied the Odes} The Odes says,
Oh, so flourishing is the clinging vine,

It spreads to the trunk of the pomelo.
Oh, so kindly is the gentleman,
In seeking fortune he does not swerve.
[S/w， “D a Ya，” “H a n lu ，” M ao 239]
Can I swerve for the sake o f seeking fortune? You should consider this.55
"This m an is a worthy,55said Cui Zhu, aand so should not be killed.55H e
then pu t dow n his weapons and left.
Yan Ying then grabbed the m ounting strap and climbed aboard his
chariot. His driver was about to rush off when Yan Ying restrained the drivers
hand. ccTake it easy! We do n o t w ant to forget the proper decorum . H urry
ing does n o t ensure my survival, and going slow does n o t mean I will die.
The deer born in the m ountains is fated to end up hanging in the butchers
shop. M y fate declares where it is I shall be hanging.55
Yan Ying can properly be said to have “understood fate.” Fate is the way
things turn o u t though we do n o t know the reason w hy they do. In carry
ing o u t their duties, m en may employ their wisdom and cunning when
they propose to do som ething or desist from action, but this can have no
affect on their fate. Following a particular line o f action will never lead one
to realize it, and avoiding another will n o t cause one to elude it. A scholar-
knight o f the state knows that it is like this and so uses his sense o f duty to
make his decisions, then rests secure.
20/3.5
白圭問於鄒公子夏后啓曰：「踐繩之節，四上之志，三晉之事，此天下
之豪英。以處於晉，而迭聞晉事。〔
今處於鄒〕
7 ，未嘗聞踐繩之節，四上之
志，願得而聞之。j 夏后啓曰：『鄙人也，焉足以問？』白圭曰：「願公子
之毋讓也。』夏后啓曰：「以爲可爲，故爲之；爲之，天下弗能禁矣。以爲
不可爲，故釋之；釋之，天下弗能使矣。』白圭曰：「利弗能使乎？威弗能
禁乎？j 夏后啓曰：「生不足以使之，則利曷足以使之矣？死不足以禁之，
則害曷足以禁之矣？《
I 白圭無以應。夏后啓辭而出。凡使賢不肖異：使不
肖以賞罰，使賢以義。故賢主之使其下也必〔
以〕8 義，〔
必〕8審賞罰，然後賢
不肖盡爲用矣。
7. Chen Qiyou; parallelism. 8. Xu Wciyu; Q S Z T quotation.
Bai G ui inquired o f the Z ou prince Xiahou Qi, <cThe m ost heroic deeds
in the world are the discipline o f walking the marking line, the determination
o f the people o f the Four Superior States, and the partition o f Jin into three
states. Because I lived in Jin, I am very familiar w ith the events surrounding
its partition, but now that I live in Zou, I have still no t learned about the
discipline o f walking the marking line or the determ ination o f the people o f
the Four Superior States. I hope to learn about these.55
Xiahou Qi responded, uBeing a rustic, how can I have learned o f these
things?”
ttI hope that you, sir, will n o t to decline to teach me ou t o f modesty.55
ccLet the fact that you consider som ething right be the reason you do it,
then the whole world cannot prevent you from doing it. Let the fact that
you consider som ething w rong be the reason you give it up, then the whole
world cannot force you to do it.55
“Can profit n ot induce you to do it， and coercion no t stop you?”
ccI f life is n ot sufficient to induce you to do it, how could profit be? If
death is inadequate to prevent you from doing it, how could harm be?55
Bai Gui could not respond. Xiahou Qi took his leave and exited.
It is a general rule that one uses different means in getting the w orthy
and the unw orthy to act. You can induce the unw orthy to do som ething
w ith rewards and punishm ents, but you m ust use moral principles to in
duce the worthy. Therefore, w hat the w orthy leader uses to induce his sub
ordinates are necessarily moral principles, and w hat he m ust examine atten-
tively are matters o f reward and punishm ent. Only then will he be able to
make full use o f both the w orthy and the unworthy.
四曰召類
CH A PTER 4
N A T U R A L A T T R A C T IO N S B E T W E E N T H I N G S
20/4.1
類同相召，氣同則合，聲比則應。故鼓宮而宮應，鼓角而角動；以龍致
雨，以形逐影。禍福之所自來，眾人以爲命，焉 ( 不 Y 知其所 ( 由 Y 。故國亂
非獨亂，（
有 G V > 又2必召寇。獨亂未必亡也，召寇則無以存矣。
I. Wang Niansun; commentary entered into text. 2. Bi Yuan.
Things belonging to the same category naturally attract each other; things
that share the same ethers naturally join together; and musical notes that
are close naturally resonate w ith one another. Thus, strike the notc^fon^ on
one instrum ent, and other strings tuned to the notc£[〇nß will respond, or
strike the note jue^ and the other strings tuned to the note jue will vibrate.
Use the dragon to bring rain,

Use a form to pursue a shadow.
The natural occurrence o f fortune and m isfortune is considered by the

masses to be a m atter o f destiny; but how could they know its true source?
Hence, when a state is in disorder, it docs no t merely remain in disorder but
attracts bandits. Were it only to remain disordered, it would n o t necessarily
perish; but since it attracts bandits, there is no means by which it could
20/4.2
凡兵之用也，用於利，用於義。攻亂則服，服則攻者利；攻亂則義，義
則攻者榮。榮且利，中主猶且爲之，（
有 G V > 又3況於賢主乎？故割地寶器
，（
戈劍 )4卑辭屈服，不足以止攻，唯治爲足。治則爲利者不攻矣，爲名者
不伐矣。凡人之攻伐也，非爲利則固爲名也。名實不得，國雖彊大，則無
爲攻矣。
3. Bi Yuan. 4. Yang Shuda; 13/2.3 parallel.
The general rule for the employm ent o f the military is that it should be
used for profit and the morally right. If one attacks the disorderly, they will
subm it, and when they subm it, the attack will have produced profit. I f one
attacks the disorderly, one acts morally, and as a moral act, the attack will
have resulted in glory. I f even ordinary rulers secure profit as well as glory
from acting this way, how much more is this true o f the worthy ruler! Hence,
ceding territory, offering treasured vessels, apologizing humbly, and bowing
in submission are no t enough to prevent an attack. O nly order can accom
plish that. I f a state is well-ordered, those w ho seek profit and those w ho
look for fame will not make campaigns o f chastisement against it. As a general
rule, attacks and chastisements, if no t undertaken for the sake o f profit, are
assuredly for the sake o f reputation. I f reputation in tru th cannot be made,
then although the state is strong and large, there is no basis for it to attack.
20/4.3
兵所自來者久矣：堯戰於丹水之浦，以服南蠻；舜卻苗民，更易其俗；
禹攻曹魏，〔
啓伐〕
5屈驚有扈，以行其敎；三王以上，固皆用兵也。亂則
用，治則止。治而攻之，不祥莫大焉。亂而弗討，害民莫長焉。此治亂之
化也，文武之所由起也。文者愛之徵也，武者惡之表也。愛惡循義，文武
有常，聖人之元也。譬之若寒暑之序，時至而事生之。聖人不能爲時，而
能以事適時。事適於時者其功大。
5. TanJicfii, Chen Qiyou.
The history o f warfare is long indeed. Yao did battle on the banks o f the
Cinnabar River in order to force the Southern M an to submit. Shun pushed
back the M iao people and changed their customs. Yu attacked the ancient
states o f Cao and Wei, and Qi attacked Q u5ao and the H u in order to spread
their civilizing influence. The Three Kings and those w ho preceded them
all assuredly used th d r weapons. W hen there was disorder， they used them ;
when there was order, they stopped. There is no greater cause o f misfor
tune than to attack w hat is well-ordered, and there is no harm to the people
m ore enduring than failing to assault disorder. These are the perm utations
o f order and chaos from which the civil and the military matters arise. Civil
matters are expressions o f love; military matters are visible signs o f hate.
T hat love and hate accord w ith moral principles and that there is constancy
in civil and military are fundam ental for a sage. It is analogous to the sea
sonal succession o f heat and cold. W hen the season comes, its activities are
produced. The sage is incapable o f making a season, but he is able to m atch
his activities to the season. W hen ä person’s activities m atch the season, his
accomplishments are great.
20/4.4
(士 G E > 工 7尹池爲 ( 荆 T A > 楚使於宋，司城子罕觴之。南家之牆，辇於
前而不直；西家之潦，徑其宮而不止。（
士 G E > 工6尹池問其故。司城子罕
曰：F南家，工人也，爲鞔者也。吾將徙之。其父曰：「吾恃爲鞔以食三世
矣。今徙之，是宋國之求鞔者不知吾處也。吾將不食。願相國之憂吾不食
也。」爲是故，吾弗徙也。西家高，吾宮庳，潦之經吾宮也利，故弗禁
也。』（士 G E > 工6尹池歸 ( 荆 T A > 楚，（
荆 T A > 楚王適興兵而攻宋。（
士
G E > 工6尹池諫於 ( 荆
T A > 楚王曰：「宋不可攻也。其主賢，其相仁。賢者
能得民，仁者能用人。（荆 T A > 楚國攻之，其無功而爲天下笑乎！』故釋宋
而攻鄭。孔子聞之曰：「夫脩之於廟堂之上，而折衝乎千里之外者，其司城
子罕之謂乎？《
I 宋在三大萬乘之間。子罕之時，無所相侵，邊境四益，相
平公、元公、景公以終其身，其唯仁且節與？故仁節之爲功大矣。（
故 TV>
用 G E > 周7明堂茅茨蒿柱，土階三等，以見節儉。
6. Shôkôcn Usai, Chen Qiyou; TFTL 490. 7. Jiang Weiqiao.
D irector o f Works Chi was the C hu emissary to Song. Director o f the

City Walls, Prince H an welcomed him w ith a drinking party at his hom e. A
wall belonging to Prince H an5s neighbors to the south protruded onto his
property, but he did not try to make his neighbors straighten the wall. The
drainage ditch from his neighbor to the west drained through his courtyard
but he did n ot stop it. Director o f Works Chi asked the reason for this.
Prince H an replied, aM y neighbors to the south are artisans w ho make
B O O K 20 525
shoes. W hen I was about to move them , the elder o f the family said to me,
cWe have depended on m aking shoes for our livelihood for three genera
tions. I f you move us, those in Song w ho w ant shoes will n o t know where
to find us and we will have no living. I hope the prime m inister o f our state
will be concerned over our having no livelihood.5For this reason I did not
move them. The property o f my neighbor to the west is high, while m ine is
low. T hat his drainage ditch passes through my property is o f benefit to me,
so I have n o t prohibited it.”
D irector o f Works Chi returned to C hu just as the king o f C hu was
raising an army to attack Song. Director o f Works Chi rem onstrated with
the king, saying, aSong cannot be attacked. Its leader is worthy, and its
prime m inister hum ane. A w orthy m an can win the people, and a hum ane
one can employ others. I f C hu attacks them , it will surely be unsuccessful
and furtherm ore will become an object o f ridicule for the entire world.55
Therefore the king gave up on Song and attacked Zheng.
W hen Confucius learned o f this, he said, aO ne w ho puts his courtyard
in good repair and causes enemies to be hum iliated and plundered a th o u
sand li away—does this n o t describe Prince H an?55
Song was located in the m idst o f three great ten-thousand-chariot states,
but in the time o f Prince H an it suffered no encroachment from them; instead,
its borders increased in all four directions. Prince H an served as m inister to
Duke Ping, Duke Yuan, and Duke Jing and lived the full life fated for him.
Was he not both hum ane as well as frugal? Hence, the achievements o f the
hum ane and frugal are great. The ro o f o f the Z hou dynasty Hall o f Light
that is made o f thatch, its pillars that are made o f artemisia, and its earthen
stairways that have three steps are all m eant to exemplify frugality.
20/ 4.5
趙簡子將襲衛，使史默往睹之，期以一月，六月而後反。趙簡子曰：
「
何其久也？』史默曰：F謀利而得害，猶弗察也？今蘧伯玉爲相，史鰌佐
焉，孔子爲客，子貢使令於君前，甚聽。《易》曰：「渙其群，元吉。」渙
者，賢也；群者，眾也；元者，吉之始也；渙其群元吉者，其佐多賢也。 j
趙簡子按兵而不動。
A. Viscount Jian o f Zhao was about to make a surprise attack on Wey,
and so he sent Scribe M o to go and spy on Wey and to return in exactly one
m onth. When Scribe M o returned only after six m onths, Viscount Jian asked
him, “W hy did you take so long?”
aHave you still not investigated the principle that while you plan for
profit you encounter harm? Now, Q u Boyu is minister o f Wey and Scribe
Q iu assists him. Confucius is a retainer there, and Zigong carries out orders
in the presence o f the lord. All are very m uch heeded. The Changes says:
cThe swelling is surely a crowd. Primal. G ood fortune.5dw elling5refers to
the worthy. ^Crowd5means a m ultitude, T rim al5refers to the beginning o f
good fortune. So the line cThe swelling is surely ä crowd. Primal. G ood
fortune5refers to the many w orthy men w ho assist the governm ent o f Wey.55
Viscount Jian o f Zhao thus kept his troops from moving.
凡謀者，疑也。疑則從義斷事，從義斷事則謀不虧，謀不虧則名實從之。
賢主之舉也，豈必旗債將斃而乃知勝敗哉？察其理而得失榮辱定矣。故三
代之所貴，無若賢也。
B. aAs a general principle, people make plans because they have doubts.55
Since they have doubts, they follow moral principles in deciding a matter.
I f they follow moral principles in deciding a matter, their plans will not fail.
I f they do n o t fail, both reputation and reality will follow from it. W hen it
is the project o f a w orthy leader, why m ust he wait for the banners to tumble
and the generals to die before knowing w ho has w on and w ho lost the
battle? I f he understands the rational principle that governs them , success
or failure, honor or disgrace, can be predeterm ined. Therefore, no one was
held in higher esteem by the Three Dynasties than the worthy.
五曰達鬱
CH A PTER 5
R E M O V IN G B L O C K A G E S
2〇/ 5.I
凡人三百六十節，九竅五藏六府。肌虜欲其比也，血脈欲其通也，筋骨
欲其固也，心志欲其和也，精氣欲其行也，若此則病無所居而惡無由生矣。
病之留、惡之生也，精氣鬱也。故水鬱則爲污，樹鬱則爲蠢，草鬱則爲(蒉
G E > 舊 1 。國亦有鬱。生德不通，民欲不達，此國之鬱也。國鬱處久，則百
惡並起，而萬災叢至矣。上下之相忍也，由此出矣。故聖王之貴豪士與忠
臣也，爲其敢直言而決鬱塞也。
I. Liang Z h o n g zi, Fan G cngyan, Jiang W ciqiao; q u o ta tio n .
B O O K 20 527
As a general rule, hum ans have 360 joints, nine apertures, five reposi
tories, and six storehouses. It is desirable that the skin be taut, the blood
vessels open to free circulation, the sinews and bones hard, the m ind
and will harm onious, and the vital ethers active. If all this is achieved, ill
ness will find no place to lodge, and evil no means to grow. Illness remains
and its malevolence grow s because the vital ethers are blocked. W hen
w ater is blocked, it becomes stagnant; w hen a tree is blocked, it becomes
infested w ith w o od-boring insects; w hen a plant is blocked, it w ithers.
States, too, have blockages. W hen the rulers Power does not circulate, or
the peopled desires are frustrated—these are blockages w ithin the state. If
the stated blockages endure, the hundred evils will arise simultaneously,
and the myriad catastrophes will ensue, all at the same tim e• 丁he harm
superiors and inferiors do each other is caused by this. Hence, the reason
that sagely kings value eminent scholar-knights and loyal ministers is because
they dare to speak honestly and thus break through the blockages and
impediments.
20/5.2
周厲王虐民，國人皆謗。召公以吿曰：f 民不堪命矣。』王使衛巫監謗
者，得則殺之。國〔
人〕2莫敢言，道路以目。王喜，以吿召公曰：「吾能弭謗
矣。j 召公曰：「是障之也，非弭之也。防民之口，甚於防川；川壅而潰，
敗人必多。夫民猶是也。是故治川者決之使導，治民者宣之使言。是故天
子聽政，使公卿列士 ( 正 S F > 証 3諫，好學博聞獻詩，矇箴師誦，庶人傳語，
近臣 ( 盡 L C > 進4規，親戚補察，而後王斟酌焉。是以下無遺善，上無過舉。
今王塞下之口，而遂上之過，恐爲社稷憂。』王弗聽也。三年，國人流王
於彘。此鬱之敗也。鬱者，不陽也。周鼎著鼠，令馬履之，爲其不陽也。不
陽者，亡國之俗也。
2. Xu Wciyu, Chen Qiyou; Guoyu and SJ parallels. 3. Chen Qiyou. 4. Xu Wciyu.
K ing Li o f Z h ou w as cruel to the p eop le, and the citizens o f the state all
com plained about him . H u , D uke o f Shao, reported this to the king, saying,
aT he people cannot endure your orders.55T he king then sent a sham an from
W ey to g o and investigate the com plainers and, sh ould he find any, to ex
ecute them . N o on e in the state dared speak, and people on the roads w ou ld
on ly com m unicate their resentm ent w ith their eyes. T he king rejoiced at
this and to ld the D uke o f Shao, <CI can end their com plaints.55
ttW hat you have d on e is to block them , n o t end them . To dam peopled
m ouths is much worse than dam m ing up a stream. W hen the obstruction
in the stream is breached, the harm to the people is certain to be great. The
situation in dealing w ith the people is the same. This is why those w ho
govern streams dig channels to let the water flow, and those w ho govern
people uclear channels55to let them talk. This is why when the Son o f Heaven
is deciding governm ent policies, he allows his dukes, m inisters, grand
officers, and distinguished scholar-knights to offer criticism and present
remonstrances, the learned and erudite to present poems, the blind music
masters to admonish, and the music officials to chant, the commoners to
transm it advice, nearby officials to come forward w ith adm onitions, family
members to correct and examine. Only then does the king determ ine w hat
course he will follow. In this way, nothing g œ d will be overlooked am ong
subordinates, and nothing faulty will be fostered by superiors. Now, your
majesty, since you have shut the m ouths o f your subordinates and continue
w ith your excesses, I fear for the altars o f soil and grain.55King Li w ould not
listen. Three years, later the people banished him to Zhi.
This defeat resulted from blocking. Blocking is contrary to the Yang
principle. The Zhou tripods were decorated w ith rats and then tram pled
upon by horses, because rats are non-Yang. The non-Yang characterizes the
customs o f doom ed states.
2〇/ 5.3
管仲觴桓公。日暮矣，桓公樂之而徵燭。管仲曰：「臣卜其晝，未卜其
夜。君可以出矣。』公不說，曰：4 中父年老矣，寡人與仲父爲樂將幾之？
請夜之。』管仲曰：「君過矣。夫厚於味者薄於德，沈於樂者反於憂；壯而
怠則失時，老而解則無名。臣乃今將爲君勉之，若何其沈於酒也？』管仲
可謂能立行矣。凡行之墮也於樂，今樂而益飭；（
行 G E > 理 5之壞也於貴，
今主欲留而不許。伸志行理，貴樂弗爲變，以事其主，此桓公之所以霸也。
5. Chen Qiyou.
Guan Zhong hosted Duke H uan at a drinking party. As evening fell,

Duke H uan was enjoying himself and had lamps lit. G uan Z hong said,
ttYour subject divined about having the party during the day but n o t about
during the night. Your lordship ought to leave•”
The Duke, being displeased, said, aYou, my Uncle, are old. H ow many
m ore times will we be able to enjoy ourselves together? I ask that we make
a night o f it•”
B O O K 20 529
uM y lord is being excessive. H e w ho makes much o f flavors is slight in

virtue; he w ho is steeped in enjoym ent will end up sad; he w ho is young
and idle misses his opportunity; but one w ho is old and negligent loses his
reputation. Your servant encourages your lordship for his ow n sake. H ow
then can you steep yourself in liquor?55
G uan Z hong may be term ed ""capable o f establishing proper standards
o f conduct.55As a general rule, the demise o f proper conduct derives from
pleasure, for pleasure increases the need to strengthen standards. The sub
version o f reason derives from holding high office. T hat is why Guan Z hong
w ould n o t accede to his rulers desire to remain at the drinking party. Guan
Zhong served his lord by making clear his own convictions and acting accord
ing to reason and not altering these because o f his lord5s high office or his
love o f pleasure. T hat is why Duke H uan became Lord-protector.
20/ 5.4
列精子高聽行乎齊湣王，（
善衣 G E > 著6( 東 G E > 柬 5 ? > 練 7布衣，白縞
冠，顙 ( 推 G V > 頻8之履，特會朝 ( 雨 G E > 兩9袪步堂下，謂其侍者曰：「我
何若？』侍者曰：「
公姣且麗。j 列精子高因步而窺於井，粲然惡丈夫之狀
也，喟然歎曰：4 寺者爲吾聽行於齊王也，夫何阿哉？又況於所聽行乎？j
萬乘之主，人之阿之亦甚矣，而無所鏡，其殘亡無日矣。孰當可而鏡？其
唯士乎！人皆知說鏡之明己也，而惡士之明己也。鏡之明己也功細，士之
明己也功大。得其細，失其大，不知類耳。
6. Xu Wciyu. 7- Chen Qiyou. 8. Zhang Binglin， Gao Heng. 9. Chen Qiyou.
King M in o f Q i acted in accord w ith the advice o f Liejing Zigao. Once,

when Liejing Zigao was dressed in boiled silk clothes, a plain white silk cap,
and shoes w ith pointed toes, at early dawn he purposcflilly walked through
the lower part o f the hall, lifting up his robes w ith both hands. H e asked his
attendant， “H o w do I look?”
‘T o u look charm ing and handsom e ，sir，’’ the attendant replied.
Liejing Zigao then walked to the side o f a well and lcx>ked in; he saw
dearly the visage o f an ugly man. H e sighed and said, U]ust because the
king heeds my advice, my attendant flatters me. H ow m uch more would he
flatter the one w ho heeded my advice?55
For people to flatter the ruler o f a state o f ten thousand chariots would
indeed be m ore harmful, for since he has nothing to use as a mirror, he will
perish in no tim e at all. But w ho should be his mirror? Surely his scholar-
knights! Everyone knows that they are happy to have a m irror reflect their
image but hate having a scholar-knight reflect their image. A m irror that
reflects one’s image provides a m inor service， but a scholar-knight who
reflects one5s image provides a major service. Those w ho retain w hat is
m inor but lose w hat is major fail to see that one thing is the same in kind as
another.
20/ 5.5
趙簡子曰：1■厥也愛我，鐸也不愛我。厥之諫我也，必於無人之所；鐸
之諫我也，喜質我於人中，必使我醜。』尹鐸對曰：「厥也愛君之醜也，而
不愛君之過也；鐸也愛君之過也，而不愛君之醜也。臣嘗聞相人於師，敦
顏而土色者忍醜。不質君於人中，恐君之不變也。』此簡子之賢也。人主
賢則人臣之言刻。簡子不賢，鐸也卒不居趙地，有況乎在簡子之側哉？
Viscount Jian o f Zhao said， “Zhao Jue loves m e， but you, Yin D uo, do
not. W hen Jue reprimands me, it is always in a place where no one else is
present, but when you reprim and me, you enjoy correcting me in the midst
o f others in a way certain to cause me embarrassment.55
Yin D uo replied, aZhao Juc5s love is concerned about my lord5s embar
rassment but n o t about his excesses. M y love is concerned about my lord5s
excesses but n o t about his embarrassment. Your subject once learned the
art o f physiognomy from a master. A person whose facial skin is thick and
the color o f yellow earth can tolerate embarrassment. I f I did n o t correct
my lord in the m idst o f other people, I fear m y lord w ould not change his
ways.”
This shows the worthiness o f Viscount Jian. W hen ä ruler is worthy, his
servants5 words are sharp. If Viscount Jian were n o t worthy, w ould D uo
have been able to remain in Zhao territory, let alone at the side o f the
viscount?
B O O K 20 531
六曰行論
CHA PTER 6
P R O P E R C O N D U C T A N D A S S E S S IN G T H E S IT U A T IO N
20/ 6.1
人主之行與布衣異，勢不便，時不利，事讎以求存。執民之命，執民之
命，重任也，不得以快志爲故。故布衣行此，指於國，不容鄕曲。
The conduct o f a ruler is different from that o f people w ho wear the
clothes o f commoners. W hen the circumstances are not advantageous and
the tim e n o t beneficial, a ruler m ust serve his opponents in order to survive.
H e holds in his hands the fate o f his people. To hold in one5s hands the fate
o f the people is a heavy responsibility, and so he cannot perm it him self to
do as he pleases. Were a com m oner to p u t this into practice, he w ould be
reproved by the nation and no t tolerated even in his native village.
20/ 6.2
堯以天下讓舜。鯀爲諸侯，怒於堯曰：M辱天之道者爲帝，得地之道者
爲三公。今我得地之道，而不以我爲三公。』以堯爲失論。欲得三公。怒
( 甚 G E > 其 1猛獸，欲以爲亂。比獸之角，能以爲城；舉其尾，能以爲旌。
召之不來，（仿佯 G V > 彷徉於野以患帝。舜於是殛之於羽山，副之以吳刀。
禹不敢怨，而反事之，官爲司空，以通水潦，顏色黎黑，步不相過，竅氣
不通，以中帝心。
I. Wang Niansun; Lunhenß parallel.
Yao yielded rule o f the w orld to Shun. G un, w ho was a feudal lord,
angrily said to Yao, uH e w ho obtains the D ao o f Heaven becomes a Sover
eign; he w ho obtains the Dao o f E arth becomes one o f the Three Dukes.
Now , I have got the D ao o f Earth, but this has n o t made me one o f the
Three D ukes•”
G un believed Yao had made an error in his assessment o f things, and he
w anted to become one o f the Three Dukes. H is fierceness and wildness was
roused and he wanted to rebel. Like a wild beast raising its horns, he could
build fortifications [to defend himself], and like an animal raising its tail, he
could plant his banners [as a sign]. H e was sum m oned to court but would
n ot come, and wandered aimlessly about in the wilds to make the Sovereign
worry. Shun, thereupon, had him executed at M ount Yu and dismembered
the corpse w ith a knife from the state o f Wu. Yu, G un5s son, dared not
harbor resentm ent against Shun but, on the contrary, served him, being
appointed m inister o f works in charge o f clearing the water courses. D oing
this work, his complexion turned black, he developed a limp, his bodily
vital ethers w ould n o t flow, and his heart came to m atch that o f his Sover
eign Shun exactiy.
20/6.3
昔者紂爲無道，殺梅伯而醢之，殺鬼侯而脯之，以禮諸侯於廟。文王流
涕而咨之。紂恐其畔，欲殺文王而滅周。文王曰：「父雖無道，子敢不事父
乎？君雖不惠，臣敢不事君乎？孰王而可畔也？』紂乃赦之。天下聞之，以
文王爲畏上而哀下也。《詩》曰：「惟此文王，小心翼翼，昭事上帝，聿懷
多福。 j
Long ago, Z hou Xin acted w ithout the Dao, m urdering the Earl o f Mei
and making m incemeat o f his remains, and executing the M arquis o f Gui
and making dried m eat o f his remains. These meats he presented as ritual
gifts to the feudal lords at the ceremonies in his ancestral temple. King Wen
w ept and wailed over this. Because Z hou Xin feared that King Wen would
rebel, he wanted to m urder him and destroy the house o f Zhou.
King Wen said, '"Although his father should lack the Dao, w ould his son
dare n o t to serve him? A lthough a lord is ungenerous, w ould his servants
dare n o t to serve him? N o m atter how the king acts, is it permissible to
rebel?”
Z hou Xin then pardoned him. W hen the w orld learned o f this they be
lieved that King Wen feared his superiors and pitied his inferiors. An O de
says:
Truly, it is this King Wen
Who is cautious and reverent.
Brightly he served the Supreme Sovereign
And thus could embrace to him self many blessings.
[SW，“Daya，”“Darning,”Mao 236]
20/ 6 .4
齊攻宋，燕王使張魁將燕兵以從焉，齊王殺之。燕王聞之，泣數行而
「
下，召有司而吿之曰：余興事而齊殺我使，請 ( 令 G E > 今2舉兵以攻齊
也。《
I 使受命矣。凡繇進見，爭之曰：「賢主故願爲臣。今王非賢主也，願
辭不爲臣。』昭王曰：「
是何也？』對曰：「
松下〔
之〕3亂，先君以不安，棄
群臣也。王苦痛之而事齊者，力不足也。今魁死而王攻齊，是視魁而賢於
先君。j 王曰：r 諾。 j r 請王止兵。j 王曰：「然則若何？』凡繇對曰：『請
王縞素辟舍於郊，遣使於齊，客而謝焉，曰：「此盡寡人之罪也。大王賢主
也，豈盡殺諸侯之使者哉？然而燕之使者獨死，此弊邑之擇人不謹也。願
得變更請罪。」《
I 使者行至齊。齊王方大飮，左右官實，御者甚眾，因令
使者進報。使者報言燕王之甚恐懼而請罪也，畢，又復之，以矜左右官實。
因乃發小使以反令燕王復舍。此濟上之所以敗，齊國以虛也。七十城，微
田單固幾不反。湣王以大齊驕而殘，田單以即墨城而立功。詩曰：「將欲毀
之，必重累之；將欲踣之，必高舉之。』其此之謂乎？累矣而不毀，舉矣而
不踣，其唯有道者乎！
2. Bi Yuan. 3- Wang Niansun.
W hen Q i attacked Song, King Z hao o f Yan ordered Zhang Kui to lead
an army o f Yan soldiers to ally w ith Qi. The king o f Q i nevertheless mur-
dered him. W hen the king o f Yan learned o f this， his tears flowed proflisely.
H e sum m oned his officials and told them , CCI joined in his undertaking, but
the king o f Cî m urdered my emissary. I ask that you immediately raise troops
w ith which to attack Qi.55
The officials accepted this charge. Fan Yao entered for an audience and
argued w ith the king: ""Because you were a w orthy ruler, I desired to be
your minister. But now I find that your majesty is not a w orthy ruler, and so
I w ant to resign and no longer be your minister.55
^Why is this?55asked King Zhao.
ccD uring the troubles at Songxia, your father, our late lord, was unable
to restore order and rejected all his ministers. Your majesty has suffered
bitterly because o f this, and has been forced to serve Qi, since your strength
was insufficient to do otherwise. Yet now, because Zhang Kui is dead, your
majesty will attack Qi. This is to regard Kui as w orthier than our late lord.”
“Yes，” the king agreed.
“Let your majesty stop the army•”
The king then asked, ccW hat should be our response?55
<CI ask that the king dress in white m ourning clothes and go into seclu
sion in a m ourning shed in the suburbs. W hen that has been done, he should
dispatch an emissary to Qi. This emissary should offer your apology, with
all the politeness o f a guest, saying, cThis is completely the fault o f the O r
phaned M an. But the Great King being a w orthy leader, how could he kill
the emissary o f a feudal lord? Nevertheless, the fact that only the emissary
sent by Yan died means that our unw orthy city did not pick the man with
sufficient care. We hope that you will allow us to change emissaries as a way
o f begging your pardon.’’’
At the very time the emissary arrived in Qi, the king o f Q i was holding
a great feast attended by a large num ber o f favorites, heads o f office, and
attendants. The emissary was perm itted to come into that company to re
port. The emissary reported that the king o f Yan was filled w ith fear and
wished to apologize. W hen the emissary was finished, the king o f Qi had
the m an repeat w hat he had said, thereby to vaunt his ow n glory before the
favorites and officials. Then he sent a m inor emissary w ith the order that
the king o f Yan should return to his palace.
This is the reason Qi was defeated on the banks o f the Ji River and the
country o f Qi became a wasteland. I f it were not for Tian Dan, the seventy
towns taken by Yan would certainly n o t have been recaptured. King M in
died as a result o f his arrogance over the greatness o f Qi, but Tian D an
accomplished som ething w ith a tow n the size o f Jimo. An O de says:
If you wish to destroy it,

You must first pile it up.
If you wish to topple it,
You must first raise it high.
Surely this expresses the point! Only someone w ho possesses the D ao can
pile up things that cannot be destroyed and raise high things that cannot be
toppled.
20/6.5
楚莊王使文無畏於齊，過於宋，不先假道。還反，華元言於宋昭公曰：
「往不假道，來不假道，是以宋爲野鄙也。楚之會田也，故鞭君之僕於孟
諸。請誅之。』乃殺文無畏於揚梁之隄。莊王方削袂，聞之曰：「嘻！j 投
袂而起，履及諸庭，劍及諸門，車及之蒲疏之市，遂舍於郊，興師圍宋九
月。宋人易子而食之，析骨而爨之。宋公肉袒執犧，委服吿病，曰：「大國
若宥圖之，唯命是聽。』莊王曰：「情矣宋公之言也。』乃爲卻四十里，而
舍於盧門之闔，所以爲成而歸也。凡事之本在人主，人主之患，在先事而
簡人，簡人則事窮矣。今人臣死而不當，親帥士民以討其 (故 G E > 敵4 ，
可
謂不簡人矣。宋公〔
委〕5服以病吿而還師，可謂不窮〔
人〕6矣。夫 (舍 G E > 合 7
諸侯於漢陽，而飮至者，其以義進退邪？彊不足以成此也。
4. Chen Qiyou. 5. XuWciyu. 6. Chen Qiyou. 7. Bi Yuan.
W hen King Zhuang o f Chu sent Wen Wuwci to Qi, he passed through
Song w ithout first asking permission to use its roads. W hen he was return
ing, H ua Yuan said to Duke Zhao o f Song, ^W hen he went, he did n o t ask
to use the road, and now when he comes back, he does not ask to use the
road. This is to treat Song as though it were a wilderness. W hen you m et
w ith the king o f C hu to go hunting, he purposefully beat your driver at
M engzhu. I ask that you execute this man.55Consequently Song executed
Wen W uwei on the em bankm ent at Yangliang.
King Z huang was relaxing, w ith his hands in his sleeves, but when he
learned o f the news, he cried o u t in astonishm ent and, drawing his hands
o u t o f his sleeves, arose. His attendants m anaged to get shoes on him only
after he had reached the courtyard, and to give him his sword only after he
reached the gate, and his carriage caught up w ith him only after he had
reached the marketplace at Pushu. Thereafter， he secluded himself in the
suburbs. H e then raised an army and laid siege to Song for nine m onths.
The people o f Song were so hungry, they were forced to eat one anothei^s
children, as well as to stew skeletons that had been dug up.
The duke o f Song stripped him self naked and grasped hold o f a pure-
colored sacrificial victim. H um bling himself, he reported on his stated suf
fering: ccI f your great state can pardon our crimes, truly we shall obey only
your commands.55
ccSincere, indeed, are the words o f the duke o f Song,55said King Zhuang.
H e then had his army withdraw forty li and m ade camp at Lu Gate, where
he made a peace accord. The Chu army returned home.
As a general rule, projects originate w ith the ruler. The problem w ith
leaders is that they put projects first and disregard the needs o f their people.
W hen you disregard the interests o f the people, the project is bound to fail.
Now , w hen a m inister dies unjustly, if the leader personally leads the army
to punish the perpetrators, then he may properly be said ccno t to have disre
garded his people.55It was because the duke o f Song hum iliated himself and
reported on his suffering that the king o f C hu w ithdrew his army. The king
can properly be term ed <ca person w ho did n o t fail.55H is convening the feu
dal lords on the north bank o f the H an River and then offering drink to his
ancestors upon his arrival hom e—this is surely an example o f adhering to
propriety when one goes o u t and returns, is it not? Physical strength alone
is insufficient to accomplish this!
七曰驕恣
CH A PTER 7
O N A R R O G A N C E A N D S E L F -IN D U L G E N C E
20/ 7.1
亡國之主，必自驕，必自智，必輕物。自驕則簡士，自智則專獨，輕物
則無備。無備召禍，專獨位危，簡士壅塞。欲無壅塞必禮士，欲位無危必
得眾，欲無召禍必完備。三者人君之大經也。
The rulers o f states that have perished invariably were arrogant, consid
ered themselves wise, and slighted external things. Being arrogant, they
disregarded scholar-knights; considering themselves wise, they always acted
on their own initiative; slighting external things, they were never prepared.
丁o be unprepared invites catastrophe， to act on your ow n initiative endan-
gers your position, and to slight the scholar-knights is to isolate yourself. If
you desire n o t to be isolated, you m ust treat scholar-knights w ith proper
courtesy; if you w ant your position no t to be endangered, you m ust obtain
the masses; and if you w ant no t to invite catastrophe, you m ust make com
plete preparations. These three are the great canons o f the lord.
20/ 7.2
晉厲公侈淫，好聽讒人，欲盡去其大臣而立其左右。胥童謂厲公曰：^必
先殺三郤。族大多怨，去大族不倡。』公曰：「
諾。』乃使長魚矯殺郤辇、郤
錡、郤至于朝而陳其尸。於是厲公遊于匠麗氏，欒書、中行偃劫而幽之，諸
侯莫之救，百姓莫之哀，三月而殺之。人主之患，患在知能害人，而不知害
人之不當而反自及也。是何也？智短也。智短則不知化，不知化者舉自危。
Because Duke Li o f Jin was profligate, he liked to listen to slander, and
he desired to eliminate all his great ministers and put his favorites in their
place. Xu Tong said to Duke Li, wFirst you m ust kill the three Xi brothers.
Their clan is large and bears you m uch animosity. If you eliminate them ,
they will be unable to oppose you.55
ccYes,55agreed the duke. H e then sent Chang Yuqiao to kill Xi Chou, Xi
Qi, and Xi Zhi at court and to expose their corpses. Thereupon, Duke Li
w ent on an excursion to the Jiangli clan, where Luan Shu and Zhonghang
Yan captured and imprisoned him. N one o f the feudal lords came to his
rescue and none o f the people m ourned his fate. After three m onths, they
killed him.
The problem with rulers lies herein: while they know how to harm others,
they do n ot realize that when they do so unjustly, it will reflect back on
them . W hy do they not realize this? They are shortsighted. If one is short
sighted, one is unaware o f the transform ation o f things. Those w ho are
unaware o f the transform ation o f things, bring danger on themselves w ith
each and every move.
20/ 7.3
魏武侯謀事而當，攘臂疾言於庭曰：「大夫之慮莫如寡人矣！』立有間，
再三言。李悝趨進曰：『昔者楚莊王謀事而當，有大功，退朝而有憂色。左
右曰：「王有大功，退朝而有憂色，敢問其說？」王曰：「仲虺有言，不穀
說之。曰：「諸侯之德，能自爲取師者王，能自取友者存，其所擇而莫如己
者亡。』今以不穀之不肖也，群臣之謀又莫吾及也，我其亡乎？」曰，此
霸王之所憂也，而君獨伐之，其可乎？』武侯曰：「善。《
I 人主之患也，不
在於自少，而在於自多。自多則辭受，辭受則原竭。李悝可謂能諫其君矣，
壹稱而令武侯益知君人之道。
The plans o f M arquis W u o f Wei were invariably right. Once, at court,
he violently thrust his arm o u t o f his sleeve and shouted, ccN one o f the
thoughts o f the grand officers equals those o f the O rphaned M an!55 H e
stood there for a m om ent and then repeated this three times.
Li Kui rushed in and said, “Formerly， King Z huang o f C hu was always
correct in his strategies. H e achieved great things, but when he retired from
court there was a look o f uneasiness on his face. H is attendants asked him,
T o u r majesty has achieved great things; how do you explain the look o f
unease you wear when you retire from court?5The king responded to them ,
cZ hong H ui had a saying o f which I am fond. It goes: “It is characteristic o f
the feudal lords that those w ho are able to choose a teacher become universal
kings, and those able to choose real friends will survive, but those w ho
select people w ho are n o t their equal are doom ed.55 Now, even w ith this
U nw orthy O nc5s lack o f m erit, none o f my assembled ministers offers plans
equal to mine. Am I also doom ed?5 Is it really proper that w hat caused
unease in a Lord-protector should be som ething that my lord brags about?55
“Well spoken，” conceded M arquis Wu.
The problem w ith rulers is, no t that they make too little o f themselves,
but that they make too much. If ä ruler makes too m uch o f himself， then he
rejects what he should accept, and if he does that then the wellspring will
dry up. Li Kui may properly be called a person aable to reprim and his ruler.55
W ith a single reference, he brought Marquis W u to increase his understand
ing o f the Dao o f governing people.
20/7 •
斗
齊宣王爲大室，大益百畝，堂上三百戶。以齊之大，具之三年而未能
成。群臣莫敢諫 ( 王〇 £ > 者 1 。春居問於宣王曰：「( 荆丁八>楚王釋先王之禮
樂而樂爲輕，敢問 ( 荆 T A > 楚國爲有主乎？』王曰：「爲無主。』賢 GE>
朝2臣以千數而莫敢諫，敢問 ( 荆 T A > 楚國爲有臣乎？』王曰：「爲無臣。 j
r 今王爲大室，其大益百畝，堂上三百戶。以齊國之大，具之三年而弗能
成。群臣莫敢諫，敢問王爲有臣乎？』王曰：『爲無臣。j 春居曰：r 臣請
辟矣。』趨而出。王曰：『春子！春子反！何諫寡人之晚也？寡人請今止
之。』遽召掌書曰：『書之：寡人不肖，而好爲大室，春子止寡人。』箴諫
不可不熟。莫敢諫 ( 若 G E > 者3 ，非弗欲也。春居之所以欲之與人同，其所
以入之與人異。宣王微春居，幾爲天下笑矣。由是論之，失國之主，多如
宣王，然患在乎無春居。故忠臣之諫者，亦從入之，不可不慎，此得失之
本也。
I. Chen Q \yo\x\ X inxu parallel. 2. Chen Qiyou; contamination fromGao You commentary.
3. Wang Niansun， YuYue-
Ring Xuan o f Cî built a great palace that occupied m ore than a hundred
mou o f land and whose main hall had three hundred entrances. Even w ith
all the resources o f Qi, the project was still n o t com pleted after three years.
N one o f the officials dared offer remonstrance. C hun Ju asked King Xuan,
ccW hen the king o f C hu forsook the rites and music o f the Form er Kings,
music became inconsequential. I presume to ask w hether you regard the
state o f C hu as having a real ruler?55
ccIt has no real ruler,55responded the king.
aIn C hu the court ministers num ber in the thousands but none dared
offer remonstrance. I presume to ask w hether you think the state o f Chu
has any real ministers?”
“It has no real ministers，” responded the king.
^Now, your majesty is building a great palace that occupies m ore than a
hundred mou o f land and whose main hall has three hundred entrances.
Even w ith all the resources o f Qi, the project is still n o t com pleted after
three years. Yet none o f your assembled ministers dares offer remonstrance.
I presume to ask your majesty w hether he has any real ministers?55
aI have no real ministers,55responded the king.
"Tour servant asks leave to depart,55said C hun Ju and rushed out.
B O O K 20 539
The king called, <cM aster Chun! M aster Chun! Com e back! W hy have
you waited so long to rem onstrate w ith the U nw orthy M an. I ask leave to
halt the project now.55The king immediately sum m oned his scribe and said,
ccW rite this! Being incom petent, I have been fond o f erecting large build
ings. M aster C hun stopped me.55
One cannot but maturely consider the nature o f adm onition and rem on
strance. T hat no one dared reprim and the king was n o t from lack o f desire.
W hat C hun Ju w anted was the same as all the others, bu t how he made his
desire know n to the king was different. I f it were n o t for C hun Ju, King
Xuan w ould have become the laughingstock o f the world. Assessing the
m atter from this point o f view， it w ould seem that m ost rulers w ho lose
their states resemble King Xuan, but their problem lies in the fact that they
lack a C hun Ju. Hence, the remonstrances o f loyal officials are som ething to
which one cannot but be attentive, for this is the root cause o f success and
failure.
20/ 7.5
趙簡子沈鷺徼於河，曰 . • 「吾嘗好聲色矣，而鸞徼致之。吾嘗好宮室臺
榭矣，而鸞徼爲之。吾嘗好良馬善御矣，而鷺徼來之。今吾好士六年矣，
而鷺徼未嘗進一人也，是長吾過而絀〔
吾〕4善也。』故若簡子者，能 ( 後)5以
理督責於其臣矣。以理督責於其臣，則人主可與爲善，而不可與爲非；可
與爲直，而不可與爲枉；此三代之盛敎。
4. Tao H o n g q in g , S u n S h u ch cn g ; q u o ta tio n . 5. C hen Q iy o u ; jg S Z T q u o ta tio n .
W hen Viscount Jian o f Zhao drowned Luan Che in the Yellow River, he
explained, aW hen I was fond o f music and sex, Luan Che provided these
for me; when I was fond o f palaces and terraces, Luan Che made these for
me; when I was fond o f excellent horses and skillful charioteers, Luan Che
brought these to me. N ow I have been fond o f scholar-knights for six years,
but Luan Che has yet to recommend even one. This is to encourage my
excesses and suppress my good qualities.55
Rulers like Viscount Jian therefore have the ability to apply rational prin
ciples in judging their ministers. I f they are able to apply rational principles
in judging ministers, one can accomplish good w ith such a ruler but cannot
do w rong, and one can do w hat is honest but not w hat is crcx>kcd. This is
the m ost splendid lesson to be learned from the Three Dynasties.
54 〇 T H E E X A M IN A T IO N S
八曰觀表
CH A PTER 8
O B S E R V IN G S IG N S
20/8.1
凡論人心，觀事傳，不可不熟，不可不深。天爲高矣，而日月星辰雲氣
雨露未嘗休也；地爲大矣，而水泉草木毛羽裸鱗未嘗息也。凡居於天地之
間、六合之內者，其務爲相安利也，夫爲相害危者，不可勝數。人事皆然。
事隨心，心隨欲。欲無度者，其心無度；心無度者，則其所爲不可知矣。
人之心隱匿難見，淵深難測，故聖人於事〔
觀〕1志焉。聖人之所以過人以先
知，先知必審徵表，無徵表而欲先知，堯、舜與眾人同等。徵雖易，表雖
難，聖人則不可以飄矣，眾人則無道至焉。無道至則以爲神，以爲幸。非
神非幸，其數不得不然。郿成子、吳起近之矣。
I. C hen Q iyou; parallelism .
As a general principle, in judging a m an5s heart, one cannot but thor

oughly consider and deeply examine the things he has done. As lofty as
Heaven is, the sun, m oon, stars, constellations, clouds, ethers, rains, and
dews can never rest. As great as Earth is, the rivers and springs, plants and
trees, furry and feathered creatures, and naked and scaly creatures can never
relax. O f all things that dwell between Heaven and E arth and w ithin the Six
C onjunctions， innumerable are those that strive after security and profit
but produce in their stead harm and danger. A nd in hum an affairs， this
situation obtains. Actions comply w ith the heart, and the heart complies
w ith the desires. If desires lack proper measure, the heart, tex), will lack
proper measure. W hen the heart lacks proper measure, it cannot know what
it should do. The heart o f man is so deeply hidden that it is difficult to see,
and so profoundly deep that it is difficult to gauge. Therefore, the sage
depends upon determ ining the mental factors that m otivate w hat a man
docs. A sage surpasses ordinary m en because he uses foreknowledge. Fore
knowledge invariably involves attentiveness to confirming characteristics
and visible indicators. W ithout confirming characteristics or visible indica
tors, though people m ight want foreknowledge, even Yao and Shun w ould
be the same as ordinary men. How ever easy the confirming characteristics
are to see and however difficult the visible indicators arc to detect, it w ould
be impermissible for the sage to jum p to a conclusion. O rdinary people lack
the D ao to achieve foreknowledge, and since they do, they attribute it to
magic or to luck; but it is not a m atter either o f magic o r o f luck. The tech-
B O O K 20 541
niques o f the sages m ust be as they have been described. Viscount Cheng o f
H o u and W u Q i came very close to them.
20/8.2
邸成子爲魯聘於晉，過衛，右宰穀臣止而觴之，陳樂而不樂，酒酣而送
之以璧，顧反，過而弗辭，其僕曰：「
蟁者右宰穀臣之觴吾子也甚歡，今(侯
L C > 何 2澡過而弗辭？』邸成子曰：「夫止而觴我，與我歡也；陳樂而不樂，
吿我憂也；酒酣而送我以璧，寄之我也。若由是觀之，衛其有亂乎？j 倍
衛三十里，聞甯喜之難作，右宰穀臣死之。還車而臨，三舉而歸。至，使
人迎其妻子，隔宅而異之，分祿而食之，其子長而反其璧。孔子聞之曰：
「夫智可以微謀、仁可以託財者，其郗成子之謂乎！』郿成子之觀右宰穀
臣也，深矣妙矣，不觀其事而觀其志，可謂能觀人矣。
2. Chen Qiyou.
Viscount C heng o f H o u represented Lu on a goodwill mission to Jin.

H is travels took him through Wey, where Youzai Guchen detained and gave
a drinking party in his honor. H e arranged a musical performance that p ro
duced no pleasure. W hen his guest was just becom ing intoxicated, he sent
him on his way w ith the gift o f a jade disk. O n his return trip. Viscount
Cheng passed through Wey again but did not pay a call on the man. His
chariot driver inquired, ccEarlier, Youzai Guchen feted my master and it was
very pleasant. W hy do you now pass by him w ithout paying a call?55
"The reason he detained me and entertained me,55Viscount Cheng re
plied, cSvas that he w anted to be pleasant to me. The reason he arranged for
a musical performance that was no t joyful was to inform me o f his anxiety.
The reason he gave me a jade disk as a parting gift when we were just get
ting intoxicated was that he wanted to entrust it to me. The implication o f
these acts is that there will be chaos in Wey!55
W hen he was thirty li outside o f Wey, he learned that the trouble caused
by N ing Xi had occurred and that Youzai Guchen had died because o f it.
H e had his carriage turn around so that he could go back and m ourn. Only
after weeping three times did he return to his home. After arriving home,
Viscount Cheng sent someone to escort Youzai Guchen5s wife to his home.
H e gave her a separate place in which to dwell, as well as a part o f his salary
on which to live. H e returned the jade disk to Youzai Guchen5s son when he
was fully grown.
W hen Confucius learned o f this he said, "The saying about how the
wise can be told secrets and the hum ane can be entrusted w ith goods surely
refers to Viscount Cheng o f H o u !”
The viscounts examination o f Youzai Guchen was deep and subtie. One
w ho can see a man5s intentions w ithout examining his deeds may be called
“skilled at examining others.”
20/8.3
吳起治西河之外，王錯譖之於魏武侯，武侯使人召之。吳起至於岸門，
止車而休，望西河，泣數行而下。其僕謂之曰：「竊觀公之志，視舍天下若
舍屣。今去西河而泣，何也？』吳起雪泣而應之，曰：「子弗識也。君誠知
我，而使我畢能，秦必可亡，而西河可以王。今君聽讒人之議，而不知我，
西河之爲秦也不久矣，魏國從此削矣。《
I 吳起果去魏入 ( 荆 T A > 楚，而西河
畢入秦，魏日以削，秦日益大。此吳起之所以先見而泣也。
W hen W u Q i governed the area West o f the River, W ang C uo slandered
him to M arquis W11 o f Wei， so the marquis sent a messenger to sum m on
Wu Qi. W hen W u Q i arrived at Anmen, he stopped his chariot to pause
and gaze at the lands o f West o f the River, crying profusely. H is driver said
to him, ccW hen I have hum bly seen your graced heart, it seemed that you
looked upon giving up the w orld as equal to giving up a shoe. W hy is it,
then, that you are crying upon leaving the lands o f West o f the River?55
Wu Qi wiped away his tears and answered, cT o u do no t know me. W hen
my lord truly recognized my talents, he sent me to apply my abilities to
their full extent. And had I been allowed that, Q in certainly could have
been defeated, and on the basis o f West o f the River, my ruler could have
become a king. N ow he has heeded the claims o f a slanderer and no longer
recognizes my talents， so it will n o t be long before the lands o f West o f the
River belong to Qin. The dism em berm ent o f the state o f Wei will begin
w ith this.”
In the end, W u Qi left Wei for Chu; the entirety o f the lands o f West o f
the River did become a part o f Qin; Wei was dism em bered day by day; and
each day Q in became even larger. It was because W u Q i could foresee this
that he wept.
20/8.4
古之善相馬者，寒風是相口齒，麻朝相頰，子女厲相目，衛忌相髭，許
鄙相尻，投伐褐相胸脅，管青相賸吻，陳悲相股腳，秦牙相前，贊君相後。
凡此十人者，皆天下之良工也，其所以相者不同，見馬之一徵也，而知節
之高卑，足之滑易，材之堅脆，能之長短。非獨相馬然也，人亦有徵，事
B O O K 20 5 斗3
與國皆有徵。聖人上知千歲，下知千歲，非意之也，蓋有自云也。綠圖幡
薄 3 ，從此生矣。
3. Chen Qiyou，
q.v. 2〇.1斗23—
4 n. 4: this passage is corrupt.
O f those in antiquity w ho expertly physiognom ized horses, H anfeng

Shi examined the teeth; M a Chao, the forehead; Zinii Li, the eyes; Wey Ji,
the whiskers; Xu Bi, the rum p; Toufa H e, the chest; G uan Qing, the lips
and throat; Chen Pei the legs and hooves; Q in Ya, the front; and Zan Jun,
the rear. All ten o f these m en were the m ost skilled o f their age. H o w they
examined horses was n o t the same, but each looked for characteristics that
confirmed a horse5s qualities. From this they could know w hether the horse
had superior o r inferior joints, w hether it w ould be clumsy or fleet o f foot,
w hether it was made o f sturdy or inferior stuff, and w hether it was highly
talented o r not. It is n o t only the judging o f horses that is like tliis. There
are also confirming characteristics for people, as well as for deeds and states.
The sage knows w hat happened a thousand years before him and w hat will
happen a thousand years after him. It is not because he guesses, but because
he has sources. The charts, diagrams, registers, and tallies [that portend the
coming o f a new sovereign or king] began w ith this.
呂氏春秋
PA R T III
TH E EX A M IN A TIO N S
BOOKS 2 1 -2 6
Book 21
All six chapters of book 21 offer advice to the ruler of a state. Chapter 1 recom
mends moderation and leniency—qualities appropriate to the season named in its
tide, aThe Opening of Spring55—even though they may conflict with rules and
precedents. This counsel is offered by the famous logician Hui Shi, as well as by
two otherwise unknown figures, the border guard Zigao and Qi Xi, all of whom
are praised as skillful persuaders because their arguments are not only reasonable
and rational, but also serve the public good rather than the whims of a willful
monarch. The extremely brief chapter 2 advocates relying on the talents of others
rather than exhausting oneself as the best way to ensure that a state is well governed.
This line of argument is continued in chapter 3, which claims that the appointment
of worthies will guarantee peace within the state. The chapter cites as an example
the story of Duangan Mu, whose appointment to an official position in Wei, it is
said, kept Qin from attacking the state.
Chapter 斗 argues that one’s foremost concern should be ‘Valuing life” and not
endangering oneself by seeking after profit. The chapter quotes a conversation
between a ruler of Han and Master Hua, and its teachings arc generally consistent
with the other L iishi chunqiu chapters (1/2, 1/3, 2/2, and 2/3) that emphasize the
importance of cherishing one's life and pursuing a course of moderation. In book
2i, this advice is associated with the argument that the ruler should govern by
nonaction, that is, depute responsibility to his worthy officials and not interfere in
the daily activities of government. Chapter 5 makes it dear, however, that the rulers
withdrawal from the public activities of government docs not mean that he should
be unconcerned with the welfare of his people. The text defines the general popu
lation of a state as the ruler's akindwand spccificics that the ruler must ensure that
they arc free from harm. The chapter offers examples of selfless rulers also popular
in Mohist literature.
Chapter 6, V aluing Surprise^ praises those who demonstrated quick thinking
and resourcefulness when in a crisis. While this can also be interpreted as advice to
[547]
a ruler, the themes of this chapter have nothing in common with the remainder of
book 2i. Chen Qiyou and others have argued that chapter 6 should be read to
gether with 8/2, C<A Discourse on Inspiring Awe.w
一曰開春
CH A PTER 1
T H E O P E N I N G O F S P R IN G
21/1.1
開春始雷則蟄蟲動矣，時雨降則草木育矣，飮食居處適則九竅百節千脈
皆通利矣。王者厚其德，積眾善，而鳳皇聖人皆來至矣。共伯和修其行，
好賢仁，而海內皆以來爲稽矣。周厲之難，天子曠絕，而天下皆來謂矣。
以此言物之相應也，故曰行也成也。善說者亦然，言盡理而得失利害定矣，
豈爲一人言哉？
In the opening m onth o f spring, when thunder first sounds, hibemat-
ing creatures stir; when the seasonal rains fall， grasses and trees sprout.
Be moderate in diet and housing,

And the nine apertures, hundred joints,
And thousand blood vessels will all function well.
When the king increases his Power,
Gathers about him all that are good,
Phoenixes and sages will come to stay.
Because H e, Earl o f Gong， cultivated his conduct,
Was good to the worthy and humane,
All within the seas came and allied themselves with him.
During the troubles o f King Li o f the Zhou,
When the position o f Son o f Heaven was vacated,
The whole world came and aided the earl.
These verses illustrate how things resonate w ith one another—hence the
saying， “Every act has its completion.” Those w ho are skilled at persuasion
arc also like this. Their discourses thoroughly examine the rational prin
ciples that inhere in things, and thus the success or failure, benefit or harm,
that m ight result from an act is defined. C ould their discourses have been
form ulated merely to suit a single individual?
B O O K 21 549
21 / 1.2
魏惠王死，葬有日矣。天大雨雪，至於牛目。{且爲棧道而葬 } 。1 群臣
多諫於太子者曰：「雪甚。如此而行葬，民必甚疾之，官費又恐不給。請弛
期更日。』太子曰：「爲人子者，以民勞與官費用之故，而不行先王之葬，
不義也。子勿復言。《
I 群臣皆莫敢諫，而以吿犀首。犀首曰：『吾未有以言
之。是其唯惠公乎？請吿惠公。』惠公曰：「諾。j 駕而見太子曰：『葬有
日矣。j 太子曰：r 然。《
I 惠公曰：「昔王季歷葬於渦山之尾，欒水齧其墓，
見棺之前和。文王曰：「譆！先君必欲一見群臣百姓也夫！故使欒水見
之。」於是出而爲之張朝，百姓皆見之，三日而後更葬，此文王之義也。今
葬有日矣，而雪甚，及牛目，難以行，太子爲及日之故，得無嫌於欲亟葬
乎？願太子易日。先王必欲少留而撫社稷安黔首也，故使雨雪甚。因弛期
而更爲日，此文王之義也。若此而不爲，意者羞法文王也？』太子曰：「甚
善。敬弛期，更擇葬日。』惠子不徒行說也，又令魏太子未葬其先君而因
( 有 G V > 又說文王之義。說文王之義以示天下，豈小功也哉！
I. Chen Qiyou; Z G C parallel.
King H u i o f Wei died and the date o f his burial had already been sc-
lected when there was a great snowfall, deep enough to reach an ox’s eye.
Furtherm ore, the trestle roadway by which the coffin w ould be transferred
to the tom b had to be prepared. All the ministers repeatedly rem onstrated
w ith the crown prince, saying, ccTo conduct the funeral w ith the snow this
deep is sure to place a severe hardship on the people. Moreover, the official
funds are probably insufficient for the additional expenses. Please delay and
change the day o f the burial.55
The crown prince replied, CCI am that man's son. I f I did not proceed
w ith the burial rites for the deceased king because the people w ould be
overworked and official funds used up, I w ould fail in my moral duty to
him. D o not speak o f this m atter again, sirs!55
N one o f the officials dared rem onstrate further but instead reported the
m atter to the Xishou, w ho said, CCI know o f nothing that w ould convince
him. For this, w ould n o t H ui Shi be best? Please tell H ui Shi about it.55
H ui Shi agreed and rode to see the crown prince. H e inquired, wHas the
date for burial been set?55
'"Yes, it has,55the crown prince replied.
H ui Shi continued, ccIn the past, when King Jili was buried at the foot
o f M ount Wo, water from an underground stream ate away at his burial
m ound and exposed the front end o f his coffin. King Wen cried o u t in dis
tress, cO ur deceased lord m ust wish to hold an audience once more w ith his
officials and the H undred Clans. Hence he has ordered the underground
waters to expose him .5Thereupon, he had the body removed, and he set up
a tent so that court could be paid King Jili. The H undred Clans all came to
see him. After three days, the body was reburied. This was how King Wen
kept hi$ moral duty. N ow the burial date has come， but snow has fallen so
deep, it reaches an ox5s eye, making m ovem ent o f the body very difficult. Is
the crown prince so concerned that the designated day has come that he is
insensitive about exhibiting indecent haste in completing the funeral? I hope
that the crown prince will change the day. His late majesty m ust w ant to
remain behind a little longer, to sustain the altars to the grain and soil and
comfort the black-haired people. This is why he has ordered the snowfall to
be so extreme. If you thus extend the date and choose another day, this will
imitate the way King Wen kept his moral duty. But if you refuse to do so,
m ight n ot people suspect that you are ashamed to m odel your conduct
after King Wen’s example?”
The crown prince said, ccWell spoken. I will respectfully extend the time
and select another day for the burial rites.55
N o t only did H ui Shi succeed w ith his persuasion, he also caused the
crown prince o f Wei not to proceed w ith the burial o f the deceased lord and
to be pleased to imitate the way King Wen fulfilled his duties. To provide
the w orld w ith an example o f delighting in the way King Wen fulfilled his
duties is no mean accomplishment!
2I/I.3
韓氏城新城，期十五日而成。段喬爲司空。有一縣後二日，段喬執其吏
而囚之。囚者之子走吿封人子高曰：「唯先生能活臣父之死，願委之先
生。《
I 封人子高曰：「諾。《
I 乃見段喬，自扶而上城。封人子高左右望
曰：「美哉城乎！一大功矣。子必有厚賞矣。自古及今，功若此其大也，而
能無有罪戮者，未嘗有也。』封人子高出，段喬使人夜解其吏之束縛也而
出之。故曰封人子高爲之〈
而 >2言也，（
而 )2匿己之（
爲 G E > 言2而 ( 爲 GE>
言2也；段喬聽而行之也，匿己之行而行也。說之行若此其精也。封人子高
可謂善說矣。
2. Chen Qiyou.
The house o f H an was building a wall around N ew Town that was to be
completed in fifteen days, with D uan Qiao serving as manager o f the project.
Because one county was two days late in m eeting the deadline, D uan Qiao
had its representative arrested and jailed. The jailed man5s son w ent to tell
the border guard Zigao o f the matter: C£Only you, master, can rescue your
servants father from death. I w ant to entrust this to you, master.55
The border guard Zigao agreed and w ent to see D uan Qiao, where
upon he ascended to the top o f the wall unassisted. Inspecting the wall to
the left: and to the right, Zigao exclaimed, <cW hat a beautiful wall this is! It
is a singularly great achievement and you, sir, will certainly be handsomely
rewarded. From antiquity to the present, there has never been an achieve
m ent as great as this that could be completed w ith neither punishm ents nor
executions.55The border guard Zigao departed. T hat night D uan Q iao had
a m an release the county official from his fetters and let him go.
Hence, it may be said that in giving advice, Zigao spoke by concealing
his real message; and when D uan Q iao acted on the advice, he a a e d under
the cover o f darkness. W ith a persuasion as subtle as this, the border guard
Zigao may be called a “skilled persuader•”
2i/i.4
叔嚮之弟羊舌虎善欒盈，欒盈有罪於晉，晉誅羊舌虎，叔嚮爲之奴而
腹。祈奚曰：1■吾聞小人得位，不爭不祥；君子在憂，不救不祥。』乃往見
范宣子而說也，曰：「聞善爲國者，賞不過而刑不慢。賞過則懼及淫人，刑
慢則懼及君子。與其不幸而過，寧過而賞淫人，毋過而刑君子。故堯之刑
也，殛鯀於虞而用禹；周之刑也，戮管、蔡而相周公；不慢刑也。《
I 宣子
乃命吏出叔嚮。救人之患者，行危苦、不避煩辱，猶不能免。今祈奚論先
王之德，而叔嚮得免焉。學豈可以已哉？類多若此。
Shuxiang^s younger brother Yangshe H u was a gcxxl friend o f Luan
Ying, so that when Luan Ying com m itted an offense against Jin, Jin ex-
ecuted Yangshe H u ， and Shuxiang as a result became a slave, forced to wear
foot bindings. Qi Xi observed, CCI was taught that when a petty man obtains
a position, one will be unlucky if one docs no t oppose him and when a
gentleman is in trouble, one will be unlucky if one does not help him .55Then
he w ent to see Viscount Xuan o f Fan and persuaded him as follows: CCI was
taught that those w ho are skilled at governing are neither excessive w ith
rewards nor arbitrary with punishments. Rewards that are excessive he fears
may be given to immoral persons, and punishm ents that are arbitrary he
fears may be applied to gentlemen. Should one be so unfortunate as to err,
it would be better to err by rewarding the immoral than by punishing gentle-
men. Thus, the penal laws o f Yao were such that Shun had G un executed
but employed his son Yu. The penal laws o f the Z hou were such that G uan
and Cai were executed, and yet the Duke o f Z hou was made prime minis
ter. These are instances o f not being arbitrary in punishm ents!55Viscount
Xuan then ordered an official to release Shuxiang.
A person who helps others in trouble will endure danger and hardship
and n ot avoid trouble and shame even if he is unable prevent their difficul
ties. N ow Qi Xi discoursed on the acts o f kindness o f the Form er Kings,
and the result was that Shuxiang was freed. H o w can study ever end? For
there are countiess examples like this one.
二曰察賢
CH A PTER 2
I N Q U I R I N G IN T O W O R T H IN E S S
21/2.1
今有良醫於此，治十人而起九人，所以求之萬也。故賢者之致功名也，
必乎良醫，而君人者不知疾求，豈不過哉？今夫塞者，勇力、時日、卜筮、
禱祠無事焉，善者必勝。立功名亦然，要在得賢。魏文侯師卜子夏，友田
子方，禮段干木，國治身逸。天下之賢主，豈必苦形 ( 愁 L C > 擎 1慮哉？執
其要而已矣。雪霜雨露時，則萬物育矣，人民修矣，疾病妖 ( 厲 G V > 癘 2去
矣。故曰堯之容若委衣裘，以言少事也。
I. Xu Wciyu. 2. Chen Qiyou.
Were a physician so skilled that he cured nine out o f every ten patients
he treated, a myriad o f people w ould try to see him. Hence, since the w orthy
man w ho accomplishes things and makes a gcxxl reputation is comparable
to a skilled physician, is it not indeed a mistake that rulers do n o t recognize
that they should urgentiy seek him out? Suppose there was a player o f the
game o f draughts w ho did not rely on daring, opportunities, divination, or
supplications, and yet was so skillful that he inevitably won. Establishing a
reputation is similar to this, and its essential element consists in obtaining
w orthy men. M arquis Wen o f Wei took Bu Zixia as his teacher, befriended
Tian Zifang, treated Duangan M u w ith great courtesy; as a result, his state
was well governed, and he enjoyed a life o f personal ease. W hy should the
w orthy rulers o f the world have to endure bodily pain and various worries?
B O O K 21 553
All that is necessary is to hold fast to the essential dem ent. W hen snow,
frost, rain, and dew are seasonal, the myriad things are nourished, the people
are refined, and sickness, disease, and pestilence end. Therefore, the saying
"Tao carried him self as if he were wearing an oversized fur cloak that hung
dow n55is used to describe his doing very little.
21/2.2
宓子賤治單父，彈鳴琴，身不下堂而單父治。巫馬期以星出，以星入，
曰夜不居，以身親之，而單父亦治。巫馬期問其故於宓子。宓子曰：『我之
謂任人，子之謂任力。任力者故勞，任人者故逸。《
I 宓子則君子矣，逸四
肢，全耳目，平心氣，而百官以治，〔
人民以〕
3義矣，任其數而已矣。巫馬
期則不然，弊生 ( 事 L C > 使 4精，勞手足，煩敎詔，雖治猶未至也。
3. C h e n Q iy o u . 4 . Yu X in g w u .
W hen Fu Zijian governed Shanfu, he played the zither and did not leave
the hall, yet Shanfii was well governed. W hen W uma Q i left hom e， the stars
were out, w hen he returned, the stars were out; and so he never got any
rest, day or night. H e attended to m atters personally, and Shanfu was also
well governed. W uma Q i asked M aster Fu to explain this, and M aster Fu
said, aI depend on other people, whereas you, sir, rely on physical labor. H e
w ho relies on physical labor works hard, while he w ho depends on others
relaxes•”
M aster Fu was a gentiem an w ho relaxed his four limbs, kept the powers
o f his cars and eyes intact, and kept an even tem peram ent, yet the hundred
offices were orderly and the people moral, all because he employed these
techniques. W uma Q i was n o t like this. H e wore o u t his life, used his vital
essences, labored w ith his ow n hands and feet, and troubled himself about
directives and rescripts; and even though there was order, it never reached
the level o f M aster Fu5s order.
554 T H E D IS C O U R S E S
三曰期賢
CH A PTER 3
A W A IT IN G W O R T H Y M E N
2I/3.I
今夫燴蟬者，務在乎明其火，振其樹而已。火不明，雖振其樹，何益？
明 ( 火 Y 不獨在乎火，在於闇。當今之 ( 時 )2世闇甚矣，人主有能明其德者，
天下之士，其歸之也，若蟬之走明火也。凡國不徒安，名不徒顯，必得賢
士0
I. Sun Shucheng. 2. Chen Qiyou.
O ne w ho uses the attraction o f locusts to light need only devote his
attention to the brilliance o f his fire, shake the tree, and do nothing more. If
the fire is n o t brilliant enough, then although one shakes the tree, w hat
good will it do? The brilliance o f the fire is the result n o t only o f the fire
itself, but also o f the surrounding darkness.
Now, in the present age, the darkness o f the world has become extreme.
Were there to be a ruler capable o f making his Power brilliant, the scholar-
knights o f the w orld w ould flock to him like locusts to fire. As a general
rule, a state does not simply become peaceful and a reputation illustrious;
rather, it is necessary to employ w orthy scholar-knights for these things to
happen.
21/3.2
趙簡子晝居，喟然太息曰：「異哉！吾欲伐衛十年矣，而衛不伐。j 侍
者曰：「以趙之大，而伐衛之細，君若不欲則可也。君若欲之，請 ( 令 GE>
今 3伐之。《I 簡子曰：「不如而言也。衛有士十人於吾所。吾乃且伐之，十人
者 ( 其言 G E > 言其 4不義也，而我伐之，是我爲不義也。』故簡子之時，衛
以十人者按趙之兵，歿簡子之身。衛可謂知用人矣，遊十士而國家得安。
簡子可謂好從諫矣，聽十士而無侵小奪弱之名。
3. Bi Y uan. 4 . Yu Yuc.
Viscount Jian o f Zhao was resting during the daytime when he sud
denly said w ith a sigh, ccH ow odd! I have w anted to attack Wey for ten
years but still have not done so.55
An attendant saidj “W ith the great size o f Z hao and the puniness o f
Wcy, it w ould certainly be proper for your lordship not to w ant to attack it.
If, however, your lordship does desire it, I ask leave to attack it now.55
B O O K 21 555
aIt is n o t as you say. There are ten scholar-knights from Wey w ho are
here w ith me. I had planned to attack Wéy; but these ten m en all said it
w ould be immoral to do so, and were I nonetheless to attack Wey, I w ould
be doing som ething im m oral.55
Hence, in the tim e o f Viscount Jian, Wey used ten m en to restrain the
army o f Zhao as long as the viscount lived. It may properly be said that Wey
uunderstocxl how to employ m en.55By allowing ten scholar-knights to wander
free， their hom eland w on security. It may be said o f Viscount Jian that he
was good at heeding remonstrance. By heeding the ten scholar-knights, he
never acquired a reputation for attacking the small and seizing the weak.
21/3.3
魏文侯過段干木之閭而軾之，其僕曰：「君胡爲軾？』曰：「此非段干木
之閭歟？段干木蓋賢者也，吾安敢不軾？且吾聞段干木未嘗肯以己易寡人
也，吾安敢驕之？段干木 ( 光 L C > 廣 5乎德，寡人 ( 光 L C > 廣 5 乎地；段干木
當乎義，寡人富乎財。《
I 其僕曰：「然則君何不相之？』於是君請相之，段
干木不肯受。則君乃致祿百萬，而時往館之。於是國人皆喜，相與誦之
曰：「吾君好正，段干木之敬；吾君好忠，段干木之隆。』居無幾何，秦興
兵欲攻魏，司馬唐諫秦君曰：「段干木賢者也，而魏禮之，天下莫不聞，無
乃不可加兵乎！』秦君以爲然，乃按兵輟不 ( 敢 )6攻之。魏文侯可謂善用兵
矣。嘗聞君子之用兵，莫見其形，其功已成，其此之謂也。野人之用兵也，
鼓聲則似雷，號呼則動地，塵氣充天，流矢如雨，扶傷輿死，履腸涉血，
無罪之民其死者量於澤矣，而國之存亡、主之死生猶不可知也，其離仁義
亦遠矣。
5. Liu Wcndian. 6 . Bi Yuan, Sun Shuchcng, Chen Qiyou.
W hen Marquis Wen o f Wei passed the district where Duangan M u lived,
he leaned on the front railing o f his chariot as a gesture o f his respect. His
driver said, aW hy do you lean on the front railing?55
uls this n ot the district o f D uangan Mu? As D uangan M u is surely a
worthy, why would I presume not to bow to him? Moreover, I have heard
that Duangan M u was unwilling even to consider trading places w ith the
unw orthy one, so why w ould I presume to be haughty to him? Duangan
M u has breadth o f Power, whereas I, the U nw orthy O ne, have breadth o f
territory. Duangan M u is rich in morality, whereas I am rich in material
goods.”
aI f he is as good as you say, then why do you not make him a minister?w
asked the driver.
The ruler thereupon invited D uangan M u to be minister, but he was
unwilling to accept. The ruler then gave him an em olum ent o f one million
and regularly w ent to his hom e to call on him. Thereupon the citizens re
joiced and all chanted:
Our ruler loves rectitude,

So Duangan Mu is the one he reveres.
Our ruler loves loyalty,
So Duangan Mu is the one he exalts.
A short time later, the state o f Q in raised an army, intending to attack

Wei. Sima Tang rem onstrated w ith the ruler o f Qin, saying, <cD uangan M u
is a w orthy man w hom Wei treats w ith great courtesy. The whole w orld has
heard about this. W ould it then be permissible to send troops against them ?55
The ruler o f Q in agreed, stopped his tr<3〇ps, and did not attack Wei.
O f M arquis Wen o f Wei it may properly be said that he was ccgood at
using troops，” having been taught that when the gentleman uses troops, no
one sees them , yet his goals are accomplished. Surely this is a description o f
M arquis Wen. W hen a crude m an uses trœ p s , the war drum s sound like
thunder, his commands and shouts shake the earth, clouds o f dust fill the
sky, arrows fall like rain, the w ounded m ust be carried and the dead trans
ported in carts, treacling on guts and w ading through blcx)d, and so many
innocent people die that they w ould fill a plain. Yet w ith all this, w hether
the state will survive and its ruler live cannot be predicted. H ow far indeed
from hum anity and morality all this is!
四曰審爲
CHA PTER 4
B E IN G A T T E N T IV E T O T H E P U R P O S E S O F A C T IO N
21/斗.1
身者所爲也，天下者所以爲也，審所以爲而輕重得矣。今有人於此，斷
首以易冠，殺身以易衣，世必惑之。是何也？冠所以飾首也，衣所以飾身
也，殺所飾、要所以飾，則不知所爲矣。世之走利，有似於此。危身傷生、
刈頸斷頭以徇利，則亦不知所爲也。
The body is w hat one does things for; the things o f the w orld are w hat
one uses for that purpose. If you are attentive to w hat you use, then w hat is
B O O K 21 557
unim portant and w hat is im portant will be treated suitably. Now, suppose
there were ä man w ho cut off his head to change hats or killed h im sd f to
change clothes; the w orld w ould surely think him mad. Why? Because a hat
decorates the head, and clothes the body. I f you eliminate w hat you w ant to
decorate and concentrate on the adornm ent, it shows that you do n o t u n
derstand w hat one does things for. Those o f our age w ho pursue profit
resemble this. In the pursuit o f profit, they endanger their persons, harm
their lives, cut their throats, and chop off their ow n heads; they, too, do not
understand w hat they do things for.
21/4.2
太王亶父居邠，狄人攻之，事以皮帛而不受，事以珠玉而不肯，狄人之
所求者〔
土〕1地也。太王亶父曰：「與人之兄居而殺其弟，與人之父處而殺其
子，吾不忍爲〔
狄人〕
2也。〔
子〕3皆勉處矣，爲吾臣與狄人臣奚以異？且吾聞
之：不以所以養害所養。《
I 〔
因〕4杖策而去，民相連而從之，遂成國於岐山
之下。太王亶父可謂能尊生矣。能尊生，雖貴富不以養傷身，雖貧賤不以
利累形。今〔
世之人〕
5受其先人之爵祿，則必重失之。生之所自來者久矣，
而輕失之，豈不惑哉？
I. Chen Qiyou; ZZ parallel, quotation. 2. Chen Qiyou. 3. Bi Yuan; Z Z parallel.
4. Chen Qiyou; ZZ parallel. 5. Chen Qiyou; ZZ parallel.
W hen the Great King Danfu dwelled in Bin, the D i barbarians attacked
him. H e offered them skins and silks， but they would n o t accept them ; he
offered them pearls and jade, but they were unwilling to take them . W hat
the Di tribe wanted was land. The Great King Danfu said, "'Dwelling w ith
older brothers whose younger brothers I have caused to die and living w ith
fathers whose sons I have caused to be killed—these I cannot bear to do.
M y people, be diligent and remain here, for what difference is there between
being my subjects and being subjects o f the Di barbarians? Moreover, I was
taught that you should not harm w hat you intend to nurture by the very act
o f nurturing it.55 Leaning on his staff, he then left. All his people, leading
one another, followed after him and eventually form ed a state at the foot o f
M ount Qi. It may properly be said o f the Great King Danfu that he was
""capable o f venerating life.55 O ne capable o f venerating life, however emi
nent and rich he may be, docs not allow nurturing to harm the body and,
however poor and hum ble he may be, does not allow profit to ensnare his
person. Now, when a person today receives the title and emolum ents o f his
late father, he is certain to regard losing them as a grave matter. Life is
som ething that has corne to us over ä long period o f time, yet we regard
losing it as but a trivial matter. Is this not utter madness?
21/4.3
韓、魏相與爭侵地。子華子見昭釐侯，昭釐侯有憂色。子華子曰：『今
使天下書銘於君之前，書之曰：「左手摟之則右手廢，右手擭之則左手廢，
然而攫之必有天下。」君將擭之乎？亡其不與？』昭釐侯曰：「寡人不摟
也。』子華子曰：「甚善。自是觀之，兩臂重於天下也，身又重於兩臂。韓
之輕於天下遠，今之所爭者，其輕於韓又遠，君固愁身傷生以憂之臧不得
也？』昭釐侯曰：「善。敎寡人者眾矣，未嘗得聞此言也。』子華子可謂知
輕重矣。知輕重，故論不過。
The states o f H an and Wei were fighting over disputed territory. M aster
H u a had an audience w ith M arquis Zhaoxi o f H an, w ho had a w orried
look. M aster H ua said, <cSuppose the w orlds people drew up an agreement
and placed it in front o f your lordship, and the inscription said, cW hoever
grasps this inscription w ith his left hand will lose his right hand; whoever
grasps it w ith his right hand will lose his left hand; but whoever grasps it
will definitely gain possession o f the w orld.5W ould my lord pick it up? O r
w ould he not?”
“I ， the unw orthy one， w ould n o t pick it up，” answered the marquis.
“Excellent!” proclaimed M aster H ua. “From this， one can see that you
value your two arms more than the world. Further, your body is m ore impor
tant than your two arms. The state o f H an is less im portant than the world
by far, so w hat you are fighting for is less im portant than the state o f H an
by an even greater distance. But your lordship obstinately troubles yourself
and harms your life w ith worrying that you may no t even win the territory.55
ccWell argued,55said the marquis. CCA m ultitude has instructed the unw or
thy one, but never before have I heard this dcKtrine.55
It may properly be said o f M aster H ua that he aknew w hat was unim
portant and w hat was im portant.55 Because he knew this, his assessments
were never in error.
21/4.4
中山公子牟謂詹子曰：「身在江海之上，心居乎魏闕之下，柰何？j 詹
子曰重生。重生則輕利。』中山公子牟曰雖知之，猶不能自勝也。 j
詹子曰：「不能自勝則縱之，神無惡乎。不能自勝而强不縱者，此之謂重
傷。重傷之人無壽類矣。 j
Prince M ou o f Zhongshan said to M aster Z han H e, ccM y body is beside
the rivers and seas, but m y m ind is still below the gate towers o f Wei. W hat
should I do about it?55
^Value life,55advised Zhan H e. <cI f you value life, you will disregard m a
terial gain.55
“I know th at， but I cannot control myself?
aI f you cannot control yourself, then indulge your inclinations. Your
spirit will suffer no harm. The injury is twice as great if you cannot control
yourself yet do n o t indulge your inclinations. People w ho do double injury
to themselves are no t to be found in the ranks o f the long-lived.55
五曰愛類
CHA PTER 5
L O V IN G O N E ’S O W N K IN D
21/5.1
仁於他物，不仁於人，不得爲仁；不仁於他物獨；仁於人，猶若爲仁。
仁也者，仁乎其類者也。故仁人之於民也，可以便之，無不行也。《
神農
之敎 > 曰：「士有當年而不耕者，則天下或受其饑矣；女有當年而不績者，
則天下或受其寒矣。』故身親耕，妻親績，所以見致民利也。賢人之不遠
海內之路，而時往來乎王公之朝，非以要利也，以民爲務故也。人主有能
以民爲務者，則天下歸之矣。王也者，非必堅甲利兵選卒練士也，非必隳
人之城郭、殺人之士民也。上世之王者眾矣，而事皆不同。其當世之急，
憂民之利，除民之害同。
To be hum ane to other things but n o t to m en cannot be counted as true
humaneness; however, not to be hum ane to other things but only to men
still may be regarded as a kind o f humaneness. Hum aneness means being
hum ane to those o f one5s ow n species. Therefore, if a hum ane m an can
improve the situation o f the people he will always do so. The Instructions of
Shmnonß says, aI f m en do not plow during their prime, the w orld may
experience hunger; if w om en do not weave during their prime, the world
may suffer from the cold.55Hence, Shennong personally plowed, while his
wife personally wove, to dem onstrate the principle o f bringing benefit to
tlic people. T hat the worthies do not consider the distances great but regu
larly travel between the courts o f the kings and dukes is n o t because they
seek profit, but because they regard caring for the people as their task. The
entire w orld turns to a ruler w ho is capable o f regarding the care o f his
people as his personal responsibility. True kingship does not mean the neces
sity o f having sturdy armor, sharp weapons, select troops, and trained
knights, nor the necessity o f destroying the walled towns o f others and
m urdering their populations. There were m any kings in previous ages, and
w hat they did was no t always the same. But all were the same in m eeting
the crises o f their age, in being concerned about w hat benefited the people,
and in eliminating w hat harm ed the people.
21/5.2
公輸般爲高雲梯，欲以攻宋。墨子聞之，自魯往，裂裳裹足，日夜不
休，十日十夜而至於郢，見 ( 荆 T A > 楚王曰：『臣北方之鄙人也，聞大王將
攻宋，信有之乎？』王曰：r 然。』墨子曰：「必得宋乃攻之乎？亡其不得宋
且不義猶攻之乎？』王曰：「必不得宋，且有不義，則曷爲攻之？』墨子曰：
『甚善。臣以宋必不可得。』王曰公輸般，天下之巧工也，已爲攻宋之
械矣。《
I 墨子曰：「請令公輸般試攻之，臣請試守之。《I 於是公輸般設攻宋
之械，墨子設守宋之備。公輸般九攻之，墨子九卻之，不能入，故 ( 荆 TA>
楚輟不攻宋。〔
故曰〕
1墨子能以術禦 ( 荆 T A > 楚、免宋之難者，此之謂也。
I. Chen Qiyou.
G ongshu Ban built a tall acloud ladder,55which he planned to use in an

attack on Song.
W hen M aster M o Di learned o f it, he left Lu for Chu. H e ripped pieces
from his garments w ith which to wrap his feet, and after going for ten days
and nights w ithout resting, he arrived in the C hu capital o f Ying. M o Di
had an audience w ith the king o f Chu and said to him, cT oiir subject is but
a rustic from the north. I have heard that the Great King intends to attack
Song. Is there any truth to this?55
ccIt is true,55said the king.
c<D o you attack Song because you are certain to get it? O r do you at
tack Song even though you may n o t get it and, moreover, will be acting
immorally?”
aW hy w ould I attack Song if I were certain not to get it and, moreover,
in doing so were to act immorally?55
''Excellent!55said M o Di. "Tour subject believes that it is impossible to
get Song.55
aGongshu Ban,55replied the king, ais the m ost skillful artisan in the world,
and he has already made a device for attacking Song.55
B O O K 21 561
CCI request that you have G ongshu Ban try to attack it while your subject
attem pts to defend it.”
Thereupon, G ongshu Ban deployed his device for attacking Song, and
M o D i deployed his defenses. G ongshu Ban made nine attacks, and nine
times M o Di repelled him and kept him from breaching his defenses. Chu
therefore called o ff the attack on Song.
Thus the statem ent that M o D i was able to use his m ethods to control
C hu and save Song from disaster refers to this episode.
21/5.3
聖王通士不出於利民者無有。昔上古龍門未開，呂梁未發，河出孟門，
大溢逆流，無有丘陵沃衍、平原高阜，盡皆滅之，名曰鴻水。禹於是疏河
決江，爲彭蠡之障，乾東土，所活者千八百國，此禹之功也。勤勞爲民，
無苦乎禹者矣。
N one o f the sage-kings and wise scholar-knights restricted themselves
only to benefiting the people. Long ago, in high antiquity, before the Dragon
Gate had opened and before the Liiliang watercourse had been cleared, the
Yellow River flowed o u t through M eng Gate and spread out in a broad
expanse, flowing in all directions and inundating everything, hills and
w etlands, flat plains and lofty peaks. This tim e was called the ccD eluge.55
In consequence o f this, Yu dredged the Yellow River and channeled the
Yangzi, he built the dike at Pengli M arsh, solved the problems o f the east
ern lands, and rescued the eighteen hundred states—this was Yu5s achieve
ment. N o one has suffered m ore than Yu in exerting him self and toiling for
the people.
21/5.42
匡章謂惠子曰：公之學去尊，今又王齊王，何其到也？惠子曰：今有人
於此，欲必擊其愛子之頭，石可以代之。匡章曰：公取之代乎，其不與？施
取代之。子頭所重也，石所輕也。擊其所輕以免其所重，豈不可哉？
匡章曰：齊王之所以用兵而不休，攻擊人而不止者，其故何也？惠子曰：大
者可以王，其次可以霸也。今可以王齊王而壽黔首之命，免民之死，是以
石代愛子頭也，何爲不爲？民寒則欲火，暑則欲冰，燥則欲溼，溼則欲燥。
寒暑燥溼相反，其於利民一也。利民豈一道哉？當其時而已矣。
2. Chen Qiyou and others find the text of this dialogue scrambled and propose various rearrange
ments. Wc have translated the text as it has been transmitted without emending it.
Kuang Zhang said to M aster H ui Shi, ''According to your doctrines, sir,
we should dispense w ith the practice o f paying honor to specific individuals.
Yet you treat the king o f Qi like a king. W hy this contradiction?55
H u i Shi answered, aN ow, suppose there were a m an intent on beating
his beloved son5s head, and a rock could be substituted for the head. . . 55
Kuang Zhang interrupted, ccW ould you substitute the rock or n o t?55
ctI would substitute it,” replied H ui Shi. “The son’s head is important; a
rock is not. To hit som ething unim portant to spare w hat is im p o rta n t-
how could that not be proper?55
uWhy, then,55continued Kuang Zhang, c<is it that the king o f Q i unceas
ingly uses his troops and persists in attacking others?55
“The greatest thing，” replied H ui Shi， “is for it to be possible to become
a king and, second to that, a lord-protector. Now, if by treating the king o f
Q i as a king, I could prolong the lives o f the black-headed people and save
the people from death， that is, substitute a stone for a beloved son’s head,
w ould I n o t do it?”
The people w ant fire when they are cold, ice when they are warm, m ois
ture when they are dry, and dryness when they are damp. Cold and heat, as
well as dryness and dampness, are opposites, but they are one and the same
when it comes to benefiting the people. H ow could there be but one proper
D ao to benefit the people? Wc m ust suit the occasion, that is all.
六曰貴卒
CH A PTER 6
V A L U IN G S U R P R IS E
力貴突，智貴 (卒 S F > 猝。1 得之同則遨爲上，勝之同則溼爲下。所爲貴
驥者，爲其一日千里也，旬日取之，與駑駘同。所爲貴鏃矢者，爲其應聲
而至，終日而至，則與無至同。
I. Chen Qiyou.
In contests of strength, prize the unanticipated move;

In contests of intellect, prize surprise.
W hen those vying over som ething are equal, the quicker opponent ends up
on top; when those fighting to win are equal, the slower contestant will end
B O O K 21 563
up last. We prize the thoroughbred horse Ji because it can go a thousand li

in a day. I f it took ten days to go that far, it w ould be no better than an old
nag. We prize barbed arrows because they hit their targets as fast as an echo.
I f it took all day for them to reach a target， they m ight as w d l not hit it
at all.
21/6.2
吳起謂 ( 荆 T A > 楚王曰：「( 荆丁人> 楚所有餘者地也，所不足者民也。今

君王以所不足益所有餘，臣不得而爲也。』於是令貴人往實廣虛之地，皆
甚苦之。（
荆 T A > 楚王死，貴人皆來，尸在堂上，貴人相與射吳起。吳起號
呼曰：「吾示子吾用兵也。』拔矢而走，伏尸揷矢而疾言曰：「群臣亂
王。』吳起死矣。且 ( 荆 T A > 楚國之法，麗兵於王尸者，盡加重罪，逮三
族。吳起之智，可謂捷矣。
W u Qi said to King D ao o f Chu, ccW hat C hu has in excess is land, but it
lacks sufficient population. N ow my lord majesty plans to employ w hat he
has in insufficienq^ to increase w hat he has in excess; your subject lacks the
ability to im plem ent this.55Thereupon, the king ordered his nobility to fill
the expanses o f uninhabited territory. All o f them suffered greatiy because
o f this. W hen the king o f C hu died, all the nobility returned. The corpse o f
the king was lying in state in the hall, and the noblem en gathered together
and shot arrows at W u Qi. W u Qi shouted, CCI will show you how I employ
the arts o f war.55 G rabbing his arrows, he ran up the hall. Crouching over
the corpse he stuck arrows into it and then shouted loudly, cT h e officials
are desecrating the body o f the king.55
AltJiough W u Q i died, according to the laws o f the state o f Chu, bran
dishing weapons near a royal corpse is the m ost serious o f crimes, the per
petrator o f which will have the families o f his father, mother, and wife ex-
term inated. It may be said o f Wu Qi that he was quick-witted.
21/6.3
齊襄公即位，憎公孫無知，收其祿。無知不說，殺襄公。公子糾走魯，
公子小白奔莒。既而國殺無知，未有君，公子糾與公子小白皆歸，倶至，
爭先入公家。管仲扞弓射公子小白，中鉤。鮑叔御，（公 G E > 令 ( 子)2小白
值。管子以爲小白死，吿公子糾曰：『安之。公孫小白已死矣。j 鮑叔因疾
驅先入，故公子小白得以爲君。鮑叔之 ( 智 )3應射而令公子小白值也，其智
若鏃矢也。
2. Chen Qiyou. 3. Wang Niansun; excrescent.
56斗 T H E D IS C O U R S E S
W hen Duke Xiang o f Qi assumed the throne, he took a dislike to Prince

Wuzhi and canceled his em olum ent. Displeased by this, W uzhi m urdered
Duke Xiang. Prince Jiu fled to Lu and Prince Xiaobo fled to Ju. Later, when
the state executed Wuzhi and before there was a recognized lord, both Prince
Jiu and Prince Xiaobo returned. Arriving at the same tim e, they fought
over w ho w ould enter the ducal residence first. G uan Z hong pulled all the
way back on his bow and shot at Prince Xiaobo, hitting him in the belt
buckle. Bao Shu, w ho was driving the chariot, had Xiaobo drop to the
ground. Guan Zhong, thinking him dead, told Prince Jiu, ccSlow down,
Prince Xiaobo is already dead.55Bao Shu then rushed in first, and so Prince
Xiaobo was able to become the recognized lord. Bao Shu’s cleverness in
quickly responding to the shot by having Prince Xiaobo fall to the ground
was like a barbed arrow.
21/6.4
周武君使人刺伶悝於東周，伶悝僵，令其子速哭曰：「以誰刺我父也？j
刺者聞〔
之〕4 ，以爲死也。周以爲不信，因厚罪之。
4- Chen Qiyou; context and Gao Youcommentary.
Lord Wu o f Z hou sent an assassin to kill Ling Kui in Eastern Zhou.

Ling Kui fell to the ground and had his son cry out, ccW ho stabbed my
father?55 W hen the true assassin heard this, he thought Ling Kui already
dead, and so reported to the Lord o f Zhou. The Lord o f Z hou considered
this an unbelievable excuse and so punished him severely.
21/6.5
趙氏攻中山。中山之人多力者曰吾丘馱。衣鐵甲、操鐵杖以戰，而所擊
無不碎，所衝無不陷，以車投車，以人投人也，幾至將所而後死。
The Zhao family attacked the state o f Zhongshan. The strongest m an in
Zhongshan was som eone called W uqiu Yu. H e fought wearing iron arm or
and brandishing an iron staff. Everything he struck was sm ashed ，every-
thing he stabbed was pierced. H e threw chariots against the chariots o f the
enemy and threw men against the men o f the enemy. But after having fought
his way almost to the position o f the Zhao general, he, too, was killed.
Book 22
The six chapters of book 22 arc all loosely linked by their common emphasis on the
need for rulers and knights {shi) to pay dose attention to their words and deeds.
Chapters 1 and 2, both of which seem to be criticisms aimed at Legalist teachings,
caution the knights to measure their actions and words against the standard of
what is morally right—that is, being faithful and trustworthy—even though this
may mean personal sacrifice. These chapters argue that only through ignoring per
sonal gain can the knights assure themselves of the more substantial benefits of
living in a secure and well-ordered state. Chapter 3 warns the ruler to rely on those
with firsthand experience of a subject so that he will be truly able to distinguish
between things that appear similar to him but are in fact distinct from one another.
Chapter 4 continues in a similar vein by advising both rulers and the knights to
ensure complete conformity between their words and actions so that in their conduct
and demeanor they will be utterly predictable and free of the appearance of any
thing confusing or deceptive. Chapter 5 counsels rulers to be humble and mcxlest
so that they may attract to their states people of talent, some of whom may resist
the politest and most submissive of rulers. Chapter 6 invokes the standards of
common sense and rationality in cautioning rulers to examine carefully the truth of
rumors lest they bring ruin to their kingdoms. Beyond this common theme of
attentiveness to words and actions, the chapters otherwise diverge in their interests
and concerns.
[ 56 5 ]
一曰慎行
CH A PTER 1
B E IN G C A U T IO U S I N O N E ’S C O N D U C T
22/1.1
行不可不( 孰 S F > 熟。不 ( 孰 S F > 熟，如赴深谿，雖悔無及。君子計行慮

義，小人計行 ( 其 S F > 期 1利，乃不利。有知不利之利者，則可與言理矣。
I. Tao Hongqing.
C onduct cannot but be maturely considered. The failure to consider it

maturely is like running tow ard a deep abyss, for although you may later
have regrets， they come too late. The gentlem an， w hen reckoning how he
should act, considers w hat his moral duty is; the petty m an calculates how
he should act only in terms o f whether it will be profitable or not. Only
when he realizes the benefit o f the unprofitable acts is it possible to reason
w ith the petty man.
22/1.2
(荆 T A > 楚平王有臣曰費無忌，害太子建，欲去之。王爲建取妻於秦而
美，無忌勸王奪〔
之〕2 。王已奪之，而疏太子。無忌說王曰：「晉之霸也，近
於諸夏，而 ( 荆 T A > 楚僻也，故不能與爭。不若大城城父而置太子焉，以求
北方，王收南方，是得天下也。』王說，使太子居於城父。居一年，乃惡
之曰：r 建與連尹將以方城外反。』王曰！T 已爲我子矣，又尙奚求？j 對
曰：「以妻事怨。且自以爲猶宋也，齊、晉又輔之，將以害 ( 荆 T A > 楚，其
事已集矣。《
I 王信之，使執連尹。太子建出奔。左尹郤宛，國人說之。無
忌又欲殺之，謂令尹子常曰：「郤宛欲飮令尹酒。』又謂郤宛曰：「
令尹欲
飮酒於子之家。《
I 郤宛曰：「我賤人也，不足以辱令尹。令尹必來辱，我且
何以給待之？j 無忌曰：『令尹好甲兵，子出而寘之門，令尹至，必觀之，
已，因以爲酬。」及饗日，惟門左右而寘甲兵焉。無忌因謂令尹曰：「吾幾
禍令尹。郤宛將殺令尹，甲在門矣。』令尹使人視之，信，遂攻郤宛，殺
之。國人大怨，動 ( 作 G V > 胙 3 者莫不 (非 S F > 誹4 令尹。沈尹戍謂令尹曰：
「夫無忌，（
荆 T A > 楚之讒人也，亡夫太子建，殺連尹奢，屛王之耳目，今
令尹又用之，殺眾不辜，以興大謗，患幾及令尹。』令尹子常曰：「
是吾罪
也，敢不良圖。《
I 乃殺費無忌，盡滅其族，以說其國。動而不論其義，知
害人而不知人害己也，以滅其族，費無忌之謂乎！
2. Chen Qiyou; context. 3*Wang Niansun. 4 -Sun Shuchcng.
B O O K 22 567
Fei Wuji, an official o f King Ping o f Chu, contrived to tarnish Crown

Prince Jian, hoping to have him removed. The king had selected a Q in
w om an to be the crown prince5s wife, but because the king fancied her, Fei
Wuji encouraged the king to take her for himself. The king did so and was
estranged from the crown prince. Wuji advised the king, uYm holds the lord-
protectorate because it is near the Xia states. C hu is isolated; this is why it
cannot contest Jin5s position. The best policy w ould be to build a large wall
at Chengfu and p ut the crown prince in charge o f it. By seeking greater
contact w ith northern lands and joining them together w ith the southern
territories your majesty already holds, the whole w orld can be gotten .55
Pleased w ith this persuasion, the king ordered the crown prince to reside
at Chengfu. After a year, Fei Wuji maligned him, saying, ccCrow n Prince
Jian and C om m andant W u She plan to take the area beyound Fangcheng
away from C hu and hold it in rebellion.55
The king said, aH e has already been made my heir. W hat m ore does he
seek?”
ccH e is resentful over the m atter o f the wife,55 replied Fei Wuji. aM ore-
over, he thinks o f him self as a small independent state, like Song; so, w ith
the aid o f Q i and Jin, he plans to harm Chu. The affair is already well under
way.55The king believed him and ordered the arrest o f the com m andant.
Crow n Prince Jian fled.
D eputy Premier Xi Yuan was admired by the citizens o f the state; Wuji
therefore also w anted to have him killed, and so said to Premier Zichang,
aXi Yuan wants to invite the prem ier to a drinking party.55H e then said to Xi
Yuan, "The prem ier w ould like to be invited to a drinking party at your
hom e.55
Xi Yuan said, CCI am a hum ble person whose imworthiness w ould shame
the premier. I f he insists on being shamed, how will I be able to entertain
him adequately?55
Wuji said, aH c is fond o f arm or and weapons. Take some o u t and place
them by your gate. W hen the prem ier arrives, he will be sure to see them.
After that, you can offer them as drinking gifts.55
O n the day o f the festivities, Xi Yuan curtained off the area around the
gate and placed arm or and weapons there. Then Wuji said to the premier,
UI suspect some catastrophe will befall you. Xi Yuan plans to m urder the
premier; there is arm or by his gate.55
The premier sent someone to see, and indeed there were weapons, so he
attacked Xi Yuan and killed him. The people were bitterly resentful, and all
o f the nobles w ho were fed from sacrificial meats blamed the premier.
Zhuliang Shu, magistrate o f Shen, said to the premier, cT h a t Wuji is the
biggest slanderer in Chu. H e occasioned the flight o f Crow n Prince Jian
and the death o f C om m andant She. H e has blinded the ears and eyes o f the
king and now you, having used him, have killed a host o f innocent people
inciting widespread discontent. The troubles are sure to reach the prem ier
himself?5
Premier Zichang replied, UA11 this is my crime. Dare I no t take gocxl
care o f it?55H e thereupon had Fei Wuji killed and completely exterminated
his family to win the approval o f the country.
To act w ithout assessing one5s moral duty, to be aware o f harm ing o th
ers but n o t o f how others can harm you, and thereby to cause the annihila
tion o f your clan—this describes Fei Wuji!
22 / 1.3
崔抒與慶封謀殺齊莊公，莊公死，更立景公，崔抒相之。慶封又欲殺崔
抒而代之相，於是涿崔抒之子，令之爭後。崔抒之子相與私閽，崔抒往見
慶封而吿之。慶封謂崔抒曰：『且留，吾將興甲以殺之。J 因令盧滿婺興甲
以誅之，盡殺崔抒之妻子及枝屬，燒其室屋，報崔抒曰：「吾已誅之
矣。j 崔抒歸無歸，因而自絞也。慶封相景公，景公苦之。慶封出獵，景
公與陳無宇、公孫竈、公孫蠆誅封。慶封以其屬鬥，不勝，走如魯。齊人
以爲讓，又去魯而如吳，王予之朱方。（
荆 T A > 楚靈王聞之，率諸侯以攻
吳，圍朱方，拔之，得慶封，負之斧質，以徇於諸侯軍，因令其呼之曰： r
毋或如齊慶封，弑其君而弱其孤，以（亡 L C > 盟5其大夫。』乃殺之。黃帝
之貴而死，堯、舜之賢而死，孟賁之勇而死，人固皆死。若慶封者，可謂重
死矣。身爲僇，支屬不可以 ( 見 G E > 完6 ，行忮之故也。
5. Liu Shipci. 6. Wang Niansun.
A. Cui Z hu and Q ing Feng plotted the m urder o f Duke Zhuang o f Qi.
U pon the duke5s death, they replaced him w ith Duke Jing w hom Cui Z hu
served as prime minister. Q ing Feng then sought to m urder Cui Z hu and
take his place as prime minister. To accomplish this, he set Cui Z hu5s sons
against each other, inducing them to contest the succession to their patri
mony. A private battle broke o u t am ong the sons. Cui Z hu w ent to see
Q ing Feng to tell him about it, and the latter said, ccWait here while I raise
arm ored soldiers to kill them .55 H e then ordered Lu M anpie to raise ar
m ored troops to punish them , and he killed Cui Z hu5s wife as well as the
various branches o f the family and burned their house. H e reported back to
Cui Zhu, aI have punished them .55W hen Cui Zhu returned, he had no home,
and so he strangled himself w ith a cord.
Q ing Feng served as m inister to Duke Jing, but the duke found him
intolerable. W hen Q ing Feng w ent o u t hunting， Duke Jing together w ith
Chen W uyu, Prince Zao, and Prince Chai attacked Feng. Q ing Feng gath
ered his followers to fight, but unable to prevail, he fled to Lu. The people
o f Q i complained to Lu. Q ing Feng was therefore forced to leave Lu and go
to W u, where the king presented him w ith Zhufang. W hen King Ling o f
C hu learned o f it, he gathered the feudal lords to attack Wu. They sur
rounded Zhufang and captured Q ing Feng, forcing him to wear an axe on
his back while making the rounds before the armies o f the feudal lords,
shouting, ccBe n o t like Q ing Feng o f Qi, w ho assassinated his lord and weak
ened the orphaned new ruler that he m ight force his agreement to make
him a grand officer.55Then they killed him.
Even those as noble as the Yellow Sovereign, as w orthy as Yao and Shun,
and as brave as M eng Ben die. All m en are certain to die, but some like
Q ing Feng may be said to ccdie twice,55 because they themselves are m uti
lated, and their families are exterm inated—all because they acted ou t o f
enmity.
凡亂人之動也，其始相助，後必相惡。爲義者則不然，始而相與，久而相
信，卒而相親，後世以爲法程。
B. As a general principle, the activities o f rebellious m en begin w ith
collaboration and invariably end in m utual animosity. This is not true o f the
moral, w ho cooperate at the beginning, trust one another the whole time,
and to the end remain on good terms. Later generations may take them as
the right model.
二曰無義
CH A PTER 2
L A C K IN G IN M O R A L P R IN C IP L E S
22/2.1
先王之於論也極之矣，故義者百事之始也，萬利之本也，中智之所不及
也。不及則不知，不知〔
則〕1趨利。趨利固不可必也，公孫鞅、鄭平、續經、
公孫竭是已。以義動則無曠事矣。人臣與人臣謀爲姦，猶或與之。又況乎
人主與其臣謀爲義，其孰不與者？非獨其臣也，天下皆且與之。
1. Bi Yuan.
In making judgm ents, the Early Kings were perfect, because they made
moral principles the starting point o f all their undertakings and the root o f
everything that was beneficial. This principle, however, is som ething that
persons o f medicx:re intellect never grasp. N o t grasping it, tliey lack aware
ness, and lacking awareness, they pursue profit. But while they pursue profit,
it is absolutely impossible for them to be certain o f attaining it. Shang Yang，
Zheng Ping, Xu Jing, and Prince Jie are all perfect examples o f this. I f a
person a a s on the basis o f moral considerations, there will be no wasted
efforts. W hen officials plot w ith one another to act corrupdy, others will
join their schemes. H ow m uch m ore will this be true o f a ruler w ho pro
poses to act from moral consideration! W ho w ould n o t join him? And it is
n ot only his ow n ministers w ho w ould join his cause; it w ould be the whole
world!
22/2.2
公孫鞅之於秦，非父兄也，非 ( 有 L C > 友2故也，以能用也，欲堙之責，
非攻無以，於是爲秦將而攻魏。魏使公子卬將而當之。公孫鞅之居魏也，
固善公子卬，使人謂公子卬曰：『凡所爲游而欲貴者，以公子之故也。今秦
令鞅將，魏令公子當之，豈且忍相與戰哉？公子言之公子之主，鞅請亦言
之主，而皆罷軍。』於是將歸矣，使人謂公子曰：『歸未有時相見，願與公
子坐而相去別也。』公子曰：^諾。』魏吏爭之曰：『不可。』公子不聽，遂
相與坐。公孫鞅因伏卒與車騎以取公子卬。秦孝公薨，惠王立，以此疑公
孫鞅之行，欲加罪焉。公孫鞅以其私屬與母歸魏。襄疵不受，曰：1
■以君之
反公子卬也，吾無道知君。』故士自行不可不審也。
2. Ma Xulun, Chen Qiyou.
Shang Yang did not go over to Q in because he had close relatives or old
acquaintances and friends there; rather, it was because Q in w ould employ
him on the basis o f his abilities. H e wanted to lose himself in the tasks o f his
office, but aside from attacking enemies, there was no other opportunity.
H e therefore became a Q in general and in that capacity attacked Wei. Wei
sent Prince Ang as the general to oppose him. W hen Shang Yang lived in
Wei, he had been especially friendly with Prince Ang. Thus, he sent a messen
ger to say to Prince Ang, ""Generally speaking, the reason I have wandered
in search o f honor is because o f you. N ow Q in has made m e its general, and
B O O K 22 571
Wei has ordered you to oppose me. H ow can we bear to do battle w ith one
another? Discuss this w ith your ruler, and I shall discuss it w ith mine, and
then both sides can dismiss their armies.55
As Shang Yang was preparing to return hom e, he sent a messenger to
say to Prince Ang, WI have n o t yet had the opportunity to see you. I hope
that we may sit together and then take leave o f one another.55
W hen Prince Ang assented, a Wei official argued w ith him that it was
impossible, b ut he w ould n o t listen and w ent to the meeting. Shang Yang
took advantage o f the m eeting to capture Prince Ang, using some soldiers
and carriages he had hidden from sight. W hen Duke Xiao o f Q in died,
King H ui assumed the throne, and because o f this incident, he was suspi
cious o f Shang Yan^s activities and wanted to punish him. Shang Yang
returned to Wei along w ith his family and his mother. A Wei official named
Xiang Ci would not accept him. ccBecause your lordship turned against Prince
Ang, I have no way o f know ing o f him .55
Accordingly, a scholar-knight cannot but be attentive to his personal
conduct.
22/2.3
鄭平於秦王臣也，其於應侯交也，欺交反主，爲利故也。方其爲秦將
也，天下所貴之無不以者，重也。重以得之，輕必失之。去秦將，入趙、
魏，天下所賤之無不以也，所可羞無不以也。行方可賤可羞，而無秦將之
重，不窮奚待？
Zheng Ping was a minister o f the king o f Q in and a friend to the Marquis
o f Ying. H e cheated his friend and revolted against his m aster for the sake
o f personal profit. A t the tim e he became a Q in general, he was thought
capable o f doing everything the world prized. It was for this reason that he
was considered important. W hat a person obtains when he is deemed impor
tant is inevitably lost when he becomes unim portant. W hen he quit being a
Q in general and joined the ranks o f Zhao and Wei, he was thought capable
o f everything the w orld regarded as contem ptible and shameful. Since at
that time his actions were both contem ptible and shameful and he lacked
the importance that the Q in generalship had given him, could it be long
before m isfortune overtook him?
22/2.4
趙急求李欸，李言續經與之倶如衛，抵公孫與，公孫與見而與入，續經
因吿衛吏使捕之，續經以仕趙五大夫。人莫與同朝，子孫不可以交友。
W hen Zhao ardently hunted for Li Kai, Li Yan and Xu Jing joined him
in flight to Wey, where they sought the p ro tea io n o f Prince Yu. Prince Yu
granted them an audience and agreed to accept them. Xu Jing took advan-
tage o f the opportunity to inform a Wey official and have him seize Li Kai.
For this he was given the office o f fifth-rank grand officer in Zhao. N o one
was willing to serve in the same court w ith him, and none o f his descen
dants had friends.
22/2.5
公孫竭與陰君之事，而反吿之樗里相國，以仕秦五大夫，功非不大也，
然而不得入三都，又況乎無此其功而有行乎？
Prince Jie participated in the Lord Yin affair, but he reported the m atter
to the minister o f state, Shuli Ji, and was rewarded w ith the office o f fifth-
rank grand officer in Qin. It is not that his accomplishment was n o t great;
yet because o f w hat he had done, he was denied entry into three capitals.
H o w much worse w ould it have been had he acted this way and nothing
had been accomplished?
三曰疑似
CH A PTER 3
C O N F U S I N G S IM IL A R T H I N G S
22/3.1
使人大迷惑者，必物之相似〔
者〕1也。玉人之所患，患石之似玉者；相
劍者之所患，患劍之似吳干者；賢主之所患，患人之博聞辯言而似通者。
亡國之主似智，亡國之臣似忠。相似之物，此愚者之所大惑，而聖人之所
加慮也。故墨子見歧道而哭之。
I. XuWciyu, Jiang Wciqiao;J2 SZT, W X quotations.
W hat leads people to the greatest confusion and error are inevitably
resemblances between objects. The problem facing the jade expert are stones
th at troublingly resem ble jade; for the judge o f sw ords, sw ords th at
troublingly resemble the Gan sword from Wu; and for the w orthy ruler,
m en whose broad learning and skilled discourse troublingly resemble true
understanding. The rulers o f perished states appeared wise, and the m inis
ters o f perished states seemed loyal. Things that resemble one another are
the cause o f the greatest confusion am ong the stupid, and hence they are
m atters to which the sage gives additional thought. For this reason, M o Di
cried when he came upon a split in the road [for one could go to the south
or to the north].
22/3.2
周宅酆鎬近戎人，與諸侯約，爲高 ( 深禱 L C > 堡墉 2於王路，置鼓其上，
遠近相聞。即戎寇至，傳鼓相吿，諸侯之兵皆至救天子。戎寇當至，幽王
擊鼓，諸侯之兵皆至，褒姒大說〈
而笑 >3 。（
喜之）幽王〈喜之>4欲褒姒之笑
也，因數擊鼓，諸侯之兵數至而無寇。至於後戎寇眞至，幽王擊鼓，諸侯
兵不至。幽王之身，乃死於麗山之下，爲天下笑。此夫以無寇失眞寇者
也。賢者有小〔
善以致大善，不肖者有小〕
s 惡以致大惡。褒姒之敗，乃令幽
王好小說以致大滅。故形骸相離，三公九卿出走，此褒姒之所用死，而平
王所以東徙也，秦襄、晉文之所以勞王 ( 勞 ) 6而賜地也。
2. YuYuc. 3- Chen Qiyou; TFTL quotation. 4. Chen Qiyou. 5. Chen Qiyou; context.
6. Wang Niansun; dittography.
Z hou built its capitals at Feng and H ao, both near the R ong people.
They made a covenant w ith the feudal lords: ccWe will make a high earthen
m ound by the royal road and place a drum atop it that can be heard by
those both far and near. Should the R ong marauders come, we shall com
municate this w ith the drum , and all the feudal lords shall send txcx>ps to
come to the aid o f the Son o f H eaven.55
When the Rong barbarians came, King You beat the drum, and the trcx>ps
o f all the feudal lords came. Bao Si was so pleased by this that she laughed.
King You was delighted by that, and because he wanted to make Bao Si
laugh again, he beat the drum time and again, and each time the troops o f
the feudal lords came. But there were no R ong marauders. Later, when the
R ong marauders really did come and King You beat the drum , the soldiers
o f the feudal lords did not come, and King You died at the foot o f M ount
Li, the laughingstock o f the world. This is because beating the drum when
there were no bandits misled people when there really were bandits. A w or
thy ruler brings about a great good from some small good; an incom petent
ruler brings about a catastrophe because o f some slight error. Bao Si ruined
the state by causing King You to indulge some trivial pleasure that w ould
lead to m onum ental calamity. As a consequence, his skull was separated
from his body， and the Three Dukes and N ine Ministers all fled. This is why
Bao Si died, why King Ping had to move the capital to the east, and why
Dukes Xiang o f Q in and Wen o f Jin labored on behalf o f the Z hou king,
w ho awarded them territory.
22/3.3
梁北有黎丘部，有奇鬼焉，（
喜 G E > 善 7 效人之子 ( 姪 G E > 姓 7昆弟之
狀。邑丈人有之市而醉歸者，黎丘之鬼效其子之狀，扶而道苦之。丈人歸，
酒醒而誚其子，曰：「吾爲汝父也，豈謂不慈哉？我醉，汝道苦我，何
故？』其子泣而觸地曰：「孽矣！無此事也。昔也往責於東邑人可問也
其父信之，曰：「譆！是必夫奇鬼也，我固嘗聞之矣。』明日端復飮於市，
欲遇而刺殺之。明旦之市而醉，其眞子恐其父之不能反也，遂逝迎之。丈
人望其眞子，拔劍而刺之。丈人智惑於似其子者，而殺於眞子。夫惑於似
士者而失於眞士，此黎丘丈人之智也。
7. Wang Yinzhi.
A. N o rth o f Liang was the district o f Liqiu, where there was a weird
dem on that was skilled at assuming the appearance o f a persons children
and brothers. Once, when a man o f the tow n was retlirning hom e drunk
after having visited the marketplace， the dem on o f Liqiu assumed the shape
o f his son and then, blocking his way, treated the m an poorly. The man
returned hom e, and when he had sobered up, he upbraided his son, saying,
CCI am your father. W ho w ould have thought you did n o t love me? W hen I
was drunk you treated me poorly on the road. W hy?55
H is son cried and knocked his head against the ground, saying, ^That
did n o t happen. At the time I was taking care o f my duties in the eastern
part o f tow n. You can ask others.55
The father believed him. ccAha! It m ust have been that weird dem on
that I have heard about.55H e decided that the next day he w ould once again
go drinking in the marketplace, in hopes o f encountering the ghost and
stabbing it to death. A t dawn he w ent to the market and got drunk. H is real
son, fearful that his father would be unable to return hom e, w ent to help
him. W hen the man saw his real son, he drew o u t his sword and stabbed
him. The m an5s intellect, having been fooled by the dem on5s resemblance
to his son, m urdered his true son. Those w ho are fooled by those w ho re
semble scholar-knights and so lose genuine scholar-knights have the intel
lect o f the m an from Liqiu.
B O O K 22 575
疑似之跡，不可不察。察之必於其人也。舜爲御，堯爲左，禹爲右，入於
澤而問牧童，入於水而問漁師，奚故也？其知之審也。夫人子之相似者，
其母常識之，知之審也。
B. The effects o f doubt-cansing resemblances cannot but be thoroughly
investigated, and the investigation m ust be undertaken by a person w ho
understands them. W hen Shun drove his chariot, Yao occupied the place o f
honor on the left and Yu was spearman on the right. W hen the chariot
entered a fertile area, they w ould make inquiries o f the shepherds; when
they were near the water they w ould make inquiries o f experienced fisher
men. W hy is this? Because they w ould possess detailed understanding o f
the place. T hat their m other can always tell twins apart is because she has
paid attention to the details about them .
四曰壹行
CH A PTER 4
U N IT Y O F C O N D U C T
22/4.1
先王所惡，無惡於不可知，不可知則君臣、父子、兄弟、朋友、夫妻之
際敗矣。十際皆敗，亂莫大焉。凡人倫以十際爲安者也，釋十際則與麋鹿
虎狼無以異，多勇者則爲制耳矣。不可知則 ( 知 V 無安君、無樂親矣，無榮
兄、無親友、無尊夫矣。
I. Chen Changqi， YuYue.
O f all the things the Early Kings hated, w hat they hated above all else
were things that could no t be recognized for w hat they really were. Such
indeterm inate things destroy the boundaries that define the proper rela
tions between ruler and subject, father and son, older brother and younger
brother, friends and acquaintances, and m an and wife. N othing produces
greater chaos than the destruction o f the boundaries that define these ten
relations.
As a general principle, the obligations between people depend on hav
ing the lines defining these ten relations in place. W hen they are allowed to
deteriorate, humans are no different from deer, tigers, and wolves: the one
w ith the m ost strength controls all the others. If these things are indeterm i
nate, there will be no secure rulers, happy fathers, honored elder brothers,
close friends, or respected husbands.
22/ 4.2
强大未必王也，而王必强大。王者之所藉以成也何？藉其威與其利。非
强大則其威不威，其利不利。其威不威則不足以禁也，其利不利則不足以
勸也，故賢主必使其威利無敵，故以禁則必止，以勸則必爲。威利敵，而
憂苦民，行可知者王；威利無敵，而以行不〔
可〕2知者亡。小弱而〔
行〕3不可
知，則强大疑之矣。人之情不能愛其所疑，小弱而〔
强〕4大不愛則無以存。
故不可知之道，王者行之廢，强大行之危，小弱行之滅。
2. YuYuc; context. 3- Xu Wciyu; context. 4- Chen Qiyou; context.
The strong and great need n o t become kings, but a king m ust be strong
and great. W hat do kings rely upon to attain their positions? They rely on
the majesty o f their position and on bestowing benefits. I f one is not strong
and great, majesty does n o t inspire awe, and benefits are no t really benefi
cial. I f majesty docs not inspire awe, it will be inadequate to prevent w rong
doing; and if benefits do not really benefit, they will be insufficient to stimu-
late goodness. Hence, the sage ruler necessarily makes his majesty and ben
efits second to none, so that if he uses them to prohibit som ething, people
are certain to cease doing it, and if he uses them to encourage sometliing,
people are certain to do it. If a rulers majesty and benefits have a rival, yet
he worries grievously over the people and conducts himself so as to recog
nize the fundamental relationships, he will become king. I f his majesty and
benefits are second to none, and on that account he conducts himself in a
way that makes them indeterm inate, he will perish. W hen the small and
weak conduct themselves in a fashion that makes the reasons for their con-
duct indeterminate, they cause the strong and great to be suspicious o f their
motives. It is the emotional nature o f hum ans that they cannot love w hat
they hold in suspicion; the small and weak therefore will no t be loved by
the strong and great and hence will have no means o f surviving. Accord-
ingly, kings w ho followed a D ao that allowed things to be indeterm inate
were destroyed; the strong and great w ho followed it were threatened; and
the small and weak w ho followed it were annihilated.
22/4.3
今行者見大樹，必解衣縣冠倚劍而寢其下。大樹非人之情親知交也，而
安之若此者信也。陵上巨木，人以爲期，易知故也。又況於士乎？士(義
S F > 議可知 ( 故也 )5 ，則期爲必矣。又況彊大之國？彊大之國誠可知，則其
王不難矣。
5. Chen Changqi, YuYuc; dittography.
Now, w hen a traveler sees a large tree, he will surely disrobe, take off his
cap, lay aside his sword, and sleep beneath it. A lthough the tree is neither a
natural relative or som eone w hom he knows well， he will fe d secure be-
neath it because he trusts it. T hat m en use a tall tree on a hill as a meeting
place is because it is easily recognized. H o w m uch m ore should this be true
o f a scholar-knight! I f a scholar-knight's code o f conduct is clearly recogniz
able, others will use him as their ccmeeting place.55H o w m uch m ore will this
be so o f a strong and great state! I f the strength and greatness o f a state are
clearly recognizable, its king will n o t suffer hardships.
22/4.4
人之所〔以〕 6乘船者，爲其能浮而不能沈也；世之所以賢君子者，爲其
能行(義 S F > 議而不能行邪辟也。
6. Tao Hongqing.
The reason people ride in boats is because they are capable o f floating
and n o t sinking. The reason the age regards the gentlem an as w orthy is
because he is capable o f acting according to a code o f conduct but not ca
pable o f doing evil or wrong.
22/4.5
孔子卜，得賁。孔子曰：「不吉。』子貢曰：「夫賁亦好矣，何謂不吉

乎？j 孔子曰：「夫白而白，黑而黑，夫賁又何好乎？』故賢者所惡於物，
無惡於無處。
W hen he divined and obtained the hexagram V arieg ated,55Confucius
said ，“Inauspicious.” H is disciple Zigong said， “This hexagram "Variegated’
is also good. W hy do you say that it is inauspicious?” Gonfiicius replied ，
cT h e white should be pure white and the black pure black. H o w could
"Variegated’ ever be good?”
Therefore, w hat the w orthy hate above all else are things that lack a
definite position.
22/4.6
夫天下之〔
士〕7所 ( 以 )7惡，莫惡於不可知也。夫不可知，盜不與期，賊
不與謀。盜賊大姦也，而猶 ( 所得 G E > 得所 8匹偶，又況於欲成大功乎？夫
欲成大功，令天下皆輕勸而助之，必之士可知。
7. Chen Qiyou. 8. Tao Hongqing.
W hat the scholar-knights o f the world despise above all else are people
who cannot be recognized for w hat they are. Even a bandit will n o t meet
w ith a person w ho is not recognizable for w hat he is, nor will a thief hatch
plots w ith him. Bandits and thieves are the m ost treacherous sort o f men,
but they will seek to get someone w ho is like themselves. H o w m uch more
should this be true o f anyone w ho desires to achieve great things! I f he
desires to achieve great things, he m ust cause the whole w orld to be excited
by the prospect so that they will help him ， and to do it, it is necessary that
he have scholar-knights w ho can be recognized for w hat they are.
五曰求人
CH A PTER 5
S E E K IN G M E N
22/5.1
身定，國安，天下治，必賢人。古之有天下也者，七十一聖。觀於《春
秋》，自魯隱公以至哀公十有二世，其所以得之，所以失之，其術一也。
得賢人，國無不安，名無不榮；失賢人，國無不危，名無不辱。
A. For the individual to be secure, the state at peace, and the w orld well
governed, w orthy m en are necessary. In antiquity, o f those w ho ruled the
w orld ，seventy-one were sages. W hen we look into 咖桃》
Annals we have the records o f twelve generations o f Lu, from Duke Yin to
Duke Ai. W hether they were successful or no t depended on one principle:
w ithout exception, every ruler who obtained worthies had a secure state
and a glorious reputation; and every ruler w ho lost worthies had an endan
gered state and disgraceful reputation.
先王之索賢人無不以也，極卑極賤，極遠極勞。虞用宮之奇，吳用伍子胥
之言，此二國者，雖至於今存可也，則是國可壽也。有能益人之壽者，則
人莫不願之。今壽國有道，而君人者而不求，過矣。
B. W hen the Form er Kings searched out w orthy m en, they used every
means at their disposal, the m ost hum bling, m ost demeaning, m ost dis
tant, and m ost taxing. I f the state o f Yu had used G ong Zhiqi, if W u had
heeded the words o f W u Zixu, it is possible that these tw o states w ould still
exist even now, for states can attain such longevity. N o m an fails to look for
things that can increase his longevity. N ow ， there is a D ao to give the state
longevity， and the lords o f m en w ho do no t seek it com m it ä grave error.
B O O K 22 579
22/ 5.2
堯傳天下於舜，禮之諸侯，妻以二女，臣以十子，身請北面朝之，至卑
也。伊尹，庖蔚之臣也；傅說，殷之胥靡也。〈至賤也 > ，皆上相天子。
( 至賤也 Y 。禹東至榑木之地，日出、九津、青羌之野，攢樹之所，抿天之
山，（
鳥 G E > 昜 S F > 陽2谷、青丘之鄕，黑齒之國；南至交阯、孫樸、續滿
之國，丹粟、漆樹、沸水、漂漂、九陽之山，羽人、裸民之處，不死之鄕；
西至三危之國，巫山之下，飮露、吸氣之民，積金之山，（
共 T V > 其 LC>
奇 3肱、一臂、三面之鄕；北至 (人 G E > 令4( 正 G E > 止 5之國，夏 ( 海 G V >
晦6之窮，衡山之上，犬戎之國，夸父之野，禺彊之所，積 (水 S F > 冰 7 、積
石之山。〔
至遠也〕
8 。不有懈墮，憂其黔首，顏色黎黑，竅藏不通，步不相
過，以求賢人，欲盡地利，至勞也。得〔
皋〕
9陶、化益、眞窺、橫革、（
之
L C > 支 1()交五人佐禹，故功績銘乎金石，著於盤盂。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Shököcn Usai. 3. Bi Yuan. 4. YuYuc; Gao You commentary.
5. Chen Qiyou; TFTL quotation ofH N Z passage. 6. YuYue; Gao Youcommentary.
7. Chen Qiyou; H N Z geographical terms. 8. Required for parallelism. 9. Chen Qiyou.
10. LiangYusheng.
W hen Yao handed over the w orld to Shun, he treated him w ith the
protocol o f a feudal lord, gave him his tw o daughters as wives and his ten
sons as subjects, and requested that he be allowed to face north to pay court
to him. This is an extreme instance o f humbling.
Yi Yin was a slave in the palace kitchens; Fuyue was a convict laborer
under the Shang. These are extreme instances o f being demeaned, yet both
m en were elevated to prime ministers to the Son o f Heaven.
Yu w ent east to the land o f the Fusang tree, to the land where the sun
comes up from the nine fords, to the wilderness o f the Blue Qiang tribes, to
the place o f clum ping trees, to the m ountains that touch the sky, to the
settlements o f the Valley o f Sunshine and Green Hill, and to the states o f
the Black-teeth people. H e w ent south to the states o f Jiaozhi, Sunpu, and
Xiiman, to the m ountain o f Nine-fold Yang, where there are cinnabar grains,
lacquer trees, bubbling streams, and rushing rivers, to the dwellings o f the
feathered and naked peoples, and to the villages o f the immortals. H e w ent
west to the state o f Sanwci, to the base o f Shamanka Peak, to the people
w ho drink the dew and suck in the cosmic ethers, to the m ountain o f piled
gold, and to the villages o f the weird-forearmed people, the one-shouldered
people, and the people w ith three faces. H e w ent north to the state o f
Lingzhi, to the limits o f the Great Darkness, to the top o f M ount H eng, to
the state o f the D og R ong barbarians, to the wilderness o f Kuafii, to the
place o f the nature spirit Yuqiang, and to the m ountains o f accumulated ice
and o f accumulated stones. These are extreme instances o f traveling the
farthest distance.
Yu was not at all dilatory or indolent in his worry over the lot o f the
black-headed people. In his search for w orthy men and his desire to exploit
fully the benefits o f the land, he worked until his face turned black, the
seven facial openings and five organs o f his body were clogged, and he walked
w ith a limp. These are extreme examples o f making the greatest effort.
In the end, Yu w on the assistance o f five men: Gaoyao, Huayi, Zhen
Kui, H eng Ge, and Zhi Jiao. Thus, his merits are inscribed in metal and
stone and w ritten on bowls and trays.
22/5.3
昔者堯朝許由於沛澤之中，曰：「
十日出〔
矣〕11，而 ( 焦 L C > 爝 11火不(息
S F > 熄 11，{其於光也，不亦難乎？時雨降矣，而猶浸灌，其於澤也11，}不亦
勞乎？夫子爲天子，而天下已治矣 12，請屬天下於夫子。《 I 許由辭曰：「爲天
下之不治與？而既已治矣。自爲與？啁噍巢於林，不過一枝；偃鼠飮於河，
不過滿腹。歸已君乎！惡用天下？』遂之箕山之下，潁水之陽，耕而食，
終身無經天下之色。故賢主之於賢者也，物莫之妨；戚愛習故，不以害之；
故賢者聚焉。賢者所聚，天地不壞，鬼神不害，人事不謀，此五常之本事也。
il. Chen Qiyou; ZZ parallel. i2. Cf. ZZ，“Xiaoyaoyu” 逍遙遊，i.斗一5.
Long ago, when Yao paid court to Xu You in the middle o f a fertile
prairie, he said, ccW hen ten suns have appeared, if the blazing torches are
not extinguished, aren5t we taking needless trouble to light t±ie world? W hen
the seasonal rains have fallen, if we flood the watercourses, arcn5t we doing
needless work to water the prairie? Were you, master, to become the Son o f
Heaven, the world would certainly be well governed. I beg to give the world
to you ，master•”
Xu You declined ，saying, “W ould I do it because the w orld is in disor-
der? But the w orld is already in good order. W ould I do it for my ow n sake?
W hen the tailorbird builds its nest in the wcx>ds, it uses only a single branch.
W hen the mole drinks from the river, it takes only enough to fill its belly.
G o away, my lord! W hat use have I o f the w orld?55H e then proceeded on to
the foot o f M ount Ji, on the north side o f the Ying River, and there he made
his living by farming. For the rest o f his life he gave no sign o f how to
govern the world.
Accordingly, w orthy rulers treat worthies in such a way that material
things do n ot interfere w ith their lives, and the rulers relations w ith his
B O O K 22 581
relatives, loved ones, associates, and old friends are not allowed to cause the
worthies any harm. Thus, the w orthy congregate about them . W here the
w orthy congregate, Heaven and Earth will cause no damage, spirits and
ghosts will do no harm, and the various officials will not plot. This is the
basic foundation o f the Five Constants.
22/5.4
皋子眾疑取國，召南宮虔、孔伯產而眾口止。
W hen the masses became suspicious o f Viscount Gao for taking the
stat:e, he sum m oned N angong Qian and Kong Bochan, and the masses
shut up.
22/5.5
晉人欲攻鄭，令叔嚮聘焉，視其有人與無人。子產爲之詩曰：「子惠思
我，蹇裳涉洧；子不我思，豈無他士？』叔嚮歸曰：「鄭有人，子產在焉，
不可攻也。秦、（
荆 T A > 楚近，其詩有異心，不可攻也。』晉人乃輟攻鄭。
孔子曰『《
詩》云：「無競惟人。」子產一稱而鄭國免。 j
The m en o f Jin, desiring to attack Zheng, sent Shuxiang there on a pur
ported mission o f friendly inquiry, to see w hether or n o t there were any
m en o f note. Prince Chan composed a poem for him, which went:
You were so kind as to think of me,

Lifting your skirts you forded the Wei.
If you no longer think of me.
There will always be some other knight.
[S/«’，
“Zhengfeng，” “Qianchang,” Mao 87]
Shuxiang returned to Jin and reported, ccZheng does possess m en o f note,

for Prince Chan resides there. It cannot be attacked. Qin and C hu are nearby
to it. T hat poem o f his had another m eaning and so it cannot be attacked.55
The m en o f Jin therefore called off the attack against Zheng.
Confucius said, ccAn O de says,
Oh, that it is strong depends on one man.

[W ，
“Daya，
” “Yi,” Ma〇256]
Prince Chan made a single statem ent and the state o f Zheng was spared.55
六曰察傳
CHA PTER 6
S C R U T IN I Z I N G H E A R S A Y
22/6.1
夫 ( 得 G E > 傳 1言不可 ( 以 ) 2不察，數傳而白爲黑，黑爲白。故狗似攫，
攫似母猴，母猴似人，人之與狗則遠矣。此愚者之所以大過也。
I. Wang Niansun, Tao Hongqing. 2. Jiang Wciqiao, Chen Qiyou; T F T L quotation.
A. The statements passed from one person to another cannot but be
subjected to careftil scrutiny. W hen a statem ent is repeated many times, as
it is transm itted from one person to the next, white becomes black and
black becomes white. Thus, a dog bears some resemblance to an ape, an ape
to a monkey, and a monkey to a man, but the m an only distantly resembles
the dog. This is how the stupid com m it enorm ous errors.
聞而審則爲福矣，聞而不審，不若無聞矣。齊桓公聞管子於鮑叔，楚莊聞
孫叔敖於沈尹筮，審之也，故國〔
治〕3霸諸侯也。吳王聞越王句踐於太宰
嚭，智伯聞趙襄子於張武，不審也，故國亡身死也。
3. Chen Qiyou; parallelism.
B. Carefully examining w hat one has heard can produce good fortune,
and n o t doing so is worse than hearing nothing at all. Duke H uan o f Qi
learned o f Guan Zhong from Bao Shu, and King Zhuang o f C hu learned o f
Sunshu Ao from Shen Yinshi. Because they carefully examined w hat they
heard, their states became well-ordered and they became lords-protector
over the other feudal lords. King Fuchai o f W u learned o f King Goujian o f
Yue from G rand Steward Pi, and the earl o f Zhi learned o f Viscount Xiang
o f Zhao from Zhang Wu. Because neither carefully examined w hat they
had heard, their states perished and they themselves died.
22/6.2
凡聞言必熟論，其於人必驗之以理。魯哀公問於孔子曰：「樂正夔一足，
信乎？《
I 孔子曰：「昔者舜欲以樂傳敎於天下，乃令重黎舉夔於草莽之中而
進之，舜以爲樂正。夔於是正六律，和五聲，以通八風，而天下大服。重
黎又欲益求人，舜曰：「夫樂，天地之精也，得失之節也，故唯聖人爲能
和。〔
和〕4 ，樂之本也。夔能和之，以平天下。若夔者一而足矣。」故曰夔
一足，非一足也。』宋之丁氏，家無井而出漑汲，常一人居外。及其家穿
井，吿人曰：「吾穿井得一人。』有聞而傳之者曰：「丁氏穿井得一人。j 國
B O O K 22 583
人道之，聞之於宋君，宋君令人問之於丁氏，丁氏對曰：f 得一人之使，非
得一人於井中也。《
I 求能之若此，不若無聞也。
4. Xu Wciyu.
As a general principle, every statem ent that one hears m ust be maturely
assessed. W hen they have to do w ith hum an affairs, they m ust be tested
against reason.
Duke Ai o f Lu asked Confucius, ^The rectifier o f music, Kui, is said to
have had one foot. Is that tru e?55
Confucius answered, ccLong ago. Shun wanted to use music to transm it
his teachings to the whole w orld, so he ordered Z hong Li to select Kui
from am ong the "jungle5people and prom ote him. Shun m ade him rectifier
o f music. Kui thereupon rectified the six pitch-standards and tuned har
moniously the five tones, circulating the winds o f the eight directions and
thus caused the whole world to subm it generally to Shun5s rule. Z hong Li
wanted to find m ore m en like Kui, but Shun said, cMusic is the vital essence
o f Heaven and Earth and the key to success and failure. Hence, only the
sage is capable o f creating harmony. H arm ony is the root o f all music. Kui
is capable o f making music harm onious and thereby o f making the whole
w orld peaceful. There is only one like Kui, and that is enough. Therefore,
the statem ent traditionally taken to mean cKui has one foot,5 really means
Svith Kui, one is enough5 [enough and foot being w ritten the same way].55
A certain Mr. D ing o f Song, having no well in his hom e, had to go out
to dig for water and so regularly stayed by himself away from his home.
W hen his family finally did dig a well, he told someone, <CI am digging a
well, having found a man.”
W hen the m an w ho heard this repeated it, he said, ccW hen Mr. D ing
was digging his well， he found a m an•”
The citizens o f the state talked about it, and it reached the ears o f the
lord o f Song. The lord sent a m an to interrogate Mr. Ding, w ho explained,
aI found a man to do the work. I did not find a man in the well.55
Seeking capable persons like this is worse than not making any inquiry
at all.
22/6.3
子夏之晉，過衛，有讀史記者曰：「晉師三豕涉河。』子夏曰：「非也，

是己亥也。夫「己」與「三」相近，「豕」與「亥」相似。』至於晉而問
之，則曰「晉師己亥涉河』也。
5»4 T H E D IS C O U R S E S
A. W hen Zixia was going to Jin, he passed through Wey, where he read
some historical records, one o f which said, cT h e Jin army and three pigs
crossed the Yellow River.55Zixia remarked, ccT hat is wrong. The text should
say ‘the cyclical day y认似•’ not cthree pigs.’” The forms o f the characters for
the q^clical d ztt ji znd san^ cthree,5are close and the characters for the cyclical
date hai zndshi^ cpig,5resemble each other.55W hen he arrived in Jin, he asked
about it, and the inscription did say: cT h e Jin army crossed the Yellow River
on the cyclical dzy jibaiP
辭多類非而是，多類是而非。是非之經，不可不分，此聖人之所慎也。然
則何以慎？緣物之情及人之情以爲所聞則得之矣。
B. Frequentiy, propositions that seem to be w rong are right, and those
that seem right are wrong. The principles that perm it distinctions between
right and w rong cannot but make sharp divisions, and the sage pays close
attention to doing this. H ow does he do it? H e tests it according to the true
nature o f things and the true nature o f hum ans in order obtain the truth in
w hat he has been told.
Book 23
The opening chapter of the book emphasizes the need for officials who arc willing
to offer forthright criticism to their rulers， praises the rulers who can accept and
heed such admonishment, and condemns those who cannot. Chapter 2 provides
examples of censorious officials, to remind rulers that subjects who reproach them
do not do so for personal gain but, on the contrary, do so at the risk of deprivation
and even death. Chapter 3 illustrates the need for the ruler to be open to criticism
by relating the story of the fall of the kingdom of Wu, whose ruler, King Fuchai,
was so inflexibly wed to his own opinions that he could not recognize the signs of
impending disaster. Perhaps inspired by the tale of King Fuchai, chapter 4 extends
the list of other benighted rulers who are faulted, not for their stubborn self-reliance,
but for their failure to conform to rational and reasonable standards. Chapter 5
reverts to the theme of being tolerant of outspoken advisors and warns rulers that
it was failure to accept criticism that caused several well-known kings to lose both
their grasp on reality and control of their states. The concluding chapter offers the
observation that turmoil in government, no matter how minor, is never a singular
event but leads inevitably to even greater chaos.
[585]
一曰貴直
CH A PTER 1
V A L U IN G S T R A IG H T T A L K
23/1.1
賢主所貴莫如士。所以貴士，爲其直言也。言直則枉者見矣。人主之
患，欲聞枉而惡直言，是障其源而欲其 ( 水 G E > 流 1也，水奚自至？是賤其
所欲而貴其所惡也，所欲奚自來？
I. Chen Qiyou; T P T L quotation.
A worthy ruler prizes scholar-knights above all else. W hat he prizes about
them is their straight talk. W hen talk is straight, then the crooked is obvi
ous. The problem w ith rulers is that they like to hear lies and detest straight
talk. This is like blocking up the spring and desiring its outflow. W here will
the water come from? It is like demeaning w hat you desire and prizing
w hat you detest. W here will the desirable come from?
23/1.2
( 能 S F > 熊 2意見齊宣王。宣王曰：f 寡人聞子好直，有之乎？』對曰：
「意惡能直？意聞好直之士，家不處亂國，身不見污君。（
身今 G E > 令身 3
得見王，而家宅乎齊，意惡能直？』宣王怒曰：「野士也！i 將罪之。（能
S F > 熊2意曰：「臣少而好 ( 事 G E > 爭兕〉諍4 長而行之，王胡不能與野士，
乎，將以彰其所好耶？』王乃舍之。（
能 S F > 熊2意者，使謹乎論於主之側，
亦必不阿主。不阿主之所得豈少哉？此賢主之所求，而不肖主之所惡也。
2. Chen Qiyou; TFTL quotation. 3. Wang Niansun, Jiang Wciqiao, Sun Shuchcng.
斗•Tao Hongqing.
Xiong Yi had an audience w ith King Xuan o f Qi. The king said to him,
CCI, the O rphaned M an, have heard that you, sir, are fond o f honesty. Is
that so?”
ccH ow could I be capable o f honesty he replied. "1 have heard that scholar-
knights w ho carç for honesty do no t live in chaotic states, nor seek audience
with corrupt rulers. I have been ordered to have an audience w ith your
majesty and my family lives in Qi. H ow could I be capable o f true honesty?55
cT o u barbarian!55 King Xuan shouted angrily and was about to have
him punished.
Xiong Yi replied, ^Whcn your subject was young, I was fond o f critiquing,
and after I grew up I practiced making critiques o f things. Why is your majesty
B O O K 23 58 7
unable to associate w ith barbarians, for you w ould perm it me to exhibit

clearly w hat I am skilled at, w ould you n o t?55The king then pardoned him.
W hen Xiong Yi was perm itted to be truthful in offering his thesis on the
prejudices o f the ruler, he certainly did n o t toady to him. H ow could the
rewards be small for a ruler when subordinates do not toady to him? Such a
m an is w hat the w orthy ruler seeks and an incom petent ruler hates.
2 3 / 1-3
狐援說齊湣王曰：「殷之鼎陳於周之廷，其社蓋於周之屛，其干戚之音，

(在 G E > 充5人之游。亡國之音，不得至於廟；亡國之社，不得見於天；亡
國之器陳於廷，所以爲戒。王必勉之。其無使齊之大呂陳之廷，無使太公
之社蓋之屛，無使齊音，充人之游。』齊王不受。狐援出而哭國三日，其
辭曰：「先出也，衣豨竚，後出也，滿囹圄。吾今見民之洋洋然東走而不知
所處。』齊王問吏曰：r 哭國之法若何？j 吏曰：『訢。』王曰：《
■行法。j 吏
陳斧質於東閭，不欲殺之，而欲去之。狐援聞而蹶往過之。吏曰：「哭國之
法訢。先生之老歟昏歟？』狐援曰：「曷爲昏哉？』於是乃言曰：「有人自南
方來，鮒入而鯢居，使人之朝爲草而國爲墟。殷有比干，吳有子胥，齊有狐
援。已不用若言，又訢之東閭。（每 S F > _ 6訢者以吾參夫二子者乎! 』狐援
非樂訢也，國已亂矣，上已悖矣，哀社稷與民人，故出若言。出若言非平
論也，將以救敗也，固嫌於危。此觸子之所以去之也，達子之所以死之也。
5. Xu Wciyu. 6. Yu Xingwu.
H u Yuan offered a persuasion to King M in o f Qi: ccThe tripods o f Yin

are displayed in the court o f Z hou， their altar covered by a Z hou enclosure,
their cShield-and-Axe Music5entertaining others. The music o f a vanquished
state is no t allowed in the temple; the altar o f a vanquished state is not to be
exposed to the sky; and the vessels o f a vanquished state are to be displayed
in the courtyard in order to serve as an adm onition. Your majesty m ust
constrain himself. You m ust n o t allow the bell Great Regulator to be dis
played in a courtyard, the altar o f G rand Duke Tian H e to be covered over,
or the music o f Q i to provide entertainm ent for others.55
W hen the king o f Qi w ould n o t accept his persuasion, H u Yuan de
parted and wailed for the state for three days. H is words were: "Those who
leave first will be secure in their cloth garments. Those who leave later will
fill the jails. I see a great disorganized horde o f people streaming to the east,
know ing n o t where they will live.55
aW hat is the punishm ent for wailing for the state?55 the king asked an
official.
“The offender is cut in two.”
“Carry o u t the law•”
The official placed at the eastern gate the executioners ax and the convicts
placard stating the crime. H e did not wish to kill H u Yuan but wanted to let
him escape. W hen H u Yuan heard about it, he staggered over to the gate.
The official said, cT h e punishm ent for wailing for the state is being cut in
two. Are you feeling the effects o f old age, master? O r are you in a m uddle?55
ccH ow could it be because I am in a muddle?55Then he offered this statement.
C€Once a man came from the south as hum bly as a m innow but took over as
fiercely as a whale. Because o f him, another m an5s court sprouted grass, his
state became a wasteland. Yin had its Bigan, W u its W u Zixu, and Qi has its
H u Yuan. It has already failed to follow advice that m et its needs, and I am
to be cut in two at the eastern gate. The adm onition my execution makes
will cause me to join w ith the tw o masters, Bigan and W u Zixu, in a triad.55
It is n o t a m atter o f H u Yuan5s enjoying being cut in two, but that the
state was already facing anarchy. Q i5s ruler was perverse, so he grieved for
the altars o f soil and grain and for the people; this is why he said w hat he
did. W hat he produced was no t a norm al discourse but, because he hoped to
rescue the state from its impending disaster, he deliberately raised suspicions
o f the disaster. This was why Viscount C hu left and w hy Viscount D a died.
2 3 / 1 . 4
趙簡子攻衛附郭，自將兵。及戰，且遠立，又居於 ( 犀 G E > 屛 7蔽(屛
G E > 犀 7櫓之下，鼓之而士不起，簡子投桴而歎曰：「嗚呼！士之遨弊一若
此乎？』行人燭過免胄橫戈而進曰：~亦有君不能耳，士何弊之有？』簡子
艴然作色曰：「寡人之無使，而身自將是眾也，子 ( 親 )8謂寡人之無能，有說
則可，無說則死。』對曰：「昔吾先君獻公即位五年，兼國十九，用此士
也。惠公即位二年，淫色暴慢，身好玉女，秦人襲我，遜去絳七十〔
里〕9，
用此士也。文公即位二年，底之以勇，故三年而士盡果敢；城濮之戰，五
敗 ( 荆 T A > 楚人；圍衛取曹，拔石社；定天子之位，成尊名於天下；用此士
也。亦有君不能耳，士何弊之有？j 簡子乃去 ( 犀 G E > 屛 7蔽 ( 屛 G E > 犀7櫓
而立於矢石之所及。一鼓而士畢乘之，〔
戰大勝〕
1G 。簡子曰：「與吾得革車
千乘也，不如聞行人燭過之一言。《
I 行人燭過可謂能諫其君矣，戰鬥之上，
抱鼓方用，賞不加厚，罰不加重，一言而士皆樂爲其上死。
7- Bi Yuan; T F T L quotation. 8. Chen Qiyou. 9. Chen Qiyou; H F Z parallel.
10. Chen Qiyou; H F Z parallel.
Viscount Jian o f Z hao attacked the state o f Wey, and his troops pressed
in on the outer wall o f the capital. H e personally led the soldiers; but when
the battle began, he positioned himself far from it, behind a barricade and a
shielding wall o f rhinoceros skin. H e pounded the drum s, but the soldiers
w ould n o t advance. T hrow ing dow n the drumstick, Viscount Jian sighed,
“Alas! ïio w quickly soldiers wear dow n in such a position!”
H is herald, Z hu G uo, approaching him in the respectful manner, w ith
his helm et off and his spear held horizontally ，sa id ,ccThe situation is quite
different. It is nothing m ore than this: the lord is incapable. H ow could it
be a m atter o f the soldiers5being w orn dow n?55
Viscount Jian5s face blanched w ith indignation. uThis O rphaned M an
used no deputy b u t led the troops himself. Yet you say to his face that he is
incapable. Explain yourself, and I will pardon you; if you fail, you will die.55
ccIn the past, w hen our form er lord Duke Xian, after five years on the
throne, united the nineteen states, he used soldiers such as these. W hen
Duke H u i had been on the throne just two years, he showed himself to be
dissolute, debauched, ill-tempered, indolent, and personally overly fond o f
young ladies o f jadelike beauty. But when the m en o f Q in launched a sur
prise attack against us and our trcx>ps had to keep o u t o f sight for seventy li
outside the capital o f Jiang, he used soldiers such as these. W hen Duke Wen
was on the throne for tw o years, he trained his soldiers to be courageous, so
that in three years5tim e all o f them had become determ ined and daring. At
the battle o f C hengpu he dealt the Chu army five defeats. H e besieged Wey,
seized Cao, and took Shishe. M aking secure the position o f the Son o f
Heaven， he created for him self the m ost honored reputation in the world.
In all these feats he used soldiers such as these. Furtherm ore, it is nothing
more than this: the lord is incapable. H ow could it be a m atter o f the soldiers5
being w orn down?”
Viscount Jian therew ith left his place behind the protective barricade
and wall o f rhincxeros skin and positioned himself within reach o f the arrow
heads. W ith a single beat on the drum , all the soldiers scaled the wall and
w on a great victory. V iscount Jian remarked, uI f I w in a thousand armored
chariots, it will n o t be w orth as m uch as having heard this single piece o f
advice from the herald Z hu G uo.55
It may properly be said o f the herald Z hu G uo that he was "'capable o f
rem onstrating w ith his ruler,55for at the start o f the battle, when the drum
stick and drum were about to be used and additional rewards or punish-
59〇 T H E D IS C O U R S E S
ments w ould do no gocxl, w ith this single piece o f advice he made all the
soldiers rejoice in being able to die for their superior.
二曰直諫
CH A PTER 2
F O R T H R IG H T R E M O N ST R A N C E
23/2.1
言極則怒，怒則說者危，非賢者孰肯犯危？而非賢者也，將以要利
矣。要利之人，犯危何益？故不肖主無賢者。無賢〔
者〕1則不聞極言，不聞
極言則姦人比周、百邪悉起，若此則無以存矣。凡國之存也，主之安也，
必有以也。不知所以，雖存必亡，雖安必危，所以不可不論也。
I. TanJicfu.
W hen words are extremely frank, they incite anger in the listener. W hen
the listener is angered, the speaker is threatened. I f no t the worthy, w ho
w ould be willing to face the threat? A nd if it is n o t the worthy, then it is
going to be someone after profit. But if a man is after profit, how will put
ting himself in danger increase his profit? Therefore, incom petent leaders
lack worthies. Lacking worthies, they never hear frank advice, and so wicked
m en are able to form alliances against them , and every kind o f evil practice
arises, all at the same time. In such circumstances, the ruler has no way to
preserve himself. As a general rule, where a state survives and its ruler is
safe, there is certain to be a reason. I f a ruler does not know w hat this is,
then although he m ight survive for a while, he will surely perish; and
although he m ight be safe for now， he will surely be threatened. The means
o f ensuring survival and safety cannot but be assessed.
23/2.2
齊桓公、管仲、鮑叔、甯戚相與飮酒酣，桓公謂鮑叔曰：4 可不起爲
壽？《
i 鮑叔奉杯而進曰：「
使公毋忘出奔在於莒也，使管仲毋忘束縛而在於
魯也，使甯戚毋忘其飯牛而居於車下。』桓公避席再拜曰：「寡人與大夫能
皆毋忘夫子之言，則齊國之社稷幸於不殆矣。』當此時也，桓公可與言極
言矣。可與言極言，故可與爲霸。
Duke H uan o f Qi, Guan Zhong, Bao Shu, and N ing Q i were together
B O O K 23 591
for a drinking party. W hen they had become intoxicated, Duke H uan said
to Bao Shu, ccW hy do you not rise and drink to my long life?55
Bao Shu raised his cup and approached. ccM ay your grace never forget
that he was forced to flee his hom e and live in Ju. M ay Guan Zhong never
forget that he was tied and bound when he was in Lu. M ay N ing Qi never
forget that he once fed oxen and lived beneath a cart.55
Duke H u an left his m at and, bowing twice, said: CCI, the O rphaned M an,
and these tw o grand gentieman will never forget your words, master. And
w ith luck, the altars o f soil and grain o f Qi will n o t be imperiled.55
A t th at tim e it was still possible to speak frankly to Duke H uan, and
because he could be talked to frankly, it was possible for him to become
lord-protector.
23/2.3
(荆 T A > 楚文王得茹黃之狗，宛路之燴，以畋於雲夢，三月不反；得丹
〈陽 >2之姬，淫，期年不聽朝。葆申曰：「先王卜以臣爲葆，吉。今王得茹黃
之狗，宛路之燴，畋三月不反；得丹〈陽 >2之姬，淫，期年不聽朝。王之罪
當笞。』王曰：「不榖免衣繈褓而齒於諸侯，願請變更而無笞。』葆申曰：
「臣承先王之令，不敢廢也。王不受笞，是廢先王之令也。臣寧抵罪於王，
毋抵罪於先王。』王曰：r 敬諾。』引席，王伏。葆申束細荆五十，跪而加
之於背，如此者再，謂「王起矣』，王曰：「有笞之名一也。遂致之。 j
〈
葆 >3 申曰：『臣聞君子恥之，小人痛之。恥之不變，痛之何益？』葆申趣
出，自流於淵，請死罪。文王曰：「此不穀之過也。葆申何罪？』王乃變
更，召葆申，殺茹黃之狗，析宛路之馉，放丹〈陽 >2之姬。〈
務>(後 G E > 治4
(荆 T A > 楚國，兼國三十九。令 (荆 T A > 楚國廣大至於此者，葆申（
之力也 ) 5
極言之功也。
2. Chen Qiyou; TPTX, T W L J quotations. 3. XuWeiyu; ßSZT quotation，
5T parallel.
4. Chen Qiyou; 諸宮舊事 quotation. 5. Chen Qiyou; S T quotation.
W hen King Wen o f C hu obtained a R uhuang dog and a stringed arrow

made o f Yuanlu bam boo, he w ent hunting at Yunmeng marsh for three
m onths. W hen he obtained a w om an o f the Ji surname from Danyang, he
became dissolute and did not attend to court m atters for an entire year.
G rand Protector Shen said to him, aO ur late king divined over the m atter
o f making your servant grand protector, and the result was lucky. N ow
when your majesty obtains a Ruhuang dog and a stringed arrow made o f
Yuanlu bam boo, he goes hunting for three m onths. W hen he obtains a
wom an o f the Ji surnam e from Danyang, he becomes dissolute and docs
n ot attend to court matters for an entire year. For your crimes you should
be whipped.”
The king said, aThis U nw orthy One has quit wearing the cloth in which
an infant is wrapped; I am ranked w ith the feudal lords. I entreat you to
alter the punishm ent and not use the w hip.55
CCI am obligated to obey the orders o f our late king and dare no t nullify
them. N o t using the whip on your majesty w ould be to nullify our late
king^s commands. I w ould rather com m it an offense against your majesty
than against o ur late king.55
aI respectfully consent,55said the king. A m at was pulled out, on which
the king lay prostrate. Grand Protector Shen bound together fifty fine thorns.
Kneeling, he placed these across the kin^s back. H e did this twice and then
said, cT o u r majesty may arise.55
The king protested, ccH aving undergone this, I will still be called some
one w ho was whipped. So do it!55
Grand Protector Shen said, ccYour servant was taught that one should
make a gentleman feel shame over w hat he has done, and one should make
a small man feel physical pain over w hat he has done. If you shame someone
and he does n o t change, w hat good would it do to make him feel pain?55
Grand Protector Shen then rushed ou t and w ent to the edge o f a deep
gorge, where he requested that the king condem n him to death. King Wen
said, "This is my transgression. W hat crime has G rand Protector Shen
committed?”
The king then changed his ways, sum m oned G rand Protector Shen,
killed the Ruhuang dog, broke the arrow made o f Yuanlu bam boo, and sent
away the beauty from D an Yang. H e devoted himself to governing the state
o f Chu and annexed thirty-nine states. W hat caused the state o f C hu to
grow so large was the efficacy o f G rand Protector Shen5s frank speech.
B O O K 23 593
三曰知化
CHA PTER 3
R E C O G N I Z I N G H O W T H I N G S W IL L C H A N G E
2 3 / 3 . 1
夫以勇事人者以死也，未死而言死，不論，以雖知之與勿知同。凡智之
貴也，貴知化也。人主之惑者則不然。化未至則不知，化已至，雖知之與
勿知一 ( 貫 S F > 實 1也。事有可以過者，有不可以過者。而身死國亡，則胡
可以過？此賢主之所重，惑主之所輕也。所輕，國惡得不危？身惡得不困？
危困之道，身死國亡，在於不先知化也。吳王夫差是也。子胥非不先知化
也，諫而不聽，故吳爲丘墟，禍及闔廬。
I. LiuWcndian.
Being brave in serving others means being willing to die for them. Merely
claiming that you are willing to die while you are still alive is n o t subject to
any real test. But after you die, it is too late. For even if others then recog
nize the fact that you were indeed willing to die, it is exactly the same as
their never having recognized it at all. As a general principle, the value o f
the intellect lies in being able to predict how things will change. Foolish
rulers possess no such ability. Before change comes; they are unaware o f it;
and w hen change has already occurred, they may recognize after the fact
that it has happened. But this is exactly the same as their not having recog
nized it at all.
There are things about which it is permissible that one be mistaken, and
other things about which it is impermissible. For instance, how is it ever
permissible to be mistaken about w hat will cause your country to perish
and bring about your ow n death? These are matters that the w orthy ruler
regards seriously and that the foolish ruler slights. W hen such matters are
slighted, how can a state remain free o f danger and the individual free o f
distress? The D ao that leads to danger and distress, to the death o f the
individual and the destruction o f the state, consists in not recognizing in
advance w hat will happen. King Fuchai o f Wu is a case in point. It is not
that Wu Zixu did not recognize in advance w hat w ould happen, but that he
rem onstrated and the king w ould not heed him. Hence, the site o f the capi
tal o f Wu became a wasted m ound, and the catastrophe extended even to
Fuchai’s father ，Helu.
23/3.2
吳王夫差將伐齊，子胥曰：「不可。夫齊之與吳也，習俗不同，言語不
通，我得其地不能處，得其民不得使。夫吳之與越也，接土鄰境，壤交通
屬，習俗同，言語通，我得其地能處之，得其民能使之。越於我亦然。夫
吳、越之勢不兩立。越之於吳也，譬若心腹之疾也，雖無作，其傷深而在
內也。夫齊之於吳也，疥癬之病也，不苦其已也，且其無傷也。今釋越而
伐齊，譬之猶懼虎而刺猸，雖勝之，其後患未央。《
I 太宰嚭曰：『不可。君
王之令所以不行於上國者，齊、晉也。君王若伐齊而勝之，徙其兵以臨晉，
晉必聽命矣，是君王一舉而服兩國也，君王之令必行於上國。j 夫差以爲
然，不聽子胥之言，而用太宰嚭之謀。子胥曰：「天將亡吳矣，則使君王戰
而勝。天將不亡吳矣，則使君王戰而不勝。《
I 夫差不聽。子胥兩袪高蹶而
出於廷，曰：「嗟乎 ! 吳朝必生荆棘矣。j 夫差興師伐齊，戰於艾陵，大敗齊
師，反而誅子胥。子胥將死曰：「與！吾安得一目以視越人之入吳也？j 乃
自殺。夫差乃取其身而流之江，抉其目，著之東門，曰：「女胡視越人之入
我也？《
I 居數年，越報吳，殘其國，絕其世，滅其社稷，夷其宗廟，夫差
身爲擒。夫差將死曰：「死者如有知也，吾何面以見子胥於地下？』乃(爲
G E > 爰2螟以冒面死。夫患未至，則不可吿也；患既至，雖知之無及矣。故
夫差之知慚於子胥也，不若勿知。
2. Chen Qiyou.
W hen King Fuchai o f W u was about to attack the state o f Qi, W u Zixu
said, "TThat w ould be wrong. The customs and practices o f Qi arc n o t the
same as those ofW u, and the languages we speak are not mutually intelligible.
I f we obtained their land, we w ould n o t be able to dwell there, nor w ould
we be able to govern those o f its people we conquered. But w ith Yue, we
share a com m on border and live together as neighbors, our fields touch and
o u r roads connect, we have the same custom s and practices, and ou r
languages are mutually intelligible. We can dwell on the land we win and
govern the people we conquer. Yue realizes the same things about us. We
cannot both exist. Yue is like a cancer in W u5s heart and belly. It may not
flare up, but the damage will be profound because it lies within. Q i is like
an itch on W u5s skin. It does n o t cause distress for long and further leaves
no lasting wounds. To ignore Yue and attack Q i is like being frightened o f a
tiger but killing a three-year-old pig. A lthough we may be victorious there
will be endless trouble later.”
G rand Steward Pi said, "That is wrong. T hat the orders o f our lord king
are n o t carried o u t in the upland states is because o f Qi and Jin. I f our ruler
conquers Q i and then shifts his army close to Jin, Jin will surely obey our
B O O K 23 595
commands. In this way, tw o states can be m ade to subm it w ith one move
by our lord king, and his orders will be certain to be carried o u t in the
upland states.55King Fuchai thought that this was true and so did n o t heed
W u Zixu5s advice, employing instead the plan o f G rand Steward Pi.
W u Zixu said， “If it is Heaven’s intent to destroy W u， then your majesty
will be victorious in battle. I f it is n o t Heaven5s intent to destroy W u, then
your majesty willlose.” Fuchai still w ould n o t listen. Zixu raised high his
skirts and marched out o f the court w ith high steps. "Take heed!55he warned.
ccBriars and brambles will sprout in the court o f W u!55
King Fuchai raised an army, which he led in the attack on Qi. They
fought at Ailing, where a great defeat was infliaed on the Qi army. Returning
hom e, Fuchai sentenced Wu Zixu to death. As Zixu was about to die, he
said, <cOh! Let me keep one eye w ith which to see the m en o f Yue entering
W u.55H e then killed himself.
Fuchai subsequentiy seized his corpse and had it throw n in the Yangzi
River. H e tore o ut his eyes and had tliem placed on the eastern gate o f the
capital, saying, ^N ow how will you see the m en o f Yue entering m y city?55
After a few years, Yue did vanquish W u, plundering its capital, cutting
o ff its royal lineage, destroying its altars to the grain and soil， leveling its
ancestral temples, and capturing Fuchai. As he was about to die, Fuchai
said, ccI f the dead have awareness, how will I be able to face Zixu in the
netherw orld.55And having first covered his eyes w ith a piece o f black silk, he
killed himself.
Before the troubles came, King Fuchai could not be told anything. W hen
trouble had come, although he finally recognized it, it was too late. Thus,
although Fuchai felt embarrassment at having to face Zixu, he m ight as
well have n o t felt it.
四曰過理
CHA PTER 4
BEYOND REA SO N
2 3 / 4 . 1
亡國之主一貫，天時雖異，其事雖殊，所以亡同者，樂不適也。樂不適
則不可以存。
A. The rulers o f doom ed states are all pearls on a single string. A lthough
the times in which they lived were different and their deeds were dissimilar,
the cause o f their demise is identical: their pleasures were improper. I f plea
sures are improper, it is impossible to survive.
〔
紂〕〈爲 ^ 糟丘酒池，肉圃 ( 爲 ) 炮 1格，（
雕 L C > 鑄 2柱而 ( 桔 G E > 梏 < ^ > 酷 3
諸侯，不適也。刑鬼侯之女而取其環，截涉者脛而視其髓，殺梅伯而遺文
王其醢，不適也。文王貌受以吿諸侯。作爲琮室，築爲頃宮，剖孕婦而觀
其化，殺比干而視其心，不適也。孔子聞之曰：「其竅通則比干不死矣。 j
〔
此4〕夏、商之所以亡也。
I. Ma Xulun, Chen Qiyou. 2. Xu Weiyu. 3. Sun Yirang. 4. Xu Wciyu.
B. W hen Z hou Xin created a hill from liquor dregs, a lake o f liquor, a
grove w ith meat hanging from limbs o f trees, the roasting rack, and the cast
metal beams to torture the feudal lords, his actions were improper. W hen
he executed the daughter o f the M arquis o f Gui to confiscate her jade disk,
when he cut open the calf o f a m an w ho forded streams and was able to
withstand great cold to examine his marrow, and when he m urdered the
Earl o f Mei and sent a mincemeat made from his remains to King Wen, his
actions were improper. (King Wen ceremoniously accepted the gift only in
order to report it to the feudal lords.) W hen Z hou Xin built a chamber
decorated w ith finest jade and constructed a leaning tower, when he cut
open the w om b o f a pregnant wom an to look at the fetus， and when he
killed Bigan to examine his heart, his actions were improper.
W hen Confucius learned o f it, he said, uIf the chambers o f Z hou Xin5s
own heart had the requisite openings, Bigan w ould not have died.55 Such
actions were the causes o f the demise o f the Xia and the Shang.
23/4.2
晉靈公無道，從〔
臺〕5上彈人而觀其避丸也；使宰人臑熊蹯不熟，殺之，
令婦人載而過朝以示威，不適也。趙盾驟諫而不聽，公惡之，乃使沮麇 {賊
之，晨往，寢門闢矣，盛服將朝，尙早，坐而假寐 }6 。沮褰見之，不忍賊，
曰：「不忘恭敬，民之主也。賊民之主不忠，棄君之命不信，{有}7—於此不
若死。』乃觸廷槐而死。
5. S hököcn U sai. 6. C h en Q iy o u ; Zuo parallel.
7. C hen Q iyou; Zuo parallel an d G ao You com m entary.
Duke Ling o f the Jin, w ho lacked the Dao, w ould shoot at m en from a
high tower so that he could watch them try to dodge the pellets. H e ordered
his butcher to steam beards paws but when they were n o t c<x>kcd enough,
B O O K 23 597
he killed the m an and made the m an5s wife carry the corpse through the
court to exhibit his awesome majesty. N either act suited the circumstances.
Zhao D un repeatedly reprimanded him but was not heeded. The duke hated
him for it and so ordered Ju M i to kill him. W hen Ju M i w ent to his house
at first dawn, the door to his bedchamber was open, and there was Zhao
D un fully dressed in his court robes. Since it was still too early, he sat on the
bed half asleep. W hen Ju M i saw his intended victim, he could not bear to
kill him , saying. ccN o t forgetful o f proper respect and taking strict, reverent
care, he is the real ruler o f the people. To m urder the real ruler o f the people
is an act o f disloyalty. But to cast aside my lord5s com m and is to be unfaith
ful. It w ould be better to die than to be either o f these.55H e then dashed his
head against a large tree in the courtyard and died.
23/4.3
齊湣王亡居衛，謂公 ( 王 T V > S 8丹曰：f 我何如主也？』〔
公〕(王 T V > S 8
丹對曰：「王賢主也。臣聞古人有辭天下而無恨色者，臣聞其聲，於王而見其
實。王名稱東帝，實 ( 辨 G V > 辦天下。去國居衛，容貌充滿，顏色發揚，無
重國之意。』王曰：「
甚善！丹知寡人。寡人自去國居衛也，帶益三副矣。 j
8. Bi Yuan.
W hen King M in o f Q i， having fled his ow n state, was dwelling in Wey，
he asked G ong Yudan, ccW hat kind o f a ruler was I ?55
"Tour majesty was a w orthy ruler,55replied G ong Yudan. cT o u r subject
has heard o f m en in antiquity w ho were able to relinquish the world w ith
o u t a sign o f regret. I had heard about them by reputation, but w ith your
majesty I see them in the flesh. Your majesty had the title o f Sovereign o f
the East and in fact controlled the world. You left: your state to live in Wey
w ith a m anner that expressed complete satisfaction and a lœ k on your face
that beamed w ith happiness. You gave absolutely no weight to the state.55
Êxcellent!55said the king. ccDan understands this O rphaned M an. H e
left his state to live in Wey and already his belt has expanded by three notches.55
23/4.4
宋王 ( 築 ) 9爲蘗帝，鵾夷血，高懸之，射著甲胄，從下，血墜流地。左右
皆賀曰：「王之賢過湯、武矣。湯、武勝人，今王勝天，賢不可以加矣。 j
宋王大說，飮酒。室中有呼萬歲者，堂上盡應，堂上已應，堂下盡應，門
外庭中聞之，莫敢不應，不適也。
9. Chen Qiyou.
King Kang o f Song built a high tower, from which he suspended a blad
der filled w ith blood. H e then dressed in arm or and helmet, and shot at the
image from below w ith arrows so that the blood in the bladder rained dow n
and flowed upon the earth. All his attendants congratulated him. ^Your
majesty's worthiness has surpassed that o f Tang and Wu. Tang and W u con
quered other men, but your majesty has conquered Heaven. Your w orthi
ness cannot be surpassed.55The king o f Song was overjoyed and celebrated
by drinking liquor. Some w ithin the chamber shouted the toast cT en th o u
sand years,55and they were echoed by those in the audience hall. W hen those
in the audience hall ceased their shouting, all those outside the hall echoed
the call. W hen those outside the gate and in the courtyard heard, none dared
n o t join the echo. This was improper.
五曰壅塞
CH A PTER 5
SH U T O U T AND OBSTRUCTED
2 3 / 5 . 1
亡國之主，不可以直言。不可以直言，則過無道聞，而善無自至矣。無
自至則壅。
It is impossible to offer candid advice to the rulers o f doom ed states.
Because candid advice is impossible, these rulers have no way o f learning
about their errors, and good people have no access to them . Because the
good lack access to their rulers， they are shut out,
23/5.2
秦繆公時，戎彊大，秦繆公遺之女樂二八與良宰焉。戎王大喜，以其
故，數飮食，日夜不休。左右有言秦寇之至者，因扞弓而射之。秦寇果至，
戎王醉而臥於樽下，卒生縛而擒之。未擒則不可知，已擒則又不知。雖善
說者猶若此，何哉？
In the time o f Duke M u o f Q in, the R ong barbarians were powerful
and great. Duke M u sent them a gift o f tw o groups o f eight female m usi
cians, together w ith some excellent chefs. The Rong king was overjoyed
w ith the gift and because o f this had many banquets that w ent on day and
night w ithout a pause for rest. W hen one o f his attendants warned o f the
com ing o f Q in m arauders, the R ong king pulled ou t his bow and shot the
man. W hen in fact the Q in marauders did come, the R ong king was drunk
and sound asleep at the base o f a giant liquor jug. The Q in soldiers took
him prisoner and bound him up. Before he was taken prisoner, it w ould
have been impossible to make him aware o f the consequences o f his acts;
and even after he was taken prisoner, it w ould have been equally impossible.
H ow ever skilled the persuader, w hat could he have done w ith the king?
23/5.3
齊攻宋，宋王使人候齊寇之所至。使者還，曰：「齊寇近矣，國人恐
矣。《
I 左右皆謂宋王曰：「此所謂肉自生蟲者也。以宋之强，齊兵之弱，惡
能如此？』宋王因怒而訕殺之。又使人往視齊寇，使者報如前，宋王又怒
訕殺之。如此者三。其後又使人往視：齊寇近矣，國人恐矣。使者遇其兄。
〔其兄〕 1曰：「國危甚矣，若將安適？』其弟曰：「爲王視齊寇，不意其近，
而國人恐如此也。今又私患鄕之先視齊寇者，皆以寇之近也報而死。今也
報其情，死；不報其情，又恐死；將若何？』其兄曰：「如報其情，有且先
夫死者死，先夫亡者亡。《
I 於是報於王曰：「殊不知齊寇之所在。國人甚
安。』王大喜。左右皆曰：「鄕之死者宜矣。』王多賜之金。寇至，王自投
車上馳而走，此人得以富於他國。夫登山而視牛若羊，視羊若豚。牛之性
不若羊，羊之性不若豚，所自視之勢過也，而因怒於牛羊之小也，此狂夫
之大者。狂而以行賞罰，此戴氏之所以絕也。
I. C hen Q iyou.
W hen the state o f Q i attacked the state o f Song, King Kang o f Song
sent a man to spy on the advance o f the Qi marauders. The emissary re
ported back, ^ h e Qi marauders are close to our city, and our citizens are
frightened.”
H is attendants all said to the king, "This situation is w hat we call cmeat
generating m aggots.5Given the strength o f Song and the weakness o f the
Qi soldiers, how could this situation have come about?55The king was angered
by this and unjustiy had the emissary killed. H e sent another m an to go
observe the Qi advance, and the emissary reported back the same message.
Again the king was angered by the news and unjustly had the man killed.
This happened three times, after which the king sent ou t yet another man
to go look. It turned out that the Qi marauders were indeed nearby the capi
tal and the people o f the city were frightened. The messenger m et his elder
brother who said to him, cT h c city is in grave danger. Where are you going?55
aI am observing the Qi marauders for our king. I never guessed they
were as close as this and that the people o f the city were so frightened. N ow
I m oreover worry that all those w ho w ent o u t before me to observe the Q i
marauders died upon reporting their nearness. If I tell the truth, I will die;
but if I do n o t tell the truth, I will still probably die. W hat should I d o ?55
ccI f you tell the truth, you will die earlier than the others w ho will die—
or you will have to run for your life earlier than the others w ho will flee.55
Thereupon, the messenger reported back to the king, CCI never discovered
the location o f the Qi marauders. The people o f the city are very peaceful.55
The king was overjoyed, and his attendants all said, cT h e death o f the
earlier messengers was fitting.55The king then rewarded the messenger w ith
a lavish gift o f gold. W hen the marauders did arrive, the king threw himself
into his carriage and sped away, while the messenger was able to use his
new wealth in another country.
I f one climbs to the top o f a high hill and looks out, oxen look like sheep
and sheep like piglets. Now, the inborn nature o f an ox is not like that o f a
sheep and that o f sheep is no t like that o f a piglet. This error is occasioned
by the circumstances in which one observes them. Anyone w ho w ould then
get angry at the ox and sheep for lœ k in g so small would have to be reckoned
the greatest o f madmen. That a madman was in charge o f dispensing rewards
and punishm ents is why the Dai house o f Song was cut off.
23/ 5.4
齊王欲以淳于髡傅太子，髡辭曰：「臣不肖，不足以當此大任也，王不
若擇國之長者而使之。』齊王曰：「子無辭也。寡人豈責子之令太子必如寡
人也哉？寡人固生而有之也。子爲寡人令太子如堯乎？其如舜也？』凡說
之行也，道不智聽智，從自非受是也。今自以賢過於堯、舜，彼且胡可以
開說哉？說必不入。不聞存君。
The king o f Qi wanted to have Chunyu Kun tu to r the crown prince, but
Kun declined, saying, cT o u r subject is incom petent and inadequate for such
a great responsibility. It would be better for your majesty to select one o f
the elders.55
ccMaster, you should not refuse me. H ow could I, the O rphaned M an,
dem and that you make the crown prince equal me? I was definitely born
possessing my abilities. It w ould do if, on behalf o f the O rphaned M an,
you w ould make the crown prince the equal o f Yao or perhaps o f Shun.55
As a general rule, whenever a persuasion is put into effect, it is because
a ruler w ho is uninform ed is willing to heed those w ho are informed, or
B O O K 23 6oi
because a ruler w ho considers him self w rong is willing to accept w hat is

right. Now , how can one introduce persuasions to a ruler w ho thinks his
worthiness surpasses that o f Yao or Shun? I have never heard o f a case o f a
ruler w ho could n ot accept persuasions yet was able to keep his position.
23/5.5
齊宣王好射，說人之謂己能用彊弓也。其嘗所用不過三石，以示左右。
左右皆試引之，中關而止，皆曰：「此不下九石，非王，其孰能用是？j 宣
王之情，所用不過三石，而終身自以爲用九石，豈不悲哉？非直士其孰能
不阿主？世之直士，其寡不勝眾，數也。故亂國之主，患存乎用三石爲九
石也。
King Xuan o f Q i loved archery and enjoyed having others teil him how
well he handled a taut bow. H e usually used a bow that had a pull no m ore
than three stones. H e showed it to his attendants and let them test their
strength by trying to pull it, but all o f them stopped short o f his mark,
saying, ^ o t less than nine stones—w ho besides your majesty w ould be
capable o f using this bow ?55
The tru th o f the m atter was that the bow King Xuan used was no•im ore
than a three-stone bow, but to the end o f his life he thought he could use a
nine-stone one. H o w sad! W ho but a candid scholar-knight is capable o f
n o t flattering a ruler? T hat the few candid scholar-knights o f the w orld do
n o t trium ph over the many is the result o f their numbers. Therefore, the
trouble w ith the rulers o f chaotic states is that they use three-stone bows
b ut believe they are using nine-stone bows.
六曰原亂
CHA PTER 6
T H E S O U R C E O F D IS O R D E R
23/6.1
亂必有弟，大亂五，小亂三，討亂三，故詩曰：「毋過亂門』，所以遠之
也。慮福未及，慮禍〔過〕1之，所以 ( 兒 G E > 免2之也。武王以武得之，以文
持之，倒戈弛弓，示天下不用兵，所以守之也。
I. Chen Changqi, Wang Niansun. 2. Chen Changqi.
The progression o f disorder has an inevitable sequence. After five great
disorders, there arc three lesser disorders and three suppressions o f disorder.
Therefore an Ode says, wE nter not the gate o f disorder.55This is how you
keep it at a distance. You should never plan on gcxxl fortune, but you should
overly plan for disaster, and in that way you can avoid it. King W u w on the
world through martial arts but held on to it through civil arts. H e turned
his spear point dow n and unstrung his bow to show the w orld that n o t
using weapons was the means by which he w ould keep it.
23/6.2
晉獻公立驪姬以爲夫人，以奚齊爲太子，里克率國人以攻殺之。荀息立
其弟公子卓，已葬，里克又率國人攻殺之。於是晉無君。公子夷吾重賂秦
以地而求入，秦繆公率師以納之，晉人立以爲君，是爲惠公。惠公既定於
晉，背秦德而不予地。秦繆公率師攻晉，晉惠公逆之，與秦人戰於韓原。
晉師大敗，秦獲惠公以歸，囚之於靈臺。十月，乃與晉成，歸惠公而質太
子圉。太子圉逃歸也。惠公死，圉立爲君，是爲懷公。秦繆公怒其逃歸也，
起奉公子重耳以攻懷公，殺之於高梁，而立重耳，是爲文公。文公施舍，
振廢滯，匡乏困，救災患，禁淫慝，薄賦斂，宥罪戾，節器用，用民以時，
敗 ( 荆 T A > 楚人于城濮，定襄王，釋宋〔
圍〕3 ，出穀戍，外內皆服，而後晉
亂止。故獻公聽驪姬，近梁五、優施，殺太子申生，而大難隨之者五，三
君死，一君虜，大臣卿士之死者以百數，（
離 L C > 罹4咎二十年。
3. W ang N iansun. 4 - M a X ulun.
A. Duke Xian o f Jin made Concubine Li his wife and her son Xiqi crown
prince. As soon as Duke Xian died, Li Ke led the people to attack and kill
Xiqi. Xun Xi then established Xiqi5s younger brother Prince Z huo on the
throne. After Duke Xian5s burial, Li Kc led the people to attack and kill
Prince Zhuo. W ith that, Jin had no lord.
Prince Yiwu o f Jin had on several occasions offered to bribe the state o f
Q in w ith land, seeking help to return from exile to rule Jin. Duke M u o f
Q in led an army to ensure Prince Yiwu5s return to the state, and the people
o f Jin made him their lord. H e was known posthum ously as Duke H ui.
After Duke H ui was firmly established in his position in Jin, he turned his
back on his obligation to Q in for its kindness and w ould not hand over the
land. Duke M u o f Q in then led an army to attack Jin. Duke H ui m et the
enemy head-on. They fought at H anyuan, where the army o f Jin suffered a
disastrous defeat, and Duke H ui was taken back to Q in as a captive and
imprisoned there in the Spirit Tower. After ten m onths, a peace accord was
B O O K 23 603
reached w ith Jin and Duke H ui was allowed to return, but Crown Prince
Yu was kept as a hostage by Qin. The crown prince made his escape, and
when Duke H u i died, he was established as ruler. H e was know n post
hum ously as Duke H uai. Duke M u o f Q in was angry that he had escaped
and so supported Prince Chongêr o f Jin, attacked Duke H uai, killed him at
Gaoliang, and then established C h o n ^ e r as ruler. H e was know n post
hum ously as Duke Wen.
Duke Wen presented gifts, prom oted the downcast, gave aid to the im-
poverished， rescued those in trouble, expelled the wicked， lightened taxes,
pardoned criminals, was m oderate in the use o f resources, employed the
people only in the right season, defeated the Chu army at Chengpu, se
cured the position o f King Xiang o f Zhou, broke C hu5s siege o f the Song
capital, expelled the C hu soldiers from the Q i tow n o f G u, brought the
submission o f all those w ithout and w ithin; after these things had been
done, the disorders in Jin came to an end.
Therefore, because Duke Xian heeded Concubine Li, favored Liang Wu
and Actor Shi, and killed Crow n Prince Shensheng, five great difficulties
ensued, three rulers died, one ruler was taken captive, hundreds o f great
ministers, ministers, and knights died. The sorrows and disasters lasted some
twenty years.
自上世以來，亂未嘗一。而亂人之患也，皆曰一而已，此事慮不同情也。
事慮不同情者，心異也。故凡作亂之人，禍希不及身。
B. From earlier ages until the present, disorders have never occurred
singly. The trouble w ith those w ho cause disorder is that they all say that
there will be one and only one act o f disorder, and so their plans for that act
are n o t consistent with reality. W hen plans are no t consistent w ith reality, it
is one5s thinking that is wrong. Thus, as a general principle, those w ho create
disorder are seldom affected by the disasters that ensue.
Book 2 4
Book 2斗 offers an eclectic array of chapters bound together by their common con-
cern with the various responsibilities of high-placed officials and how such officials
should interact with their lords. Borrowing its title from a book of th c X u n z t^ the
opening chapter, ^Nothing Indecorous,55recounts historical anecdotes to support
the somewhat self-contradictory (but typically synthetic) argument that one who
holds a government position should both adhere to the principles of righteous
conduct and, at the same time, never overstep the bounds of his office. Chapter 2
argues that high-placed officials should follow the examples of Bao Shuya and
Shenyin Wu and enthusiastically recommend for appointment people of talent.
Referring back to book 23, chapter 3 urges the ruler to accept blunt criticism from
his close advisors so that he will gain better understanding of himself and his
influence on his realm. Chapter 4 argues that a ruler should adhere to fair and
objective standards in meting out reward and punishment so that his ministers and
subjects will fully devote themselves to serving him. This may at first glance seem
like the argument found in the H a n fe izi and other Legalist sources, but unlike
these texts, chapter 3—along with 14/4 above, to which it is related—-maintains
that righteous acts rather than achievements should be the standard for judging
reward and punishment. The H an feizi (ccNan yiw 一 ) rejects this assertion. Chapter
5 teaches the importance of focusing one5s efforts and concentrating on a single
goal in order to perfect oneJs skills. The chapter seems to be elaborating on a theme
put forth in the ^Dispelling Blindness55chapter of the X u n z i. Chapter 6 borrows
the analogy that successful farmers attend to fundamentals to make the point that
success in government depends on self-control and discipline. While this theme is
coherently argued in the opening and final sections of the chapter, the middle is
unrelated and makes the entire book seem somewhat disconnected.
[6 0 4 ]
B O O K 24 605
一曰不苟
CHA PTER 1
N O T H IN G IN D E C O R O U S
24/1.1
賢者之事也，雖貴不苟爲，雖聽不自阿，必中理然後動，必當義然後
舉，此忠臣之行也。賢主之所說，而不肖主雖不（肖其 Y 說，非惡其聲也。
人主雖不肖，其說忠臣之聲與賢主同，行其實則與賢主有異。異，故其功
名禍福亦異。異，故子胥見說於闔閭而惡乎夫差，比干生而惡於商、死而
見說乎周。
I. C h en Q iyou.
It is the practice o f the worthy, however noble they may be, no t to en
gage in indecorous acts and, however m uch their advice is heeded, n o t to
be presum ptuous. They make certain th at they move only when w hat they
do exactiy coincides w ith reason, and they initiate only w hat agrees w ith
their m oral code. Such is the conduct o f a loyal minister. The w orthy ruler
delights in loyal ministers. A lthough incom petent rulers do n o t delight in
them , it is n o t because incom petent rulers hate the idea o f loyal ministers. A
ruler, however incom petent, shares w ith the w orthy ruler the same pleasure
in the idea o f loyal ministers. But in having to deal w ith the reality o f loyal
ministers they differ from w orthy leaders. Because they differ, their accom
plishments and their fortunes also differ. Because they differ, Wu Zixu was
pleasing to King H d ü but despised by King Fuchai; and while alive， Bigan
was hated by the Shang but, after he died, was celebrated by the Zhou.
24/1.2
武王至殷郊，係墮。五人御於前，莫肯之爲，曰：「吾所以事君者非係
也。』武王左釋白羽，右釋黃鉞，勉而自爲係。孔子聞之曰：『此五人者之
所以爲王者佐也，不肖主之所弗安也。』故天子有不勝細民者，天下有不
勝千乘者。
W hen King Wu arrived at the outskirts o f Yin, his girdle fell dow n about
his legs. O f the five attendants in his presence, none was willing to cinch it
back up, explaining, ttO ur service to our lord docs not involve cinching up
his girdle.55King Wu let go o f the w hite feather pennant in his left hand and
the yellow gold ax in his right and, with effort, cinched up the girdle himself.
W hen Confucius learned o f this, he said, ^This is the reason these five
men were aides to the king and the reason that incom petent leaders could
n o t rest easy.55Therefore, sometimes even the Son o f Heaven does n o t con
quer lesser peoples, and sometimes the whole w orld docs n o t conquer
middle-sized states o f a thousand chariots.
24/1.3
秦繆公見戎由余，說而欲留之，由余不肯。繆公以吿蹇叔。蹇叔曰：「君
以吿內史廖。』內史廖對曰：『戎人不達於五音與五味，君不若遺之。j 繆
公以女樂二八 ( 人 ) 2與良宰遺之。戎王喜，迷惑大亂，飮酒，晝夜不休。由
余驟諫而不聽，因怒而歸繆公也。蹇叔非不能爲內史廖之所爲也，其義不
行也。繆公能令人臣時立其正義，故雪殽之恥，而西至河雍也。
2. Bi Yuan; dittography.
Duke M u o f Q in granted an audience to Youyu o f the Rong, was pleased

by him, and w anted to have him stay longer, but Youyu was unwilling to
stay. Duke M u told this to Jian Shu, w ho said, ccM y lord should tell this to
Scribe o f the Interior Liao.55Liao said, ^The m en o f R ong are unacquainted
w ith the five musical tones and the five flavors, so the best policy w ould be
for my lord to send these as a gift.55Duke M u accordingly sent tw o troupes
o f eight female musicians, along w ith some kitchen chefs. The king o f the
R ong was delighted, and as a result w ent astray, causing great disorder in
his state. H e held drinking parties that w ent on day and night w ith no
pause for rest. Youyu repeatedly rem onstrated w ith the R ong king but was
n o t heeded. Angered by this, he returned to Duke M u.
It is n o t that Jian Shu was unable to do w hat Scribe o f the Interior Liao
did, but that his moral code w ould no t perm it it. Duke M u was capable o f
allowing his ministers to take positions consistent w ith their moral codes;
therefore, he was able to wash away the shame o f the battle o f Yao and to
expand to the west as far as Heyong.
24/1.4
秦繆公相百里奚，晉使叔虎、齊使東郭蹇如秦，公孫枝請見之。公曰：
r 請見客，子之事歟？』對曰： r 非也。』『相國使子乎？』對曰：「不
也。』公曰，然則子事非子之事也。秦國僻陋戎夷，事服其任，人事其事，
猶懼爲諸侯笑。今子爲非子之事，退，將論而罪。』公孫枝出，自敷於百
里氏。百里奚請之。公曰：「此所聞於相國歟。枝無罪奚請？有罪奚請
B O O K 24 607
焉？《
I 百里奚歸，辭公孫枝。公孫枝徙，自敷於街。百里奚令吏行其罪。
定分〔
治〕3官，此古人之所以爲法也。今繆公鄕之矣，其霸西戎，豈不宜
哉？
3. C h en Q iyou.
Duke M u o f Q in m ade Boli Xi his m inister o f state. W hen Jin sent Xi

Shuhu and Q i sent D ongguo Jian to Q in, G ongsun Zhi requested that he
be allowed to receive them .
aIs receiving guests your responsibility, sir?55asked the surprised duke.
“It is n o t，” he replied.
ccD id the m inister o f state send you?55
“H e did not.”
^That being so, then you are asking to undertake a task that is n o t your
responsibility. Q in is a backward place, where R ong and Yi barbarians live,
and even though responsibilities are assigned particular offices and each
person performs his ow n tasks, still, I fear, we are the object o f derision
am ong the feudal lords. A nd now you propose undertaking responsibilities
tliat are n o t yours. W ithdraw from my presence! I will make an assessment
o f the situation to determ ine w hether you are guilty o f a crim e.55
G ongsun Zhi exited and personally pleaded his case w ith Mr. Boli. Boli
Xi then begged that he be forgiven.
"This is w hat I should hear from the prime m inister o f state!55said the
indignant duke. aI f Zhi is innocent, then why plead for him? I f he is guilty,
then o f w hat use is it to plead for him ?55
Boli Xi returned hom e and made his excuses to G ongsun Zhi. Gongsun
Zhi left and pleaded his case in the city^s m ain intersection. Boli Xi sent an
official to judge and sentence him.
D eterm ining the functions o f governm ent agencies was the rule the
ancients used to govern. Now, Duke M u o f Q in w ent in the same direction.
Was it not fitting that he should become lord-proteaor over the Western Rong?
24/1.5
晉文公將伐鄴，趙衰言所以勝鄴之術，文公用之，果勝。還，將行賞
〔
衰〕4 。衰曰：『君將賞其本乎？賞其末乎？賞其末則騎乘者存，賞其本則臣
聞之郤子虎。』文公召郤子虎曰：「衰言所以勝鄴，鄴既勝，將賞之曰：「蓋
聞之於子虎，請 Ä 子虎。」』子虎曰： r 言之易，行之難。臣言之者
也。』公曰：『子無辭。』郤子虎不敢固辭，乃受矣。凡行賞欲其博也，博
則多助。今虎非親言者也，而賞猶及之，此疏遠者之所以盡能竭智者也。
晉文公亡久矣，歸而因大亂之餘，猶能以霸，其由此歟？
4. Xinxu parallel.
W hen Duke Wen o f Jin was about to attack Ye, Zhao Shuai advised him
o f a strategy by which he could conquer Ye. Duke Wen used it and was, in
fact, victorious. U pon returning, as he was about to present a reward to
Shuai, Shuai said, ccWill my lord reward the roots or the branches? If you
are to reward the branches, then you should give presents to the generals in
their carriages w ho survived. If you are to reward the r<3〇ts, then you should
know that your servant learned o f the strategy from Xi Zihu.”
Duke Wen sum m oned Xi Zihu. ccZhao Shuai advised me o f a technique
by which to conquer Ye, and when Ye had been conquered and I was about
to reward him, he said, CI heard it from Z ihu and beg that you reward him .555
^Talking about it was easy; carrying it o u t was the difficult part. Your
servant merely talked about it.55
aD o n o t refuse,55said the duke. Xi Z ihu dared n o t persist, and accepted
the reward.
As a general rule, the ruler should dispense rewards broadly， for then he
will receive m ore help. Now, Xi Zihu was not the person w ho advised the
duke o f the strategy; nonetheless he was rewarded. This is the way to induce
those w ho are distant in relation or location to w ork to the fiill extent o f
their abilities and wisdom. Duke Wen o f Jin was in exile for a long time,
and when he returned he inherited the remains o f a great disorder. Does
n o t the fact that he was nevertheless able to become lord-protector neces
sarily stem from his rewarding broadly?
二曰贊能
CHA PTER 2
P R A IS IN G A B IL IT Y
24/ 2.1
賢者善人以人，中人以事，不肖者以財。得十良馬，不若得一伯樂；得
十良劍，不若得一歐冶；得地千里，不若得一聖人。舜得皋陶而〔
堯受之，
禹得伯益而〕 1舜受之。湯得伊尹而有夏民，文王得呂望而服殷商。夫得聖
人 ’ 豈有里數哉？
I. Chen Qiyou.
A w orthy is on good terms w ith others because o f their humaneness; an
ordinary man, because o f their accomplishments; and an unw orthy man,
because o f their possessions. O btaining ten good horses is no t as good as
obtaining one excellent physiognom ist o f horses, like Bole, nor ten fine
swords as good as one excellent sm ith, like Ouye, nor a thousand li o f land
as good as one sage. W hen Shun found Gaoyao, Yao conferred the govern
m ent on him; when Yu found Boyi, Shun conferred the governm ent on
him ; w hen Tang found Yi Yin, he took possession o f the people belonging
to the Xia; and w hen King Wen found Lii Wang, he w on the submission o f
the Yin-Shang. H e w ho finds a sage—how many li o f territory will he
possess?
2 4 / 2.2
管子束縛在魯。桓公欲相鮑叔。鮑叔曰：f 吾君欲霸王，則管夷吾在彼，

臣弗若也。』桓公曰：「
夷吾，寡人之賊也，射我者也。不可。』鮑叔曰：
「夷吾爲其君射人者也。君若得而臣之，則彼亦將爲君射人。』桓公不聽，
强相鮑叔，〔
鮑叔〕 2 固辭讓而相，桓公果聽之。於是乎使人吿魯曰：「管夷
吾，寡人之讎也，願〈生>3得之而親加手焉。』魯君許諾，乃使吏槨其拳，
膠其目，盛之以鵠夷，置之車中。至齊境，桓公使人以朝車迎之，祓以燔
火，釁以犧豭焉，生與之如國，命有司除廟筵几而薦之，曰：「自孤之聞夷
吾之言也，目益明，耳益聰，孤弗敢專，敢以吿于先君。《 I 因顧而命管子
曰：「夷吾佐予。《 I 管仲還走，再拜稽首，受令而出。管子治齊國，舉事有

功，桓公必先賞鮑叔曰：「使齊國得管子者，鮑叔也。』桓公可謂知行賞
矣。凡行賞欲其本也，本則過無由生矣。
2. Bi Yuan, Chen Qiyou. 3. Chen Qiyou; T P T L quotations, G u a n zi parallel.
While Guan Z hong was still in fetters in Lu, Duke H uan wished to
make Bao Shu his prime minister. Bao Shu said, uIf my lord wants to reign
as a lord-protector, then Guan Yiwu should occupy that position, for your
servant is n ot his equal.55
"Tiwu has com m itted crimes against the O rphaned M an,55objected the
duke. wH e is the person w ho shot at m e—so that is impossible.55
Bao Shu persisted: cT iw u was simply shooting at others for the sake o f
his lord. Were you, my lord, able to make him your minister, he would also
shoot at others for your sake.”
Duke H uan w ould no t heed him and insisted on making Bao Shu his
minister. The latter stubbornly refused, and finally Duke H uan did listen to
him. H e thereupon sent a messenger to Lu to say, ttGuan Yiwu is the enemy
o f the O rphaned M an. I w ant to obtain him alive so that I m ight kill him
w ith my own hands.55
The lord o f Lu assented to this and sent an official to bind G uan Yiwu5s
hands, blindfold him, stuff him in a sack, and pu t him in a cart. W hen the
cart arrived at the border o f Qi, Duke H u an sent someone to m eet G uan
Yiwu in a court carriage. Ritual fires were lit to exorcise any evil influences,
and the blcxxl o f an unblem ished pig was offered to the spirits. Seeing that
Guan was alive, the duke then accompanied him to the capital. The duke
ordered tlie appropriate officials to clean out the ancestral temple and furnish
it w ith new mats and armrests. Presenting Guan Yiwu to his ancestors, the
duke said, aEver since the O rphaned O ne has heard the advice o f Yiwu, his
seeing has become clearer and his hearing sharper. The O rphan w ould not
presume to act on his ow n authority, and dares now to report this to our
late lord.55Then turning to G uan, he laid the charge upon him , "Tiwu, help
m e!55 G uan Z hong stepped back, bowed twice, knocked his head on the
ground, accepted the charge, and left the temple.
W hen Guan Z hong governed the state o f Qi, everything he initiated
ended in success. For that reason, Duke H uan felt it necessary to give the
first reward to Bao Shu, explaining， “It was Bao Shu w ho induced the state
o f Q i to obtain G uan Z hong.55
It may properly be said o f Duke H uan that he ccknew how to distribute
rewards.55As a general rule, in distributing rewards the ruler wants to re
ward those w ho initiated the service. I f those w ho initiated the service are
rewarded, errors cannot occur.
24/ 2.3
孫叔敖、沈尹莖相與友。叔敖遊於郢三年，聲問不知，修行不聞。沈尹
莖謂孫叔敖曰：「說義以聽，方術信行，能令人主上至於王，下至於霸，我
不若子也。耦世接俗，說義調均，以適主心，子不若我也。子何以不歸耕
乎？吾將爲子游。』沈尹莖遊於郢五年，（
荆 T A > 楚王欲以爲令尹，沈尹莖
辭曰：「期思之鄙人有孫叔敖者，聖人也。王必用之，臣不若也。』（
荆 TA>
楚王於是使人以王輿迎叔敖以爲令尹，十二年而莊王霸，此沈尹莖之力也。
功無大乎進賢。
Sunshu Ao and Shenyin Jing were friends. Sunshu Ao sought employ
m ent in the C hu capital o f Ying for three years, but his name did n o t be
come known, nor did others hear o f his cultivated conduct. Shcnyin Jing
said to Sunshu Ao, explaining m oral principles so that others will heed
B O O K 24 6 n
them , in having the proper m ethods and techniques faithfully enacted, and
in being capable o f affecting rulers as high as kings and as low as lords-
protector, I am n o t your equal. But in abiding by society as it exists, in
accepting its vulgar practices, and in adjusting explanations o f w hat is moral
$〇that they fit a rulers m ind, you are n o t my equal. W hy n o t return to your
farming? I will be seeking employm ent for you.55
After Shenyin Jing had sought em ploym ent in the capital o f Ying for
five years, the king o f C hu wished to make him prim e minister. Shenyin
Jing declined, saying, aA m ong the rustics o f the tow n o f Qisi, there is one
Sunshu Ao, w ho is a sage. Your majesty m ust employ him, for your subject
is n o t his equal.55
The king o f C hu sent someone to bring Sunshu Ao in the royal carriage.
H e m ade him prime minister, and, after twelve years. King Z huang o f Chu
became lord-protector. This was due to the efforts o f Shenyin Jing. There is
no finer achievement than prom oting the worthy.
三曰自知
CHA PTER 3
R E C O G N IZ IN G O N E S E L F
2 4 / 3.1
欲知平直，則必準繩；欲知方圓，則必規矩；人主欲自知，則必直士。
故天子立輔弼，設師保，所以舉過也。夫人故不能自知，人主 ( 猶其 GE>
獨甚 1 。存亡安危，勿求於外，務在自知。
I. Bi Yuan; T F T L quotation.
I f you w ant to know w hether som ething is level or straight, you m ust
use a water level or a m arking line. I f you w ant to know w hether it is square
or round, you m ust use a carpenters square or a compass. I f a ruler wants to
know about himself, he m ust use candid scholar-knights. Therefore, in order
to have his errors made known to him, the Son o f Heaven establishes the
offices o f supporter and assistant and institutes the positions o f tu to r and
protector. It is certainly the case that individuals are incapable o f recog
nizing their ow n errors, and this is especially true o f rulers. Rulers should
n ot seek elsewhere for the survival o f their states and the security o f their
persons. These things arc necessarily found in rulers recognizing their own
errors.
2 4/3.2
堯 ( 有 G E > 置2欲諫之鼓，舜 ( 有 G E > 置2誹謗之木，湯有司（

過 G E > 直3
之士，武王有戒慎之鞀，錢恐不能自知，今賢非堯、舜、湯、武也，而有
掩蔽之道，奚繇自知哉？
2. Chen Qiyou; H N Z ^ D en g x izi parallels. 3. Wang Niansun.
Yao set up a drum to be beaten by those w ho w anted to reprim and him.
Shun set up wooden strips that could be written upon by those who wished
to criticize, Tang had scholar-knights o f the Directorate o f Forthrightness
to correct him. King Wu had a hand drum to be shaken by those who wished
to warn him to be careful. Even so, they were fearfiil that they nndght prove
incapable o f recognizing their ow n errors. N ow worthies w ho are not the
equal o f Yao, Shun, Tang, and W u follow a D ao that conceals and blinds.
O n what will they rely to know their ow n errors?
24/3.3
( 荆 T A > 楚成、齊莊不自知而殺，吳王、智伯不自知而亡。宋、中山不
自知而滅，晉惠公、趙括不自知而虜，鑽荼、龐涓、太子申不自知而死，
〈
故 >4敗莫大於不自知。
4. Sun Shucheng, JizngWciqizo;QSZYquotation.
Because o f their failure to recognize their ow n mistakes, King Cheng o f
C hu and Duke Zhuang o f Q i were killed. King Fuchai o f Wu and the Earl
o f Zhi perished, the states o f Song and Zhongshan were destroyed, Duke
H u i o f Jin and Zhao Gua were taken prisoner, and Zuan Cha, Pang Juan,
and Crow n Prince Shen o f Wei died. Thus, nothing is so defeating as a lack
o f self-knowledge.
24/3.4
范氏之亡也，百姓有得〈
其 >s鍾者，欲負而走，則鍾大不可負，以椎毀
之，鍾況然有音，恐人聞之而奪己也，遽搶其耳。惡人聞之可也，惡己自
聞之悖矣。爲人主而惡聞其過，非猶此也？惡人聞其過尙猶可，〔
惡己自聞
其過悖矣〕
6。
5. Sun Shucheng, Jiang WeiqiaoißSZTquotation.
6. Fan Gcngyan, Chen Qiyou; parallelism.
W hen the Fan family fled, one o f the H undred Clans found their bell,
which he wanted to haul away, but it was to o large to carry on his back. H e
sm ick the bell w ith a mallet to break it into pieces, but it resonated, hwyan£f\
Fearful that others would hear the ring and try to take the bell from him, he
B O O K 24 613
quickly covered his ears. That he should dislike others5hearing the bell ring
makes sense, b ut that he should dislike his hearing it himself is madness.
Are n o t rulers w ho dislike hearing o f their ow n errors like this? T hat they
should hate others to hear o f their errors also makes sense, but that they
themselves should hate to hear o f their ow n errors is madness.
24/ 3.5
魏文侯燕飮，皆令諸大夫論己。或言君〈仁，或言君義，或言君> ( 之)7智

也。至於任座，任座曰：「君不肖君也。得中山不以封君之弟，而以封君之
子，是以知君之不肖也。《 I 文侯不說，知於顏色。任座趨而出。次及翟黃，
翟黃曰：『君賢君也。臣聞其主賢者，其臣之言直。今者任座之言直，是以
知君之賢也。』文侯喜曰：「可反歟？』翟黃對曰：『
奚爲不可？臣聞忠臣畢
其忠，而不敢遠其死。座殆尙在於門。』翟黃往視之，任座在於門，以君
令召之。任座入，文侯下階而迎之，終座以爲上客。文侯微翟黃，則幾失
忠臣矣。上順乎主心以顯賢者，其唯翟黃乎？
7. Bi Yuan; T P T L quotation.
Once, w hen M arquis Wen o f Wei had a banquet, he comm anded all o f
his grand officers to offer their assessments o f him. Some spoke o f their
lord5s humaneness, some o f his moral principles, and others o f his wisdom.
But when it was Ren Z uo5s turn, he said, aM y lord is an unw orthy ruler.
W hen he conquered Zhongshan, he did n o t enfeoff his younger brother
w ith it but instead gave it to his son. This is how I know o f our lord5s
unw orthiness.55M arquis Wen was displeased and m ade it known by his ex
pression. Ren Z uo quickly left.
W hen it was Di Huang^s turn to speak, he said, ^My lord is a worthy ruler.
Your subject has heard that when a leader is worthy, his ministers speak can
didly. Just now when Ren Zuo spoke candidly, I knew o f our lord5s worthiness.55
M arquis Wen was pleased and asked, ccShould I perm it him to return ?55
aW hy not? Your servant has heard that a loyal m inister in being fully
loyal will n o t presume to flee death. Ren Z uo is still at the gate.55
Di H uang w ent to look, and Ren Z uo was indeed standing at the gate,
and so Di H u an g told him that the ruler com m anded his presence. W hen
Ren Z uo entered, M arquis Wen descended the staircase to welcome him.
In the end, Z uo was made a senior retainer.
If it had n o t been for Di H uang, M arquis Wen m ight have lost a loyal
subject. In dealing w ith superiors, to be able to abide by a leaders inclina
tions, and in doing so make worthies em inent, is surely an apt description
o f Di H uang, is it not?
四曰當賞
CH A PTER 4
F IT T IN G R E W A R D S
24/4.1
民無道知天，民以四時寒暑日月星辰之行知天。四時寒暑日月星辰之行
當，則諸生有血氣之類皆( 爲V 得其處而安其產。人臣亦無道知主，人臣以
賞罰爵祿之所加知主。主之賞罰爵祿之所加者宜，則親疏遠近賢不肖皆盡
其力而以爲用矣。
I. Chen Qiyou.
The people have no Dao to know Heaven, so they use the alternation o f
cold and w arm th during the four seasons and the movements o f the sun,
mcx)n, planets, and constellations to know it. I f the alternation o f cold and
warm th during the four seasons and the movements o f the sun, m oon ，plan-
ets, and constellations are w hat they should be, all living things belonging
to the class o f creatures w ith blexxi and breath find their proper niche and
will be secure in their lives. The subjects o f a ruler have no D ao by which to
know him ， so they use the rewards, punishm ents, titles， and emolum ents
that he bestows. I f his rewards, punishm ents, titles, and emolum ents are
fitting, then close and distant relatives, people far and near, as well as the
w orthy and the unw orthy will all w ork hard and make themselves o f use.
24/ 4.2
晉文侯反國，賞從亡者，而陶狐不與。左右曰：「君反國家，爵祿三出，
而陶狐不與。敢問其說。』文公曰：「
輔我以義、導我以禮者，吾以爲上
賞。敎我以善、彊我以賢者，吾以爲次賞。拂吾所欲、數舉吾過者，吾以
爲末賞。三者所以賞有功之臣也。若賞唐國之勞徒，則陶狐將爲首矣。j 周
內史興聞之曰：「
晉公其霸乎！昔者聖王先德而後力，晉公其當之矣。 j
W hen Duke Wen o f Jin returned to his country, he rewarded those w ho

had followed him during his exile, but Tao H u was n o t am ong them . H is
attendants inquired, aSince your lordship returned to his hom eland, he has
thrice given titles and awards but has no t included Tao H u any o f those
times. We dare to ask the reason.55
<T h o sc w ho protected me according to their code and guided me ac
cording to the rites, I rewarded on the first occasion. Those w ho taught me
according to the good and fortified me w ith steadfastness, I rewarded next.
Those w ho opposed m y wishes and w ho repeatedly showed me the errors
o f my ways, I rewarded last. These are the three reasons one rewards m eri
torious ministers. Were I to reward the hardw orking soldiers o f our state,
then Tao H u w ould surely be at the head o f the list:.”
W hen Xing, scribe o f the interior in the Z hou court, learned o f this, he
said, "The duke o f Jin will surely become lord-protector. In the past, the
sage-kings p u t moral pow er first and physical strength last, and the duke o f
Jin matches them in this.55
24/ 4.3
秦小主夫人用奄變，群賢不說自匿，百姓鬱怨非上。公子連亡在魏，聞
之，欲入，因群臣與民從鄭所之塞。右主然守塞，弗入，曰：r 臣有義，不
兩主。公子勉去矣。』公子連去，入翟，從焉氏塞，菌改入之。夫人聞之，
大駭，令吏興卒，奉命曰：「寇在邊。』卒與吏其始發也，皆曰：「往擊
寇。』中道因變曰：「非擊寇也，迎主君也。』公子連因與卒倶來，至雍，
圍夫人，夫人自殺。公子連立，是爲獻公，怨右主然，而將重罪之，德菌
改而欲厚賞之。監突爭之曰：「不可。秦公子之在外者眾，若此則人臣爭入
亡公子矣。此不便主。』獻公以爲然，故復右主然之罪，而賜菌改官大夫，
賜守塞者人米二十石。獻公可謂能用賞罰矣。凡賞非以愛之也，罰非以惡
之也，用觀歸也。所歸善，雖惡之賞；所歸不善，雖愛之罰；此先王之所
以治亂安危也。
W hen the lady, the m other o f the child ruler o f Q in, employed eunuchs
to interfere w ith the governm ent, all the worthies were displeased and kept
to themselves, while the H undred Clans became sullen and resentful and
condem ned their superiors. W hen Prince Lian, w ho was in exile in Wei,
learned o f this, he wanted to return to Q in, and because o f that, all the
officials and com m on people w ent to the pass at Zhengsuo. D eputy
C ontroller Ran w ould n o t perm it him to enter the pass, saying, ccIt is the
moral duty o f an officer n o t to recognize tw o rulers. I urge the prince to
leave•”
Prince Lian left, entered the lands o f the Di barbarians, and went through
Yanshi Pass, where Jun Gai perm itted him to enter. W hen the lady learned
o f this, she was terrified and ordered the officials to raise an army, their
order reading, cT h ere is a brigand on the border.55W hen the soldiers and
officers first started out, they all said, ""We go to attack a brigand.55But midway
there, they changed w hat they said: aWe arc not going to attack a brigand,
but to welcome our ruler•”
In consequence, Prince Lian joined the soldiers and marched w ith them
all the way to Yong, where they surrounded the lady, who committed suicide.
Prince Lian took the throne. H e was known posthum ously as Duke Xian.
H e despised Deputy Controller Ran and intended to punish him severely;
on the other hand, he felt obligated to Jun Gai for his kindness and w anted
to reward him richly.
Jian Tu argued against this, saying, cT h a t w ould be wrong. There are
many Q in princes living abroad. If you proceed w ith your plans, then offi
cials will endeavor to perm it princes in exile to enter the country, and that
w ould no t be convenient for you.55
Duke Xian considered this correct. H e reversed the sentence o f D eputy
Controller Ran and rewarded Jun Gai w ith the tide o f governm ent grand
officer as well as the salary o f the protector o f the pass, twenty stones o f
grain.
It may be said o f Duke Xian that he was “capable o f using rewards and
punishm ents.55As a general principle, rewards should n o t be given because
the ruler loves persons, nor should punishm ents be dispensed because he
hates them. H e gives rewards and punishm ents on the basis o f his observa
tion o f performance and results. If the results are good, even if he hates the
person, the ruler rewards him. I f the results are n o t good, even if the ruler
loves the person, he punishes him. This was the m ethod used by the Form er
Kings to change chaos into order and danger into security.
五曰博志
CH A PTER 5
C O N C E N T R A T IN G A IM S
24/ 5.1
先王有大務，去其害之者，故所欲以必得，所惡以必除，此功名之所以
立也。俗主則不然，有大務而不能去其害之者，此所以無能成也。夫〔
能〕 1
去害務與不能去害務，此賢不肖之所以分也。
I. Chen Qiyou; c o n te x t.
A. W hen the Ancient Kings faced a great task, they ridded themselves o f
everything that m ight interfere w ith it. This is why they were certain to
obtain w hat they desired and to eliminate what they disliked, and in this
way their reputations for achievement were established. This is not true o f
B O O K 24 617
ordinary leaders. W hen they have a great task, they are incapable o f ridding
themselves o f anything that m ight interfere w ith it. This is w hy they prove
incapable o f achieving anydiing. W hat separates the w orthy from the u n
w orthy is th at the one is capable o f eliminating whatever interferes w ith
their tasks, and the other proves incapable o f doing so.
使獐疾走，馬弗及至，己而得者，其時顧也。驥一日千里，車輕也；以重
載則不能數里，任重也。賢者之舉事也，不聞無功，然而名不大立、利不
及世者，愚不肖爲之任也。
B. W hen a roebuck runs at top speed， a horse cannot catch up to it; yet
it will eventually be caught because it is always turning its head to look
back. A thoroughbred can cover a thousand li in a day because the carriage
it pulls is light; if the carriage is heavy, the horse could go no m ore than but
a few //, because the load it pulls is heavy. I have never heard o f worthies
being unsuccessflil in the affairs they undertake. Nevertheless, their names
are n o t well known and the benefits they produce do n o t reach the world
because they are burdened w ith the stupid and unworthy.
24/ 5.2
冬與夏不能兩刑，草與稼不能兩成，新穀熟而陳穀虧，凡有角者無上
齒，果實繁者木必庳，用智褊者(無遂功 G E > 功無遂2 ，天之數也。故天子
不處全，不處極，不處盈。全則必缺，極則必反，盈則必虧。先王知物之
不可兩大，故擇務，當而處之。
2. Tao Hongqing.
The constant rules o f Heaven are these:
Winter and summer cannot both arrive at the same time;

Weeds and crops cannot both mature together;
New grains ripen when old grains are cleared;
Creatures that have horns lack upper teeth;
When the fruit is plentiful, the tree must bend;
And those o f narrow understanding arc bound to fail.
The Son o f Heaven therefore docs not try to deal with things in their totality,
nor to achieve perfection, nor to attain fullness. The total invariably is missing
something, the perfected invariably suffers reversal, the full invariably wanes.
Because the Ancient Kings understcxxl that one person^ achieving greatness
in two things at once is impossible, they selected a task, and if it was suit
able, they dealt w ith it.
24/5-3
孔、墨、甯越，皆布衣之士也，慮於天下，以爲無若先王之術者，故曰
夜學之。有便於學者，無不爲也；有不便於學者，無肯爲也。蓋聞孔丘、
墨翟，晝日諷誦習業，夜親見文王、周公旦而問焉。用志如此其精也，何
事而不達？何爲而不成？故曰精而熟之，鬼將吿之。非鬼吿之也，精而熟
之也。今有寶劍良馬於此，玩之不厭，視之無倦。寶行良道，一而弗復，
欲身之安也，名之章也，不亦難乎？
Confucius, M o Di, and N ing Yue, all o f them scholar-knights w ho wore
the clothes o f commoners, reflected on the state o f the world. Because they
thought themselves unfit to employ the m ethods o f the Ancient Kings, they
studied day and night. They did anything that facilitated their studies but
were unwilling to do anything that m ight impede them . It is said that Con-
fiicius and M o Di spent the entire day reciting, m em orizing， and practicing
their lessons and at night saw King Wen and D an, Duke o f Zhou, w hom
they w ould ask questions. Being so single-minded, w hat task w ould they
n o t accomplish and what action w ould they n o t complete? Thus, it is said:
ccW hen you study w ith single-minded devotion the ghosts will inform you.55
But it is n o t a m atter o f ghosts actually telling you; rather, it is a m atter o f
learning it through being single-minded. Now , were one to possess a pre
cious sword o r fine horse, one w ould amuse oneself w ith them endlessly
and look at them w ithout tiring. But in the case o f precious conduct and a
fine Dao, if one employs them once and n o t twice, will it no t be difficult to
attain one’s desire for ä secure life and an illustrious name?
24/ 5.4
甯越，中牟之鄙人也。苦耕稼之勞，謂其友曰：4 可爲而可以免此苦

也？』其友曰：『莫如學。學三十歲則可以達矣。』甯越曰：「請以十五歲。
人將休，吾將不敢休；人將臥，吾將不敢臥。』十五歲而周威公師之。矢
之速也，而不過二里止也；步之遲也，而百舍不止也。今以甯越之材而久
不止，其爲諸侯師，豈不宜哉？
N ing Yue was a rustic from Z hongm ou. Wearied from the drudgery o f
plowing and planting, he said to a friend, ""What does one have to do to
avoid this drudgery?55
‘"Nothing beats studying，” replied his friend. “I f you study thirty years,
you can succeed.55
aLet me do it in fifteen. W hen others rest, I will not dare do so; when
others sleep， I will not dare do so.” In fifteen years he became the tu to r to
Duke Wei o f Zhou.
A swift arrow goes no m ore than tw o li before falling to the ground. A
slow walker can go no m ore than a hundred post stations before resting.
But given N ing Yue5s talent and endurance, was it n o t fitting that he should
become a tu to r to the feudal lords?
24/ 5-5
養由基、尹儒，皆文藝之人也。（
荆 T A > 楚廷嘗有神白猿，（
荆 TA > 楚
之善射者莫之能中，（
荆 T A > 楚王請養由基射之。養由基矯弓操矢而往，未
之射而括中之矣，發之則猿應矢而下，則養由基有先中中之者矣。尹儒學
御三年而不得焉，苦痛之，夜夢受秋駕於其師。明日往朝其師，〔其師〕3望
而謂之曰：『吾非愛道也，恐子之未可與也。今日將敎子以秋駕。』尹儒反
走，北面再拜曰：「今 ( 昔 L C > 夕臣夢受之。』先爲其師言所夢，所夢固秋
駕已。上二士者可謂能學矣，可謂無害之矣，此其所以觀後世已。
3. Bi Yuan, Chen Qiyou.
Yang Youji and Yin Ru were both m en o f highly refined skills. In the
courtyard o f the palace o f C hu there was a magical white ape, which even
the best archers could n o t hit, and so the king o f C hu asked Yang Youji to
try. Yang Youji picked up his bow and arrows and w ent to try. Before shoot
ing, he had already pinned it w ith his arrows; w ith a single shot, the ape
fell. Thus, Yang Youji had the ability to hit his target before actually hitting
his target.
Yin R u studied charioteering for three years w ithout m astering it, a fact
that so greatiy saddened him that one night he dream t o f learning the art o f
aautum n driving55from his teacher. The next day he w ent to pay his respects
to his teacher, w ho lcx>ked directly at him and said, aIt is n o t that I have
been sparing about im parting the right Dao, but that I feared you were no t
capable o f being taught. Now, however, I will teach you the art o f aautum n
driving,55Yin Ru turned to leave but assumed the hum ble position o f facing
north and bowed twice to his teacher. ul dream t last night o f having learned
it.55His dream had anticipated what his teacher would say, and he had genu
inely dream t o f the art o f aautum n driving.55
These two scholar-knights may be properly described as being acapable
o f studying55and aim m unc to harm ,55and that is why they are exemplars for
later ages.
六曰貴當
CH A PTER 6
P R I Z I N G W H A T IS F I T T I N G
24/ 6.1
名號大顯，不可彊求，必繇其道。治物者不於物於人，治人者不於〔人
於事，治事者不於〕
1事於君，治君者不於君於天子，治天子者不於天子於
欲，治欲者不於欲於性。性者萬物之本也，不可長，不可短，因其固然而
然之，此天地之數也。窺赤肉而烏鵲聚，貍處堂而眾鼠散，衰絰陳而民知
喪，竽瑟陳而民知樂。湯、武修其行而天下從。桀、紂慢其行而天下畔，
豈待其言哉？君子審在己者而已矣。
I. Chen Qiyou; parallelism.
The illustrious reputation cannot be purposefully sought, but m ust be
achieved through following the true Dao. C ontrol o f things depends, not
on the things, but on the man. C ontrol o f m en depends, n o t on the men,
but on the task. Control o f the task depends, no t on the task, but on the
feudal lord. C ontrol o f feudal lords depends, not on them , but on the Son
o f Heaven. C ontrol o f the Son o f Heaven depends, no t on him, but on his
desires. C ontrol o f desires depends, not on the desires, but on the inborn
nature. Inborn nature is the fundamental consideration in the myriad things
and can be neither increased nor decreased, for it is w hat definitively makes
each thing the thing that it is. This is a constant principle o f Heaven and
Earth.
Crows and magpies flock where they see red meat; all the rats scatter
when a cat lives in the hall. W hen m ourning clothes are displayed, people
know there is going to be a funeral; when flutes and zithers are displayed,
people know there is going to be a celebration. Tang and W u cultivated
their conduct, and the w orld followed them ; Jie and Z hou Xin behaved
contemptuously, and the world turned against them . W hy w ould people
await anything such tyrants m ight say 丁he gentleman pays close attention
to w hat resides w ithin him and to nothing else.
24/ 6.2
( 荆 T A > 楚有善相人者，所言無遺策，聞於國，莊王見而問焉。對曰 :
「臣非能相人也，能觀人之友也。觀布衣也，其友皆孝悌純謹畏令，如此
者，其家必日益，身必日榮，（
矣 G E > 此2 所謂吉人也。觀事君者也，其友
皆誠信有行好善，如此者，事君日益，官職日進，此所謂吉臣也。觀人主
也，其朝臣多賢，左右多忠，主有失，皆交爭証諫，如此者，國日安，主
日尊，天下日服，此所謂吉主也。臣非能相人也，能觀人之友也。』莊王
善之，於是疾收士，日夜不懈，遂霸天下。故賢主之時見文藝之人也，非
特具之而已也，所以就大務也。夫事無大小，固相與通。田獵馳騁，弋射
走狗，賢者非不爲也，爲之而智日得焉，不肖主爲之而智曰惑
焉。《志》曰：「驕惑之事，不亡奚待？J
2. Xu W ciyu.
In Ghu there was an expert physiognom ist whose predictions never

failed, so he became famous throughout the country. King Zhuang granted
him an audience and questioned him how he did it.
The m an replied, ccYour servant is no t able to judge a m an5s fate by his
appearance, but only by examining a m an5s friends. I f the m an I am examin
ing is a com m oner and his friends are all dutiful, diligent, and obedient,
then it is certain that his family will daily grow and he himself daily become
m ore prosperous. This is w hat we mean by ca m an whose fortune will be
good.5 I f the m an is an official and his friends are sincere, honest, high-
m inded, and fond o f goodness， then each day his service to his ruler will
improve and his career will advance. This is w hat we mean by ca m inister
whose fortune will be good.5If the m an is a ruler whose ministers arc, for
the m ost part, worthies and whose attendants are, for the m ost part, loyal,
and if all o f them strive to correct and admonish him, then each day his
state will become m ore secure, the ruler himself will be m ore honored, and
the w orld will acknowledge him w ith greater submissiveness. This is w hat
we mean by ca ruler whose fortune will be gocxl.5Thus your servant says
that he is unable to judge a man's fate by his appearance, but only by exam
ining his friends.55
King Z huang found this excellent and thereupon quickly assembled
scholar-knights. Day and night he did not rest, and as a result became lord-
protector o f the world.
Therefore, w orthy rulers give timely audiences to men o f refinement
and cultivation, n ot merely so that they will be surrounded by them , but
because through them they achieve great things. W ith them , tasks large and
small can be accomplished.
The w orthy man does not avoid hunting, riding fast, using hunting
dogs, and shcx>ting stringed arrows; but in doing these things, he regularly
improves his ability to think, whereas an incom petent ruler regularly be
comes m ore m uddled by doing them. A record says.
When you do arrogant and muddled things,

Will you not perish in a short time
24/6.3
齊3有好獵者，曠日持久而不得獸，入則媿其家室，出則媿其知友州里。

惟其所以不得之故，則狗惡也。欲得良狗，則家貧無以。於是還疾耕，疾
耕則家富，家富則有以求良狗，狗良則數得獸矣，田獵之獲常過人矣。非
獨獵也，百事也盡然。霸王有不先耕而成霸王者，古今無有。此賢(者)4不
肖之所以殊也。賢不肖之所欲與人同，堯、桀、幽、厲皆然，所以爲之異。
故賢主察之，以爲不可，弗爲；以爲可，故爲之。爲之必繇其道，物莫之
能害，此功之所以相萬也。
3. Following TPTL. 4. ChenChangqi.
In Q i there was a man w ho so loved hunting that he wasted days in the
stubborn but futile pursuit o f wild animals. H e was ashamed to face his
family members at hom e, as well as acquaintances and fellow villagers. H e
thought that the only reason he did n o t catch animals was that his dog was
no good. H e w anted to buy a good dog, but his family was poor and w ith
o u t means. W hen he returned hom e, therefore, he devoted himself to his
plowing. Because o f his devoted plowing, his family became wealthy and
thus able to find a good dog, w ith which he was able to catch m ore animals
than anyone else could.
It is n o t only o f hunting that this is true, but o f all m anner o f other
things. From antiquity to the present, there has never been a case o f anyone
becom ing a lord-protector w ithout first ^plowing.55This is w hat sets the
w orthy apart from the unworthy. The w orthy and unw orthy have the same
desires as ordinary men. In this, Yao and Jic, You and Li were the same.
W herein they differed was how they pursued their desires. Thus, when a
w orthy leader examines a course o f action and finds it improper, he will not
follow it, and when he considers it proper, he will. Since w hat he docs always
follows the Dao, nothing can harm him. Thus, his accomplishments surpass
those o f others ten thousandfold.
Book 25
The first two chapters of this book introduce principles illustrated by historical
anecdotes. The other four chapters arc concerned with how a ruler should govern.
Chapter i begins with the observations that one cannot judge by the appearance of
a thing whether or not it is in accord with nature and that it is only by knowing
this that one can come to understand the changes and transformations to which all
things are subject. Chapter 2 points out the difficulty of ascertaining the category
to which something belongs, for when conditions change, the behavior of a thing
changes as well. Chapter 3 argues that the ruler should maintain his own standards
in judging the opinions and talents of his subordinates. The chapter concludes
with a scries of instructions concerning how the ruler should maintain his modesty,
composure, and purity of mind. Chapter 4 counsels non-action on the part of the
ruler and instructs him in exploiting the specialized knowledge and talent of those
to whom he has assigned official responsibilities. Chapter 5 argues that it is a
fundamental necessity for the ruler to ensure that the social boundaries between
superiors and subordinates arc clearly drawn. The ruler and other superior figures
arc associated with the circle, the supreme symbol of Heaven, and they must exer
cise care to ensure that those who ôccupy the square55never overstep the bounds
of their inferior positions. This goes beyond the old Confiician idea of “rectification
of names55and involves defining the tasks and responsibilities of the different offices
within a professional bureaucracy—a concern voiced by Han Fei and other ^Legalist55
thinkers. Chapter 6 counsels the ruler to be thoughtful with regard to what appears
to be the most inconsequential of his statements and the most trivial of his actions,
for all these have consequences that can affect his survival and the respect his popu
lation has for him.
[623]
624 THE DISCOURSES
一曰似順
CH A PTER 1
A PPA REN T A CCO RD
25/1.1
事多似倒而順，多似順而倒。有知順之爲倒、倒之爲順者，則可與言化
矣。至長反短，至短反長，天之道也。
M any things that seem contrary to nature in fact accord w ith it, and
m any things that seem to accord w ith it in fact are contrary to it. Someone
who knows the contrariness o f w hat accords and the accord o f the contrary
may advise you about the processes o f change. It is the D ao o f nature that
the days start getting shorter after the longest day and start getting longer
after the shortest day.
25/1.2
(荆 T A > 楚莊王欲伐陳，使人視之。使者曰：r陳不可伐也。』莊王曰：
r何故？』對曰：r城郭高，溝洫深，蓄積多也。』寧國曰：「
陳可伐也。夫
陳，小國也，而蓄積多，賦斂重也，則民怨上矣；城郭高，溝洫深，則民
力罷矣。興兵伐之，陳可取也。』莊王聽之，遂取陳焉。
King Zhuang o f Chu wanted to attack Chen and so sent someone to spy
on it. The m an reported, ccChen cannot be attacked.55
ccW hy not?55asked the king.
ccIts walls are high, its moats are deep, and its supplies are plentiful.55
N ing G uo said, ccChen, being a small state, can be attacked. Its supplies
are plentiful because its taxes are heavy—so its people resent their superi
ors. Its walls are high and its moats deep—so its people are physically ex
hausted. I f you raise an army and attack, Chen can be taken.55King Zhuang
heeded him and thus took Chen.
25/1.3
田成子之所以得有國至今者，有兄曰完子，仁且有勇。越人興師誅田成
子曰：「奚故殺君而取國？』田成子患之。完子請率士大夫以逆越師，請必
戰，戰請必敗，敗請必死。田成子曰：『夫必與越戰可也。戰必敗，敗必
死，寡人疑焉。』完子曰：「君之有國也，百姓怨上，賢良又有死之，〔
朝〕 1
臣蒙恥。以完觀之也，國已懼矣。今越人起師，臣與之戰，戰而敗，〔敗而
B O O K 25 62 5
死〕
2 ，賢良盡死，不死者不敢入於國。君與諸孤處於國，以臣觀之，國必安
矣。j 完子行，田成子泣而遺之。夫死敗，人之所惡也，而反以爲安，豈
一道哉？故人主之聽者與士之學者，不可不博。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou; parallelism.
The reason Viscount Cheng o f the Tian family was able to take Qi and
ensure that his family w ould hold onto it dow n to the present is that he had
an older brother nam ed Viscount Wan w ho was both hum ane and brave.
W hen Yuc raised an army to attack Viscount G hoig, the ruler o f Yuc asked,
ccWhy did Viscount Cheng o f the Tian m urder his ruler and take the state?55
Viscount Cheng was worried about this. Viscount Wan asked permission
to lead an army o f knights and grand officers to face the Yue army, to lose
the battle, and to die. Viscount Cheng said, uO f course you can do battle
w ith Yue. But I d oubt the necessity o f the battle ending in defeat and the
defeat necessitating your death.55
^Because my lord has taken possession o f the state, the H undred Clans
resent you, and the w orthy and good ministers, w ho w ould be willing to
die for you, remain in court, feeling ashamed. As I, Wan, see it, the conditions
in the state are already in a worrisom e condition. Now , if Yue raises an
army and your servant does battle w ith them and is defeated, and having
been defeated, dies, then the w orthy and good will all die, and those w ho
were unwilling to fight to the death will no t dare to return to Qi. T hen you
and all their orphans can cx:cupy the state. As your servant sees it, the state
will then surely be secure.55Viscount Wan w ent on the campaign, and Vis-
count C heng tearfully saw him off.
Death and defeat are things despised by men. H ow could there have
been only one Dao to create security for Qi? Therefore, w hat rulers heed
and scholar-knights study cannot but be broad.
25/1.4
尹鐸爲晉陽，下〔之絳〕 3 ，有請於趙簡子。簡子曰：M主而夷夫壘。我將

往，往而見壘，是見中行寅與范吉射也。《 I 鐸往而增之。簡子上之晉陽，
望見壘而怒曰：「譆！鐸也欺我。』於是乃舍於郊，將使人誅鐸也。孫明進
諫曰：「以臣私之，鐸可賞也。鐸之言固曰：「見樂則淫侈，見憂則諍治，
此人之道也。今君見壘念憂患，而況群臣與民乎？夫便國而利於主，雖兼
於罪，鐸爲之。夫順令以取容者，眾能之，而況鐸歟？」君其圖之。j 簡
子曰：「微子之言，寡人幾過。』於是乃以免難之賞賞尹鐸。人主，太上喜
怒必循理，其次不循理，必數更，雖未至大賢，猶足以蓋濁世矣。簡子當
此。世主之患，恥不知而矜自用，好愎過而惡聽諫，以至於危。恥無大乎
危者。
3. Chen Qiyou.
W hen Yin D uo governed Jinyang, he traveled downhill to Jiang to

request instructions from Viscount Jian o f Zhao. Viscount Jian said, ccG o
and level the fortifications built by my enemies Z honghang Yin and Fan
Jiyi. Were I to go and sec these fortifications, it w ould be like seeing these
tw o men.55 D uo left, but he increased the size o f the fortifications. W hen
Viscount Jian traveled up to Jinyang, he saw the fortifications. aD am n!whe
said angrily. “D uo has deceived me.” For that reason， he camped at the
outskirts o f the tow n, intending to send an officer to execute Duo.
Sun M ing came forward to argue against this. cT ro m your subjects per
sonal point o f view. D uo should be rewarded. D uo definitely said, €It is the
D ao o f m ankind that when a person experiences happiness he becomes
indolent and lazy, but w hen he experiences uneasiness, he works and con-
trols himself. Now, if when my lord sees the fortifications, he remembers
his worries and troubles, how much m ore then will this be the case w ith his
ministers and subjects? I shall act for the good o f the state and the benefit o f
the ruler, even if that should mean that I will be doubly punished. Every
body is capable o f obeying orders and winning acceptance, so how m uch
m ore should I do so!5M y lord should think the m atter over.55
<cWere it not for your advice, sir,55Viscount Jian responded, athis U n
w orthy M an would surely have made a mistake.55 H e then rewarded Yin
D uo as one did those w ho had spared the ruler difficulties.
The supremely great ruler always expresses his joy and anger in a manner
that accords w ith reason. Less able rulers do no t accord w ith reason but
readily change their minds. A lthough they do not achieve supreme w orthi-
ness, what they do is sufficient to allow them to rise above this corrupt
world. Viscount Jian was o f this type. The trouble w ith the w orlds rulers is
that they are ashamed o f their ignorance and so w ork at being self-reliant.
They arc fond o f persisting in their errors and dislike being corrected. In
this way they endanger themselves, and no shame is greater than endanger
ing oneself.
B O O K 25 627
二曰別類
CH A PTER 2
D IF F E R E N T TY PES
2 5 /2 .1
知不知上矣。過者之患，不知而自以爲知。物多類然而不然，故亡國僇
民無已。夫草有莘有萬，獨食之則殺人，合而食之則益壽；（萬堇不殺GE>
□ 〔
有〕蠆〔
有〕堇，獨食之則殺人，合而食之則〕不殺。〔或殺而壽，或殺而
不殺，類固不必，安可推也〕 1 。漆淖水淖，合兩淖則爲蹇，溼之則爲乾；
金柔錫柔，合兩柔則爲剛，燔之則爲淖。或溼而乾，或燔而淖，類固不必，
〔安〕2 可推(知) 2 也？小方，大方之類也：小馬，大馬之類也；小智，非大智
之類也。
I. Chen Qiyou. 2. Chen Qiyou.
To know that one does not know is the loftiest form o f intelligence. The
trouble w ith those w ho com m it errors is that, though they do not know,
they nonetheless diink themselves knowledgeable. Now, there are many
things that, though they appear to be members o f a particular class, are not;
there are m any people w ho, though they appear to be intelligent, are not.
Thus, there is no end to states perishing and people being slaughtered.
Now, eaten separately, the plant asarum and the lei creeper are lethal;
but if eaten together, they will increase longevity. Eaten separately, scorpions
or aconite are lethal; but eaten together, they will not kill. In the one instance,
they sometimes kill and sometimes extend life; in the other, they some
times kill and sometimes do not. W hen the class to which a thing belongs is
decidedly uncertain, w hat can be induced about it?
Lacquer and water are both liquids; but if you mix the two liquids
together, they solidify, and if you steam the lacquer, it will dry out. Copper
and tin arc both soft, but combine the two soft substances, and they become
hard; and if you heat the com bination, it liquefies. In the one instance, you
dry out the material by making it damp; in the other, you liquefy the material
by heating it. W hen the class to which a thing belongs is decidedly uncertain,
w hat can be induced about it?
A small square belongs to the same class as a large square, just as a small
horse belongs to the same class as a large horse. But small understanding is
n o t o f the same class as great understanding.
2 5 / 2 . 2
魯人有公孫綽者，吿人曰：「我能起死人。』人問其故。對曰：「

我固能
治偏枯，今吾倍所以爲偏枯之藥則可以起死人矣。』物固有可以爲小，不
可以爲大；可以爲半，不可以爲全者也。
In Lu there was a Prince C huo w ho told people, CCI can raise the dead.55
Someone asked him how he could do this. H e responded, ul am definitely
able to cure paralysis. Now, if I double the dosage o f the medicine I use to
cure paralysis, it should be possible to raise the dead.55
There definitely are things that can treat the small but n o t the large, and
there are things that can treat the part but n o t the whole.
2 5 /2 .3
相劍者曰：「白所以爲堅也，黃所以爲扨也，黃白雜則堅且扨，良劍
也。j 難者曰：「白所以爲不扨也，黃所以爲不堅也，黃白雜則不堅且不扨
也。又柔則綣，堅則折。劍折且綣，焉得爲利劍？《I 劍之情未革，而或以
爲良，或以爲惡，說使之也。故有以聰明聽說則妄說者止，無以聰明聽說
則堯、桀無別矣。此忠臣之所患也，賢者之所以廢也。
A judge o f fine swords said, cT h e white metal is w hat makes a sword
hard， and yellow metal is w hat makes it sharp. I f you mix them , you will
have both hardness and sharpness—and that is a superior sword.55
Someone confuted him, saying, cT h e white metal is w hat makes a sword
dull, and yellow w hat makes it soft. If you combine them , you will have
neither hardness nor sharpness. M oreover， the blade o f ä soft sword will
twist, while that o f a hard one will snap. If a sw ord both twists and snaps,
how can it be considered a sharp weapon?55
The true nature o f the sword did no t change; yet the one took it to be
good, the other bad. They accomplished this w ith their explanations. There
fore, if one listens to explanations with intelligence, then bizarre explanations
will cease. I f one docs no t listen to explanations w ith intelligence, then one
will n ot be able to separate Yao from Jie. This is w hat causes problems for
loyal m inisters and w hat causes the w orthy to be dismissed.
25/2.4
義，小爲之則小有福，大爲之則大有福。於禍則不然，小有之不若其亡
也。射招者欲其中小也，射獸者欲其中大也。物固不必，安可推也？
I f a person acts morally in a small way, then his blessing will be small. If
he acts morally in a large way, then his blessing will be large. But misfortune
is n o t like this, for it is better to have none than to have a little. An archer
aiming;at a a target wants to hit the small bull5s-eye, whereas an archer aiming
at an ani limai wants to hit the large target. W hen the class to which a thing
belongs is decidedly uncertain, w hat can be induced about it?
2 5 /2 .5
高陽應將爲室家，匠〔人〕3 對曰：「未可也。木尙生，加塗其上，必將

撓。以生爲室，今雖善，後將必敗。j 高陽應曰：「緣子之言，則室不敗
也。木益枯則勁，塗益乾則輕，以益勁任益輕則不敗。《 I 匠人無辭而對，
受令而爲之。室之始成也善，其後果敗。高陽應好小察，而不通乎大理也。
3. XuWciyu; context.
Gaoyang Ying planned to build a house, but the carpenter said, "The
tim e is n o t yet right. The lum ber is still green, so if I add a layer o f clay over
it, it will surely warp. I f you use green w ood in building a house, although
it will seem fine for now, later it will fall down.55
uI f we rely on w hat you yourself have said, the house will no t fall down.
As the wcxxl dries, it will get stronger, and as the clay dries, it will get
lighter. I f you p u t w hat is getting lighter on som ething that is getting stron
ger, it will n o t fall down.55
The carpenter was at a loss for words and so did as he was told. W hen
the house was first finished it was fine, but afterwards it did, in fact, fall
down.
Gaoyang Ying loved to make trivial investigations but did no t under
stand larger principles.
2 5 /2 .6
驥驚綠耳背日而西走，至乎夕則日在其前矣。目固有不見也，智固有不
知也，數固有不及也。不知其說所以然而然，聖人因而興制，不事心焉。
The thoroughbreds, Ji, Ao, and Lüer raced westward w ith their backs to
the sun, but by evening the sun was in front o f them. There definitely are things
the eyes cannot see, the intellect cannot grasp, and techniques cannot deal
with. We may n o t understand the explanation o f w hat makes a thing as it is,
yet we know it is that way. The sages founded their institutions on the basis o f
what they knew to be so and did not exercise their minds over the explanation.
63〇 THE DISCOURSES
三曰有度
CHA PTER 3
H A V IN G S T A N D A R D S
2 5 / 3 . 1
賢主有度而聽，故不過。有度而(以Y聽，則不可欺矣，不可惶矣，不
可恐矣，不可喜矣。（
以) 2 凡人之知，不昏乎其所已知，而昏乎其所未知，
則人之易欺矣，可惶矣，可恐矣，可喜矣，知之不審也。
I. Chen Qiyou; gloss entered into text. 2. Yang Shuda.
Because w orthy leaders m aintain their ow n standards when listening to

others, they do n ot com m it errors. By m aintaining their ow n standards
while listening to others, they cannot be cheated, confused, frightened, or
induced through pleasure. As a general rule, the knowledge o f ordinary
m en is n ot m uddled in the case o f w hat they already understand, but it is
m uddled in the case o f w hat they do n o t yet understand. Thus, others find
it easy to cheat, confuse, frighten, and induce them w ith pleasures because
their knowledge has no t been acquired through careful examination.
2 5 /3 .2
客有問季子曰：「〔
堯〕3 奚以知舜之能也？』季子曰：『
堯固已治天下矣，舜
言治天下而合己之符，是以知其能也。』 ^若雖知之，奚道知其不爲私？j
季子曰：「諸能治天下者，固必通乎性命之情者，當無私矣。夏不衣裘，非
愛裘也，暖有餘也。冬不用篷，非愛篷也，（
清 G V > 凊 4 有餘也。聖人之不
爲私也，非愛費也，節乎己也。節己，雖貪汙之心猶若止，又況乎聖人？j
3- Sun Qiangming; context. 斗•Fan Gengyan.
A retainer asked M aster Ji, aH ow did Yao know that Shun was capable?55
M aster Ji replied, ccW hen Yao had already definitively put the w orld in
good order, Shun discussed governing the world, and w hat he said tallied
w ith Yao5s ow n thinking. This is how he knew that Shun was capable.55
aAlthough you think you know that, how in fact do you know that he
was n o t acting for the sake o f personal gain?55
M aster Ji responded, "'Everyone w ho is capable o f governing the world
definitely m ust com prehend the true character o f inborn nature and fate.
Such men seek no personal gain. A m an docs not wear fur garments in the
sum m er because he is saving his fürs, but because it is too hot. A m an docs
n o t use a fan in the w inter because he is saving his fans, but because it is too
B O O K 25 631
cold. A sage docs n o t act for the sake o f personal gain because he is worried
about the expenditure o f material g œ d s , but because he m oderates him
self. I f anyone m oderates himself, even his inclination tow ard greed and
lust can be stopped—how m uch m ore will this be true o f a sage!55
2 5 / 3 .3
許由非彊也，有所乎通也。有所通則貪汙之利外矣。
Xu You gave up the world not because he was forced to do so, but because
he com prehended the true nature o f things. I f you com prehend the true
nature o f things, greed and lust for profit can be eliminated.
25/ 3.4
孔、墨之弟子徒屬充滿天下，皆以仁義之術敎導於天下，然而無所行
〔
其〕<術>5 ，敎者(術) 5 猶不能行，又況乎所敎？是何也？仁義之術外也。夫
以外勝內，匹夫徒步不能行，又況乎人主？唯通乎性命之情，而仁義之術
自行矣。
5. Chen Qiyou.
The disciples and followers o f Confucius and M o D i fill the w orld, and
they all provide it w ith instruction in the techniques o f humaneness and
morality. Nevertheless, these m ethods are n o t put into practice anywhere.
I f the teachers are unable to p u t their m ethods into practice, how can those
they teach hope to do so? W hy is this? Because the techniques o f humane-
ness and morality are alien to hum an nature. Ordinary m en w ho follow
them are incapable o f using w hat is alien to their nature to overcome w hat
inheres in it—how much less will this be true o f rulers ! Only w ith füll compre-
hension o f the true character o f inborn nature and fate can the techniques
o f humaneness and morality be practiced by an individual.
2 5 / 3 . 5
先王不能盡知，執一而萬物治。使人不能執一者，物感之也。故曰通意
之悖，解心之繆，去德之累，通道之塞。貴富顯嚴名利六者，悖意者也。
容動色理氣意六者，繆心者也。惡欲喜怒哀樂六者，累德者也。智能去就
取舍六者，塞道者也。此四六者不蕩乎胸中則正。正則靜，靜則清明，清
明則虛，虛則無爲而無不爲也。
The Ancient Kings could n o t know everything, so they held fast to the
O ne and the myriad things were governed. If a m an cannot be induced to
hold fast to the O ne, external things will confound him. H ence, it is said:
O pen up the disruptions in your thoughts, unravel the snares in the m ind,
remove the constrictions on Power, and clear away the roadblocks from the
Dao. Eminence and wealthy glory and majesty, fame and profit—these six
things disrupt thoughts. Appearance, carriage, facial expressions, features,
tem peram ent, and feelings—these six things snare the m ind. Loathing and
desire, delight and anger, sadness and happiness—these six things constrict
Power. Knowledge and ability, avoiding and joining, choosing and reject
ing—these six things blcx:k the Dao. W hen these four groups o f six things
are n ot allowed to stir w ithin your breast, you will be upright; if you are
upright, you will be quiescent; if quiescent, you will be clear and bright; if
clear and bright, you will be empty; and if empty, you will do nothing and
yet do everything.
四曰分職
CH A PTER 4
D IS T IN G U IS H IN G P R O P E R F U N C T IO N S
25/4.1
先王用非其有，如己有之，通乎君道者也。夫君也者，處虛 ( 素服 GE>
服素 1而無智，故能使眾智也；智2反無能，故能使眾能也；能執無爲，故能
使眾爲也。無智、無能、無爲，此君之所執也。人主之 ( 所 )3惑者則不然，
以其智彊智，以其能彊能，以其爲彊爲，此處人臣之職也。處人臣之職而
欲無壅塞，雖舜不能爲。
I. W ang N iansun. 2. C hen Q iy o u ;智G E > 能. 3. W ang N ian su n .
The Ancient Kings used things that they did no t themselves ow n as if

they did own them , because they understood the Dao o f the lord. The true
lord lives in emptiness, holds fast to the unadorned, and appears to under
stand nothing; therefore he is able to employ the knowledge o f the many.
H e is wise but has no abilities; therefore he can employ the abilities o f the
many. H e is able to hold fast to doing nothing; therefore he is able to employ
the actions o f the many. U nderstanding nothing, being able at nothing,
and doing nothing are principles to which a lord holds firm. O f rulers w ho
are deluded about things this is n o t true. They use their ow n wisdom to
constrain the wise, their ow n abilities to constrain the able, and their ow n
B O O K 25 633
actions to constrain the acts o f others. In doing these things, they are per
form ing the functions o f a subject. For a ruler to perform the functions o f a
subject and yet desire n o t to be obstructed and blocked is som ething even
Shun was n o t capable o f doing.
2 5 / 4 .2
武王之佐五人。武王之於五人者之事無能也，然而世皆曰：『取天下者
武王也。《
I 故武王取非其有，如己有之，通乎君道也。通乎君道，則能令
智者謀矣，能令勇者怒矣，能令辯者語矣。
A. King W u was assisted by five men. In his relations w ith these five
m en King W u displayed no abilities, and yet the whole w orld says it was
King W u w ho captured the world. Therefore, King W u took that which
was n o t his ow n as if it were his own, because he understood the Dao o f the
lord. O ne w ho understands the D ao o f the lord is capable o f causing the
wise to lay plans for him ， the brave to rage in his behalf， and the eloquent to
speak for him.
夫馬者，伯樂相之，造父御之，賢主乘之，一日千里，無御相之勞而有其
功，則知所乘矣。
B. As for a horse, if Bole physiognom ized its quality and Zaofu held the
reins, a w orthy ruler riding as a passenger in a carriage drawn by it could go
a thousand li in a single day. T hat such a ruler w ould expend none o f the
effort o f the physiognom ist and driver and yet enjoy the efficaciousness o f
the horse w ould be because he knows the principle o f being a passenger.
25/4.3
今召客者，酒酣，歌舞鼓瑟吹竽，明日不拜樂己者，而拜主人，主人使
之也。先王之立功名，有似於此，使眾能與眾賢，功名大立於世，不予佐
之者，而予其主，其主使之也。譬之若爲宮室，必任巧匠，奚故？曰：「匠
不巧則宮室不善。』夫國，重物也，其不善也，豈特宮室哉？巧匠爲宮室，
爲圓必以規，爲方必以矩，爲平直必以准繩。功已就，不知規矩繩墨，而
賞匠巧( 匠之G E > & 4 。宮室已成，不知巧匠，而皆曰：「善。此某君某王之
宮室也。』此不可不察也。人主之不通〈乎>5 主道者則不然，自爲(人 GE>
之6 則不能，任賢者則惡之，與不肖者議之，此功名之所以傷，國家之所以
危0
4. Shököcn Usai, Jiang Wciqiao. 5. XuWciyu, JiangWciqiao; Q S Z T quotation.
6. Bi Yuan; jßjSZTquotation.
Now, when an invited guest becomes inebriated while enjoying the sing-
ing and dancing， the strum m ing o f the lute, and the blowing o f the pipes ，
the next m orning he thanks, n o t the entertainers, but his host. This is be
cause it was the host w ho employed them. The way in which the Ancient
Kings established their reputations and achievements is similar to this. They
employed many capable and w orthy people, and their reputations were firmly
established in the world. Credit was n o t given those w ho assisted them , but
to the leader, because it was the leader w ho employed them .
It is, to use an analogy, like the necessity o f having a skilled carpenter to
build a pakcc. W hy do wc employ a skilled carpaiterP Everyone says it is
because if the carpenter is n o t skillful, the palace will n o t be gcxxl. Now, a
state is an im portant thing. I f it is not governed well, how could the conse
quences be merely like those that ensue when a palace is poorly construaed?
In building a palace, w hen a skillful carpenter makes a circle, he uses a com
pass; when he makes a right angle, he uses a carpenters square; and when
he makes som ething level and straight, he uses a water level and a marking
line. W hen they have served their purpose, we are unaware o f the role played
by the compass, the square, the marking line, and the water level, but re
ward the skill o f the carpenter. W hen the palace is finished, we are not aware
o f the role played by the skillful carpenter, but say, aH o w wonderful is this
palace belonging to Lord So-and-So or King Such-and-Such.55This cannot
but be carefully examined.
Rulers w ho do n o t understand the Dao o f the ruler are n o t like this.
They do things themselves, considering others incapable, and if they em
ploy worthies, they hate them , evaluating their performance against that o f
incompetents. These actions damage their reputation and endanger their
country.
25/4.4
棗，棘之有；裘，狐之有也。食棘之棗，衣狐之 ( 皮 G E > 裘 7 ，先王固
用非其有，而己有之。湯、武一日而盡有夏、商之民，盡有夏、商之地，
盡有夏、商之財，以其民安而天下莫 ( 敢之 G E > 之敢 8危，以其地封而天下
莫敢不說，以其財賞而天下皆 ( 競 G E > 勸9 ，無費乎鄣與岐周，而天下稱大
仁、稱大義，通乎用非其有。
7. Jiang Wciqiao. 8. Bi Yuan. 9. FanGcngyan, Chen Qiyou; Q S Z T quotation.
Jujube trees have jujubes, and foxes have fur. In eating the txec5s jujubes
and wearing the fo^s fur, the Ancient Kings assuredly used things they did
B O O K 25 635
n o t themselves possess as if they were their own. In a single day Tang and
W u t œ k complete possession o f the people, land, and resources o f the Xia
and Shang, respectively. Because they gave their subjects security， no one
dared threaten them . Because they divided their lands into fiefs, no one
dared be unhappy. Because they gave ou t their resources as rewards, the
whole w orld was encouraged to serve them . They expended nothing from
their ow n cities o f Yi and Q izhou, and yet the w orld proclaimed Tang and
W u the m ost hum ane and m ost moral o f men, because they understexxi
how to use w hat was no t theirs.
25/4.5
白公勝得 (荆 T A > 楚國，不能以其府庫分人。七日，石乞曰：f 患至矣
。不能分人則焚之，毋令人以〔
之〕1()害我。』白公又不能。九日，葉公入，
乃發太府之貨 {以 }11予眾，出高庫之兵以賦民，因攻之。十有九日而白公
死。國非其有也而欲有之，可謂至貪矣；不能爲人，又不能自爲，可謂至
愚矣。譬白公之嗇，若梟之愛其子也。
io. Chen Qiyou. 11. LiuWcndian; H N Z parallel.
W hen Sheng, the Duke o f Bo, took control o f Chu, he was incapable o f
sharing the wealth in the storehouses w ith others. O n the seventh day， Shi
Q i said, "Trouble is coming. I f you cannot share the wealth w ith others,
they will burn it. D o n o t on account o f that cause others to harm me.55Still,
the Duke o f Bo was incapable o f sharing anything. O n the ninth day, the
Duke o f She entered the capital. H e opened the Grand Storehouse and
gave o u t the stores to the masses and then opened the Lofty Repository and
gave o u t the weapons to the people. T hen he attacked the Duke o f Bo. O n
the nineteenth day, the duke died. The state is not the personal possession
o f anyone. Anyone w ho desires it as his possession may properly be called
^totally avaricious.55Anyone w ho is unable to govern others and, moreover,
is unable to govern himself may be called wabsolutely stupid.55We can com
pare the Duke o f Bo5s niggardliness to the love o f the owl for her children.
25/4.6
衛靈公天寒鑿池。宛春諫曰：「天寒起役，恐傷民。』公曰：「天寒乎

〈
哉 >12? 』宛春曰：「公衣狐裘，坐熊席，陬隅有竃，是以不寒。今民衣弊
不補，履決不組。君則不寒矣，民則寒矣。」公曰：『善。』令罷役。左右
( 以 )13諫曰：1■君鑿池，不知天之寒也，而春也知之。以春之知之也而令罷
之，福將歸於春也，而怨將歸於君。』公曰：「不然。夫春也，魯國之匹夫
也，而我舉之，夫民未有見焉，今將令民以此見之。（曰 G E > 且14春也有
善，於寡人有也，春之善非寡人之善歟？』靈公之論宛春，可謂知君道矣。
君者固無任，而以職受任。工拙，下也；賞罰，法也；君奚事哉？若是則
受賞者無德，而抵誅者無怨矣，人自反而已，此治之至也。
12. Jiang WciqiaoijßSZT, TPTL^ BTSC quotations. 13. Chen Qiyou,, Xinxu parallel.
14. Bi Yuan, Xu Wciyu; Xinxu parallel, ißSZTquotation.
Duke Ling o f Wey excavated ground for a pool when the weather was
cold. Wan C hun rem onstrated, saying, cT o start w ork when it is cold will, I
fear, harm the people.55
ccIs the weather really too cold?55asked the duke.
Wan C hun replied, ccBecause your grace is wearing his fox furs and is
sitting on a bearskin rug, with a stove in the corner, he is unaware o f the
cold. The com m on people wear tattered clothes that go unm ended, and
their shoes have holes that go unstitched. Your lordship may not be cold,
but the people are.55
"Well argued,55said the duke, and he ordered that the w ork be stopped.
An attendant rem onstrated, saying, ccW hen my lord excavated ground
for a pool, he did not realize that the weather was too cold. Chun, however,
knew it was too cold. Because o f w hat Ghun knew, you have ordered that
the project be stopped—and so any blessing will come to Chun, and any
animosity will come to my lord.55
ccN o t so,55said the duke. ccC hun is a com m oner from Lu w hom I p ro
m oted to office. The people know nothing o f him. N ow I will cause them
to know o f him because o f this incident. M oreover ，C hun’s goodness is like
my own possession—how could Chun’s goodness not be my own goodness ?”
Because o f his assessment o f Wan Chun, Duke Ling may properly be
said to "'understand the Dao o f the lord.55The lord should have absolutely
no responsibilities; rather, he should assign responsibility according to the
official functions o f his subordinates. W hether som ething is done skillflilly
or clumsily is a m atter o f the subordinate. W hether the man is rewarded or
punished is a m atter o f law. W hy should the ruler be personally involved?
W hen things are done this way, then bestowing o f rewards does not engen
der obligation for kindness, nor does m eting o u t punishm ent engender
hatred. M en simply look for the cause o f these in themselves. This is the
perfection o f good government.
B O O K 25 637
五曰處方
CHA PTER 5
K E E P IN G T O O N E ’S L O T I N L IF E
25/5.1
凡爲治必先定分。（
君臣父子夫婦君臣父子夫婦GE> 君君臣臣父父子子
夫夫婦婦 1 六者當位，則下不踰節而上不苟爲矣，少不悍辟而長不簡慢
矣。金木異任，水火殊事，陰陽不同，其爲民利一也。故異所以安同也，
同所以危異也。同異之分，貴賤之別，長少之義，此先王之所慎，而治亂
之紀也。
I. Chen Qiyou.
As a general principle, in order to govern, it is necessary from the outset

to settle social roles. The lord being a lord, the m inister a minister, the fa
ther a father, the son a son, the husband a husband, and the wife a w ife—
when these six serial roles are properly placed, those in subordinate positions
do n o t overstep bounds, while those in superior positions do n o t act will
fully; the junior are n o t rebellious, and the senior are n o t indolent.
Metal and wexxi have different functions, water and fire are put to oppo
site uses, the forces o f Yin and Yang are no t the sam e—and yet all are as one
in that they are beneficial to humans. Accordingly, differences am ong people
allow them to enjoy their comm onality peacefully; comm onality is w hat
threatens the necessary diflfercnccs between people• 丁he separate roles o f
commonality and differences, the separation between the noble and the
base, and the appropriate codes o f conduct for the old and young—these
are w hat the Ancient Kings paid careful attention to; these are the guiding
principles o f order and disorder.
2 5 /5 .2
今夫射者儀毫而失牆，畫者儀髮而易貌，言審本也。本不審，雖堯、舜
不能以治。故凡亂也者，必始乎近而後及遠，必始乎本而後及末。治亦然。
故百里奚處乎虞而虞亡，處乎秦而秦霸；向摯處乎商而商滅，處乎周而周
王。百里奚之處乎虞，智非愚也；向摯之處乎商，典非惡也；無其本也。
其處於秦也，智非加益也；其處於周也，典非加善也；有其本也。其本也
者，定分之謂也。
Now, when an archer concentrates on the dp o f a hair, he does no t sec
the wall; when a painter concentrates on painting whiskers, he disregards
the appearance—this is to say that they pay careflil attention to w hat is
fundamental. I f they had ignored fundamentals, even Yao and Shun w ould
have been unable to govern well. Thus, as a general rule, disorder is always
first evident in w hat is nearby, and only later in the distant; it is always first
evident in w hat is fundamental, and only later in w hat is secondary. O f
order this is also true. Hence, when Boli Xi dwelt in Yu, it perished; but
when he dwelt in Q in, it became the m ost powerful state. W hen Xiang Zhi
dwelt in Shang, it was destroyed; but when he dwelt in Zhou, it became the
royal house. W hen Boli Xi lived in Yu, his wisdom was n o t stupidity. W hen
Xiang Zhi lived in Shang, his records were not flawed. Both those states
were destroyed because they lacked w hat is fundamental. W hen Boli Xi
lived in Qin, his wisdom did not increase; when Xiang Zhi lived in Zhou,
his records did n o t become good. Those states flourished because they pos-
sessed the fundamentals. ^Fundamentals55refers to settling social roles.
25/5.3
齊令章子將而與韓、魏攻 ( 荆 T A > 楚，（
荆 T A > 楚令唐篾將而拒之。軍
相當，六月而不戰，齊令周最趣章子急戰，其辭甚刻。章子對周最曰：「殺
之免之，殘其家，王能得此於臣。不可以戰而戰，可以戰而不戰，王不能
得此於臣。』與 ( 荆 T A > 楚人夾泚水而軍，章子令人視水可絕者，（
荆 TA>
楚人射之，水不可得近。有芻水旁者，吿齊候者，曰：^水淺深易知。（荆
T A > 楚人所盛守，盡其淺者也；所簡守，皆其深者也。』候者載芻者與見
章子，章子甚喜，因練卒以夜奄 ( 荆 T A > 楚人之所盛守，果殺唐篾。章子可
謂知將分矣。
The state o f Qi appointed Viscount Zhang to com m and a joint attack
w ith H an and Wei on the state o f Chu. Chu appointed Tang M ie its com-
mander to oppose them . W hen the armies m et face-to-foce, six m onths
passed w ithout their fighting. Q i sent Z hou Zui to press Viscount Zhang
to start fighting in the bluntest o f terms. Viscount Zhang replied, "Death,
exile, destruction o f one5s family—a king can do all these to his servant, but
he cannot make me do battle when I should not, nor abstain from battle
when I should fight.”
The two armies pressed against either bank o f the Bi River and made
camp there. Viscount Zhang sent someone to scout o u t a place where the
river could be forded, but the C hu army shot at him, making it impossible
for the Qi scout to get close to the river. A m an cutting grasses at the side o f
the river told the Q i scout, ccIt is easy to tell where the river is shallow and
B O O K 25 639
where deep. The places the C hu army is guarding w ith greatest care m ust
be the shallowest; the places they are guarding carelessly m ust be the deep
est.55The scout had the grass cutter climb aboard his chariot and go w ith
him to see Viscount Zhang w ho was absolutely delighted. H e selected his
best troops in anticipation o f a night raid directed at the spot m ost careftilly
guarded by Chu. The result was that he killed Tang Mie. It may properly be
said o f Viscount Zhang that he ûnderstood the proper role o f a general.55
25/5.4
韓昭釐侯出弋，翱偏緩。昭釐侯居車上，謂其僕〔
曰〕「
蚓不偏緩
乎？』其僕曰：『然。』至，舍，昭釐侯射鳥，其右攝其一翱，適之。昭釐
侯已射，駕而歸，上車，選間，曰：「
鄕者鞀偏緩，今適，何也？』其右從
後對曰：「今者臣適之。』昭釐侯至，詰〔之〕，車令〔
與右〕 3 各避舍。故擅爲
妄意之道雖當，賢主不由也。
2. Chen Qiyou. 3. Bi Yuan, Chen Qiyou.
Once, w hen M arquis Zhaoxi o f H an w ent o u t hunting birds, one o f the

harness straps was loose. From aboard his chariot, he called to his driver,
“Isn’t one o f the harnesses loose?”
ccIt is,55replied the driver. They arrived at the hunting ground and climbed
dow n o u t o f the chariot. While M arquis Zhaoxi was hunting, his guard
retied the harness strap so that it fiinctioned properly. After Marquis Zhaoxi
finished shooting, he boarded the chariot for the ride home. After he was in
the chariot for a while, he said, ccThe harness strap that was loose has now
been m ade right. H ow did that happen?55
ccYour servant did it,55his guard replied from the rear.
W hen M arquis Zhaoxi arrived hom e, he investigated the matter. Both
the official in charge o f chariots and the chariot guard remained outdoors
awaiting their punishm ent. To take it on oneself to act on an impulse, no
m atter how suitable that action m ight be， is ä course a w orthy leader will
n o t follow.
25/5.5
今有人於此，擅矯行則免國家，利輕重則若衡石，爲方圜則若規矩，此
則工矣巧矣，而不足法。法也者，眾之所同也，賢不肖之所以其力也。謀
出乎不可用，事出乎不可同，此爲先王之所舍也。
Suppose someone, tdirough some course o f action taken on his own
prideful authority, saved his hom eland from destruction. Even had he
weighed the benefit o f his decision, as w ould one using a counterpoise and
stone weight, and drawn up the circles and right angles o f his plans, as
w ould one using a compass and carpenters square, and however skillful and
clever he w as—all this w ould be insufficient to make w hat he did legal. The
law is w hat all should conform to and w hat both the w orthy and unw orthy
should w ork to uphold. Schemes that were no t practicable and deeds that
were n o t conformable to law were rejected by the Ancient Kings.
六曰慎小
CH A PTER 6
B E IN G M I N D F U L O F S M A L L T H I N G S
2 5 /6 .1
上尊下卑。卑則不得以小觀上。〔
不得以小觀上則〕
<下無道知上>1。尊
則恣，恣則輕小物，輕小物則上無道知下。（下無道知上。）上下不相知，
則上非下，下怨上矣。人臣之情，不能爲所怨；人主之情，不能愛所非；
此上下大相失道也。故賢主謹小物以論好惡。
I. C h en Q iyou; context.
Superiors hold honored positions, subordinates hum ble positions. Be

cause they hold hum ble positions, subordinates are unsuccessful in seeing
their superiors about m inor matters, and if they are unsuccessful, they have
no D ao to understand their superiors. If, because they occupy positions o f
honor, superiors are reckless and consequentiy ignore small matters, they
will have no Dao to understand their subordinates. W hen superiors and
subordinates fail to understand one another, superiors condem n their sub
ordinates, and subordinates, in turn, resent their superiors. It is the nature
o f ministers that they are unable to serve those w hom they resent, and it is
the nature o f rulers that they are unable to love those w hom they condemn.
In this way, both superiors and subordinates seriously err w ith respect to
the Dao. Therefore, w orthy leaders are careful about small things in order
to set forth w hat they love and hate.
2 5 /6 .2
巨防容螻，而漂邑殺人；突洩一燻，而焚宮燒積；將失一令，而軍破身
死；主過一言，而國殘名辱，爲後世笑。
B O O K 25 641
A great dike contains mole crickets, and, as a result, floodwaters inun

date a tow n and drow n its population. A chimney lets o u t a single spark,
and, as a result, a palace burns and supplies are charred. A general is mis
taken about a single order, and, as a result, his army is smashed and he
himself dies. A ruler is w rong about a single w ord, and, as a result, his state
is destroyed, his reputation ruined, and he becomes the laughingstock o f
later generations.
25/6.3
衛獻公戒孫林父、甯殖食。鴻集于囿，虞人以吿，公如囿射鴻。二子待

君，日晏，公不來至，來不釋皮冠而見二子。二子不說，逐獻公，立公子
紺0
A. Duke Xian o f Wey vowed to have a meal w ith the Wey noblemen Sun
Linfii and N ing Zhi. W hen the gamekeeper reported that geese had landed
in the state preserve, the duke w ent there to shoot at them . The two men
w hom he had invited for a meal waited for the duke, but by the time o f the
evening meal the duke had not arrived. W hen he did show up, he saw his
tw o guests w ithout removing his leather cap. Because the two m en were
unhappy over this incident, they drove Duke Xian into exile and estab
lished in his place the dnke5s son, Prince Qian.
衛莊公立，欲逐石圃，登臺以望，見戎州而問之曰：「
是何爲者也？』侍者
曰：『戎州也。』莊公曰：「我姬姓也。戎人安敢居國？《
I 使奪之宅，殘其
州。晉人適攻衛，戎州人因與石圃殺莊公，立公子起。此小物不審也。人
之情不蹶於山，而蹶於垤。
B. W hen Duke Zhuang o f Wey came to the throne, he w anted to exile
Shi Pu. H e climbed to a tow er to gaze ou t over the distance, and seeing a
settlem ent o f R ong barbarians, he asked about it. ccW hat is that?55
ccIt is a settlem ent o f R ong barbarians,55an attendant answered.
aI am o f the royal Ji clan—how dare R ong m en live in my state?55 H e
sent someone to tear dow n their homes and destroy the town. A Jin army at
that very tim e attacked Wey, and the people o f the R ong settlem ent joined
Shi Pu in killing Duke Zhuang and establishing in his place the duke's son,
Prince Qi. This is a case o f small matters no t being attended to. It is the
nature o f m an n ot to trip over a m ountain, but to trip over an anthill.
6 斗2 T H E D IS C O U R S E S
25/ 6.4
齊桓公即位，三年三言，而天下稱賢，群臣皆說。去肉食之獸，去食粟
之鳥，去絲罝之網。
W hen Duke H uan o f Q i had ascended the throne, in three years he
issued only three comm ands, and, as a result, the w orld proclaimed him
w orthy and his officials were all pleased. These three orders were that there
should be no flesh-eating beasts, no grain-eating birds, and no fine-meshed
hunting nets in the preserves.
25/6.5
吳起治西河，欲諭其信於民，夜日置表於南門之外，令於邑中曰：^ 月
曰有人債南門之外表者，仕長大夫。』明日日晏矣，莫有債表者。民相謂
曰：「此必不信。《
I 有一人曰：「
試往債表，不得賞而已，何傷？』往債表，
來謁吳起。吳起自見而出，仕之長大夫。夜日又復立表，又令於邑中如前。
邑人守門爭表，表加植，不得所賞。自是之後，民信吳起之賞罰。賞罰信
乎民，何事而不成，豈獨兵乎？
W hen Wu Qi governed West o f the River, he wanted to illustrate how
he would keep his promises to the people, and so at night he set up a gnom on
outside o f the south gate and issued an order within the tow n that said, aIf,
tom orrow, anyone knocks dow n the gnom on outside the south gate, that
person shall be given the rank o f superior grand officer.55U ntil evening o f
the next day, no one tried to topple the gnom on. The people said to one
another, ccW hat it says certainly cannot be believed.55Someone said, aI will
go and try to topple it. The w orst that can happen is that I will n o t get the
rew ard—w hat harm is there?55This m an toppled the gnom on and reported
this fact to Wu Qi. W u Q i w ent o u t to see for himself and made the m an
superior grand officer. In the evening he set the gnom on up again and once
more had the same order issued w ithin the tow n. This tim e the tow nsm en
fought to get at the gnom on， but it was even m ore firmly planted and so no
one succeeded in getting the reward. From this time on, the people trusted
in Wu Q i5s rewards and punishm ents. W hen offers o f rewards and threats
o f punishm ents are believed by the people, how will any undertaking, and
especially military campaigns, n o t end in success?
Book 26
This b œ k begins with two chapters that describe the virtues to which a knight
should adhere. The remainder of the book5s chapters discuss farming and agricul-
ture and are unique in early Chinese thought. The earliest surviving sources on
ancient agricultural practices, tiicsc chapters were based on some now-lost text on
agronomy.
Chapter i claims that high ideals, resoluteness, righteousness, bravery, and other
virtues are what distinguish the true knight and recommend him to the ruler. Chap
ter 2 tells officials that they should not be concerned with winning honor for them
selves, but should be devoted to achieving something of far-reaching significance
for the state they serve. Though great goals arc not always reached, the chapter
argues, it is through striving after them that an official can compile a record of
accomplishments. The content of this chapter is reminiscent of 13/1 and 13/7.
The tide of Chapter 3, ccThe Supreme Importance of Agriculture,55reminds us not
only that the state should recognize that agricultural production is essential to the
wealth and well-being of the state, but also that the lives of the farmers should be
of utmost concern. The chapter argues that the state should not take farmers from
their fields when they need to be there. Nor should the state permit farmers to do
other work that might distract tJicm from their basic task of prcxlucing fcxxl. Chapter
4 sets forth the ten questions asked by Lord Millet, the legendary founder of agri
culture, as a way of organizing the technical information presented in chapters 4 , 5 ,
and 6. In answering some of these questions， chapter 斗 stresses the importance of
intensive cultivation of the land and the need for a thorough understanding of
what is to be accomplished during the different seasons. Chapter 5 answers others
of the questions introduced in chapter 斗 and in doing so counsels those in charge
of farming to adapt techniques to local conditions, such as varying soil types. It
also explains the specialized techniques needed for plowing, sowing seeds, and
nurturing crops. Chapter 6 emphasizes the importance of being mindflil of local
climatic conditions and how these can influence crop output.
[643]
64斗 T H E D IS C O U R S E S
一曰士容
CH A PTER 1
T H E C O M P O R T M E N T O F T H E S C H O L A R -K N IG H T
2 6 / 1.1
士不偏不黨，柔而堅，虛而實。其狀朗然不儇，若失其一。傲小物而屬
於大，似無勇而未可恐 ( 狼 G E > 渴 1 ，執固橫敢而不可辱害，臨患涉難而處
義不越，南面稱寡而不以侈大，今日君民而欲服海外，節物甚高而細利弗
賴，耳目遺俗而可與定世，當貴弗就而貧賤弗蝎，德行 ( 尊 SF > 遵理而羞用
巧 ( 衛 S F > 蜜2 ，寬裕不訾而中心甚厲，難動以物而必不妄折。此國士之容
也0
I. Wang Niansun. 2. YuYuc.
A scholar-knight is neither partial nor partisan; he is weak yet strong,

empty yet full. His m anner is transparent, w ith no suggestion o f cunning,
as if he were lost in his unity. Oblivious to small m atters, his m ind is set on
great things. H e seems cowardly, yet he cannot be frightened. H olding fast
obstinately and daring beyond reason, he cannot be threatened w ith shame
or injury. Facing troubles or involved in difficulties, he cleaves to his ccxle o f
conduct and will no t transgress it. W hen he faces south and calls himself
ccunworthy,55there is no trace o f the exaggerated or grandiose. Were he one
day to become lord to his people and desire the allegiance o f those beyond
the seas, he w ould be economical, very noble, and unconcerned w ith trivial
advantages. In w hat he does hear and see, he transcends the ordinary, so he
can settle the affairs o f the world. Wealth and honor he does n o t pursue,
nor does he flee poverty and hum ble station. H is acts o f kindness adhere to
reason; he w ould be ashamed to employ artifice or hyperbole. Liberal and
generous, he does not revile others, yet he holds the strictest o f standards in
his heart. It would be difficult to tem pt him with material things; he certainly
w ould n ot rashly compromise his principles. Such is the com portm ent o f a
scholar-knight o f state.
2 6 / 1.2
齊有善相狗者，其鄰假以買取鼠之狗，期年乃得之，曰：「是良狗也。 j
其鄰畜之數年，而不取鼠，以吿相者。相者曰：「此良狗也。其志在獐麋豕
鹿，不在鼠。欲其取鼠也則桎之。』其鄰桎其後足，狗乃取鼠。夫驥驚之
B O O K 26 6 斗5
氣，鴻鵠之志，有諭乎人心者誠也。人亦然。誠有之則神應乎人矣，言豈
足以諭之哉？此謂不言之言也。
In Qi there was a m an skilled at judging the quality o f dogs by their
physiognomy. H is neighbor relied on him to buy a dog to catch rats. It
took him a whole year to find one. H e pronounced it a “good dog.” His
neighbor raised it for several years, but it did not catch rats, a fact the man
reported to the physiognomist. The latter said, "This is a good dog. His
m ind is set on roebucks, milu deer, hogs, and deer, bu t not on rats. If you
just w ant him to catch rats, tie up his legs.55The neighbor tied the dogs rear
legs, and then it caught rats.
People are aware in their hearts o f the energy o f the thoroughbreds Ji
and Ao and the drive o f the wild goose, because these creatures are sincere.
Some m en also have similar energy and drive. I f a person is sincere, his
spirit can make others respond. H ow could mere words suffice to make
them aware? This is w hat is m eant by athe doctrines th at cannot be
expressed.”
26/1.3
客有見田駢者，被服中法，進退中度，趨翔閑雅，辭令遜敏。田駢聽之

畢而辭之。客出，田駢送之以目。弟子謂田駢曰：r客，士歟田駢曰：
「
殆乎非士也。今者客所弇斂，士所術施也；士所弇斂，客所術施也。客
殆乎非士也。』故火燭一隅，則室偏無光；骨節蚤成，空竅哭歷，身必不
長；眾無謀方，乞謹視見，多故不良；志必不公，不能立功；好得惡予，國
雖大不爲王；禍災日至，〔
國將滅亡〕
3 。故君子之容，純乎其若鍾山之玉，
桔乎其若陵上之木。淳淳乎慎謹畏化，而不肯自足；乾乾乎取舍不悅，而
心甚素樸。
3. C hen Q iyou.
W hen a guest had an audience w ith Tian Pian, the uniform he wore
coincided w ith the standard, the rites o f his greeting and departure were
perfectly executed, his attendance on others was easy and elegant, and his
speech was agreeable and earnest. But when Tian Pian finished listening to
him, he dismissed him, and as the guest departed, Tian Pian5s eyes followed
him. A disciple asked Tian Pian, ccWas the guest a true scholar-knight?55
CCI fear not,55 Tian Pian replied. wW hat that guest hid, a true scholar-
knight w ould have made public, and w hat a true scholar-knight w ould have
hidden, he makes public. T hat guest, I fear, is no t a true scholar-knight.55
A c co rd in g ly ,
When a torch illuminates only one comer,

Half the room is dark.
When bones and joints fully develop in youth.
The openings and apertures of the body stay wide open,
And the body never matures.
Ordinary people, lacking plans and methods,
Seek intendy what can be observed and seen.
So they are cunning and not virtuous.
One whose goals are invariably not in the general interest
Is incapable of establishing good works.
A person who loves to get and hates to give.
However large his country, will not become king;
Misfortune and disaster will visit him daily,
And his country will face utter annihilation.
Therefore,
The bearing of the gentleman:

Pure as the jade of Mount Zhong,
Sturdy as tJie trees growing on a high hill.
Oh, how sincere! Watchful, attentive of the awesome change.
He is unwilling to be self-satisfied.
Oh, how unrelenting! He is never lax in choosing and rejecting,
Yet his mind is utterly plain and pure.
26/1.4
唐尙敵年爲史，其故人謂唐尙願之，以謂唐尙。唐尙曰：「吾非不得爲

史也，羞而不爲也。』其故人不信也。及魏圍邯鄲，唐尙說惠王而解之圍，
以與伯陽，其故人乃信其羞爲史也。居有閒，其故人爲其兄請。唐尙曰：
「(衛 T V > 魏4 君死，吾將汝兄以代之。』其故人反興再拜而信之。夫可信
而不信，不可信而信，此愚者之患也。知人情，不能自遺，以此爲君，雖
有天下何益？故敗莫大於愚。愚之患，在必自用。自用則戆陋之人從而賀
之。有國若此，不若無有。古之與賢，從此生矣。非惡其子孫也，非徼而矜
其名也，反其實也。
4- JiangWciqiao.
W hen Tang Shang reached the proper age to be appointed historiogra

pher, an old friend accused him o f coveting the position. Tang Shang said,
aIt is n o t that I could n o t be historiographer, but that I w ould be ashamed
to accept the position.55H is friend did n o t believe him.
B O O K 26 647
Later, when the state o f Wei surrounded the Zhao capital o f H andan, it
was Tang Shang w ho convinced King H u i o f Wei to lift the siege. For this,
Zhao rewarded him w ith Boyang. Only then did his friend believe that he
w ould have been ashamed to accept the position o f historiographer.
A short tim e later, this same old friend made a request o f Tang Shang on
behalf o f his older brother. Tang Shang said, ccW hen the lord o f Wei dies, I
will see to it that your older brother succeeds him.55The old friend arose,
facing Tang Shang, and, bow ing twice, believed him.
N o t believing w hat is believable and believing w hat is no t to be believed
is the calamity o f the stupid. I f a lord understands hum an feelings but is
incapable o f transcending them himself， w hat advantage will there be for
him to possess the world? There is nothing m ore destructive than stupidity.
The calamity o f the stupid is that they insist on relying upon themselves.
Since they rely on themselves, it is only the ignorant and backward w ho
join them and congratulate them . It w ould be better no t to possess a state
than to possess it in this manner. It was because o f this that the ancient
practice o f giving the state to the w orthy was born. It was n o t that those
w ho did so disliked their ow n offspring, or that they were seeking to magnify
their reputations; they were only responding to the realities o f the world.
二曰務大
CHA PTER 2
D E V O T IO N T O G R E A T N E S S
26/2.1
嘗試觀於上志，三王之佐，其名無不榮者，其實無不安者，功大故也。
俗主之佐，其欲名實也與三王之佐同，其名無不辱者，其實無不危者，無
功故也。皆患其身不貴於其國也，而不患其主之不貴於天下也，此所以欲
榮而逾辱也，欲安而逾危也。
W hen we check and examine the records o f antiquity, we find that every
one w ho assisted the Three Kings had reputations that lacked no glory and
real lives that were missing no element o f security. This is because their
accomplishments were great. Those w ho assisted ordinary leaders hoped
that their reputations and lives w ould be the same as those w ho assisted the
Three Kings. But w ithout exception their names were disgraceful and their
lives endangered. This is because they accomplished nothing. Everyone
worries that they will no t be valued by their states, but no one worries that
his ruler will n o t be valued by the world. This is why the desire for glory
leads to disgrace and the desire for security leads to danger.
26/2.2
孔子曰：「燕爵爭善處於一屋之下，母子相哺也，區區焉相樂也，自以

爲安矣。竈突決，〈火〉上棟，〈宇將y 焚，燕爵顏色不變，是何也？不知禍
之將及之也，不亦愚乎！爲人臣而免於燕爵之智者寡矣。夫爲人臣者，進
其爵祿富貴，父子兄弟相與比周於一國，區區焉相樂也，而以危其社稷，
其爲竈突近矣，而終不知也，其與燕爵之智不異。故曰：「天下大亂，無
有安國；一國盡亂，無有安家；一家盡亂，無有安身」，此之謂也。故細
之安，必待大；大之安，必待小。細大賤貴，交相爲贊，然後皆得其所
樂。 j
I. JiangWciqiao; TFTL quotation.
Confücius said, “Swallows compete for good nesting sites beneath the
eaves. M other birds feed their fledglings, which coo happily to one another
and feel themselves secure. I f there is a crack in the stove, the fire will spread
along the rafters. Yet the swallows will no t change their m anner—why is
that? Because they are unaware that disaster is about to overtake them. Is
this n o t stupid? Rare is the ministerial officer w ho avoids being such a
birdbrain. M ost officials increase their tides, em olum ents, fortunes, and
honors. Fathers and sons, older and younger brothers, form cliques w ithin
a single state, cooing happily to one another, and thereby endanger their
altars to the soil and grain. They are unaware o f how close they are to a
crack in the stove, and so in the final analysis their wisdom is no greater
than that o f swallows. Therefore it is said: W hen the whole world is in a
state o f total anarchy no country is safe; when a whole state is in utter chaos,
no family is secure; and when the whole family is in total disorder, no indi
vidual is secure. This expresses my meaning. Therefore, the safety o f the
small inevitably depends on that o f the large, and the safety o f the large
inevitably depends on that o f the small. Only when the small and the large,
noble and base, cooperate by assisting each other will all find happiness.55
B O O K 26 6 斗9
26/2.3
薄疑說衛嗣君以王術。嗣君應之，曰：『{予}2所有者千乘也，願以受

敎。j 薄疑對曰：I 島獲舉千鈞，又況一斤？j
2. Bi Yuan; H N Z parallel.
A. Bo Yi offered a persuasion on the m ethods o f the universal king to

Lord Si o f Wey.
Lord Si responded^ ""What I possess is a small state o f a thousand chariots;
I had hoped to be instructed in how to govern it.55
Bo Yi replied, ccI f the strongm an Wu H u o can lift thirty thousand catties,
w hat is one came to him?55
杜赫以安天下說周昭文君。昭文君謂杜赫曰：「
願學所以安周。』杜赫對曰：
「臣之所言者不可，則不能安周矣；臣之所言者可，則周自安矣。』此所
謂以弗安而安者也。
B. W hen D u H e offered a persuasion on how to pacify the w orld to
Lord Zhaowen o f Zhou, Lord Zhaowen said, CCI had hoped to learn how to
pacify Zhou.”
D u H e replied, ccI f w hat your subject teaches is unacceptable to you,
you will n o t be able to pacify Zhou. I f w hat your subject teaches is accept
able to you, then Z hou will be pacified o f itself?5This is w hat is called ttnot
pacifying it and yet it is pacified.55
26/2.4
鄭君問於被瞻曰：「聞先生之義，不死君，不亡君，信有之乎？』被瞻
對曰：「有之。夫言不聽，道不行，則固不事君也。若言聽道行，又何死亡
哉？』故被瞻之不死亡也，賢乎其死亡者也。
The lord o f Zheng asked Bei Zhan, CCI have heard that the master teaches
that one should neither die for a ruler nor go into exile for him. D o you
really teach this?55
ccYes. I f my doctrines are not heeded and my D ao is not put into prac-
tice， I resolutely will n o t serve a ruler. If my doctrines are heeded and my
Dao practiced, then how could death or exile happen?55
Thus Bei Zhan’s reflisal to die or go into exile makes him m ore worthy
than those w ho w ould die or go into exile.
65〇 THE DISCOURSES
26/2.5
昔 ( 有 G E > 者3舜欲服海外而不成，既足以成帝矣。禹欲帝而不成，既足
以王海內矣。湯、武欲繼禹而不成，既足以王通達矣。五伯欲繼湯、武而
不成，既足以爲諸侯長矣。孔 ' 、墨欲行大道於世而不成，既足以成顯榮矣。
夫大義之不成，既有成已，故務事大。
3. Wang Niansun.
Long ago. Shun wanted to bring those beyond the seas into submission
but did not succeed. Yet w hat he did achieve was sufficient to make him a
sovereign. Yu wished to be a sovereign but did not succeed. Yet w hat he did
accomplish was sufficient to make him king o f all within the seas. Tang and
W u wished to follow in Yu5s footsteps but did n o t succeed. Yet w hat they
did achieve was sufficient to make them king o f every place that was in
commiinicadon with civilization. The Five Lords-Protector wanted to follow
in the footsteps o f Tang and W u but did not succeed. Yet w hat they did
accomplish was sufficient to make them leaders o f the feudal lords. Confucius
and M o Di wanted to have their grand Dao practiced by their ages but did
not succeed. Yet w hat they did achieve was sufficient to make them em inent
and honored. Thus, even if you do not succeed in accomplishing your great
goal, in the process you do accomplish som ething worthwhile. Therefore,
you m ust devote your efforts to a task that is great.
三曰上農
CHA PTER 3
T H E S U P R E M E IM P O R T A N C E O F A G R IC U L T U R E
26/3.1
古先聖王之所以導其民者，先務於農。民農非徒爲地利也，貴其志也。
民農則樸，樸則易用，易用則邊境安，主位尊。民農則重，重則少私義，
少私義則公法立，力專一。民農則其產復，其產復則重徙，重徙則死其處
而無二慮。民舍本而事末則不令，不令則不可以守，不可以戰。民舍本而
事末則其產約，其產約則輕遷徙，輕遷徙，則國家有患，皆有遠志，無有
居心。民舍本而事末則好智，好智則多詐，多詐則巧法令，以是爲非，以
非爲是。
O f the methods used by the sage-kings o f antiquity to guide their people,
the first in importance was devotion to farming. The people were made to
farm n ot only so that the earth w ould yield benefits， but also to ennoble
their goals. W hen the people farm, they remain simple, and being simple
are easy to use. Being easy to use, the borders are secure, and the position o f
ruler is honored. W hen the people farm, they are serious and hence seldom
hold personal moral beliefs. W hen they seldom hold personal moral beliefs,
then the law com m on to everyone is firmly established and all efforts are
united. W hen the people farm, their household income increases, and when
income increases, they are rclu a an t to move away. W hen they are reluctant
to move away, they will spend their whole lives in their hom e villages and
will n o t consider any other occupation.
W hen the people abandon the fundam ental occupation to pursue a sec
ondary task, they will not obey orders. I f the people do n o t obey orders, it
will be impossible to use them , either to defend the state or wage war. W hen
the people abandon the fundamental and pursue the secondary, their house
hold income is meager, and when income is meager they will think nothing
o f moving away. W hen the people think nothing o f moving, then should
the nation face some difficulty, everyone will be thinking o f how to flee to
some distant place and no one will be o f a m ind to remain. W hen the people
abandon the fundam ental to pursue the secondary, they become fond o f
using their wits, and because they are fond o f using their wits, their schem
ing increases. W hen scheming increases, the people try to outsm art laws
and orders by m aking right into w rong and w rong into right.
26/3.2
《后稷》曰：「所以務耕織者，以爲本敎也。是故天子親率諸侯耕帝

籍田，大夫士皆有功業。是故當時之務，農不見于國，以敎民尊地產也。
后妃率九嬪蠶於郊，桑於公田。是以春秋冬夏皆有麻窠絲繭之功，以力婦
敎也。是故丈夫不織而衣，婦人不耕而食，男女貿功，以長生，此聖人之
制也。故敬時愛日，非老不休，非疾不息，非死不舍。
The LordM illet says, ccThe reason effort is devoted to plowing and weav
ing is because they are considered the fundam ental instructions.55 For this
reason, the Son o f Heaven personally leads the feudal lords in plowing the
ancestral fields, and all the grand officers and scholar-knights have particular
responsibilities in this ritual. For this reason, during the critical period o f
the farming season, farmers do not appear in the capital. In this way, the
people arc taught to revere the produce o f the earth. The empress leads the
nine consorts in nurturing the silkworm at the suburban altar and in picking
the mulberry leaves in the com m on fields, and, as a result o f this, there are
the achievements o f woven hemp and silk fabrics for all seasons. In this
way, effort is devoted to wom en5s disciplines. This is how the husband has
clothes to wear even though he does no t weave, and the wife, focxl to eat
even though she does not plow. M en and wom en share the w ork in order to
prolong their lives. This is the system o f the sage.
Accordingly, the people kept the season w ith strict, reverent care and
were sparing w ith each day, so they did n o t rest unless they were old, did
n o t interrupt their w ork unless they were ill, and did n o t stop until they
died.
26/3.3
上田，夫食九人。下田，夫食五人。可以益，不可以損。一人治之，十

人食之，六畜皆在其中矣。此大任地之道也。
A standard allotm ent o f the best fields can feed nine people, and a stan
dard allotment o f inferior fields can feed five people. The num ber to be fed
can be increased but not decreased. O ne m an tends it, ten are fed from it,
and the six domestic animals all live on it. This is the D ao o f making the
greatest use o f the land.
26/3.4
故當時之務，不興土功，不作師徒，庶人不冠弁、娶妻、嫁女、享祀，
不酒醴聚眾，農不上聞，不敢私籍於庸，爲害於時也。（
然後制野禁Y苟非
同姓，農不出御，女不外嫁，以安農也。
I. Fan Gcngyan, Chen Qiyou; move to beginning of 26/3.5.
Accordingly， during the critical period o f the farm ing season, do not
initiate public works or raise armies. The com m on people should not be
allowed to perform the rites o f capping, betrothal, marriage, and sacrificial
offering. Sweet liquor should n ot be distributed am ong the masses. Farm
ers should n o t be given preferments by their superiors, nor should they be
allowed to make use o f other farm laborers, because any o f these would
interfere w ith the activities o f the farming season.
If someone o f a different surname is available in their ow n community ，
a farmer will n ot couple w ith a wom an from w ithout, nor will a wom an
marry someone from outside, in order to give farming stability.
B O O K 26 653
2 6 / 3 .5
〈
然後制野禁 >2 ，野禁有五：地未辟易，不操麻，不出糞。齒年未長，
不敢爲園囿。量力不足，不敢渠地而耕。農不敢行賈，不敢爲異事。爲害
於時也。
2. F an G cngyan, C h en Q iy o u ; m oved fro m 26/3.4.
Only when this is accomplished can one institute the rural restrictions,
which are five in num ber: if the land is not yet plowed and tilled, do not
engage in handling hemp; do n o t empty the privy; youths should no t be
allowed to spend their time in the orchards and stock pens; w hen m an
pow er is inadequate, it should n o t be wasted on expanding the land to be
cultivated; farmers should no t be allowed to engage in commerce or other
occupations. This is because all o f these interfere w ith the activities o f the
farm ing season.
26/3.6
然後制四時之禁：山不敢伐材下木，澤 ( 人 )3不敢灰僇，續網罝莩不敢
出於門，笟罟不敢入於淵，澤非舟虞，不敢緣 ( 名 G E > 絕 4 ，爲害其時也。
3. Xia W ciying. 4 - C h en Q iyou.
Only when this has been accomplished are the restrictions o f the four
seasons instituted: no one is allowed to cut tim ber or fell the trees on the
m ountains; no one is allowed to burn or damage the marshlands; nets and
traps are n ot allowed out o f the house; fishnets are not allowed in the water.
O nly the official boatm an is allowed to use boats to cross the marshes. This
is because all o f these interfere w ith the activities o f the farming season.
26/3.7
若民不力田，（
墨 L C > 沒5乃家畜，國家難治、三 ( 疑 S F > 擬6乃極，是謂
背本反則，失毀其國。凡民自七尺以上，屬諸三官。農攻粟，工攻器，賈攻
貨。時事不共，是謂大凶。奪之以土功，是謂稽，不絕憂唯，必喪其秕。
奪之以水事，是謂籥，喪以繼樂，四鄰來 ( 虛 G E > 虐 7 。奪之以兵事，是謂
厲，禍因 ( 胥 L C > 疏 8歲，不舉絰 ( 艾 G V > 刈9 。數奪民時，大饑乃來。野有
寢耒，或談或歌，旦則有昏，喪粟甚多。皆知其末，莫知其本，眞口 □ 口，
5. W ang S hirun. 6. Xu W ciyu. 7. Yu Yuc; rhym e. 8. C h en Q iyou.

9. C h en Qiyou. 10. C h en Qiyou
I f the people do n o t apply themselves to their fields, they will deplete

thereby the accumulated resources o f the family, the nation will be difficult
to govern， and the three basic classes will be reduced to extremity—this is
called
Repudiating the root, opposing the rule—

Ruining and destroying the coxintry.
As a general rule, everyone over seven Chinese feet tall is attached to one o f
the three occupations: farmer, he w ho produces grain; craftsman, he w ho
produces implements; and m erchant， he w ho produces goods. W hen the
season and the task are n o t kept together, it is called a (<great catastrophe.55
Interrupt them for public w ork projects—
And it is called ^postponing55:

Causing incessant worry and anxiety,
Bringing certain damage to the maturing grain.
Interrupt them on account o f tasks o f dealing w ith w ater—
And it is called “skipping” ：

Causing sadness to replace joy,
Inviting tyranny from the four neighbors.
Interrupt them on account o f military m atters—
And it is called “cruelty5’：

Causing calamity for the whole harvest season,
For none will lift up their reaping tcx>ls.
When the people arc interrupted several times,
Great famines arc sure to follow.
In the fields plows lie idle,
Some arc talking and others singing,
From dawn even till dusk—
The destruction of grain will be immense.
All know how this ends,
But no one recognizes its beginning.
Attentive. . .
B O O K 26 655
四曰任地
CH A PTER 4
T H E R E Q U IR E M E N T S O F T H E L A N D
26/4.1
《后稷》曰：子能以窒爲 ( 突 G E > 突 1乎？子能藏其 ( 惡 G E > 昔2而揖之

以陰乎？子能使吾(士 GE> 土 3靖而甽浴土乎？子能使保溼安地而處乎？子
能使瞿 ( 夷 S F > 荑4毋淫乎？子能使子之野盡爲泠風乎？子能使槳數節而莖
堅乎？子能使穗大而堅、均乎？子能使粟圜而薄糠乎？子能使米多沃而食
之彊乎？（
無〇 £ > 爲 5之若何？
I. YuYuc; rhyme. 2. Chen Qiyou. 3. TanJiefu.
4. TanJicfu; Chen Qiyou, cf. Needham, VI/i, p. 54. 5. Xia Wciying.
The Lord M illet says :

Can you raise wet lowlands?
Can you correct sun-baked soils, tempering them with moisture?
Can you purify my soil by digging small ditches to wash it clean?
Can you sustain the moisture and plant the seeds securely in the soil?
Can you keep the milkweed and white tares from spreading about
indiscriminately?
Can you promote air circulation in your fields?
Can you grow the grain with stiff stalks and dose joints?
Can you ensure that the cars of the grain are large and evenly
hardened?
Can you grow millet heads round and husks thin?
Can you ensure that the grain will have many smooth, glossy kernels,
firm to the bite?
How will you do all this?
26/4.2
凡耕之大方：力者欲柔，柔者欲力。息者欲勞，勞者欲息。棘者欲肥，
肥者欲棘。急者欲緩，緩者欲急。溼者欲燥，燥者欲溼。
In general, the primary rules o f tillage are:
Strong soils need weakening, weak soils strengthening;
Fallow soils need working, overworked soils fallowing;
Lean soils need fattening, over-fat soils leaning;
Compacted soils need loosening， loose soils compacting;
And waterlogged soils need drying out, parched soils moistening.
26/4-3
上田棄畝，下田棄甽。五耕五耨，必審以盡。其深殖之度，陰土必得，
大草不生，又無螟蜮。今茲美禾，來茲美麥。是以六尺之耜，所以成畝也；
其博八寸，所以成甽也；耨柄尺，此其度也；其 (耨 G E > 博6六寸，所以閒
稼也。地可使肥，又可使棘。人 ( 肥 G E > 耕7必以澤，使苗堅而地隙；人耨
必以旱，使地肥而土緩。
6. Tan Jicfu. 7. W ang N ian su n .
On high-lying fields, dispense with the ridge;

On low-lying fields, dispense with the furrow between ridges.
Plow five times and hoc five times.
Making certain to do it carefully, for completeness.
Measure the depth when planting the seeds,
Making certain to maintain the proper moisture for the soil.
Where large concentrations of weeds do not grow,
There will also be no caterpillars or worms.
This year these beautiful spring crops,
Next year those beautiful winter millets.
The ridges are made w ith the six-foot frame-plow; its w idth o f eight inches
is w hat makes the furrows. The hoe5s handle is one foot, which is its proper
dimension, its blade5s w idth o f six inches is w hat determines the distance
between plants. The land can be made fatter as well as leaner. W hen plow
ing the soil, men ascertain w hether it is damp, to make the sprouts hardy
and the land crack. In hoeing the soil, men ascertain w hether it is dry, to
make the land fertile and the soil loose.
26/4.4
草諕大月。冬至後五旬七日，菖始生，菖者百草之先生者也，於是始
耕。孟夏之昔，殺三葉而穫大麥。日至，苦菜死而 (資 S F > 簧〔
=茨〕
8生，而
樹麻與菽，此吿民地寶盡 (死 G E > 矣9。（
凡 G E > 丸草生 (藏日中 G E > 而己
屮 1()出，稀首生而麥無葉，而從事於蓄藏，此吿民究也。五時見生而樹生，
見死而穫死。天下時，地生財，不與民謀。
8. C hen Q iyou. 9- Xia W eiying. 10. C hen Q iyou.
Plants wither in the great m onth. Five decades and seven days after the
w inter solstice, the sweet flag iris begins to grow, being the first o f all the
hundred varieties o f plants to grow. Start the plowing on the evening o f the
first m onth o f summer. Clip the three leafy vegetables and harvest the large
wheat. O n the sum m er solstice, the bitter herbs die, and the swamp potato
B O O K 26 657
\Saßittciria\ grows; hem p and beans should be planted. All these inform the
people that the land5s treasures are finished. W hen milkweed [Metaplexis]
grows and the millet [Cichorium^ Lactuca] comes up, when the swine5s head
[Carpesium] grows and the wheat no longer has leaves, and when the tasks
o f collecting and storing proceed—all these announce to the people the
conclusion o f the farm ing season. The five seasons are born, and plants
grow; they die, and the grain dies. Heaven sends dow n the seasons. Earth
bears its products; but they do n o t consult w ith people.
26/4.5
有年瘗土，無年瘗土。無失民時，無使之治下。知貧富利器，皆時至而
作，（
渴 G V > 竭 11時而止。是以老弱之力可盡起，其用日半，其功可使倍。
不知事者，時未至而逆之，時既往而慕之，當時而薄之，使其民而郤之。民
既郤，乃以良時慕，此從事之下也。操事則苦，不知高下，民乃逾處。種
稜禾不爲稜，種重禾不爲重，是以粟少而失功。
h . W ang N ian su n , Fan G cn g y an , Xia W eiying.
W hen there is a harvest you sacrifice to the soil, and w hen there is no
harvest you sacrifice to the soil. D o not interrupt the peopled seasonal tasks
or make them work on inconsequential tasks. Make them know which imple
ments bring about poverty and prosperity.
Start work when the season comes,

Stop when the season ends.
In this way, the strength of the old and weak
Can be fully developed.
And in half the time.
Their achievement will be doubled.
For those w ho do n o t understand their activities.
The proper season never arrives, or it is contravened;

Seasons come and go while they long for the right time.
When the right time approaches, they ignore it,
Causing their people to spurn it.
The people, having spurned it,
Thereby reject the season they longed for.
This is the worst way to pursue their activities,
For their management of matters will always work out crudely;
Because they do not realize what improves and what degrades,
The people accordingly shirk their responsibilities.
65 8 T H E D IS C O U R S E S
When quickly ripening grains do not mature early，

When slowly ripening grains do not mature late,
The grain harvest will be slight and the achievement lost.
五曰辯土
CH A PTER 5
D I S C R I M I N A T I N G T Y P E S O F S O IL
26/5.1
凡耕之道：必始於壚，爲其寡澤而 ( 後 G E > 厚 1枯；必 ( 厚 G E > 後2其納，

爲其 ( 唯厚 G E > 雖後 2而及；（
鎗 G E > 飽 3者絰之，堅者耕之，澤其納而後
之；上田則被其處，下田則盡其汙。無與三盜任地：夫四序參發，大甽小
畝，爲青魚肢，苗若直獵，地竊之也；既種而無行，耕而不長，則苗相竊
也；弗除則蕪，除之則虛，則草竊之也。故去此三盜者，而後粟可多也。
I. TanJicfli. 2. Sun Yirang, Tan Jicfii. 3. Bi Yuan, Sun Tirang.
In general, the D ao o f tillage is:
You should begin with the hard and black soils.

Because they have a thick parched layer from too little moisture.
You should till last the light and moist soils,
For though they are plowed later, there will still be time.
Thus, postpone the plowing of waterlogged soils,
But plow hard soils immediately.
Plow light soils after they arc moistened by spring rains.
In upland fields, form a cover over the plowed soil;
In lowland fields, drain away stagnant water.
In your use o f the land, do n o t consort w ith the three robbers.
Tilling soils thrice during the four seasons of the year;

Making fiirrows too wide and ridges too narrow，
So that they protrude like the scales of a carp,
Causing the plants that grow there to stick up like bristies
—this is the land stealing the crops.
Sowing, but not in rows,

Tilling, but the plants are stunted
—this is the sprouts robbing each other.

B O O K 26 659
Not removing weeds, but allowing them to grow vigorously,

Clearing weeds, but disturbing the roots
—this is weeds stealing the crops. Thus, only when farmers are ridded o f
these three robbers is it possible for the crops to be bountiful.
26/5.2
所謂今之耕也，營而無獲者：其蚤者先時，晚者不及時，寒暑不節，稼
乃多舊，□ □ 口 □ ，口口口4« 。其爲畝也，高而危則澤奪，陂則埒，見風則
(慑 G V > 蹶5，高培則拔，寒則 (雕 G V > 凋6 ，熱則脩，一時而五六死，故不
能爲來。不倶生而倶死，虛稼先死，眾盜乃竊。望之似有餘，就之則虛。
農夫知其田之易也，不知其稼之疏而不適也；知其田之 (際 G E > 除7也，不
知其稼居地之虛也；（
不除則蕪，除之則虛，）
8此事之傷也。故晦欲廣以平，
甽欲小以深；下得陰，上得陽，然後咸生。
4. Chen Qiyou; rhyme pattern. 5. Xia Wciying. 6. Xia Wciying.
7. Chen Changqi, Wang Niansun, Tan Jicfu, XiaWciying; rhyme.
8. TanJicfu; excrescent gloss.
T hat those w ho engage in farming today, w ork hard, but reap no harvest, is
because:
They start too early, before the proper season has begun.
They proceed too slowly, continuing beyond the time the season
has ended,
What they do is not appropriate to the seasons of cold and heat,
So the sowing of the grain frequentiy suffers,
A nd…
. . . [docs not] bear fruit.
The ridges for planting are made high and precipitous.
So that the soil is deprived of moisture.
When the ridge faces are too steep, they collapse;
When the wind blows, the plants topple.
The high bank of the soil exposes the roots of the plants:
When cold comes, they shrivel,
When it is hot, they wither.
W ith five o r six occasions for the crops to die in a season, it is impossible to
collect a bountiful harvest.
Not everything sprouts at the same time, but they all die together,
And rootless crops arc the first to die—
Then the gang of robbers docs its stealing.
When you look over the farmland， there appears to be ä surplus,
But on closer inspection, there is nothing at all.
Farmers understand how to clear their fields,
But they do not understand that it is unsuitable to place plants
too far apart;
They understand the importance of weeding their fields,
But not whether their crops are firmly rooted in the soil.
Such are the ways they do damage to their task. Thus, it is desirable that the
planting ridges be wide and level, that the furrows between them be nar
row and deep. The lower parts o f the plants will then obtain adequate m ois
ture, and the upper parts sufficient sunlight. Only then will everything grow.
26/5.3
稼欲生於塵，而殖於堅者。慎其 ( 種 L C > 楂 9 ，勿使數，亦無使疏。於
其施土，無使不足，亦無使有餘。熟有耰也，必務其培。其耰也 ( 植 GV>
稹 w ，（
植 G V > 稹 1(>者其生也必先。其施土也均，均者其生也必堅。是以晦
廣以平，則不喪 ( 本莖 G E > 莖；本 11生於地者，五分之以地。莖生有行，故
遨長；弱不相害，故遨大。衡行必得，縱行必術。正其行，通其風，（夬
S F > 決 12( 心 G E > 必 13中央，帥爲泠風。苗，其弱也欲孤，其長也欲相與居，
其熟也欲相扶。是故三以爲族，乃多粟。
9. Chen Qiyou. 10. Yang Shuda, Xia Wciying. 11. Chen Qiyou; rhyme. 12. Gao You.
13. Bi Yuan, TanJicfu, Chen Qiyou; W X quotation.
It is desirable that crops be planted in pulverized soil,

And develop in firm soil.
Take care in casting the seeds upon the earth.
Do not plant them too closely together,
But neither too far apart.
In covering the seeds with the soil，
Do not use too little soil,
But neither use too much.
Be deliberate in pressing the seeds into the soil,
Being certain to maintain the slope of the mound.
Press the seeds into the soil gently, and they will be certain to sprout quickly.
Cover them w ith an even layer o f soil, for evenness makes it certain the
plants will be firmly set. O n account o f this,
When the ridges are broad and level,

The stalks will suffer no harm.
Half of the success in growing plants
B O O K 26 66i
Depends on the soil itself.

Because the stalks grow in rows,
They mature more quickly;
When still young and tender, they do not harm one another,
And thus grow large faster.
The east-to-west rows should be laid out right.
The north-to-south rows should be straight.
Adjust the rows.
To circulate the air;
Keep the center of fields open,
To ensure it benefits from the pure breezes.
It is desirable th at tender, young plants stand apart, that as they m ature

they grow m ore closely， so that when ripe they prop each other up. This is
When three plants form a clump,

The grain harvest will be bountiful.
26/5.4
凡禾之患，不倶生而倶死。是以先生者美米，後生者爲秕。是故其耨
也，長其兄而去其弟。樹肥無使扶疏，樹境不欲專生而族居。肥而扶疏則
多秕，澆而專居則多死。不知稼者：其耨也去其兄，而養其弟，不收其粟
而收其秕，上下不安，則禾多死，厚土則 (孽 G V > 檗 14不 ( 通 G E > 達 15，薄
土則蕃繙而不發。壚埴冥色，剛土柔種，（
免 S F > 勉 16耕殺 (匿 S F > 慝16，使
農事得。
14- W u C hcngshi, Tan Jicfu. 15. W ang N ian su n ; rhym e. 16. W ang N ia n su n , S un Yirang.
In general, the problem in growing crops is that
Not all germinate at the same time, but they all die together.
O n account o f this.
Early-germinating plants produce beautiful grains

Later-germinating plants have empty husks.
This is why in hoeing,
You cultivate the older plants and eliminate the younger,

In fertile soils do not allow the seedlings to be planted too far apart,
In thin soils do not allow the seedlings to be planted too closely
together.
In fertile soils plants too far apart frequently have empty husks,
In thin soils when plants arc too close together, many will die.
662 TH E D IS C O U R S E S
In hoeing, those who do n o t understand husbandry.
Eliminate the older plants and cultivate the younger;

Thus, they collea not good grains, but gather empty husks.
When neither plant nor soil is managed well,
The grain frequently dies.
When the soil covering is too thick, the sprouting seeds do not break
the surface;
When it is too thin, seeds do not germinate.
Hard and sticky soils should be tilled while still dark with moisture，
Hard soils must be made soft: before being seeded.
Direct the tillage toward killing the weeds.
So the farmers succeed in their tasks.
六曰審時
CHA PTER 6
E X A M IN IN G T H E S E A S O N
26/6.1
凡農之道，厚 ( 之 G E > 時 1爲寶：斬木不時，不折必穗；稼就而不穫，必
遇天蝥。夫稼爲之者人也，生之者地也，養之者天也。是以人稼之容足，
耨之容耨，據之容手。此之謂耕道。
I. C hen Q iyou.
In general, the Dao of farming

Stresses the requirements of the season as the principle
to be treasured.
If you cut trees out of season,
The timber will be weak and twisted.
If ripened grain is not reaped,
You are certain to encounter a Heaven-sent disaster.
What sows the grain is Man,
What germinates it is Earth,
What nourishes it is Heaven.
On account of this, when sowing the row, leave space for the feet;
For weeding, space for the hoc;
And for harvesting, space for the hands—
This is called the Dao of tillage.
B O O K 26 663
2 6 / 6 .2
是以得時之禾，長桐長穗，大本而莖殺，疏機而穗大；其粟圓而薄糠；
其米多沃而食之彊；如此者不風。先時者，莖葉帶芒以短衡，穗鉅而（芳
L C > 房 2( 奪 L C > 脫2 ，枱米而不香。後時者，莖葉帶芒而末衡，穗閱而青
零，多秕而不滿。
2. YuYuc.
In this way, w hen you plant setaria millet at the proper time,
Flower spikes lengthen, ears of grain elongate,

Roots extend, the length of stalks is reduced,
The spikes of the grain ear arc separated, and the ear itself is
large.
The kernels are round with thin husks,
The grains are numerous, glossy, and firm to the bite.
Being like this, they are not ruined by wind-born afflictions.
W hen you plant before the proper tim e.
Stalks and leaves are numerous, but stems arc short,

Grain ears are large, but the flowers drop off,
The grains are black, and are not fragrant.
W hen you plant after the proper tim e,
Stalks and leaves arc numerous, and stems are small,

Grain ears grow pointed but remain pale green.
Many husks remain empty and do not fill out.
26/6.3
得時之黍，芒莖而 (徼 G V > 檄 3下，穗芒以長，搏米而薄糠，舂之易，而
食之不瞟而香；如此者不飴。先時者，大本而華口 4 ，莖殺而不遂，葉楽短
穗。後時者，小莖而麻長，短穗而厚糠，小米 (鉗 G V > 酣 5而不香。
3. Zhang Binglin.
4. This should rhyme with the following two, suggesting that hua was originally followed by an
other charaacr.
5. XiaWciying.
W hen you plant panicled millet at the proper time,
Stalks arc pointed and branchless on the lower parts,

Ears of grain arc pointed and elongated,
The grains arc globular with thin husks
664 THE D ISC O U R SE S
That are easily removed by pounding.

The grains are pleasant and fragrant to the taste
And so can be stored without the taste deteriorating.
W hen you plant before the proper time,
Koots grow profusely but the flowers . . . ,

Stalks are stunted and do not lengthen properly,
Leaves are glossy with short ears of grain.
W hen you plant after the proper time.
Stalks are too small and slender,

Grain ears are short but with thick husks,
The small grains are blackish and lack fragrance.
26/6.4
得時之稻，大本而莖葆，長桐疏機，穗如馬尾，大粒無芒，搏米而薄
糠，舂之易而食之香；如此者不 (益 S F > 隐 6 。先時者，本大而莖葉格對，
短桐短穗，多秕厚糠，薄米多芒。後時者，纖莖而不滋，厚糠多秕，座〈
得 >7
辟米，不 ( 得）( 恃 T V > 待7定熟，卬天而死。
6. C h en C h an g q i, Yu Yuc. 7. C hen Q iyou.
W hen you plant rice at the proper time.
Roots enlarge, stems are luxuriant,

Flower spikes elongate, the spikes of the grain car
are separated,
The grain car itself is like a horse5s tail.
The grains arc large but seldom awned.
The kernels globular with thin husks,
Easily removed by pounding.
The kernels are fragrant when you eat them
And so do not cause gagging.
W hen you plant before the proper time.
Roots grow too large, stems and leaves

are too crowded,
Flower spikes and ears of grain arc too short;
There are many empty cars, the husks arc thick,
The grains are small and most are awned.
W hen you plant after the proper time,

B O O K 26 665
Stems are too delicate and not lush,

Husks are thick with many empty ears,
Grains are barely half-formed;
Before the time to ripen is reached.
They face toward the sky and die.
26/6.5
得時之麻，必芒以長，疏節而色陽，小本而莖堅，厚窠以均，後熟多
榮，日夜分復生；如此者不蝗。
W hen you plant hemp at the proper tim e,
Its seed heads are certain to be awned and long.

It will have widely-spaced nodes and be brightiy colored,
Roots are small and stems hard,
The male plant stems are thick and even.
Ripening late, it produces in profusion,
Maturing a second time by the autumnal equinox
And so is not affected by locusts.
26/6.6
得時之菽，長莖而短足，其莢二七以爲族，多枝數節，競葉蕃實，大菽
則圓，小菽則搏以 ( 芳 L C > 房8 ，稱之重，食之息以香；如此者不蟲。先時
者，必長以蔓，浮葉疏節，小莢不實。後時者，短莖疏節，本虛不實。
8. C hen Q iyou.
W hen you plant soybeans at the proper time,
Their stems are long, with short trunks,

Their pods hold two rows of seven beans each,
Their branches are numerous with nodes close together,
Their leaves bountiful, seeds plentiful.
The large-bean varieties are round,
The small-bean varieties are swollen and fat.
Weigh them, and they are heavy;
Eat them, and they are chewy and fragrant.
Being like this, they are not affected by pests.
The plants are certain to grow tendrils that are too long,
With too few leaves, with the ncxles far apart,
And pcxis that are small and lacking seeds.
W hen you plant after the proper time,
Stems are too short, with ncxles far apart,

Roots arc loose and they lack seeds.
26/6.7
得時之麥，長桐而 ( 頸 G E > 穎9黑，〔
其實〕
10二七以爲行，□ □ 而 □ 服11，
薄糕而赤色，稱之重，食之致香以息，使人肌澤且有力；如此者不岣蛆。
先時者，暑雨未至〔
而〕( 跗 G V > 腐 12動，岣蛆而多疾，其 ( 次羊 S F > 粢羸13以
節。後時者，弱苗而穗蒼狼，薄色而美芒。
9. Xia Wciying. 10. Chen Qiyou; parallelism. 11. Chen Qiyou; parallelism.
12. Chen Qiyou. 13. Xia Wciying, Chen Qiyou.
W hen you plant barley at the proper time,
Flower spikes elongate, grain heads blacken.

With seeds in double rows of seven grains each,
… with … drooping，
With thin husks red in color.
Weigh them, and they are heavy;
Eat them, and they arc extremely fragrant and chewy,
Causing people’s skin to glisten and increasing their strength.
Being like this, the wheat is not affected by pestilence.
Before the heat and rains arrive, the crops have already rotted.
Affected by pestilence and suffering from many diseases,
The kernels lean and shrunken.
W hen you plant after the proper tim e ，
Sprouts arc weakened, and grain cars remain light green,

The color is pale, and only the awns are beautiful.
26/6.8
是故得時之穗興，失時之稼約。莖相若〔而〕14稱之，得時者重，粟（之
G E > 亦 15多。量粟相若而舂之，得時者多米。量米相若而食之，得時者忍
饑。是故得時之稼，其臭香，其味甘，其氣章，百日食之，耳目聰明，心意
數智，四衛變彊，汹氣不入，身無 ( 苛 G V > 病 16殃。黃帝曰：『四時之不正
也，正五穀而已矣。 j
14- Chen Qiyou; parallelism. 15. Chen Qiyou. 16. Yang Zhaojun.
B O O K 26 667
For these reasons, adhering to the proper time for each crop makes it
flourish， and missing the season makes it meager. W hen you compare plants
w ith the same num ber o f stems, weigh the crops and those grow n at the
proper tim e will be heavier and the grains m ore numerous.
When you compare harvests of equal amounts of grain,

pound the grain
And those grown at the proper time will yield more kernels.
When you compare equal yields of kernels, eat them
And those grown at the proper time will be more nutritious.
For these reasons, crops planted at the proper time,
Smell fragrant,
Taste sweet.
And have ample ethers.
Eat them more than a hundred days.
And the ear is keen of hearing, the eye clear-sighted,
The mind and intellect are sharp and intelligent,
The four limbs become stronger.
Evil emanations from spirits do not enter the body,
And the body suffers no intestinal malady or misfortune.
The Yellow Sovereign said: ccW hen [the ethers of] the four seasons are not
correct, all you need do is adjust the five grains.55
Appendixes
A P P E N D IX A
Tke Gao You Preface to

tke Liishi ckunqiu
Gao You, who lived during the late second and early third century a . d ., wrote
learned commentaries to th c M en ^fzt (now lost), H u n in a n zi^ Zhanßuoce^ L iishi
chunqiu. Gao was a native of Zhuo Commandery (Zhuo County in Hebei
Province). He studied with the scholar Lu Zhi 盧植（ 159-192)， a native of Zhuo
famed for his work on ritual texts and his participation in the compilation of the
似w H 似yï 東觀漢言己• In hi$ to the H 似mVwwjw, Gao says that he first
studied the 觸 •with Lu and that he continued his work on the 似mwz/
after 205, when he was first appointed to official office. His work on the L iishi
chunqiu began after he had finished his H u a in a n zi commentary. When Gao refers
to the interpretations of the L iishi ebunqiu by ^former teachers,55 he is probably
referring to Lu Zhi.
Most of Gao5s Preface to the L iish i chunqiu is devoted to an historical account
of Lii Buwci that merely repeats information found in the S h iji biography [see
Introduction^ pp. 1-26]. Gao You says that the importance of the L iishi chunqiu is
equal to that of û itM e n g zi^ X u n zi^ H u a in a n zi^ and the writings of Yang Xiong (53
b .c .- a . d . 18), whose F a y a n ïèW was modeled on th c A n a le a s of Confucius. Its
importance, Gao notes, is confirmed by the fact that the L iishi chunqiu was in
cluded in two of the most important bibliographic works of Han dynasty times:
the 价>/« 別錄 of Liu Xiang 劉向（ 79- 8 B.c.) and the 财七略 of Liu Xin 劉飲
(46 b .c .- a .d . 23). He ends the Preface by recounting very briefly how he came to
work on the text, the nature and poor condition of the book, and the lack of reli
able scholarship on its meaning and significance. Especially noteworthy is Gao5s
calculation that the L iishi chunqiu of his day consisted of 173,054 characters, which
means it was approximately one-third larger than the present text. If the figure
given in Gao5s Preface is correct, it is obvious that the text suffered considerable
damage during the course of its later textual history, damage far beyond anything
which scholars today have detected.
After concluding his summary of the S h iji wBiography55of Lii Buwei, Gao You
[ 671]
672 A P P E N D IX A
records his reaction to Lii Buwei's offer to give a thousand measures of gold to
wanyonc who could add or subtract a single word55to the text:
I, G ao You, think that it w as n o t that they w ere unable to correct the

text but that they feared the C hancellor and dreaded his pow er.
T he ideas w hich this b ook supports are: m aking the W ay and its Pow er
your guidepost; m aking n on -action your gu id in g principle; m aking loyalty
and righteousness the qualities you strive for; and m aking being fair and
square your rule. T he b ook is equal to the w ritings o f M en g Ke, Sun [Xun]
Q in g, H uainan, and Yang X ion g and is therefore listed in [L iu X ian^ s]
Records and in [Liu X in5s Seven] Summaries.
I had previously w ritten a com m entary to the paragraphs and sentences
o f the M en^zi and had com p leted m y explanations o f b oth the Huainanzi
and the Book of Filial Piety. M y fam ily had a copy o f the Lüshi chunqiu. I
investigated and exam ined it and fou n d that it greatly surpassed the m inor
w orks am ong the philosophers. T he text had suffered lacunae and errors
and, w orse, m inor scholars had m ade changes and corrections based on
their ow n ideas. W hile they intend ed to pass d ow n its m eaning, th ey had
erred w ith respect to its original and authentic m eaning. Rarely w ere they
able to explain the text in detail. I, therefore, returned to the o ld glosses o f
m y form er teachers and forth w ith com p osed explanatory n otes in order to
preserve the intentions o f the scholars o f antiquity. T he book is in altogether
i73,〇5斗characters. Should there be errors and m istakes a later gentlem an
m ay excise and correct them to have m y w ork m eet the proper standard.
A P P E N D IX B
Fragments of tke Liiski ckunqiu
A t the back o f his Liishi chunqiu huijiao^ Jiang W eiqiao collects a num ber o f
fragm ents attributed to Liishi chunqiu in various ancient sources but that n o
lon ger appear in the text. C hen Q iyou borrow s Jian^s w ork in his LSCQ
ed itio n and w e, in turn, have adop ted this m aterial in w hat follow s.
T he first im pression is that, in contrast to m any w orks o f the classical
pericxl，th e !/励多咖叫仏 is in exceptionally g o o d shape. M ost o f the chapters
o f the present text d o n o t have ob viou s lacunae, but Jiang, C hen, and others
have isolated three significant exceptions:
• B ook 13 contains on ly seven chapters， unlike the seven other

"'Exam inations^ all o f w h ich con sist o f eigh t chapters.
• T he “Postface，” w h ich precedes B ook 13, ends abruptly, appearing
to be m issin g som e text.
• C hapters 17/7, 21/2, and 23/6 are exceptionally short.
It is p ossib le that at least som e o f the fragm ents collected by Jiang com e
from the dam aged parts pertaining to th ose three parts n oted above, as w ell
as other, less ob viou sly corrupted, p ortion s o f the text. In his preface, G ao
You m en tion s that the texts he w orked from contained ^lacunae and m is
taken passages,55 indicating that the text had suffered evident dam age as
early as the Eastern H an.
In these fragm ents, w e d istin gu ish betw een three types o f m aterials:
• Q u otation s that can probably be accepted as b elon gin g to the

original text (fragm ents 1-24).
[673]
674 A P P E N D IX B
• Q u otation s that probably d o n o t derive from the text and are

m isattributed in the source o f the q u otation (fragm ents 25-3斗)•
• False q u otation s and allusions to passages attributed to , but n o
longer appearing in , the text.
PART I
FR A G M E N T S A C C E PT E D AS PRO BABLY G E N U I N E
Fragm ent 1
(So u r c e : Shuijing zhu 30.968, explicitly quoting LSCQ. This quotation is the source
o f the attribution to LSCQ o f the line in the H ong Xingzu commentary to Chuci^ ttTian
wen^; see Chuci buzhu 3.97.)
禹娶塗山氏女，不以私害公，自辛至甲四日，復往治水，故江淮之俗，
以辛壬癸甲爲嫁娶日也。
W hen Yu to o k as his w ife the m aid o f M ou n t Tu, he did n o t allow his
private interests to harm the general g o o d . A fter on ly the four days from
xin to jia^ he returned to the task o f tam ing th e flood s. T herefore, in the
custom s o f the Yangzi and H uai regions, xin^ znd jia arc the days
for betrothal and m arriage.
Fragm ent 2
(So u r c e : T T T L , 斗〇 2.6b, quoting LSQß. A partial parallel is found at 14•斗，

“Zhi shi.”
史台問申向曰：「吾所患者不知賢。j 申向曰：「人〔
主〕1之患，不在乎
不言用賢，而在乎不誠用賢。夫言用賢者口也，卻賢者行也。言行相反，
而欲賢者用，不肖者廢，不亦難乎？人主誠用賢，則境內賢者出矣，天下
賢者至矣。 j
I. Added on the basis of parallelism.
Shi Tai inquired o f Shen X iang. aM y w orry is that I d o n o t recognize the
worthy.55 Shen X iang replied, ccW hat a ruler o f m en sh ou ld w orry about is
that he is n o t com m itted to em ploying the w orthy, n o t that he fails to advo
cate em p loyin g the w orthy. M erely advocating em p loyin g the w orthy is so
m uch talk, whereas declining to use the w orthy con stitu tes concrete action.
W hen w ord and deed contradict each other, is it n o t indeed difficult to
hope that the w orthy w ill be em ployed and the unw orthy dism issed? I f a
ruler did in fact em p loy the w orthy, w orthies w ith in his borders w ou ld
com e o u t and the w o rld s w orthies w ou ld arrive.55
F rag m e n t 3
( S o u r c e : Li Shan commentary to WX ，斗 6.2062, quotingiS Q 2 . It is possible that the

second phrase o f fragment 3 [following the ellipsis] appeared at the conclusion o f a passage
in 14/6.2 that reads: tt[Then Shun] encountered the right time and ascended to the position
o f Son o f Heaven. Worthy knights joined him, the myriad peoples praised him, men and
women applauded and cheered, and everyone honored him and delighted in him.55)
舜登爲天子，. . . 大人、反踵，皆被其澤。
W hen Shun ascended to the p o sitio n o f S on o f H e a v e n ,. . . b oth the
G iants and the p eop le o f F anzhong enjoyed his kindness.
Fragm ent 斗
(S o u rc e : Suoyin c o m m e n ta r y t o 5 / , 62.2131, q u o t i n g L S C Q . )
管仲與鮑叔同賈南陽，及分財利，而管仲嘗欺鮑叔，多自取。鮑叔知其
有母而貧，不以爲貪。
G uan Z h on g and B ao Shu w ere business partners in N anyang. W hen it
came tim e to divide the profits, G uan Z h on g cheated Bao Shu, taking m ore
for him self. B ao Shu did n o t consider him greedy, because he knew that
G uan Z h on g had a m other to support and was im poverished.
Fragm ent 5
(So u r c e : T W I / ，88.1508, q u o tin g !^ &«万呂令 . 7PTX 952.3b readsiSCjg.)

(人 G E > 君 2之有民，如木之有根，根深則本固。
2. Chen Qiyou.
A rulers possessing the people is sim ilar to a tree having roots: the deeper
the roots, the stronger the trunk.
Fragm ent 6
(S o u rc e : Suoyin c o m m e n ta r y t o S /, 1 1 7.2999, q u o t i n g LSCQ.)

劍伎云：「持短入長，倏忽縱橫之術也。 j
T he A rt of the Sword says, ccTo h old o n to the short and penetrate the
lo n g —this is the technique o f quickly opposing.55
Fragm ent 7
Li Shan commentary to W X 29.1363, quoting LSCQ. Sun Yirang, Bi Yuan,

(S o u rc e :
and Chen Qiyou agree that this fragment was originally a part of 15/3.)
風乎其高無極也。
H o w like the w ind! his being lofty w ith ou t lim it!
F rag m en t 8
(S ou rce: Lu Dian 陸佃 [io 斗2- 1102]， 14.12b，quoting jLSCß.)

桂枝之下無離木。
B eneath the branches o f th e cassia there are n o li trees.
Fragm ent 9
(S ou rce: Ba祕彡 &•«汾白氏六帖事類集 i.nb ， s.v.yb设風 13]，

quoting LSCQ. Hong Xingzu commentary to wLisao,w [Chuci buzhu 1.28] repeats the
quotation.)
風伯名飛廉。
T he Earl o f the W ind is nam ed Feilian.
Fragm ent 10
(S ou rce: TFTL 8.5b, quotingLSCjß.)

屛翳曰雨師。
P in g Yi is called R ain G eneral.3
3. T h e •西京雜記 of Ge Hong (284-364)， alsoquoted at 7TTL8.5b， gives PingYi’s tide as
咖雲師 “Cloud General.”
Fragm ent 11
(S ou rce: Guangyun [shangping rhyme category 12 s.y,ji f f , p. 69],

quoting LSCQ,)
稽黃
[Q in w orthy] Ji H u an g.4
4. Chen Qiyou identifies Ji Huang with the Mohist FuTun, mentioned in 1/5.5.
Fragm ent 12
(S ou rce: Tuhai [Jiang Weiqiao provides this quotation; we have been unable to
locate it in the Tuhai itself].)
衛大夫鄄子士。
W ey Grand O fficer Juan Z ishi.
Fragm ent 13
(S ou rce: Jiyun [s.v. ebu /ffi, 9.8b], quotingLSCß.)

齊有顏斶。
In Q i there was Yan Chu.
A P P E N D IX B 677
F rag m e n t 1 4
(S o u rc e : Guangyun [xiaping^f7^^ rhyme c a te g o r y 16 s.v. ling |^ , p . 178], q u o t i n g

LSCQ.)
鉛陵卓子。
M aster Z h uo o f Y anling.5
5. /f«»如 “ 14.788 mentions aMaster Zhuo of Yarding延陵卓子， who should perhaps be identified
with this individual.
Fragm ent 15
(S o u rc e : Tuhai 122.1b.)
黃帝建五官以正人位。
T he Y ellow Sovereign established the Five O ffices in order to put aright
th e p osition s held by m en .6
6. Jiang Weiqiao^ quote of the Tuhai^ which omits the word zJjenß IE, is faulty and was perhaps
basedon an inferior edition.
Fragm ent 16
( S o u r c e : Li Shan commentary to W X 14.1150, quoting L5ÇQ. Chen proposes that Li

Shan has conflated two LSCQ passages found in 5/2.1 and 14/8.2.)
夫萬物成則毀，合則離，離則復合，合則復離。
W hen the m yriad things reach com p letion , they are destroyed. I f joined,
they disperse; if dispersed, they rejoin; if join ed , they disperse again.
Fragm ent 17
(S o u rc e : Guangyun [shangpivg^ rhyme category 32 s.v. mm p. 97], quotingLSCjg.)
陽門介夫。
T he A rm ored W arrior o f the Yang G ate.
Fragm ent 18
(S o u rc e : Li Shan commentary to W X 5.231, q uotin gL5C ß.)

陽阿，古樂曲。
"Tanga55 is the nam e o f an ancient m elody.
Fragm ent 19
(S o u rc e : TPTL 37.3a; Beitang shuchao i5 7 .2 a -b . T h is f r a g m e n t is p a ra lle le d b y a p a s

s a g e in Liezi 1.32.)
長盧子曰：「山岳河海，水金石火木，此積形而成乎地也。 J
M aster Zhanglu7 said/^M ountains, hills, rivers， and seas， as w ell as water,
m etal, ston e, fire, and w o o d —these are com pleted o n earth by accum ulating
shapes•”
7. The aBibliographical Treatise," H anshu (30.1730), lists a D aojia text entitled Zhangluzi^ in 9
pian .
Fragm ent 20
(S o u rc e : Song Qi 宋祁 [998-1061]， “Hanshu ‘Yang Xiong zhuan’ jiao” 漢書揚雄傳

校 [quoted by Jiang Weiqiao, p. 665].)
大旱用玲瓏。
For a great drought use the jade lin^long chim es.
Fragm ent 21
(S o u rce: TFTL 8 0 7 .1 a .)
成功用璋。
To celebrate an accom plishm ent, use the jade half-tessera.
Fragm ent 22
(S o u rc e : TFTL 8 0 7 .1 b .)
大喪用琮。
In the grand m ourning rituals, use the jade badge.
Fragm ent 23
(S o u rc e : TFTL 8 0 8 .1 a.)
戰鬥用琥。
W hen g o in g in to battle, use the jade tiger tally.
Fragm ent 24
TFTL 8 ç .5 b -6 a ; quoted with slight variations at TFTL

(S o u rc e : 625.5a and TW LJ
29.510. Chen suggests that the fragment was originally part of 21/2.)
吳起行。魏武侯自送之西河，而與吳起辭，武侯曰：「先生將何以治西
河？j 對曰：『以忠以信，以仁以義。』武侯曰：r 四者足矣。 j
O nce, w hen W u Q i departed on a journey. M arquis W u ofW ei personally
escorted him as far as W est o f the River. Taking his leave o f W u Q i, M arquis
A P P E N D IX B 679
W u said, ttH o w w ill y ou , m aster, govern W est o f the River?55 H e replied,

ccW ith loyalty, trustw orthiness, hum aneness, and righteousness.55 M arquis
W u said, "These four are sufficient.55
P A R T II
F R A G M E N T S M IS A T T R IB U T E D
TO T H E LÜ SH I CH U NQ IU
Fragm ent 25
(S o u rc e : TFTL 82.5b; TFTL 571.1b; Beitang shuchao 106.5b. The versions of the fragment
found in the second TPTL citation and in the Beitang shuchao contain additional materials
that probably originated in the PT« 吳越春秋• See Jiang Weiqiao, p. (S68.)
禹年三十，未娶，行塗山，恐時暮失制，乃娶塗山女。
W hen Yu was thirty years o f age, he had n o t yet m arried. W hen travel
in g on M ou n t Tu, he feared that the tim e was gettin g late and that he was
losin g the strength to govern , and so he m arried a m aid from Tushan.
Fragm ent 26
(S ource : Li Shan commentary to W X 42.1916. Jiang Weiqiao, p. 668, notes that, accord
ing to LSCQ 9/2.2, the drought lasted five years. He therefore suspects that this fragment is
misattributed to the LSCQ and instead originated in the ST. Passages in the ST and HNZ^
quoted in the Li Shan commentary to W X 18.867 and 15.665, respectively, mention that the
drought lasted seven years.)
湯時大旱七年，煎沙爛石。
In the tim e o f Tang, there w as a great drought that lasted seven years,
b oilin g the sands dry and m eltin g the rocks.
Fragm ent 27
(S o u rc e : rPTL 斗 .9a. Jiang Weiqiao, p. 669, argues that this is a H N Z passage wrongly
attributed to the LSCQ.)
月，群陰之宗。月毀則魚腦減。
T he m oon is the ancestor o f the herd. W hen the m oon w anes, the
brains o f fish shrink.
F ra g m e n t 2 8
(S o u r c e : Li Shan commentary to WX 3〇.i斗3〇. Jiang Weiqiao, p. 669, notes that this

is a passage at H N Z 5.177, which the Li Shan commentary has mistakenly attributed to
LSCQ.)
季秋之月，招搖指戌。
In the third month o f autumn, the Northern Dipper star Zhacyao 8 points
in the direction o f the earthly branch xu.
8. The name of a legendary mountain mentioned in 14/2.4.B.
Fragment 29
(S o u r c e : TW LJ 88.1508, quoting Lü ling [cf. fragment 5]. Jiang Weiqiao, p. 669,

suggests that this passage, which appears at H N Z 16.545, is mistakenly attributed to the
LSCQ.)
欲鳥者先樹木。
H e who desires birds must first plant trees.
Fragm ent 30
(S o u rc e : Li Shan commentary to WX 3斗.1560. Jiang Weiqiao, p. 669, notes that this

passage is found at H N Z 9.301, and is wrongly attributed to the LSCQ.)
精神勞則越。注：「越，散也。 j
When the vital spirit is tired, it crosses over. Gao You notes: a "Cross
over5 means 'dissipates.555
Fragm ent 31
(S o u rc e : Commentary to Lushi quoted by Chen Qiyou, p. 1817. Jiang Wciqiao, p.

669, notes that this passage closely resembles a passage found at H N Z 11.351, and is mistak
enly attributed to the LSCQ.)
堯使棄爲田。
Yao employed Qi as a farmer.
Fragm ent 32
(S o u rc e : Baishi liutie 29.55a, s.v. long f | 47. Jiang Wciqiao, p. 670, notes that this is
part o f zn ST passage and is mistakenly attributed to the LSCQ.)
白龍化爲魚，.豫且射中左目。
The white dragon transformed into a fish and Yu Q ie shot an arrow into
its left eye.
F rag m e n t 3 3
(S o u rce: Xue Ju MW. [fl. 1266], Kongzijiyu. Jiang Weiqiao, p. 670, quotes this passage
but we have been unable to locate it in the original Kongzijiyu. In any case, Jiang notes that
the passage was originally in the H S W Z and is wrongly attributed to the LSCQ.)
孔子俟子貢，久而不至，謂弟子占之，遇鼎，皆曰折足，賜不來。顏淵
掩口笑。子曰：r 回也哂？』謂：I■賜來也無足，乘舟而至。』子貢朝至。
Confucius was waiting for Zigong, who for a long time did not arrive.
Conflicius instructed his disciples to divine about the matter. When doing
so, they encountered the hexagram ^Tripod.” All proclaimed: “A broken
leg! Si will not com e .55 Putting his hand over his m outh, Yan Yuan laughed
at this. “Are you sm iling ， Hui?” Confiicius asked. H e replied, “Si’s com ing
will not involve his feet. H e will arrive by boat.55At dawn Zigong arrived.
Fragm ent 34
(S o u r c e : Kongzi jiyu. Jiang Wciqiao, p. 671, quotes this passage but wc have been
unable to locate it in the original Kongzi jiyu. Jiang notes that this passage originally ap
peared as part of the Mao School interpretation of the Shijing and is wrongly attributed to
LSCQ, A shorter version of this passage appears in the Kongzi jiayu\ sec Kramers, 248-49.)
顏叔子獨處于室，鄰之婺婦又獨處于室。夜暴風雨至而室壞，婦人趨而
至。顏叔子納而使執燭放乎旦，而蒸盡，縮屋而繼之，自以爲解嫌之不審
矣。若其審者，宜若魯人然。魯人有男子獨處室，鄰之婺婦獨處于室。夜
暴風雨至而室壞，婦人趨而托之。男子閉戶而不納。婦人自牖與之言曰：
「子何爲不納乎？』男子曰：「吾聞之也，男女不六十不同居。今子幼，吾
亦幼，不可以納子。』婦人曰：「子何不若柳下惠，嫗不逮門之女，國人不
稱其亂。』男子曰：「柳下惠固可，吾固不可，吾將以吾不學柳下惠之
可。』孔子曰：「欲學柳下惠者未有似於是者也。 j
Yan Shuzi dwelled alone in his house. The widow next d œ r also lived
alone in her house. One night there was a violent storm that caused the
w idow 5s house to collapse. She fled to Yan Shuzi, who admitted her into his
house and made her hold a lamp until dawn. When the wick was gone, he
withdrew into his own room and stayed there. H e him self thought that he
had not been attentive enough to dispelling suspicion. One who is attentive
ought to be like the man from Lu.
There was a young man in Lu who dwelled alone. The widow next d œ r
to him also lived alone. One night during a violent storm, her house col
lapsed, and the lady fled to him for shelter. The young man locked his gate
and would not let her in. The woman said to him through the window,
ccW hy w on't you let me in?55H e replied, CCI have learned that, unless they are
sixty, an unm arried m an and wom an may not be alone together in a room.
N ow ， since you are young and so am I ， I cannot let you in.” The lady said to
him, aW hy n o t be like Liuxia Hui? H e warmed w ith his body a wom an
w ho could n o t reach her gate， and his countrym en did n o t consider him
unruly.55The young man replied, ccW hat was certainly proper for Liuxia H ui
is certainly n o t proper for me. I w ould be using w hat is not proper for me
to imitate w hat was proper for Liuxia Hui.55
Confucius observed: ccO f those w ho desire to imitate Liuxia H ui, none
equals this young man.55
PA RT II I
P A R A P H R A S E S A N D F A L S E Q U O T A T IO N S
In three instances, sources attribute passages to xhcLüshi chunqiu w ith

out quoting them verbatim. The Suoyin commentary to Shiji (83.2471) claims
that an anecdote about Bian H e o f C hu appears in tlie Liishi chunqiu^
but no reference to Bian H e appears in the text. Similarly, Liu Zhiji 蓥 !]矢口
幾，SWft?妨史通 / T i g u 疑古 ” (3:6 〇)， says that t h e e l a b o r a t e s
on the Lunyu (8.2) reference to Tai Bo?s thrice yielding the throne when in
fact it does not. (Wi/ c/;鉍 1.6—7 refers at length to this legend. This
suggests that ^Liishi chunqiu^ is an error for aWu Tue chunqiu^ in the Shitong
passage.) The commentary to the Lu shi (see Chen Qiyou, p. 1820)
says that the two states o f Bu ^ and Sui ^ appear in the Liishi chunqiu^ but
reference to the states is not found in extant editions o f the text.
The Baishi liutie (see Jiang Weiqiao, p. 670) attributes the following
passage to t h e 秦滅六國，自以爲獲水德之瑞，遂改河
名爲德水。 “W hen Qi destroyed the Six States, it believed it had seized
the good omens o f the de Power o f Water and, as a consequence, changed
the name o f the Yellow River to the Water o f de Power.55Because Lii Buwei
did n ot live to witness the Q in annihilation o f the Six States, Chen Qiyou,
p. 1817, declares that this quotation uclearly is not z Liishi chunqiu passage.55
A P P E N D IX C
Tke Ritual Calendar
The ""Almanacs53 account o f the monthly observances o f the Son o f Heaven

and his court refer, sometimes quite briefly, to ceremonies that other sources
suggest were highly complex and elaborate. The follow ing comments pro-
vide further details on what can be learned from these other sources about
the m ost important o f these ceremonies and observances.
SPRING
M arking the beginning o f Spring (1/1.2) was the m ost im portant cer
emony associated w ith the seasonal activities o f the Son o f Heaven. The
period “Inaugurating Spring5’ was the first o f twenty-four fortnightly periods
into which the year was divided. It began forty-six days after the winter
solstice, on approximately February 5. To prepare for the ceremony, the Son
o f Heaven fasted. According to Confucius (LT 10.5-6), when preparing for
fasting, one m ust wear hallowed clothing {mingyi which was made
o f linen, change the food one eats for a m ore austere diet, and shift the
place where one commonly sits.
The grand historiographer was expected to keep in order the codes o f
statutes and laws that, according to an apparently related passage in the
Zhou li (2.ia-4b), dealt w ith conducting the governm ent and the running
o f the bureaucracy. His official responsibilities also involved astronomical,
astrological, and calendrical matters, especially the calculation o f the relation
o f the sun and m oon to the tw e n ty - e ig h th or constellations that marked
the seasons, and the apparent m ovement o f the five planets against the stars.
H e was expected to estimate their rise, advance, retiring, and setting.
[6 8 3 ]
T h e P lo w in g C e r e m o n y ( 1 / 1 . 3 )
The plowing ceremony was a spring ritual observed in all parts o f the
Chinese world until modern times. The ritual involved two parts: first a
plow was carried to the Sacred Field comprising a thousand mou^ and then
the Son o f Heaven and all his high ministers to o k turns plowing. The actual
participation o f the Son o f Heaven in this ceremony was considered an
essential part o f his ritual duties. A couplet from the Book o f Songs also alludes
to this duty.
You do not appear in person， do not act yourself，

so the people do not trust you.
“Xiaoya，” “Jie nanshan,” Mao 191)
When the ceremony originated is difficult to establish, but a Shang oracle-

bone inscription about a libation in connection with millet-planting indicates
a connection between ritual and economic activities that may be antecedent
to the ceremony (Keightley, Late Shang State^ 6 4 ) . There is also a bronze
inscription that may describe King Cheng o f Zhou (r. 1 0 4 2 —1 0 0 6 ) cultivât-
ing the Sacred Fidd (Cred ， O w , 3 9 3 - 9 Shima Kunio,
中多斗； 0 ^
了多吻
kenkyü^ 3 4 2 ) . When King Xuan (r. 8 2 7 - 7 8 2 ) was placed on the throne o f the
restored Zhou dynasty, he did not originally revive the ceremony which
had fallen into disuse during the reign o f his predecessor, the evil King Li.
H is distant cousin, the hereditary minister Duke Wen o f Guo, remonstrated:
ccFarming is the m ost important task o f the people. The grain that fills the
vessels for the sacrifices to the Supreme Sovereign arc provided by it; the
increasing population o f the people is sustained by it; the supplies for gov
ernment activities derive from it; harmony and cooperation are fostered by
it; provisions for life and any increase o f wealth begin with it; and greatness
o f heart and determination are realized in it. For these reasons, the millet
officer has been ranked among the great officers o f the court55 (Guoyu 1.15).
The Duke notes the antiquity o f the ceremony and describes exactly
how it was to be executed. The ritual presupposed the same cosm ological
framework described in xhcLüshi chunqiu: the location o f the sun, the move
ment o f the cosmic ethers, the winds generated by them, the effect on the
soil， and the earthly signs o f confirmation to be observed in the plant and
animal worlds. First, ccthe grand historiographer, in accord with the season,
examined the soil for evidence that the yanff was growing with great vigor
and intensity and that the Earth5s ethers were shaking and about to break
o u t55 (Guoyu 1.15). This is coordinated w ith the heavenly signs: ccW hen the
constellation Auspicious Farming was directiy overhead at daybreak and
the sun and m oon dwelt in the constellation Celestial Shrine, the soil w ould
then pulse and well up55(Guoyu 1.15). Auspicious Farm ing consisted o f four
stars in the general area o f the zodiac constellation R oom , while Celestial
Shrine is generally identified w ith Encam pm ent, the constellation o f the
first m onth o f the lunar year.
N ine days before the vernal equinox, the grand historiographer w ould
inform the millet office that “starting from today and continuing until Begin-
ning Auspiciousness, xhcyangf ethers will ascend together, m oistening the
soil and causing it to move. Unless the soil is agitated and shifted, its veins
will become completely obstructed, and the crops will n o t prosper55(Guoyu
1.16-17). The millet officer w ould then inform the king that ccthe historiog
rapher, escorted by the officers o f the yan£f bureaus, have authorized me to
take charge o f this event, saying, ‘N ine days from today， the soil will move •’
Your Majesty should therefore reverently perform the exorcism and inspect
the farming so that nothing is altered” （ G 1 .17). The king accordingly
w ould issue orders that the director o f labor should take every step to cau
tion the dukes and ministers, all governm ent officials, and the populace;
that the director o f public works should clear space for the earthen altar at
the site o f the plowing; and that the grand officers in charge o f agriculture
should take every precaution needed to ready the farm implements to be
used in the ritual.
Five days before the ceremony, when the head o f the music office an
nounced that accord o f the seasonal winds had been attained (a product o f
the m ovem ent o f the cosmic ethers)， the king proceeded to the building for
ritual purification, and all im portant governm ent officials undertook per
sonal fasts for three days. At the conclusion o f his fast, the king perform ed
the ritual ablutions and drank the sweet spirits.
A t the vernal equinox, the king perform ed a libation w ith the spiced
spirits o f millet, drank from the goblet, and proceeded to the ceremony, fol
lowed by his officials and subjects. U pon arriving at the Sacred Fields, ccwith
the Lord M aster o f Millet overseeing them , the officer o f delicacies and the
regulator o f farming made the arrangements for the ritual plowing. The
grand historiographer led the way for the king, w ho followed with solemn
reverence. The king plowed a single furrow, w ith his subordinates tripling
the num ber as they descended in rank; the general populace completed the
task so that all one thousand mou o f land was plowed55 {Guoyu 1.18). After
the king plowed a single furrow, his dukes plowed three, his ministers nine,
and his grand officers twenty-seven. The labors o f the general populace on
the remaining part o f the field are carefully supervised: ccThe lord master o f
millet observed the work, w ith the grand historiographer overseeing it. The
director o f labor observed the people, w ith the grand marshal overseeing
them 55 (Guoyu 1.18). W hen the plowing was done, the attendants arranged
the sacrificial feast. The king partook o f the Great Offering, w ith his subor
dinates then tasting o f it, and the commoners eating last.
At the same time, the head o f the Music Office led the officials o f the
Music Bureau in listening to the sounds o f the winds and soil. To the south
east o f the Sacred Field, a granary was built where tlie grain that had been
collected was stored and, at the proper time, distributed to the farmers. The
millet officer warned the H undred Clans that the tim e was at hand to com
bine their agricultural tasks and to coordinate their efforts: c<T h e ^ w and
yang ethers are equally distributed, and the terrifying thunder brings forth
the hibernating insects. Those w ho fail to prepare and clear the land will be
punished by the director o f crime55 {Guoyu 1.20). The millet officer then
decreed that the tilling be inspected. The nine principal ministers made the
tour, in the fixed order o f precedence dictated by ritual, followed by the
King. A t the tim e o f weeding and at the harvest the same procedure was
followed.
The purpose was by ritual solemnity to so impress and awe the people that
they w ould all act w ith a high sense o f duty and devout gravity in all aspects
o f farming. This w ould ensure that “they kept in repair the boundaries and
ridges between fields, daily worked their hoes, and never got out o f harmony
w ith the season. There w ould be no w ant o f provisions and goods, and the
commoners w ould w ork together in harm ony and solidarity55(Guoyu 1.20).
Duke Wen warned the king that his activities should be restricted exclu
sively to agricultural matters. '"Nothing m ust be allowed to interfere w ith
the success o f farming: Devoting exclusive attention to agriculture for three
seasons and preaching war for one will result in campaigns o f rectification,
which will produce awe-inspiring majesty, and defense against sieges, for
we will be adequately provisioned. By these means, then, it will be possible
to charm the spirits and produce harm ony am ong the people. Appropriate
offerings will be presented in sacrifice as each season comes, and abundant
resources will be available for distribution55(Gtwyu 1.21).
But King Xuan, though professing to w ant to follow the course o f the
sagely First Kings w ho founded the dynasty, had, according to Duke Wen,
A P P E N D IX C 687
“abandoned their great achievements， impoverished their spirits, decreased

the sacrifices, and decreased the peopled resources. H o w could he, in this
way, seek blessings from the spirits and manage his subjects?55(Guoyu 1.22).
The king did n o t heed Duke Wen5s remonstrance. The historiographers
record the vindication o f Duke Wen: aIn the thirty-ninth year o f the king^s
rcign， a b â ttk was fought on the Sacred F id d where the k in fs army suffered
complete defeat at the hands o f the Jiang branch o f the R ong barbarians55
(Guoyu 1.22).
M a tc h m a k in g ( 2 / 1 . 3 )
Zheng Xuan notes that because the swallow arrives when life is expanding
and nests at peopled houses to raise its young, the m atchm aking officials
used the bird^s arrival to indicate w hen their activities should begin (Liji
5.5a-5b). There was an ancient legend that hallowed this tradition, for it had
Heaven itself ordering the swallow to descend and cause Lady Jian to bear
the progenitor o f the Shang dynasty (SW，“Song，” “Xuanniao，” M ao 303). To
inaugurate the matchmaking ceremonies, the Great Penned Animal Sacrifice
o f one ox, one pig, and one sheep, was performed. This was attended by an
entourage from the harem consisting o f one queen, three royal ladies, nine
royal concubines, and twenty-seven royal companions; and followed the
presentation o f bows and arrows, which, as symbols o f masculinity, were
employed as auguries for the birth o f sons.
There is som e evidence su ggestin g that the sacrifice and en su in g cer
em on ies con stitu ted a fertility rite that had already been in stitu ted in antiq
uity. T he Guanzi (3.2b) says: "'During the tw elve days o f first mao^ un ite the
m en and w om en.55T he Zhou li (14.6b) says that in the m onth the m en and
w om en w ere ttassem bledwand that there was n o restriction on peopled being
married "Svithout prelim inary form alities,55though m en o f thirty and w om en
o f tw enty were ordered to marry. Granet (Festivals and Songs of Ancient China^
126) suggests that there was a spring m ating festival that resulted in marriage
in autum n if the girl becam e pregnant.
T h e S ericu ltu re C e r e m o n y ( 3 / 1 . 5 )
U nlike m ost cerem onies, the Sericulture C erem ony o f the third m onth
o f spring involved the w om en o f the palace. T he queen and concubin es, o f
course, had attendants w h o could perform the work o f rearing the silkworm s.
T he purpose o f the sericulture cerem ony, like that o f the p low in g cerem ony,
w as to exhibit the sincerity and trustw orthiness o f the ruler and his aides
and associates: “Such sincerity and trustw orthiness is called ‘d oin g o n e’s
utm ost.5 D o in g o n e5s u tm ost is called 'strict, reverent care.5 O nly after on e
has d on e o n e5s utm ost and exercised strict, reverent care can on e serve the
spiritual intelligences. Such is the D ao o f sacrifice55 (Liji 49.2b).
D uring the third m onth o f the lunar year, the Son o f Heaven wore cos
tumes the color o f young mulberry leaves (so Zheng Xuan says in reference
to Zhou li 8.10b) at the sacrifice to the ccFounding Sovereign.55This spirit is
thought to be the Yellow Sovereign， w ho was the first sovereign in the
scheme o f the Zhou U and whose wife was said to have first reared silk
worms. The Zhou li (21.6a) tells us that ccw hen the king sacrificed to August
Heaven and the Supreme Sovereign, by regulation he wore large fur gar
ments w ith a ceremonial cap. Sacrifice to the Five Sovereigns followed the
same regulation. Like the ceremonies o f husbandry, the ceremonies con-
n e ae d w ith sericulture extend over several m onths, until, in the sixth m onth,
the finished silk fabrics were dyed for use in ceremonial robes.55
T he “Z haiyi” chapter o f the (斗8.ib ) provides a detailed account o f
the actual cerem ony: aIn antiquity, the S on o f H eaven and the feudal lords
always had an official mulberry tree and a Silkworm Chamber close to a stream,
w ith w alls ten feet h igh , surm ounted by thorns, and gates closed to the
ou tsid e. O n G reat D aw n, the ruler, w earing a leathern cap and w h ite low er
robes, w ou ld divine for the m ost auspicious ladies in the three palaces o f his
con sort, and he w ou ld have them g o in to the Silkw orm Cham ber to care
for the silkw orm s. T hey w ou ld w ash the silkw orm eggs in the stream , and
w hen they had hatched, w ou ld collect and dry leaves from the official m ul
berry tree to be fed to the silkw orm s. A ccording to Z heng X uan, the Great
D aw n cerem ony occurred o n the first day o f the third m onth (Liji 14.11b).
G overnm ental regulations to o k care that n oth in g disturbed the produc-
tio n o f the w orm s and the gathering o f the m ulberry leaves. R egulations
also protected the silkw orm oak leaves, w hich w ere used w hen m ulberry
leaves w ere n o t available. T he od e '"Seventh M on th 55 says:
In the silkworm month, separate the branches of the mulberry.

Take those axes and hatchets,
use them to lop the long and high branches.
Bundle those mulberry shoots.
(W，“Binfeng，”“Qiyue,”Mao 154)
T he “silkworm m o n th ” was probably the third m onth, since the “Xia

Xiaozhcng55defines that m onth as the tim e when w om en and children start
the cultivation o f the silkworms (Da Dai Liji 47.2b; Wilhelm, 237). W hen
the task o f raising the silkworms was completed, the Son o f Heaven com
m anded that the queen, leading the ladies o f the inner and outer palaces,
should begin cultivation o f the silkworms at the northern suburban altar.
The silk produced by these worms w ould later be used for making robes for
the sacrifices {Zhou li 7.17a).
T h e G reat M u sic A sse m b ly ( 3 / 1 . 7 )
In the last ten days o f the third m onth, on a day chosen for its auspicious
ness, the great assembled music event is held. This event wasscmbledwthe
m ost im portant music and dances o f the court, and probably included the
“Six Dances ” ：the “Cloud-G ate” and the “Q uan” o f the Yellow Sovereign ，
the Ûnification55 (xian) o f Yao, the "'Continuation55 (shoo) o f Shun, the
“Xia” o f Yu, the “G uarding5’ （ W ) o f Tang， and the “M artial” o f King Wu.
The purpose o f the great assembled music event was to instruct the youths
o f the nation, to occasion the manifestation o f ghosts and spirits, to assemble
the various states and nations， to bring accord am ong the myriad people， to
give com fort to guests and visitors, to give pleasure to those w ho lived in
distant regions, and to inspire m ovem ent in things (Zhou li 22.8b-i2a). It
employed the sixyan^f bam boo pitch pipes, the six yin copper pitch pipes,
the five sounds o f the pentatonic scale, the eight timbres, and the six dances.
Such music taught the youths o f the state cooperation and balance, through
the coordination o f dance and music, and discipline, through the perfect
precision o f the dancers5movement. Beyond teaching control o f movement,
which w ould be useful in military service, music also subdued passion and
prcxluced accord within the youth's feelings and em otions and thereby led
to self-development.
SU M M ER
T h e D istr ib u tio n o f R ew ard s ( 4 / 1 . 2 )
"'Establishing Sum m er55was the seventh o f the twenty-four fortnightly

periods into which the year was divided. It began forty-six days after the
vernal equinox, on approximately May 5. To prepare for the ceremony, the
Son o f Heaven fasted. The ceremony was held at the southern suburban
altar, located seven li from the city to accord w ith the numerical correlate o f
the element fire.
Ritual ceremonies in which rewards were distributed were customary
during the spring and sum m er (Zuo^ Xiang 26). These ceremonies were
thought to bind the nation together; to secure the altars o f soil and grain
which symbolized the survival o f the state and ruling family; and to benefit
the population as a whole. There arc detailed descriptions o f how Duke
H uan o f Qi distributed rewards. H e asked the chief officers o f the various
districts o f Qi to recom mend (1) persons known for exemplary morality,
excellence in their studies, intelligence and good charaaer, compassionate
and filial conduct tow ard their parents， or setting good examples for the
young; (2) persons know n for their strength, courage, and strong builds;
and (3) men w ho were m eritorious, frugal, virtuous, steadfast, obedient,
upright, and sincere. These m en were examined personally by the duke and
those found w orthy were given office (Guoyu 6.5b-6a; Guanzi 8 .io b -n a).
In addition to these reward ceremonies, musical performances were con-
d u a e d for the purpose o f modifying customs and reforming manners. Music
accomplished this by purging the untow ard tendencies o f the people and
preserving w hat was proper in their natures.
AUTUM N
''Establishing A utum n55(7/1.2) is the thirteenth o f the twenty-four fort-

nightly periods into which the year was divided. It began forty-six days
after the sum m er solstice, on approximately August 8. The sacrifices were
made at the western suburban altar located, in keeping w ith the season,
nine li from the city. Military activities, which were assexiated w ith the ele
m ent metal, were appropriate to autum n since they w ould n o t interfere
w ith spring planting and the sum m er harvest. In the seventh m onth, as the
supremeyan^f ether declined and the suprem e^» ether developed, the myriad
things, filled w ith awe, responded by completing their natures. Sacrifice
was made at the gate because autum n was the season when all returned
home from the fields.
Each major type o f sacrifice—to H eaven and the Five Sovereigns, to the
deceased kings o f the royal h ou se, to the Five H o ly Peaks and the four
stream s, to the altars o f so il and grain —required a specific len gth and style
o f robe, w ith girdles o f varying w id th and caps o f differing types (8/1.2). A t
this tim e, the director o f robes to o k care to see that royal vestm ents co n
form ed to the regulations set by ritual. Sim ilar surveys w ere m ade by the
officers in charge o f the sacrificial anim als to confirm that the beasts w ere o f
the right size and w eigh t, and that they m et the con d ition s set by ritual for
th e respective sacrifices in w h ich th ey w ou ld be offered. A ll o f this w as to
ensure that the sacrifices w ou ld be pleasing to the deity, the Suprem e S ov
ereign, that the proper balance in nature w ou ld be preserved, and that the
circulation o f xhcyan^f andjym ethers w o u ld be m aintained. C oordinated
w ith these sacrifices w ere rites for the exorcism o f noxiou s influences (8/1.3),
A ccording to Z heng Xuan (Liji 16.23a), these noxious influences w ere caused
by an excess ofyanß ethers. A ccom panied by amadmen,55the exorcist, w earing
a bearskin w ith four yellow m etal eyes， led servants through the royal apart-
m ents to drive o u t the gh o stiy m anifestations o f these cvüyanÿf m iasm as.
A ccording to ûicLunyu (10.8), w hen villagers c o n d u a ed the rite, the gen tle
m an pu t on court dress and stcx>d o n the eastern steps.
W IN T E R
"'Establishing W inter55 (10/1.2) began forty-six days after the autum nal
equinox, on approximately N ovem ber 7. Water is the power that rules the
winter. Its altar, in keeping w ith its symbolic number, was located six li
from the capital.
W inter is the season o f dorm ancy in vegetation and hibernation in
anim als, w hich the C hinese associated w ith storing up and concealing. Since
H eaven and Earth w ere n o longer in contact, it w as appropriate to seal the
cities and to take care that all locks, d oors, boundaries, and frontiers w ere
secure. Because all agricultural labors had been com p leted for the year, the
S on o f H eaven and the feudal lords held great drinking festivals w ith their
assem bled m inisters.
T h e G ran d E x o rcism ( 1 2 / 1 .1 .E )
T he central ritual to end the w inter and prepare for the new year is the
Grand Exorcism . It was the cerem ony by w hich dem ons, pestilence, plague,
drough t, and any other evil experienced in the previous year was expelled.
The Chinese name for the Exorcism is nuo ^ which, the Shuowen says, is
ccan exclamation o f surprise made when one sees a demon.55The w ord is
cognate w ith nan Ü , "'difficulty,55and is related to the Tibeto-Burm an root
级，“sickness” （
Benedict ，228-29; Schafer， “Ritual Exposure ， ’，133, n. 9).
The early forms o f the w ord suggest that it originated in the ritual exposure
o f shamans and shamanesses to fire or the sun in order to attract rain, or
perhaps developed out o f worship at the hearth (Chen Mengjia, Tinxu^ 559-
63; Yang Kun, 147).
Gao You tells us that the purpose o f the ceremony was to expel the yin
completely and bring forth the yangf. The H an ceremony, which Gao You
says mirrors the earlier rite, was quite elaborate. Youthful eunuchs wearing
red turbans and black tunics beat drums. The Exorcist wearing a bearskin
w ith four eyes, clad in a black jacket and red skirt, waved a lance and bran
dished a shield. Twelve other eunuchs were dressed as devouring beasts.
Early in the evening, when the court had assembled, the Son o f Heaven
had the ceremony begin. The twelve ccbeasts55 devoured the ten evils: the
baneful (e.g., flying corpses); tigers; the met (dem ons w ith hum an bexlies,
black heads, and slanting eyes, which were generated by strange miasmas in
m ountain forests [Zuo^ Wen 18 and Xuan 3; Shanhaijing i2.2b-3a]); the in
auspicious; calamities; evil dreams; revenants o f m en w ho had suffered
execution and public exposure (Bodde, Festivals^ 98); visions; g i a n t s ; ^
poisons (black-magic concoctions). The assembled party threatens: aLet
them roast your bodies, break your spines and joints, tear off your flesh,
pull ou t your lungs and entrails. I f you do no t leave at once, those w ho stay
behind will become their food55(Bodde, Festivals^ 82). Carrying torches, the
ccbeastsw danced and shouted, making their way three times through the
palace apartments, finally driving the dem ons o u t the south gate o f the
palace. At the gate, horsemen took the participants5torches and threw them
into the river. At the same time, similar ceremonies were conducted in gov
ernm ent offices by officials wearing w ooden masks.
A PPEN D IX D
Sckool Affiliations of Individual Ckapters

According to Cken Qiyou
C hen Q iyou , fo llo w in g the traditional view that the Liishi chunqiu is a syn
cretic text, identifies the ''sch ool55 affiliation o f each chapter. H is usch ools55
(jia are based o n the sc h œ ls identified in the Hanshu '"Bibliographical
Treatise,55supplem ented by ^branches55o f th ou gh t (xuepai w hich are
subsets o f sch ools or ph ilosoph ical persuasions that never rose to the level
o f recognized sc h œ ls. It is w orth n o tin g that C hen d oes n o t associate any
chapter w ith Yang Z hu or his sch ool. By C hen5s attributions, fully three-
fourths o f the entire text belongs to fours schools:
I. The m ost im portant school, in Chen5s view, is the Yin-Yang school, which
specialized in correlating the cosmic interactions o f the yin znd yanî with
the seasonal activities o f mankind. W ithin the Yin-Yang school, Chen rec
ognizes a group that was expert in musical matters and another group that
fused Yin-Yang thought with that o f the Agronomists; this latter group is
responsible for the first chapters o f all the "'Almanacs.55Fully one-fourth o f
the text (42 o f 160 chapters) is associated w ith this school.
• Yin-Yang school: 1/2,1/3, 3/5,11/2,13/1，I斗/ 3 , 1 4 /4 ,1 4 /5 ,1斗/ 6 , 14/7,

14/8,15/6,15/7,16/1 ，16/2,16/3,16/4,16/6, 20/6, 20/7, 21/1，21/2，
21/3, 22/5, 22/6, 23/3, 23/5, 23/6, 24/3, 24/ 斗，24/5, 2斗/6, 25/1.
• Yin-Yang and Agronom ist schools: 1/1, 2/1，3/1，4 /1 ,5/1，6/1，7/1，8/1，
9/1，I 〇/ l ，Il/l ，I2/l.
• Yin-Yang school, Music specialists: 5/2,5/3,5/4,5/5, 6/2, 6/3, 6/4, 6/
5, 23/4.
[693]
IL The second m ost influential school is the M ilitary school o f thought in
which Chen recognizes a special branch that derived from the Sim afam da
related branch that concerned itself w ith the code proper to the knight.
This branch o f thought can be traced to various knights whose usual affilia
tion is w ith the Ru school (sccMencius 2A.2). O ne fifth o f the text is associ
ated w ith this school (35 o f 160 chapters).
• M ilitary school: 19/3,19/4,19/5,19/6,19/7,21/6,13/2,20/4.

• Military school, Sima fa branch: 7/2, 7/3, 7/4, 7/5, 8/2, 8/3, 8/4, 8/5,
9/ 2, 9/ 3, 9/ 4 , 9/ 5.
• Beigong You, M eng Shishe, and Qidiao Kai branch: 11/3,11/4,12/2,
12/3, 12/4, 12/5, 19/1, 19/2, 19/8, 22/1, 22/2, 23/1, 23/2, 24/1, 26/1.
III. The third m ajor school is the Legalists, which specialized in statecraft
and legal philosophy. This school is credited w ith the entirety o f Book 17. Ä
special branch o f thought is associated w ith M aster Ji， a shadowy figure
m entioned only twice in the text. A bout one-eighth o f the text derives from
this school.
• Legalist school: 11/5,15/2,15/8,16/5,17/1,17/2,17/3,17/4,17/5,17/6,

17/7,17/8, 22/3, 22/4.
• Legalist school， M aster Ji branch: 13/6,13/7, 25/3, 25/斗，25/5, 25/6，
26/2.
IV. The fourth m ajor school is the M ohists, and here the term is m eant to
include that branch o f thought derived from M aster Liao, Song Xing, and
Yin Wen. All o f Book 18 is attributed to the Song Xing-Yin Wen branch o f
thought. O ne-eighth o f the text derives from this schcx)l.
• M ohist school proper: 1/5, 2/4, 2/5,10/2,10/3.

• M ohist school, M aster Liao, Song Xing, Yin Wen branch: 13/3,13/斗，
13/5, 15/ 3, 15/ 4 , 15/ 5, 16/ 7,16/8,18/1,18/2,18/3,18/4, 18/5,18/6,18/7,
18/8.
V T he rem aining one-fourth o f the text is attributed to the R u, the D aoists,

L ogicians, A gronom ists, and various specialists.
A P P E N D IX D 695
• D a o ist school: io / 斗.
• D aoist school， Yi Yin branch: 1/斗，3/3, 3/斗，14/2, 20/1，20/2, 20/3,
24/ 2.
• Ru school: 4/2, 4/3, 4 /4 , 4/5,10/5,15/1.
• R u school, Yuezheng Zichun branch: 14/1.
• A gronom ists, from the Houji nonßshu: 26/3,26/4,26/5,26/6.
• M aster Huazi: 2/2, 2/3, 21/4.
• Logicians, H u i Shi branch: 21/5.
• T echniques o f L ongevity: 3/2, 20/5,25/2.
• Esoteric arts: 20/8.
A F F I L I A T I O N S BY C H A P T E R
I/I Yin-Yang schœl/Agronomist school

1/2 Yin-Yang school
1/3 Yin-Yang school
1/4 Daoist school， Yi Yin branch
1/5 Mohist school
2/1 Yin-Yang school/Agronomist schcx)l

2/2 Master Huazi branch
2/4 Mohist school
2/5 Mohist school
3/1 Yin-Yang school/Agronomist school

3/2 Techniques of Longevity school
3/3 Daoist school, Yi Yin branch
3/5 Yin-Yang school

4/ 2- 4/5 Ru school

5/2- 5/5 Yin-Yang school/Music specialists
696 APPENDIX D

6/2- 6/5 Yin-Yang school/Music specialists
7/l Yin-Yang school/Agronomist school

7/2- 7/5 Military school, Sima fa branch
8/i Yin-Yang school/Agronomist school

8/2-8A Military school, Sima fa branch

9/ 2- 9/5 Military school, Sima fa branch

10/2 Mohist school
10/3 Mohist school
10/4 Daoist school
10/5 Ru school
II/I Yin-Yang school/Agronomist school

11/2 Yin-Yang school
n/3 Beigong You, Meng Shishe, Qidiao Kai branch
ii /斗 Beigong You, Meng Shishe, Qidiao Kai branch
n /3 Legalist school

12/2-12/5 Beigong You, Meng Shishe, Qidiao Kai branch

13/2 Military Yin-Yang school
13/3 Mohist school. Master Liao, Song Xing, Yin Wen branch
13/4 Mohist school, Master Liao, Song Xing, Yin Wen branch
13/5 Mohist schœl. Master Liao, Song Xing, Yin Wen branch
13/6 Legalist schœl, Master Ji branch
13/7 Legalist schœl, Master Ji branch
I斗/i Ru school, Yuezheng Zichun branch

14/2-14/4 Daoist school, Yi Yin branch
14/5-14/8 Yin-Yang school
15/1 Ru school
15/2 Legalist school
A P P E N D IX D 697
15/5 Mohist school. Master Liao, Song Xing, Yin Wen branch

16/8-17/3 Mohist school, Master Liao, Song Xing, Yin Wen branch
17/4-18/4 Legalist school
18/5-18/8 Mohist school， Master Liao, Song Xing, Yin Wen branch
19/1 Beigong You, Meng Shishe, Qidiao Kai branch

19/2-19/4 Beigong You, Meng Shishe, Qidiao Kai branch
19/5-19/7 Military school
19/8 Beigong You, Meng Shishc, Qidiao Kai branch

20/3 Daoist school， Yi Yin branch
20/5 Techniques of Longevity school
20/8 Esoteric arts school

21/5 Logicians， Hui Shi branch
21/6 Military school
22/1 Beigong You, Meng Shishe, Qidiao Kai branch

22/2 Beigong You, Meng Shishc, Qidiao Kai branch
698 A P P E N D IX D

23/1 Bcigong You, Meng Shishe, Qidiao Kai branch

23/2 Bcigong You, Meng Shishc, Qidiao Kai branch
23/4 Yin-Yang school/Music specialists

24/2-24/3 Daoist school, Yi Yin branch
24/4-24/5 Yin-Yang school

25/2-25/3 Techniques of Longevity school
25/4-25/6 Legalist schcx>l, Master Ji branch

26/2-26/3 Legalist schcx>l, Master Ji branch
26/4-26/6 Agronomist school, Houji nongshu
A PPEN D IX E
Alpkatetical Finding List of Ckapters
“Ai lei” 愛類 2 1 /5 “Dayu ” 達鬱 2〇/5

“Aishi” 愛士 8 /5
“Dayue” 大樂 5/2
“An si” 安死 10/3 “Dang bing” 蕩兵 7/2
“Bao geng” 報更 15/4 “Dang ran” 當染 2/4
“Ben sheng” 本生 1/2 “Dang shang” 當賞 24/4
“Ben wei” 本味 14/2 “Dang wu” 當務 11/4
“Biji” 必己 14/8 “Fen zhi” 分職 25/4
“Bian m” 辯土 26/5 “Gaoyi” 高義 19/2
“Bieiei” 別類 25/2 “Gong ming” 功名 2/5
“Bo zhi” 博志 24/S “Gu yue” 古樂 5/5
“Buer 55不二 17/7 “Guan biao” 觀表 20/8
“Bu gou” 不苟 24/1 “Guan shi” 觀世 16/2
“Buguang” 不廣 15/6 “Gui dang” 貴當 24/6
wBu qin” 不侵 12/5 “Gui gong” 貴公 1/4
“B uqu” 不屈 18/6 “Gui sheng” 貴生 2/2
“Cha chuan” 察傳 22/6 “Gui xin” 貴信 19/7
“Chajin” 察今 1 5 /8 “Gui yin” 貴因 15/7
“Cha wei” 察微 16/6 “Gui zhi” 貴直 23/1
“Cha xian” 察賢 21/2 ttGui zu” 貴卒 21/6
“Chang gong” 長攻 14/5 “Guo 11” 過理 23/4
“Chang jian” 長見 n /5 “Huai chong” 懷寵 7/5
“Chang li” 長利 20/2 “Hui guo” 悔過 16/4
“Cheng üan” 誠廉 12/4 “Ji chun” 季春 3 /1
“Chi yue” 侈樂 5 /3
“Ji dong” 季冬 12/1
“Chu fang” 處方 25/5 “Ji qiu” 季秋 9/1
[699]
7 〇〇 A P P E N D IX E
“Ji xia” 季夏 6/i “Shen fen” 審分 I7 /i

“Jian xuan” 簡選 8 /3 “Shenji” 審己 9 /4
“Jiao zi” 驕恣 20/7 Shen ren” 慎人 14/6

“Jie li” 介立 12/3 “Shenshi” 慎勢 17/6
“Jk sang” 節喪 10/2 “Shen shi” 審時 26/6
“Jin se” 禁塞 7 /4 “Shen wei” 審爲 21/4
“Jin shu” 盡數 3 /2 “Shenxiao” 慎小 25/6
“Jin ting” 謹聽 13/5 “Shen xing” 慎行 22/1
“Jing tong” 精通 9 /5 “Shen ying” 審應 18/1
“Jing yu” 精諭 18/3 “Shijie” 士節 12/2
“Jubci” 具備 18/8 “Shijun” 恃君 20/1
“Ju nan” 舉難 19/8 “Shi rong” 士容 26/1
“Jue sheng” 決勝 8 /4 “Shi wei” 適威 19/5
“Jun shou” 君守 17/2 “Shi yin” 適音 5/斗
“Kai chun” 開春 21/1 “Shun min” 順民 9 /2
“Le cheng” 樂成 16/5 “Shun shuo” 順說 15/5
“Li six” 離俗 19/1 “Si shun” 似順 25/i
“L iw d ” 離謂 18/4 ^ in g yan” 聽言 13/4

“Lim ren” 論人 3 /4 ”Weiy u” 爲欲 19/6
“Lun wei” 論威 8/2 W u ben” 務本 13/6
“Meng chun” 孟春 1/1 “Wu da” 務大 26/2
“Meng dong” 孟冬 10/1 “Wu gong” 勿躬 17/4
“Meng qiu” 孟秋 7/1 “Wu tu” 誣徒 4 /4
“Meng xia” 孟夏 4/1 “W uyi” 無義 22/2

“Ming li” 明理 6 /5 “Xiaxian” 下賢 15/3
“Qi xian” 期賢 21/3 “Xian ji” 先己 3/3
“Qingyu” 情欲 2/3 “Xian shi” 先識 16/1

wQiu ren” 求人 22/5 “Xiao xing” 孝行 14/1
“Qiisi” 去私 1 /5 “Xing hm” 行論 20/6
“Qu you” 去尤 13/3 “Xushi” 胥時 14/3
“Qu you” 去宥 16/7 “Xuyi” 序意 ‘Postface”
“Quan xue” 勸學 4/2 ‘T i bao” 異寶 10/4
“Quan xim” 權勳 15/2 “Yi shang” 義賞 14/4
“Ren di” 任地 26/4 “Yi si” 疑似 22/3
“Ren shu” 任數 17/3 “Yi xing” 壹行 22/4
“Shang de” 上德 19/3 “Yiyong” 異用 10/5
“Shang nong” 上農 26/3 “Yin chu” 音初 6 /3
“Shen da” 慎大 15/1 “Yin ci” 淫辭 18/5

A P P E N D IX E
«Yinlü” 音律 6/2 “Zhi fen” 知分 2〇/3

«Yingtong” 應通 13/2 “Zhi hua” 知化 23/3
«Yingyan” 應言 18/7 “Zhi jian” 直諫 23/2
^Yong min” 用民 19/4 “Zhijie ” 知接 16/3
“Yong se” 壅塞 23/5 “Zhile” 制樂 6/4
“Yong zhong” 用眾 4/5 “Zhi shi” 知士 9/3
«You du” 有度 25/3 “Zhiyi” 執一 17/8
l o u shi” 有始 13/1 “Zhi zhong55至忠 11/2
«Yuda” 諭大 13/7 “Zhong chun” 仲春 2/1
l u he” 遇合 14/7 “Zhong dong55仲冬 ii / i
^Yuan dao” 圓道 3/5 “Zhongji” 重己 1/3
"Tuan luan” 原亂 23/6 “Zhong lian” 忠廉 11/3
“Zanneng” 贊能 24/2 “Zhongqiu” 仲秋 8/1
“Zhao k i” 召類 20/4 “Zhongxia” 仲夏 5/1
“Zhen luan” 振亂 7/3 “Zhong yan” 重言 18/2
“Zheng ming” 正名 16/8 “Zizhi” 自知 24/3
“Zhi du” 知度 17/5 “Zun shi” 尊師 4/3
A L T E R N A T E C H A P T E R T IT L E S
“Ben zhi” 本知 14/8 “Ming lei” 名類 13/2

“Bu yu” 不遇 14/8 “Shanxue” 善學 4/5
“Diyi” 詆役 4/4 “Shenqiong” 慎窮 8/5
“Guanshi” 觀師 4/2 “Shou shi” 首時 14/3
“H eyue” 和樂 5/4 “Shun ren” 順人 14/6
“Liyi” 立意 12/3 “Yong bing” 用兵 7/2
“Lianxiao” 廉孝 “Postface” “Youdao” 由道 2/5
Reference Matter
Textual Parallels
2/2.2 ZZ, “Rangwang55讓王 ,8.251-52; ZZ, “Zaiyou” 在肴 ,3.91;

Laozi 13.
2/2.3 ZZ, “Rangwang，” 8.252.
2/2.4 ZZ, “Rangwang,” 8.253- 54.
2/ 5.2 ZZ, “Yufo” 漁夫，8.275.
4/3.1 石似《， “Zashi” 雜事， 5.154 (quoting 呂子).
9/2.3 H fZ , “Nan er55 難二，15.823.
9/3.2 Z/;财设嫌' “Qi ce” 齊策，8.307-I3.
9/4.2 “Shuofii” 說符，8.242.
9/4.3 HJFZ， “Shuolin xia” 說林下，8.474; JGwjc«，
“Jieshi” 節士，7.232.
9/4.4 Xinxu^ aZashi,w5.178.
10/3.1 ZZ， “Dao Zhi” 盜跖， 8.264; Zi似， “Yang Zhu” 楊朱， 7.219.
n/4.2 ZZ， “Dao Zhi，” 8.263; H 级紛mzf， “Shibing” 世兵， 3.9i.
13/3.4 Zhuangzi quote appears in ZZ ，
“Dasheng” 達生，
5.159.
14/ 1.3 1 和，“Jiyi” 祭義， 48 .5a.
14/3.5 Xunzi^ ccDaliie,5519.625.
14/4.2 Z/jFZ， “Nan yi” 難一，15.791.
14/8.1 ZZ, “Waiwu” 外物，
7.237.
14/8.2 ZZ ，
“Shanmu” 山木，
5.i67.
14/8.3 Liezi^ ccShuofti,558.260-1.
14/8.4 ZZ ， “Dasheng，” 5.160; H N Z ，
“Renjian” 人間，18.622.
15/1.3.B Xinxu^ '"Zashi^ 2.57.
15/1.4 G撕声， “Jinyu” 晉語， 15.499; h •似，“Shuofli，” 8.251.
15/2.2 H fZ ，“Shiguo” 十過， 3.165; “Shiye” 飾邪， 5.308; 5T, “Jingshen”
敬慎，10.33斗.
7 〇6 T E X T U A L P A R A L L E L S
1 5 / 2 . 4 HJFZ， “Shuolin xia，” 8.470.

15/3• 斗 H F Z , «Nan yi,5515.809；
H S W Z 6.234.
15/ 4.4 ZGC ， “Qice” 齊策，13.376.
1 5 /5 . 2 Zi似，“Huangdi” 黃帝，2.87; “Daoying5’道應，12.385.
15/6.2 5T， “Fu’en” 復恩，6.158; H N Z ， “Daoying，” 12.387; 5.222.
15/ 6.4 沿喂柳砂si， “Limshi” 論勢，2.i6ioa.
16/ 1.4 5T，
“Quanmou” 權謀，13.423.
16/ 1.5 5 T, aQuanmou^ 13.428.
16/2.2 TZQ2 , “Za shang55雜上， 5. 353- 354; 刀似 ^ ，“Jieshi，” 7.237.
16/2.3 Zißs/， “Shuofii，” 8.244; ZZ， “Rangwang，” 8.254; K 似 “Jieshi，”
7.238.
16/ 4 .2 ÜNZ, “Daoying,” 12.404-5.
I6/5.3.A äw淡w砂w, “Chen shiyi” 陳士義，2.1608; V, “Kongzi shijia” 孔
子世家，47.1917.
I6/5.3.B Xiang 3〇, 斗o.i2a.
16/ 5.4 5T， “Fu’en,” 6.166; ZGC ，
“Qince” 秦策，
4.149.
16/ 6.3 从， ‘W u Zixu Biography55伍子胥列傳，66.2174; “Chu shijia” 楚
世家，斗O.I7I4 .
16/ 6.4 Z说 ?， Xuan 2, 2i.6a-7b.
16/ 7.1 ÜNZ， “Xiuwu” 修務， 19.654; «Sr, “Zayan” 雜言，17.566.
16/ 8.3 “Jifii” 跡府，1.7-8; “Gongsun Long^
公孫龍， 2.1600-1601.
I7/2.I 俯》忍， “Shangren” 上仁，10.176; HNZ, “Zhushu” 主術，9.300.
17/ 3-3 HFZ， ^Nan er，” 15.829;刀似《 , “Zashi，” 4.H2.
17/ 4-3 仏似似， “Xiaokuang” 小匡，8.395-96;万《你， “Zashi，” 4.III; HFZ，
^Waichushuo zuoxia” 外儲說左下，12.697-98.
17/ 5-4 HFZ， “Waichushuo zuoshang，” 12.652.
17/ 5.5 5T， “Zunxian” 尊賢， 8.229.
17/ 5.6 5 T, “Zunxian,” 8.229.
17/ 6.1 Z /fZ ，《 Nan san，” 難三，16.865.

17/ 6.7 HNZ，
“Renjian，” i8.6i2; 5T “Zhengjian，” 正諫 9.3〇2 ; 从， “Li Si
liezhuan” 李斯列傳， 87.2559.
17/ 8.4 S/， “Sunzi Wu Qi liezhuan” 孫子吳起列傳,65.2167.
i 8/i .3 H fZ , “Neichushuo shang” 內儲說上，9.557.
18/2.2 ST, “Jundao” 君道，i.ii.
18/2.3 X inxu^ aZashi,w2.71.
18/2.4 以似如， “Xiaowen” 小問， 51.806; HSPTZ 4.152; 5 T，
“Quanmou，”
13.421.
18/3.2 Zhuatigzi fragm ent q u o ted at Songshu 67.1764, com m entary to
Shishuoxinyu 1.106, Li Shan com m entary to 31.1469,
and TPTX 95〇.iA; “H u an g d i，” 2.67.
18/ 3.3 H 5 TTZ 4.189.
18/ 3.4 Z Z , 叮 ian Zifang” 田子方， 5.177.
18/ 3.5 1^2», “ShuofU，” 8.249- 5〇; HNZ, “Daoying，” 12.379-8 〇;肠似之
“Weiyan” 微言， 7.117-18.
18/ 5.3 Kongcon£fzi^ ccG ongsun Long,55 2.1602.
18/8.2 » ， “Qujie” 屈節， 8.85.
19/1.2 ZZ ， “Rangwang，” 28.251-252.
19/2.2 «， “Liuben” 六本， 4.35; »ST, “Lijie” 立節，
4.105-6.
19/2.3 ikfozz，“Luwen” 魯問，13• 斗
36.
19/2.4 5 T ,aL ijier 4 .ii 8 .
19/2.5 2.58; JG似:《，
“Jieshi，” 7.243; S/, “Xunli liezhuan” 循吏列
傳，119.3102.
19/3.3 Guoyu^ aJinyu,w7.270, 8.289.
19/33B Z 说 ?， Xi 23,15.8b-i3b; jHNZ， “Renjian，” 18.614.
19/5.3 HNZ， “Daoying，” 12.388; ^ ，
2.53-54,10.435;万《 “Zashi，”
5.170-7斗; ZZ， “Dasheng，” 5.16斗; X»卿 •, “Aigong” 哀公，20.671;
"Tan Hui” 顏回，5.45.
19/6.3 / ^ ， “(^ 犯” 齊俗^ ⑴斗.
19/6.4.B Z w , Xi 25, i6.4b; “Jinyu，” 10.376; H FZ， “Waichushuo zuo
shang，” 11.663; HNZ, “Daoying,” 12.399-400; 万似^， “Zashi，”
4.120.
19/8.2 HNZ，
“Shuoshan” 說山，16.541.
19/8.3 HSWZ 3.96; 5T, “Chenshu” 臣術， 2.51; V ， ^Wei shijia” 魏世家，
4 4 .i8 4 〇;^ö 松⑶，
“Zashi，” 斗.115.
19/8.5 HNZ^ aDaoying,w12.389；Xinxu^ ^Zashi^ 5160-61; Lienüzhuan
“Biantong zhuan” 辨通傳， 6.115.
20/1 •I ângzhu” 楊朱， 7.234; “Xingfa zhi” 刑法志，
23.1079.
20/1.4 ZGC, “Zhaoce” 趙策， 18.597.
20/1.5 5 T, aLijie,w4.125; Liezi^ wShuofu,w8.264.
20/2.2 Z Z , 叮 iandi” 天地，
3.103; 似w，
“Jieshi,” 7.213.
20/2.3 ST, “Zhigong” 至公，14.468.
20/3.1 /fN Z ，
“Daoying，” 12.413.
20/3.2 HNZ， “Daoying，” 12.413.
20/3.5 TZC jßj “Za shang，” 5.298—299; HSTTZ ，
2.56; “Yiyong” 義
8.269-70 ；
Zuo, Xiang 25, 36.6b.
7 8
〇 T E X T U A L P A R A L L E L S
20/4.4 石似》，
“Cishe” 刺奢， 6.2〇8~"9.
20/5.2 “Zhouyu” 周語，I.9-IO; «S/, “Zhou benji” 周本紀，4.142.
2〇/5.3 Zwö， Zhuang 22,9.23b; 腸，“Zhongkuang” 中匡，19.377; 5T，
“Fanzhi” 反質，12.722.
20/6.2 Lunheng^ wLüxingw 2.78.
20/6.5 Zuo^ Xuan 14, 24-3a-b.
20/7.2 Z wö， Cheng 17, 28.23b-26b.
20/7.3 “Yaowen” 堯問，20.676; “Zashi，” 1.14-15.
20/7.4 Xinxu^ aCishe,w6.203.
20/7.5 5 T， “Jundao，” I •34.
20/8.2 Kongcongzi^ uChen shiyi,552.1608.
21/1.2. ZGC ，
“Weice，
，魏策，2斗.822.
21/1.4 Z«(?, Xiang 21，3斗.I7a—i8a.
21/2.2 5 T，“Zhengli，” 7.2〇9.
21/3.1 办》财， “Zhishi” 致士，14.306; ÜNZ，
“Shuoshan，” 16.545.
21/3.3 c<Zashi5555.163-64；
Xinxu^ H N Z ^ wXiuwu^ 19.636-37.
21/4.2 ZZ，
“Rangwang，” 8.252; HNZ， “Daoying，” 12.389-90.
21/4.3 ZZ, “Rangwang，” 8.253.
21/5.2 ikf卿，“Gongshu” 公輸，13•斗斗3- 斗5; HNZ，
“Xiuwu，” 19.636.
22/1.2. Zuo^ Zhao 19, 48.2ib-22b; 5 /, aChu shijia,w40.1712,1714-15；
HNZ， “Renjian，” 18.610.
22/3.1 HNZ， “Shuolin” 說林，17.583.
22/3.3.B ZGC ，“Hance” 韓策， 28.io 〇3; H N Z ，
“Xiuwu，” 19.657.
22/4.5 ST, “Fanzhi，” 2〇.7〇i.
22/5.3 ZZ， “Xiaoyaoyu” 逍遙遊，I•斗- 5.
22/6.2 H fZ ，“Waichushuo zuoxia,” 12.686;及砂你切您 ” ，“Yuezheng
Houkui yizu” 樂正后夔一 62 (quoting chunqiu by
tide).
22/6.3 誓 “Qishier dizi jie” 七十二弟子解，9.87.
23/1.4 HFZ， “Nan er，” 15.839.
23/2.3 5T ，c‘Zhengjian，” 9.289.
23/4.2 Xuan 2, 2i.9a-iob.
23/5.2 HFZ， “Shiguo” 十過，3.186-87; 9.392;灯 ; “Fanzhi”
20.713.
23/5.5 c‘Dadao” 大道，1.6.
23/6.2 Xi 15,14.2b-7a.
24/1.3 H fZ , ccShiguo,w3.186-87; H S W Z 9.392; 5 T, ccFanzhi,w20.713.
24/1.5 石似《， “Zashi，” 斗.127.
T E X T U A L P A R A L L E L S 709
24/2.2 “Xiaokuang，” 8.384- 85; “Dakuang” 大匡，8.337-38.

24/3.2 “Zhuan ci” 轉辭，2.9; HNZ， “Zhushu，” 9.3io.
24/3.4 H N Z ^ aShuoshan,w16.533.
24/3.5 Xinxu^ ^Zashi,551.20-21.
24/4.2 H SW Z 3.27; 5 T, aFu5cn,556.160-61.
24/5.4 5 T，“Jianbcn” 建本，3.92.
24/5.5 Zhuanßzi fragment quoted in Li Shan commentary to Wenxuan
6.285.
24/6.1 ÜNZ, “Qisu，” 11.351-52;财》财， “Xia de” 下德，9.158.
24/6.2 ifSPTZ，9.377—378;万似從， “Zashi，” 5.177.
25/1.2 5T, “Quanmou，” 13.43斗.
2J/3.5 ZZ， “Gengsang Chu” 庚桑楚，6.205-6.
25/4.5 H N Z ^ aDaoyingf 12.381-82.
25/4.6 Xinxu^ aCishe,w6.202.
25/6.4 Z m ^ Ai 17, 6o.na-b.
25/6.4 ÜNZ， “Zhushu,” 9 .3 〇5 .
26/2.3A flN Z ，
“Daoying，” 12.387.
Additional Notes
1 / 1.1 .C What the almanac describes as ôtters sacrificing fish55may refer

to the resemblance between the ritual offering o f fish and the way otters hold
their catch in their paws or place it on the riverbanks. The geese are migrating
from Pengli (an old name for the marshes around Lake Poyang in Jiangxi),
through the old Zhou royal domains on the banks o f the Luo River, to the
wastes o f the extreme north.
1 / 3 . 1 .A The jade from M t. Kun could withstand being burned in a

furnace for three days w ithout losing its luster or color, and the freshwater
pearls o f the Yangzi and Han rivers shone brightly even at night. But because
they are his ow n, an individual loves his ow n pearls, even if irregular, and his
ow n official insignia, even if made o f a low-quality stone with only small
amounts o f real jade.
1 / 5 .4 Qi Huangyang’s given name, ‘"Yellow Ram,” evokes the ancient

belief that rams were impartial beasts.
2 / 1.3 The swallow, popularly called the c<dark bird,55symbolized the Shang
people, and its arrival and departure marked the seasons o f spring and autumn.
2 / 2.3 Exactly what is being referred to as the three generations o f politi

cal assassination in Yue is difficult to establish. Bi Yuan notes that according to
the B am boo A nnals^ King Bushou was put to death in 449 and was succeeded
by King Zhugou, w ho was King Yi5s father. King Yi succeeded to the throne in
斗12, only to be murdered in 376 by his son， Prince Zhujiu, who was in turn put
to death by the people o f Yue. The troubles ended for a time, between the
preferment o f Wuyu in 375, and his murder in 365. Given the early use o f cinna
bar in elixirs o f immortality, it is possible that the name o f the cave to which
[ 711 ]
the prince flees is meant to suggest his preference for a long life rather than an
eventful one.
2 / 2 .7 ccPutrid rats55is an allusion to a famous story in the "'Qiushui55chap

ter o f the Z h u a n g z i (4.148), in which the fabulous bird Yuanchu, which would
rest on nothing but the paulownia tree, eat nothing but the fruit o f the lia n
tree, and drink only sweet spring water, was shooed away by an ow l eating a
putrid rat. '"Spoiled swill55 undoubtedly refers to another, similar story now
unidentifiable.
2 / 3.3 The concept o f "'sparing55 is related to a passage in the H a n fe iz i

(6.350) which observes that while akeen hearing, sharp vision, intuition, and
wisdom55are given us by nature, the âctivity and repose, reflection and planning55
that w e engage in, in using them, are the results o f our ow n decisions. Each o f
these natural endowments can be overused; hence, the sage in serving nature
does not press the keenness o f his hearing or the sharpness o f his vision to its
limits, nor does he exhaust the functions o f wisdom and knowledge. To do so
would consume much o f the shen spirit and could lead to blindness, deafness,
and insanity. The sage is5 therefore ，“sparing” in his use o f his w isdom and
knowledge. "The sage, when employing his shen spirit, is in repose. Being in
repose, he consumes litde. Consuming little is v/hat being 'sparing5means. The
technique o f being sparing originates in the D ao and in li reason55( H F Z 6.350).
2 / 3 .4 Sunshu Ao is harshly ridiculed here as an example o f one w ho did

not keep his ow n life intact, but sacrificed it for the state and the reputation o f
its dissolute ruler, King Zhuang o f Chu. Sunshu A o is m entioned in the
Z u o zh u a n (Xuan 11-12) where he appears as ccWei Ailie,55ccWei Ao,wand aSunshu,55
and is identified as an able chief minister. Elsewhere he is claimed to have held
the position o f chief minister three times w ithout feeling honored, and thrice
to have left the office without regret (ZZ 5.183; H N Z 13.457). This has been
doubted, however, since Confuciuses disciple Zizhang said almost the identical
thing o f Viscount Wen o f the Chen family, w ho later ruled Qi ( L T 5.18).
2 / 4 . 2 - 2 / 4 .3 These passages suffer from considerable damage in the

introductory and concluding sentences to each section within them. The intro
ductions have been emended to correspond more appropriately to the content
o f what follows. The form o f the introductory sentences is wIt is not only to X
that this applies, for Y as well can be influenced by cdyes.555 The emendations
involve substituting for X the appropriate preceding reference and for Y the
topic discussed in the text that follows. The form o f the concluding sentences
is '"Whenever men are held up for their Z, the examples o f these [number] Y
are certain to be cited.55 Such emendations to the text are indicated by angle
brackets < > when the material has been moved from elsewhere in the text.
and by square brackets [ ] for reconstructed passages, with any unreconstxuctible
part indicated by ellipsis points [ . . . ] . Material omitted from the text is en
closed in parentheses ( ). Material added from the parallel passage in the
aSuoranw chapter o f thcM ozi is indicated by braces {}.
2 / 4 . 2 - 1 / 4 .3 There are problems with many o f the names m entioned in

this chapter, including divergences from t h c M o z i ^Suoran.55
Zhangfu is identified as the Duke o f Li in th c M o z i .
The name Yizhong o f R ong is problematic; Chen Qiyou suggests that the
name should be understood as referring to Duke Z hong o f the R ong Yi
barbarians.
Sun Yirang, in reference to th c M o z i^ and Chen, in reference to the L S C Q 、
identify Duke Gu o f Guo as G uo Shifu, an historical figure mentioned in the
M o z i reads ccDuke Gu o f Cai55 where L S C Q reads ccDuke D ou o f Zhai.35

Chen proposes that these are graphic corruptions o f the same name. Zhai was
a state within the royal domains o f Zhou used to enfeoff the younger sons o f
the Duke o f Zhou, w ho succeeded Duke Wen as hereditary ministers to Zhou.
This duke o f Zhai was presumably a descendant o f the earl o f Zhai m entioned
in the Z u o z h u a n (Yin i).
Fan Jiyi is Fan Yang, also known as Viscount Xian, son o f Viscount Zhao.
The state o f Jin was at this time under the authority o f the Six Families: the
Zhao, Wei, Han, Fan, and two branches o f the Xun family, the Zhonghang
and the Zhi. In 497 a civil war broke out, with the Zhao, Wei, Han, and Zhi
families on one side and the Zhonghang and Fan families, supported by the
Marquis o f Qi (him self under the influence o f the powerful minister Tian Qi)
and the Zhou king on the other (Zuo^ D ing 13). The first stage o f the civil war
ended in 490, with the destruction o f the Fan and Zhonghang families.
According to Shiji^ uZhongni dizi liezhuan55 (6 7 .2 1 8 6 ), Confucius respect
fully served Laozi in Zhou, Qu Boyu in Wey, Yan Pingzhong (i.e., Yan Ying),
Lao Laizi in Chu, Prince Chan in Zheng, and M eng Gongchuo in Lu. Chen
Qiyou suggests that M eng G ongchuo and M eng Sukui arc the same person.
N othing is known o f Jingshu.
Liang Yushcng, pointing out that King Huan (r. 7 1 9 - 6 9 7 ) was not a con
temporary o f Duke H ui (r. 7 6 8 - 7 2 3 ) , suggests that the text should read wKing
Ping,5 (r. 7 7 0 - 7 2 0 ) . According to the B am boo A nnals^ the inquiry took place in
7 2 9 , the forty-second year o f King Ping.
In the '"Bibliographic Treatise55o f the H anshu^ the M ohist school is said to
have had its origins in the offices charged with protecting the ancestral temples
o f the ruling house. These offices guarded against elaboration o f the plain
w ooden rafters and thatched roofs o f the temples, which is seen as the origin o f
the M ohist doctrine o f weconom y in expenditure55 (H S 30.1738). Shi Que is
generally considered to be a descendant o f Yin Yi (also called Shi Yi), w ho held
the position o f court historian during the reigns o f kings Cheng and Kang, at
the beginning o f the Zhou dynasty. To Yin Yi is attributed a work in two books
that is cataloged in the M ohist section o f the "'Bibliographic Treatise55 (H S
3 0 .1 7 3 7 ).
The genealogy o f M ohist leaders outlined in this chapter presumably ex
tends to the early third century b . c . Qian M u (G u sh i b ia n 4 .3 0 0 - 3 0 1 ) identifies
this Xu Fan with the Xu Xing o î M e n g z i (îA .4), but this is disputed by Sun
Cizhou (G u sh i b ia n 6 .1 8 9 - 9 1 ) .
3 / 1.1 .C The blooming o f the paulownia trees refers, not to flowers, but
to the rapid and luxuriant foliation o f the tree.
3 / 1.6 The way in which clever craftsmen might unsettle the minds o f
their superiors is illustrated by the story o f an artisan o f Song， w ho made a leaf
from jade that t o o k three years to carve. It was so realistic that when mixed up
with real mulberry leaves, its indentations, stalk, veins, and luster could not be
distinguished by sight from the real leaves. Such use o f time was was consid
ered extravagant, and the object, a distraction to the minds o f the aitisan3s
superiors. ( H F Z 7 . 4 0 6 - 0 7 Liezi^ 8 .2 4 3 - 4 4 ; H N Z 2 0 .6 6 5 ) .
；
3 / 2 .2 Proper circulation o f ûvc j i n ß and q i prevents disease and thus makes

it possible to live out one5s allotted span. This chapter is related to the work o f
medical theorists o f the time, hence the condemnation o f sorcerers and physi
cians w ho depended on potions and drugs.
3 / 2 .5 Compare the medical text Sh iw en in which the Yellow Sovereign

is taught the D ao o f consuming the spirit and ethers by the Heavenly Master:
ccInhale, but do not exceed five breaths. Bring them to the m outh and collect
them in the heart. It was what the four auxiliaries prize. The dark winepot then
arrives. Drink, but do not exceed five [sips]. The m outh invariably finds the
taste sweet. Bring them to the five repositories. The body is then extremely
quiescent. Spreading to your flesh and skin, and reaching the hair tips, the
capillary ducts are then penetrated .55(Harper, R echne in Han Natural Philoso
phy,55pp. 4 if 〇
3 / 3 The basic argument o f ccPlacing the Self First55 is that if one desires
to govern the state and pacify the world, he must first govern his ow n self. The
D ao o f governing one's own self consists in being sparing in the use o f one5s
inner resources. The Dao o f governing the state consists in nonassertiveness.
When King Zhuang o f Chu asked Zhan H e how to govern his state, he was
told that his servant had been taught about "'tending to the person, but not
about tending to the statew ( L S C Q 1 7 /8 .2 ); Liezi^ 8.258; H N Z ^ 1 4 .4 6 6 ) .
3 / 3 . 1 The agreat treasure55is the body that Nature has given us and whose
resources are limited. Abuse of the body through excess or failure to satisfy its
needs depletes its resources. Renewing the vital essence and ethers and expel
ling the evil ethers protects the ^treasure.55This thesis is related to the various
yogic breathing techniques used to nurture the bodily frame, the "spitting out
the old” and “drawing the new，” mentioned in the “Keyi” book of the
(4.132) and in t h t H u a i n a n z i (20.676). Such exercises are illustrated in x h c D a o -
加導弓[圖 discovered at Mawangdui (for which, see Harper，五ar/jy 你
M e d ic a l L iteratu re^ p. 25).
The Dao proper to a person produces goodness; goodness results in moral
ity; and morality causes other men to become good. Thus, by ""controlling
himself^ the ruler controls others. For this, however, to happen the ruler must
be careful not to act purposively; to act according to a code o f duty; and anot
to give any visible sign.55 N ot acting purposivcly preserves the rulers natural
endowment and prolongs his life. Duty benefits the self and makes the ruler
imperturbable and serene. By not giving any visible sign, the ruler demon
strates that he listens neutrally, without bias or prejudice. The concept o f a Dao
that is proper to a person and that must be perfected appears to have been
associated with an obscure figure named Elder Zheng, who taught that those
in whom the Dao is embodied ado not act purposively and do not reveal any
thing55 ( H F Z 15.824).
/ 3 . 3 Most commentators identify this passage with an event mentioned

3
in the ^Ganshi55chapter o f the D ocu m en ts.
3/ 3 . 4 The poem cited in 3/3• 斗describes how a man as strong as a tiger

holds onto reins. Zigong thinks Confucius alludes to the intensity of the man5s
movements and thus the need for a sense of urgency in governing the world.
This is not Confuciuses meaning. Extending the textile metaphor, Confucius
observes that weaving in one place completes the pattern in another. The (w en )
pattern o f the textile alludes to the (w en ) acivilizing influence55 of the sage5s
government. Working to cultivate himself systematically, the sage exercises a
civilizing influence over the whole world. Confucius^ interpretation of the
poem thus coincides with the theme of this chapter.
4 / 1 . 2 An aoutstanding55person is defined as one in a thousand, uremark-

ablcw as one in ten thousand. Bestowing rewards was judged appropriate for
the spring and summer (Z u ozbu an^ Xiang 26) because this is when nature pre
sents the arewardswof flowers and fruits. The practice is documented with respect
to the Lord-protcctor Duke Huan o f Qi: aAt court, in the first month, the
chiefs report on affairs in their districts. The duke himself questioned them,
saying: cIs there anyone residing in your districts who is known for his love of
studies, for his compassion and filiality toward his parents, for his intelligence
and good character? If there is, you should report it now, for if there is any
such person and you do not report it, it is what is called "'concealing bright
ness,55 a crime subject to the five punishments.5When the officers completed
their reports, they withdrew. The duke then asked, cIs there anyone in your
districts who is so energetic, courageous, or strong of limb that he stands out
from the masses? If there is, you should report it now, for if there is any such
person and you do not report it, it is what is called “concealing worth，” and is
a crime subject to the five punishments555 (G uoyu 6.233; G u a n z i 8.389).
4 / 2 An alternate title for this chapter is “Guanshi,” “Examining Teachers.”

The Ru philosopher Xun Kuang wrote a treatise entided aAn Exhortation to
Learning55which expresses similar views. This chapter and the next four have
affinities with traditional Ru notions, especially those of Xun Kuang.
The Ru maintained that teachers should be held in the highest regard and
that even rulers should treat them with great deference. While they cited numer-
ous instances o f sagely rulers who did this， no important Ru philosopher was
shown such courtesy. For the philosopher Zou Yan, however, King Zhao of
Yan built a palace, swept the walk, acted as herald, and had such respect that he
asked permission before sitting to listen to his doctrines. The king o f Wei went
out into the suburbs to welcome Zou Yan. The Lord of Pingyuan walked along
side his carriage and dusted off his mat. (SJ 74.2345; this happened shortly
before th tL iis h i ch u n qiu was written and may have been witnessed by Lii Buwei
himself, when he was ä merchant in Handan.) We are told that even a game-
keeper would refuse to come when summoned improperly (Z uozhuan^ Zhao
20; M en ß zi^ 3B1,5B7), even a charioteer would refuse to drive unless the proper
rules were observed (M e n g z i 3B1); how much greater the need for circum
spection, then, when addressing one's teacher. Once the Lord of Mengchang
sent his carriage for Master Min, who declined because ritual required that the
student go to the master to study: KIf you study by having your teacher come
to you, you will be unable to learn. If I go to teach you, I will be unable to
influence you55 ( H S W Z 3.110; Hightower, p. 92).
The principal difficulty in the transmission of knowledge and the pursuit
of learning, as the Ru saw it, was getting students to treat their teachers with
the respect proper to their calling. This was required, for only thereby could
the Dao of the teacher be properly honored. And only when his Dao was prop
erly honored, would the people realize the strict, reverent care that should be
exercised in learning. This is why athe lord docs not treat two o f his subjects as
subjects: the man who impersonates his ancestor; and his teacher. According
to the rituals of the academy, a teacher, even in response to a rescript from the
Son o f Heaven, does not face north in the attitude of a subject; thus is the
teacher honored (L iji 36.8a).
Xun Kuang observes that one should not ask questions nor listen to the
theories o f an Kuncouth55 person. c<I f he did not becom e what he is by follow
ing the Way, then he should be avoided. Thus, after ritual principles are re
spected in his actions, you can discuss w ith him the m ethods o f the Way; after
his speech is guided by ritual principles, then you can discuss the principles o f
the Way; and after his dem eanor is obedient to ritual principles, then you can
discuss the attainm ent o f the Way55 (Xunzi 1.17; Knoblock I:i4 i).
4 / 2.2 The importance o f persuasions in the life o f the scholar is the subject
o f the second paragraph o f aAn Exhortation to Learning.55 M encius was criti
cized for ccbeing fond o f disputation,55 but defended him self by saying that he
had no alternative, confronting the disorder o f the world and the popularity o f
the doctrines o f M o D i and Yang Zhu. In his arguments ^Contra Physiognomy,55
Xun Kuang pointed out the difficulty scholars experienced in offering discrim i
nations and persuasions aimed at convincing rulers o f the day to accord w ith
the dictates o f ritual, observe the requirements o f reason and morality, and
em ulate the m odel o f the sage-kings. H e noted that the gendem an m ust engage
in discrim inations because the tim es required it and because every man enjoys
discussing what he considers good 3.85, 3.88- 89; Knoblock 1:208,2io).
4 /3 ttOn H onoring Teachers55 has close affinities w ith Xun Kuang, par
ticularly w ith his uOn Self-C ultivation55:
1. The concept o f the teacher closely resembles Xunzi5s views on the

topic: ccW hen what your teacher says you say also, then your know l
edge w ill be like that o f your teacher.. . . To oppose your teacher is the
same as being w ithout a teacher. N o t to hold correct your teacher and
the m odel, but to prefer instead to rely on your ow n notions is to
em ploy a blind man to differentiate colors or a deaf person to distin
guish sounds—you have nothing w ith w hich to reject confusion and
error. . . . The teacher is one w ho makes his ow n person an erect
gnom on indicating the proper standard o f deportm ent and w ho values
what is at peace w ith him ” 1.3斗； Knoblock 1:157).
2. The notion ofyangxin^ ''nourishing the mind,w in 4 /3.4 is im portant to
the concept o f the purpose o f learning in the Xunzi (1.27; Knoblock
I：153-54).
3. The concept of''rebelling55 in 4/3.5 is related to Xunzi5s concept that wto
discuss things in terms that do not agree w ith your teacher is called
Rebellion.5To teach in a fashion that docs not correspond to what your
teacher taught is called "subversion5w (Xunzi 19.625; Knoblock 111:226).
4 / 3.1 The rulers preceding Tang are legendary; very little is known o f
their teachers beyond what is said here. Shennong, the D ivine Farmer, invented
agriculture; the Yellow Sovereign is traditionally considered to be the founder
o f Chinese civilization. D a N ao is said to have invented writing. Som e o f these
teachers are listed in 2/4 as having provided the gcxxl influence that made their
rulers sages or lords-protector. Sovereigns Zhuanxu, Ku, Yao, Shun, and Yu
are often counted as the Five Sovereigns. Yao, Shun, and Yu, together w ith
Tang, Wen and Wu are often cited as “sage-kings.” Dukes H uan, Wen， and M u
and Kings Zhuang, H elii, and Goujian arc variously counted as the Five Lords-
protector. O n Xu You, Yi Yin, Lü Wang, Duke Dan o f Z hou, Guan Yiwu (Guan
Z hong), Jiufan, B oli Xi, Sunshu A o, Wu Zixu, and Fan Li, see glossary. H ui o f
Sui was m inister to Duke Wen; G ongsun Zhi, also know n as Zisang, was a
grand officer o f Q in.
4 / 4.1 The quotation that opens 4/4.1 is attributed to Xun Kuang in the
medieval Chinese encyclopedias (TTTI/ 斗63 and C/;如 18 and 2i). The Z/ÜjW
chunqiu com bines Xunzi5s ideas w ith the doctrine o f M aster H ua that the <cking
loves what makes him a king55 and the ^doom ed man loves what doom s him.Ä
5 / 1.1 The “slight heat5’ is not, as m ight be expected， the fortnightly period
^Slight Heat,55 since that occurs in the sixth m onth, and this m onth includes
the summer solstice. R esponding to the Yin reemergcnce follow ing the sol
stice, the shrike kills snakes, which it rips open on thorns, w hile crying out to
the heights， and the “inverted tongue” bird, w hich is the “hundred tongue,” or
Chinese m ockingbird, ceases to sing. The mcx:kingbird was thought to lack
any Yin ether and thus made no sound w ith the reem ergent Yin—a notion that
may be based on the hom ophony between Yin ^ (the cosm ological force) and
音 , “sound.”
5 / 2.1 Aside from isolated conversations recorded in the Zu 〇2Jouan^ the

thought o f music masters docs not survive, and tiie Classic on M u sk ôr Tuejing^
has been lost. The only surviving musical treatises derive from Ru traditions.
Chen Q iyou, noting that there was a Tueji in 23 fascicles listed in the ccBiblio-
graphical Treatise55 o f the Hanshu (30.1711), wonders if the chapters on music
in this and the follow ing book o f the 必鉍 are derived from that lost
work. A substantial part o f this chapter is rhymed, w hich may indicate an origin
more ancient than the Liishi chunqiu.
5 / 2.1 ccGrand O ne55 is a cosm ogonic deity worshipped as early as the

fourth century and to w hom cult was offered during the reign o f Emperor Wu
o f the H an. In com m entaries to early philosophical texts, aGrand O ne55 is
generally identified as another appellation o f the D ao and equivalent to the
ccGreat U ltim ate55o f the Tijing. Harper, ""Warring States Natural Philosophy,55
p. 815, n. 3, notes that Li Ling disproves wthe earlier hypothesis that Taiyi was
originally a W arring States philosophical concept that becam e the nam e o f
an astral body in Han times and somewhat later was exalted as the supreme
spirit o f Heaven.55See Li Ling, ccTaiyi Worship55and also Harper, ^Cosmogony
and Religion.55The Dyadic Couple are Heaven and Earth, and symbolize all
duality.
5 /3 The condem nation o f êxtravagant m usic55is characteristic o f the Ru

philosophers w ho never tired o f denouncing the m usic o f Zheng and Wey for
its sensual appeal and its excess o f energy—in contrast to the aold music,ww hose
m onotony frequendy so bored the feudal lords that they feared they m ight fall
asleep w hile dressed in their ceremonial robes (Liji 28.11a). The theoretical basis
o f the analogy betw een the order present in m usic and that required in the
body for life is related to Xun Kuang5s notions that the m ind m ust be astill,w
to ensure that dreams and fantasies n ot disorder awareness 15.48斗；
Knoblock III 1104-5). Extravagant m usic inevitably leads to destruction, as it
led Jic o f the Xia dynasty and Zhou Xin o f the Shang to decline, or to decline as
it did the states o f Song, Q i, and Chu.
5 / 3.2 The extravagance o f Song consisted o f a huge set o f bells. Just

how huge the Song set o f bells was is unclear, due to conflict in the textual
tradition. O ne quote o f the passage does not read "'thousand bells55 but has
instead ttten ranks55o f bells (TPTL 566). Chen Q iyou, quoting the D u Yu com
mentary to a passage in Zuozhuan^ Xiang 11, argues that ten ranks o f bells w ould
have consisted o f a total o f 320 bells, w hich perhaps w ith customary rounding
became a ""thousand bell55set. Q i5s Great Regulator bell became a treasure rank
ing w ith the fabulous N ine Tripods, the token o f universal kingship belonging
to the Zhou. W hen General Yuc Yi captured the Q i capital Linzi, he took the
bell as a war prize back to Yan, where it was hung in the Yuanying Palace (SJ
80.2431). The nature o f Chu’s “Shamanka Tones” is unknown; but Chen Q iyou
speculates that they were the m usic that accom panied such works as the uN ine
Songs” attributed to Q u Yuan.
5 /4 This chapter argues that there should be a fixed standard to which

each musical tone corresponds. In 5/4.4.A there is a reference to a passage from
the Guoyu (3.123) that describes the zJjonß M vessel, a standard used for mea
suring pitch, length, capacity and w eight. The gong note o f the Yellow Bell is
the second standard, used for measuring quality o f sound. The meaning o f
wbalancedwin the title refers to these tw o standards. Tones that exceed the first
standard lack proper balance, being too grandiose or too small. Those that
exceed the second also lack proper balance, being too dear or tcx) muddy. U n
fortunately, the exact m eaning of''clear55 and ''muddy55 is uncertain. Generally,
sounds w hose high-pitched, staccato quality makes them shrill and piercing
arc ''dear55 and can be heard at a great distance w hile those that are Umuddy^
that is, lower in pitch and more sonorous in tim bre, arc m ellow and whispered.
720 A D D IT IO N A L N O T E S
The chapter concludes w ith a long passage that is also found in the ^Yueji55
now contained in the Liji (37.8a/b), which itself is related to Xun Kuang5s dis
cussion o f these rituals (Xunzi 13.424 ；Knoblock 19.2b). The ccPure Temple55
ode was one o f the uH ym ns o f Zhou,55 in the Shijing (M ao 266). Zheng Xuan
notes that using strings o f dressed silk that was dyed verm ilion gave an instxu-
m ent a “muddy55 sound and that the “penetrating holes” prolonged the sound
o f an instrum ent. In perform ing the cxie, the main singer chanted a line o f
verse, and three others follow ed after, sighing in a kind o f accom panim ent.
The Grand Xiang was the great collective sacrifice to all predecessor kings, held
every three years, according to Zhou rites. The ttdark liquid55used in the sacrifice
was water contained in the zun goblet normally reserved for distilled spirits.
Tang com m entators speculate that because in extreme antiquity water was the
only beverage known, ritual retained its use in such sacrifices. The ugrand broth55
was a broth prepared w ithout condim ents {Zuozhuan^ H uan 2).
5 /5 This chapter deals w ith the dances that were accom panied by m usic
created by the sage-kings o f antiquity and how such dances can influence the
natural world. A passage in the Guoyu describes how musical instrum ents that
are properly fashioned from the right materials w ill influence the Yin and Yang
ethers: aThe Yin and Yang w ill succeed each other in regular order, and the
w ind and rain w ill arrive w ith their proper season. A uspicious beings w ill m ul
tiply happiness. The people w ill be harmonious and provided w ith benefits.
Things w ill be com plete, happiness perfected, and superior and subordinate
w ill not have to toil. Thus, it is said that music rectifies55 (Guoyu 3.128). M usic
that could so influence the natural order o f the cosm os originated w ith the
Zhuxiang clan, w hich dated to the m ost distant antiquity, to the pcricxl before
Shennong. Each great ruling house that follow ed thereafter created m usic that
aspired to influence the cosm os. The dance o f the Yinkang clan could channel
and guide the vital ethers. This dance was probably considered an antecedent
to the breathing techniques (daoyin) popular in the day and m entioned in the
Zhuangfzi.
5/ 5 . 5 The story o f Ling Lun, though clear in its outlines, is obscure in a

number of its details. Daxia, in later times, was the name for Bactria. The name
o f the mountains is problematic; Yu Yue proposes that it refers to the fabulous
Kunlun mountains, the name given today to the northern ranges of the Tibetan
massif. The 3.9-inch length of the fundamental pitch pipe given in the text does
not make good sense. An alternative is 8.1 inches, the measurement recorded in
Shiji. It is difficult to see how a copyist's error could transform ba J \ andjyz —
into san ^ andern f i ，ccBut the difference between the longest and shortest
pitch-pipe is in fact 3.9 in. (8.1 - 4.2), and so is the length of the octave Huang-
chung [Yellow Bell] or thirteenth note, i.e., Chung-lii (5.9 x 2/3). The text
perhaps became too compressed here” （ N eedham ,斗/i: 178, n. k).
A D D I T I O N A L N O T E S 721
5 / 5,6 The m usic o f the Zhuanxu Sovereign im itated the sounds made
by the w ind passing through and over natural cavities. The eel5s skin was used
to make the drums that regulated the rhythm o f the music; this explains why
the cce e r was selected to becom e the singing master.
5 / 5.11 The theory that Tang could raise armies from six o f the nine
ancient provinces, that is, tw o-thirds o f all China, is related to the statem ent in
Lunyu (8.20) that w hile King Wen was still Earl o f the W est, he had the alle
giance o f two-thirds o f the country. King Wu also raised six armies to attack
Z hou Xin.
6 / 1.3 According to Z hou regulations, the royal dom ain was a square
that extended a thousand li in each direction from the capital. It was divided
into a hundred xian^ or prefectures. Each o f these had four jun^ or counties,
each o f w hich had four tow ns. Senior grand officers governed prefectures and
junior grand officers counties (Ti Zhoushu 5.1956/2-1957/1; Zuozhuan^ A i 2).
The four supervisory grand officers were the officials in charge o f the four
counties.
6 /2 This chapter, w hich begins w ith a technical discussion o f how the

pitch-standards were generated, m ust have originated w ithin the technical
bureaus o f governm ent, where such expert know ledge w ould be preserved.
O nce the base or fundamental pitch-standard had been fixed, all the others
could be generated by the alternate m ultiplication o f 2/3, w hich produced the
înferior generation,55the Yin pitch-standards called lü3 S , and 4/3, w hich pro
duced the ^superior generation,55the Yang pitch-standards called lii4 Thus,
the base, Superior Generation 1, m ultiplied by 2/3 produces Inferior Genera
tion I, sounding as the perfect fifth o f the base tone. That perfect fifth tim es 4 /
3 produces Superior Generation 2, sounding as the fourth. The relation between
these tw o tones is 8/9 (1 x 2/3 x 4/3 = 8/9), the same interval between the tw o
tctxachords the Greek Philolaus found using Pythagorean methexis.
The length o f Yellow Bell was the base for the calculations, and the m ulti
plication by 2/3 and 4/3 was performed alternately, as required, to keep the
gam ut w ithin the compass o f a single octave, to generate the w hole gam ut o f
the twelve pitch-standards. The calculations proceeded thus: i, 2/3, 8/9,16/27,
64/81. A t this point, the differences between the Chinese technique producing
64/81 and modern fraction o f 4/s for the major third in just intonation becom es
evident, but the Chinese fraction agrees w ith the Pythagorean major third.
6 / 2.3 This series o f rhymed passages, probably much older than the
remainder o f the chapter, indicates the activities appropriate to the m onth
associated with each pitch-standard. These activities generally correspond closely
to what we read in the “Almanac” for each m onth. The base pitch-standard
Yellow Bell was associated w ith the eleventh m onth, w hen the winter solstice
occurred， so the sequence o f the pitch-standards starting w ith the eleventh
m onth and ending witJi the tenth, did not follow the traditional calendar.
6 / 3.3 The story o f King Zhao o f Z hou and Xin Yumi as given here is at
variance w ith the tradition preserved in other texts. The Zuozhuan (Xi 4 ) docs
not m ention King Zhao’s returning from â punitive campaign to the south.
(The Zuozhuan text cited by Gao You in his Liishi chunqiu commentary says
that the king died on the campaign, but the present text o f the Zuo om its this,
though the reading is also attested in the Tang stone classics.) According to ä
Bamboo Annals passage quoted by Chen Q iyou (p. 341, n. 21), in the nineteenth
year o f King Zhao5s reign, ccin spring, there was a com et in the area o f Purple
Tenuity. The duke o f Cai and the earl o f Xin accom panied the king on a cam
paign o f rectification against Chu. The skies became extremely dark and gloom y.
All the rabbits and pheasants were terrified. The Six Armies perished at the
H an river and the king died” (G« 厶鉍斗 b一4 4).
Xin Yumi is the earl o f Xin m entioned in the 5 级 w 厶 and the story
o f his preferment by the current duke o f Zhou is surely false. Such a prefer
m ent m ight have been appropriate if the duke o f Z hou had been regent at the
tim e， but it was certainly not so w hile the king was still alive， as the story asserts.
If the king had died after the rescue, then his son King M u (r. 956-918), rather
than the current Duke o f Z hou, w ould have granted the preferment.
6 / 3.4 USwallow, swallow, flew away55is a line in Shijinß^ aBcifcng,waYan-

yan55(M ao 28). The traditional commentaries o f the M ao school do not associate
the com position o f the song w ith the legend found in the Liishi chunqiu.
6 / 4.1 The story o f the magical sanggu plant is w idely attested in H an

literature, although in reference to different rulers: Liishi chunqiu and Hanshi
(3/2) associate the plant w ith Tang; the 5 级桃厶 SÂÿï，
shiji^ the preface to the Documents^ and Kongzijiayu associate it w ith Taimou;
and the Shangshu dazhuan^ Shuoyuan^ Lunheng^ and Xinlun to W uding. This
variation illustrates the principle that such accounts were valued for the virtuous
conduct they inspired, not for historical accuracy. The accounts also disagree
concerning the tim e the plant t<3〇k to grow so large, between one and seven
days. The story o f King Wen recounted in 6 /4.2 contains similar discrepancies.
6 / 4.3 The story o f Duke Jing o f Song is dated to 480 in the Shiji (38.1631).
The term ^Dazzling Deluder55(yinghuo) is normally applied to Mars; but because
Mars com pletes its revolution once every 687 days, Chen Q iyou thinks its pres
ence in the constellation Heart w ould not have been sufficiently unusual to
constitute a portent. H e accordingly suggests that yinghuo here describes a
strange, fitfully glittering star appearing in the constellation H eart. Chen5s
interpretation cannot account for the movement of the portent star across the
sky， a movement that characterizes only planets. If there is any factual t>asis to
the portent, the event must correspond to a long pause in the revolution of
Mars, followed by unexpectedly rapid movement. Prince Wei was the court
historian and an expert on portent astronomy. (The aBibliographic Treatise55
o f the H a n s h u lists a book in three fascicles by a court historian and director of
astronomy known as Prince Wei.) Prince Wei5s statement that the zodiacal con
stellations contains seven stars is at variance with traditional descriptions of the
stars composing the zodiacal constellations: Heart has only three stars, the next
three zodiacal constellations are Tail with nine stars, Winnowing Basket with
four and Southern Dipper with six—the total being only nineteen stars.
7 / 1.1 The Shaohao Sovereign, w hose name was Zhi 擎， was the son o f
the Yellow Sovereign {Z uozhuan^ Zhao 17). H e had four younger brothers,
one o f w hom was called Gai ^ and this brother became his assisting spirit
Rushou (Z u o zh u a n ^ Zhao 29). Gao You notes that in his tim e there was dis
agreem ent as to w hether the liver belonged to W ood or to M etal. The scheme
should require that liver belong to W ood, since in sacrifice one gives preem i
nence to what is being conquered.
7/ 1.2 Gao You explains that a man o f “distinction” occurs once in every
ten thousand m en, and a man o f ""merit55 once in every thousand m en. The
language o f the final part o f this paragraph is similar to that o f 6/2.3.I.
7 /2 The alternate title for this chapter, "'Utilizing Armies,55is less appro
priate to the contents than ^Rattling Weapons.5^T hough the w ord b in ß ^ can
refer to either weaponry or armies, the examples given in 7/2.2 and 7/2.4 indi-
cate that here the w ord means principally awcapons.55There was a large num
ber o f military tracts circulating in the Zhou period, many o f w hich are listed
in the H an dynasty catalogue to the Imperial Library. Chapter 7 and the eleven
other chapters that com prise books 7 through 9, excluding the ccAlmanac55chap
ters, certainly relate to these military texts. The surviving works assexiated w ith
Sun W u, Wu Q i, and Sun Bin, however, being m ore concerned w ith tactics,
arc not the source for these chapters. It seems more likely that they arc related
to the S im a fa ^ a work in 155 chapters listed under aRitual Texts55in the uB iblio-
graphical Treatise55 o f the H a n sh u . The S im a a text that survives in only a
single chapter, recorded the ways in which Kings Tang and Wu, having re
ceived the M andate o f H eaven, used armies to vanquish the chaos o f their age
and to bring tranquillity to the Hundred Clans, how they m otivated the people
w ith humane treatm ent and justice, and how they treated them w ith ritual
courtesy and polite yielding.
The thesis that w eapons should be laid dow n was criticized by Xu W ugui
when Marquis Wu o f Wei inquired about a means to “cherish the people” and
aact in the cause o f justice55 (ZZ 8.211-12); but it was advocated by Tian Zan to
the King o f Chu (L S C Q 15/5.3) and defended by H ui Shi before King H ui o f
Wei ( H F Z 9.530-531). G ongsun Long also attem pted to persuade Kings Zhao
o f Yan and H ui o f Zhao to adopt the thesis as policy (L S C Q 18/7.2, 18/1.5).
Their thesis o f aabolishing w eapons55 appears to have been m ore radical than
the M ohist doctrine o f “condem ning aggression.”
The ftmdamental notion that the sage-kings depended for their pow er and
position on the weapons o f war is based on a speech by Yue Xi, Prince H an, the
m inister o f defense for Song: uHeaven produced the five material elem ents
that supply the people’s requirements. N o t one o f them can be dispensed w ith.
W ho, then, could do away w ith the weapons o f war? They too have existed for
a long tim e. It is by them that the lawless are kept in awe and that the accom-
plished pattern o f virtue is displayed. Sages have risen to em inence by means o f
them , and chaotic men have fallen because o f them . The m ethods that lead to
rising or falling, survival or destruction, blindness or enlightenm ent are all to
be traced to weapons55 (Z u o zb u a n ^ Xiang 27).
7 / 2.1 .C That Chiyou first invented weapons is a com m onplace, attested

in the S h i ben (as quoted in T F T L 270) and in the D a D a i liji (428-29), where
Duke Ai asks Confucius w hether it was so. Confucius responded that it was
not so, because ccChiyou was merely a beast am ong com m oners w ho attained
profit w ithout morality and w ho show ed no regard for his relatives by bringing
ruin on himself. H e was a stupid and wanton m an—how could he have had
the ability to create im plem ents o f war? M en arc born possessing tlic em otions
o f joy and anger. This is the reason w hy weapons were invented and w hy all
peoples have produced them.55
The identity o f ^G onggong55 in this chapter is unclear, as it is generally in
the ancient tradition. D espite later attempts to interpret the name as that o f an
individual, it seems reasonably clear that in the earliest ^historical,55as contrasted
w ith ''m ythological,55texts, G onggong is the name o f a people, traditional rivals
o f the Chinese in high antiquity. The ccGujin renbiao55 o f the H a n sh u lists the
ccG onggong55 twice: once in the tim e o f N iiw a, and once in the tim e o f Sover
eign Yao. The D iw a n g shiji {T F T L 78) and Sima Zhen (in his supplem ent to
the ccSanhuang benji,55 2) both say that G onggong was contem poraneous w ith
Mihva. T h e (5.150)，说 •（
11.195)，a n d f/« 似Vwmd (3.80,15.489) all present
G onggong in a struggle w ith the Zhuanxu Sovereign. H u a in c m z i (1.122), Jia
Kui5s commentary to the G uoyu (3.104), and Gao Yao5s commentary to this
passage all say that G onggong fought w ith the Gaoxin Sovereign. X u n z i (10.328;
Knoblock 11:228)，/ / 成 (19.1042)， and S/;级 (12.428,3.233) say that
Yu attacked G onggong. The order o f the text im plies that G onggong lived
after the Yellow Sovereign but before the period o f the Five Sovereigns, the
first o f whom (in m ost accounts) was the Yellow Sovereign.
7 /3 The learned men w ho opposed the aggressive measures o f âttack55
and “chastisem ent55 but advocated “defense” and “relief operations” were the
M ohist strategists o f the day. W hen the lord o f Lu, perhaps Duke M u o f Lu,
asked M o D i if he could be saved from an attack by Q i, M o D i replied that it
was possible if am y lord ruler w ould honor H eaven and serve the spirits above,
and love and benefit the H undred Clans below ; if he w ould be generous in the
use o f furs and currenq^; if he w ould behave hum bly in offering polite refusals
and in issuing edicts; if he w ould urgentiy begin treating all the neighboring
feudal lords w ith the full provision o f ritual; and if he w ould lead the way for
his state to provide service to Q i” 13•斗28).
When Mo Di heard that Gongshu Ban had invented cloud-scaling ladders
for Chu and was going to use them in an attack on Song, he set out from Qi,
""tearing off strips of his garments to wrap around his feet for the continuous
walk, traveling ten days and ten nights to reach the Chu capital at Ying, where
he would see Gongshu Ban. . . . Master Mo Di took off his belt, laying it out
like a city wall and used a chopstick for a weapon. Gongshu Ban nine times set
up siege machinery to attack the city wall, and Mo Di nine times repulsed him.
When Gongshu Ban had exhausted his attack machines, Mo Di5s defense of
the perimeter was still in possession of reserves” (Af卿•13.443,447-48; cf. Z/SQ2
21/5).
7 /4 The M ohists and others, like Song Xing, w ho sympathized w ith their
view s, used persuasion to dissuade rulers from aggression (cf. M e n g z i 6B 4).
Organized into a society o f knights, the M ohists w ould go on relief operations
to cities under siege. W hen G ongshu Ban considered killing him . M o D i noted
that if he were killed, it w ould do no good , for <cmy disciple Q in G uli, at the
head o f three hundred men and armed w ith my ow n im plem ents for defend
ing the perimeter, is stationed atop the walls o f Song ready for the bandits
from Chu55 (M o z i 13.448-49). The antecedents o f the views o f warfare found in
this chapter are such military texts as th e M o d e l o f the F irst K in ^ s quoted in this
chapter and th c M o d e lfo r D irectors o f the H orse (S im a fa ). The Gao You com m en
tary quotes this latter text in defining the fundamental them e o f this chapter:
aO nly w hen war is used to abolish war is it permissible.55
7 / 4 . 2 .G The “exposed skeletons too num erous to count” form ing “a

m ound as massive as a m ountain55 alludes to the outcom e o f the many battles
Q in w on before its defeat at the siege o f Handan in 256. Som e years earlier, at
the battle o f Changping, an event which w ould have been well remembered by
Lii Buwci and his retainers, the Q in army had forced the surrender o f the entire
army o f Z hao—som e 4 0 0 ,0 0 0 m en—executed virtually all o f them , and had
their heads piled into great m ounds as a warning to other states and other
armies o f the terrible price o f opposing Q in (SJ 5.213, 73.2395).
7 /5 The them e o f cT o Cherish and To Favor55 can be illustrated by the
story o f Yue Chi, the prime m inister o f Zhongshan, w ho had the w ise and able
men am ong his retainers made guards when he traveled to Zhao. N onetheless,
disorder erupted. W hen he asked his retainers why, they pointed out that by
using ccthe junior to discipline the senior,55 he had destroyed the âwesome
authority35 that causes people to subm it and had elim inated the ^profit55 that
encourages them to perform their tasks w ell. But, they suggested, were he to
em ploy his retainers on a trial basis, appointing the good ones m inisters and
beheading the bad， there w ould be no disorder (H FZ ç.5 斗2—43). “Cherishing”
im plies the majestic power to punish wickedness that causes the people to re
gard the ruler as a parent; ^favor55 im plies the opportunity for profit which
attracts the people like the surging waters o f a flood (cf. L S C Q 7/5.4).
7 / 5 . 3 .A This passage provides an outline o f the administrative hierar

chy o f contemporary Q in. According to the Z h o u li (10.22b, 11.6a), the bi^ or
neighborhood, comprised five families, five neighborhoods constituted a hamlet
o f twenty-five fam ilies， w hich was known as 汪“ lane. Ä >>5^, or w ell-field ，
consisted o f eight fam ilies. Four well-fields constituted anjy/, or tow n o f thirty-
tw o fam ilies. A zhou^ or district com prised 2500 fam ilies, and five districts
constituted Tixicmg^ or village o f 12,500 fam ilies. The G u a n z i (8.386), H a n fe iz i
(18.1026), and S h iji (68.2229-30) provide different explanations o f the hierar
chy. It is reasonable to assume, as Chen Q iyou does, that this chapter o f the
L iish i chunqiu^ w hich makes th e x ia n g smaller than zn yi^ reflects contemporary
Q in conventions.
8 / 2.4 V iew ing weapons as athe m ost baleful tools in the w orld55 is an
allusion to L a o z i (par. 31): ccArms are baleful tools, n ot tools o f the gentlem an.
W hen one is com pelled to use them , they should be used w ithout relish.55
8 / 5.2 The story o f Duke M u o f Q in is based on an historical incident

that occurred in 645. The dukc5s horse was a piebald, w hich in Chinese lore was
associated w ith a mythical beast o f equine features, fabled to cat tigers and
panthers.
9 /1 The cSvild dogw is described as having a long tail and yellow ish fur.
It liked to arrange the animals it caught and so, like the otter in spring, was
popularly said to “sacrifice” its catch. The “acres o f the sovereigns” are generally
identified w ith the sacred fields o f the king, w hich he and his m inisters plow ed
during the spring. The harvest o f the acres is specially designated for use in
sacrifices and is accordingly stored in special storehouses dedicated to the spirits.
Gao You suggests that this m onths proclam ation o f the date o f the first day
o f each m onth for the com ing year was necessary, since in the Q in period the
year began in the tenth m onth o f the Xia calendar used in the uAlmanac.wThis,
then, would be evidence o f the editorial work that Lii Buwei and his collabora
tors carried out on the older document that they used as their base.
9 /2 Tang offered him self as the scapegoat o f his peopled transgressions.

King Wen offered up territory in order to relieve the people o f cruel torture.
King Goujian subjected him self to such severe discipline and so depleted his
vital breath that even his lips and lungs became dry. V iscount Zhuang belonged
to the Tian family, w ho by reason o f their kindness to the people o f Q i ulti
m ately rem oved the old rulers and established them selves in their stead.
9 / 2.3 The version o f this story foxmd in Hanfeizt (15.823) concludes w ith
a remark by C onfucius that includes the last com m ent in 9/2.3.
9 / 3.2 The events o f this chapter have evidently confused King Xuan o f
Q i and King M in o f Q i. In 311, the ninth year o f the reign o f King Xuan, the
Lord o f Jingguo became prime m inister o f Q i and continued in office 11 years.
W hen King Xuan died in 301, his crown prince came to the throne as King
M in. This is the crow n prince and king w ith w hom the Lord o f Jingguo was
not on good terms. In 298, the third year o f King M in5s reign, the Lord o f
Jingguo retired to his fief o f Xue. The story is also contained in Zhanguoce
(8.307-13).
9 / 4.3 The m ountain-peak tripod o f Lu was a precious sumptuary article

o f the state. Since such vessels properly belonged to the Son o f H eaven, this
was possibly a gift from the Zhou king to the dukes o f Lu. It may also have
resembled the Chan tripod m entioned in the Zuozhuan (Zhao 3), w hich con
tained the inscription: <cYou may rise early in the m orning and becom e greatly
distinguished, but future generations w ill still becom e idle.53The ustatewo f Liuxia
Ji was his good name.
9 /5 Sym pathetic connections between things is illustrated by the invis

ible connection betw een the dodder, a parasitic vine grow ing in the tops o f
trees, and the foiling fungus grow ing at the trees5rcx>ts. It was believed that as
long as the fungus flourished, so w ould the dodder. A second illustration o f
sym pathetic connection is the attraction o f iron to the lodestone. The phenom
enon is used to explain, in anaturalisticwterms, the power that the sage exercises
over the people. Since the sage manifests humanity and love for the people in
his heart, his essence com m unicates directiy to the people, influencing their very
essences and spirits, and thereby attracting them to his cause. H ence, uin the
supreme armies o f antiquity the soldiery never joined in battle, yet its awesome-
ness displayed itself and the enem y subm itted o f their ow n accord55 (8/2.4).
Two im portant terms that appear in this chapter arc used in a technical
way. The first i s 精， the “sem inal” or “refined” essence o f a thing or o f an
individual. It is through the transm ission o f this essence from one entity to
another that telepathy and sym pathetic magic take place. Things sharing the
same essence, share one reality although they may have distinct material forms.
Another important term is 咖研誠， usually translated as “sincerity•” H ere it is
used in its technical sense, to concentrate or focus on one5s ow n true nature or
essence, and thus to exploit one5s ow n inherent powers o f telepathy and sym
pathetic magic.
10 / 2.4 The text says sim ply 咖鱗施，“fish-scale covering”; the trans
lation is based on Gao You’s elaboration o f the phrase. Jade shrouds o f this sort
have been found in num erous H an tom bs, perhaps m ost notably in the 113
burial o f Liu Sheng %\\^ . The phrase lin sh i also occurs in the H u a in a n z i; but
the only occurrence in a pre-Han text o f which we are aware, and hence the
only pre-Han reference to the use o f jade burial shrouds, is in this L iish i eb u n q iu
passage.
The bamboo documents, Chen Qiyou explains, were contracts that the
living placed in the tomb to accompany the dead.
The L iish i ch u n qiu is the locus classicus o f the term ticou M î# , w hich means
literally a ustack55(c m ) o f tim ber wends55(ti). The term also occurs in th c H a n s h u
biography o f H uo Guang 霍光， where Yan Shigu quotes the explanation o f
the term on which this translation is based. The w ood used is the yellow heart
o f cypress, called h u a n ß ch an g in the H a n sh u . A Han-dynasty tom b cham
ber constructed using the ticou technique was excavated in 1974 in D abaotai ^
nine miles southw est o f Beijing. For details see Lu Q i, aShitan Dabaotai
Xi H an mu.”
In reference to the stones and charcoal, Gao You says: ccThe stones were for
added strength, and the charcoal kept out moisture. The charcoal not only kept
out moisture, but also prevented tree roots from penetrating the walls o f the
coffin and vault.”
10 / 3.2 The “ruination o f Q i” occurred when General Yue Yi o f Yan nearly

conquered the state during the reign o f King M in. Chu was ruined in 278,
w hen General Bo Q i o f Q in conquered all the old heartland o f Chu, including
its old capitals and the tom b sites o f the kings o f Chu. Yan was vanquished by
King Xuan o f Q i, follow ing the abdication o f King Kuai in favor o f his prime
minister, Zizhi, in 314. The elim ination o f Song occurred at the hands o f King
M in o f Q i in 286, and that o f Zhongshan at the hands o f Zhao in 295. The
ancient lands o f H an, Zhao, and Wei were conquered by Q in between 267 and
256, leaving these states only tiny fragments o f their former glory.
10 / 3,4 The eastern burial m ound o f Song housed the remains o f Duke
Wen (r. 610-589). According to the Z u o zh u a n (Cheng 2), ccDuke Wen was the
first duke accorded an extravagant interm ent, using plaster made o f frogs for
the w alls, w ith m ore than the usual number o f carriages and horses, and for the
first tim e men were interred w ith the corpse. The number o f funerary articles
prepared was increased. The outer coffin was made w ith four pillars, and the
inner one was ornam ented above and on the sides.55
This particular Duke Zhuang o f Q i enjoyed one o f the longest reigns in
Chinese history, som e sixty-four years from 794 to 73i.
There is a long passage at the end o f this paragraph that appears to be an
interpolation and is accordingly om itted. Chen Q iyou surmises that it belongs
to 7/3.2.A , above.
10 / 3.5 The death in the Jisun fam ily probably refers to the death o f
V iscount Ping in 505. In 517, the viscount had driven Duke Zhao o f Lu from
his land and taken over the state. But on his death, one o f his officers, Yang
H u o, im prisoned V iscount Ping5s son and seized power, which he retained
until 502. Confucius him self was com prom ised in the affair. The Yufan jade
was a sumptuary token w orn by the dukes o f Lu. It was going to be put into
the coffin w ith the viscount, w ho had taken it from Duke Zhao when he forced
him into exile. To inter it w ith the viscount w ould have been a gross and insulting
usurpation o f privilege, o f the kind Confucius particularly abhorred (cf. L T 3.1).
Confucius's statem ent was merely a ruse intended to stop the transgression.
H e view ed his ow n breach o f etiqu ette—using the eastern stairs, norm ally
reserved for the h ost—as less serious than wearing a sumptuary token to which
one was not entitied. In the version o f this story as it appears in the Z u o z b u a n
(D ing 5), Yang H uo was prevented from placing the jade in the tom b by Zhong
Lianghuai, not Confucius.
10 / 4 .2 As a reward, the jade baton, the sumptuary token o f a marquis,

w ould have been very substantial. N evertheless, the fisherman w ho carried Wu
Yun (i.e., Wu Zixu) across the Yangzi did not seize him for a reward and there
fore expected none from him . The fisherman follow ed the D ao in not acting
and so resembled the greatness o f H eaven and Earth. The them e o f the sage
fisherman recurs in the C/;似 • （
“Yufti” 漁夫） and in the (“Yufti”).
10 / 5 . 2 - 10 / 5.3A creature '"violates destiny55 w hen it acts in such a

fashion as to destroy the mandated nature or destiny w ith which Heaven has
endow ed it. O nly offenders against H eaven, therefore, w ould be caught in the
man's net, and the principal o f all offenders was, o f course, Jie, the last Xia
sovereign. This was why the forty states changed over their loyalties to Tang.
Similarly, by show ing his concern for even the dead, King Wen convinced the
N ine Yi tribes (in a passage incorporated into the L S C Q text from the H N Z
parallel) that he w ould care for the living far better.
1 1 Yang Dechong believes that the correct title for this chapter is
/ 2
“Zhong yan” 忠言，“Loyal Advice.”
1 1/ 2 . 2 Because the rulers of Chu held the tide aking,55 their subordi
nates were often given the title aduke.>5Zipei was the commandant of Shen and
therefore held the tide o f duke. He is identified with Shen Shushi, an officer of
Chu known to have opposed the kin^s wishes. Gao You explains that to kill a
charging rhinoceros would put a curse on whoever killed it. The reason Zipei
grabbed the king was to have the curse transferred to himself. Unaware of this,
the king thought the man was simply being rade and impudent. The battle
with Jin dates to 597.
1 1/ 2 . 3 Gao You identifies this king o f Qi as King Min, who was famous
for his irascible nature.
1 1 According to H a n fe iz i (19.1085), there was a school of Ru associated

/ 3
with Qidiao Kai 漆雕開 whose knightly code taught “Never cringe before
others/Ncvcr let anyone outstare you55 and ccIf your conduct is corrupt, flee
even from slaves and servants; but if it is upright, then be outraged even with
feudal lords.55These teachings are essentially similar to those o f a school that
sought to emulate the valor of Beigong You, a knight about whom little is
known (his family possibly originated in Lesser Wey; Gao You makes him a
native o f Qi). The teachings o f his school arc preserved in a series o f rhymed
maxims in th e M en ciu s (2A2):
Never cringe before others,

Never let anyone outstare you.
Consider even a single hair’s
Being pulled out by any other
The equal of being flogged
In the market at dawn.
Never let a lord with a myriad of chariots do

What one does not accept from a coarsely clad menial.
Stabbing a lord with a myriad chariots

Is like stabbing a coarsely dad menial.
Do not stand in awe of the feudal lords.
Return insult with insult.

M encius associates these ideas w ith those o f C onfucius5s disciple Zixia,
w hom he did not admire. H e compares the ideas o f Z engzi w ith the concept o f
valor prom oted by a second school o f knights， these associated w ith M eng
Shishc. Like B cigong You, M eng Shishc is unknow n, but his unusual name
may indicate a non-Xia Chinese origin. H is teachings about valor advised his
follow ers to "Took upon defeat as you look upon victory. To advance only after
counting the enem y or to join battle only after judging the chances o f victory is
to be intim idated by the Three Armies. I cannot make victory certain, but I can
make m yself fearless.55 (Mencius 2A2; for m ore on the treatm ent o f the schools
o f valor m entioned in Mencius 2A2, sec R iegel, "Reflections on an U nm oved
M ind.55) The conduct o f Yao Li and H on g Yan in the anecdotes which com prise
11/3 arc based on a ccxic o f knighdy honor such as these.
D isinterest in em olum ents and high office was a characteristic position o f
arightcous knights55som etim es identified w ith the valorous knights o f the fol
low ing codes: c<By the eastern sea in Q i, there were tw o brothers, Kuangyu and
H uashi w ho established a code tJiat said: "We w ill not serve even the Son o f
H eaven, nor befriend the feudal lords. We w ill till and work in order to feed
ourselves and dig w ells in order to drink. We w ill ask no one for help. We w ill
accept title from no superior， and em olum ent from no lord. We w ill serve, not
by holding office, but w ith our strength.555 (H FZ 13.722-23).
The king o f Wu in the story o f Yao Li has been identified as King H clii, the
elder brother (according to Gao You) or nephew (according to Sima Qian) o f
King Liao, w hose throne he usurped. Prince Q ingji was the son o f King Liao
and thus the legitim ate heir to the throne. By calling Yao Li a ^knight o f state,55
Prince Q ingji paid hom age to his relentless effort to kill him even after he had
been throw n into the river.
A ccording to the Zuozhuan (M in 2), Duke Yi o f Lesser Wey was so fond o f
cranes, he w ould carry them about in the carriage o f a grand officer. W hen the
people were issued bufFcoats to fight the invading D i barbarians, they refused
them , saying that the duke should get his cranes, w hom he had so favored, to
fight for him . In battle, the duke w ould not abandon his flag, and thereby suc
ceeded only in rendering his defeat all the m ore disgraceful. The state o f Lesser
Wey w ould have been destroyed had not Duke H uan o f Q i acted to save it.
11 / 4.2 The anecdote concerning Robber Zhi (11/+.2) does not illustrate
the principles stated at the beginning o f the chapter, and it is doubtful that the
tale belongs here. In his argument, Robber Zhi attacks the Six Kings admired
by the Ru and M ohist schools, as w ell as the Five Lords-protector. By giving
the empire to Shun and killing his ow n son, Yao show ed him self to be unlov
ing; by failing to inform his parents o f his marriage to Yao5s daughters, Shun
was unfilial. The allusion to Yu appears to relate to a story preserved in the
Z/;似级说 w (“Wei ce” 魏策，23.845) : “Anciently, the Sovereign’s daughter ordered
Yi D i to make w ine, and it was excellent. It was presented to Yu w ho drank it
and found it sweet.55Another possibility is that it is an allusion to the story o f
the girl on M ount Tu (6/3.2). Tang and Wu displaced the last kings o f the Xia
and Shang dynasties, respectively, and were thus murderers. The discrim ina
tion lists five kings, not six, as the summary indicates; the sixth was presumably
to have been King Wen. The story o f U pright G ong, legendary paragon o f
honesty, seems to be an elaboration o f a conversation between the duke o f She
and Confucius (LT 13.18).
11 / 5.2 O f Xian Xi, m inister to King Wen o f Chu, nothing is known

other than what is said here. Other versions give his name as Wan Rao or Wan
Su. The marquis o f Shen was a favorite o f King Wen; but as he was dying,
King Wen gave him a jade disk and sent him away, saying, aIt is only I w ho
know you. Your sole consideration has been personal gain, in w hich you have
been insatiable. I have given much to you and perm itted you to ask for m ore,
and I have not held this against you. But my successor w ill expect m ore from
you; the consequences o f this you w ill certainly be unable to evade. I am dying.
You m ust take flight; but do not go to a small state, for it could n ot endure
you55(Zuo^ Xi 7). W hen the king was buried, the marquis o f Shen fled to Zheng,
where he became the favorite o f Duke Li. In 653, the state o f Zheng put him to
death.
1 2 /1 .2 According to the definition o f the tim e, the royal dom ain was a
thousand li square and divided into a hundred prefectures. Each prefecture
had four counties, each county had an inspector. Gao You says that the Son o f
H eaven’s command c‘to the four inspectors” was to the four inspectors o f each
prefectxire in the royal dom ain. Zheng Xuan, however, has an entirely different
interpretation: that athe four inspectors55are those governm ent officials charged
w ith the supervision o f the m ountains, forests, streams, and marshes.
12 / 1.3 The meaning o f the sun’s com pleting its «• 次， “füll sequence,” is
unclear. Gao You cites tw o theories:
1) Ci refers to the tw enty-eight m ansions o f the Chinese zodiac. In the
twelfth m onth, the sun reached the m ansion Herdboy. W hen the sun and mcx)n
encounter each other, the conjunction comprises z ji 〇r uyearly cycle.55W hen
the m oon com pletes its yearly cycle, its brilliance ends; its rebirth is called the
“new m oon.” Thus, “the m oon has com pleted its yearly cycle.” The sun is con-
tinually in m otion along the meridian, w ith the five planets follow ing after it.
Thus, uthe stars have returned to their places in the heavens.55
2) The last o f the twelve m ansions o f the zodiac is H erdboy; this is w hy it is
said to have com pleted the full sequence. The uyearly cycle55 is the path the
m oon follow s during the year. The ccstars55 returning ccto their places in the
heavens55 refers to the tw enty-eight m ansions o f the zodiac as seen lcx>king
toward the sou th —or, in this m onth, toward Herdboy. In reference to the
parallel passage in Huainanzi^ Gao You prefers this second theory.
12 / 3.1 This chapter illustrates the maxim that lordship over a myriad o f
chariots w ould not cause the true knight to alter his beliefs (see 11/3.1). As the
result o f a palace intrigue that brought about the death o f Prince Shcnsheng,
the heir apparent, Prince Chongêr, the future duke o f Jin, was forced to endure
a twelve-year exile. D uring this tim e, he wandered penniless from court to
court, living o ff the charity o f the feudal lords. Jie Z itui, w ho served the duke
in exile, once cut out a piece o f his ow n thigh to relieve the prince's extreme
hunger. According to the Zuozhuan (Xi 24), however, when it came tim e for
rewards, none was given to Jie Z itui, for he did not want any reward:
aDuke Xian had nine sons, and only my lord remains. Hui and Huai made no
friends and were abandoned by everyone, whether in the state or out. But Heaven
had not yet cut off Jin; it was therefore certain that there would be a ruler to host its
sacrifices—and if not my lord, then who might it be? Heaven, in fact, placed him in
his present position, although two or three men consider it to be the result of their
own strength. How utterly deluded they are! Anyone who took another’s property
would be called a thief. How much more worse, then, to appropriate the achieve
ment of Heaven as the product of onc5s own strength! They, his subjeas, consider
righteous their own guilt, and he, their superior, rewards them for their evil. With
superior and subordinate deceiving each other, it will be difficult for me to live
among them.”
His mother said, ttWhy not go and seek reward as others have? If you die with
out ever having asked, how can you complain?,>He replied, aWcrc I to imitate their
example, my offense would be greater yet. Besides, having uttered words of appar
ent resentment, I will not cat my lord5s food.55 His mother said, aBut why not at
least let your complaint be known?55ttWords arc an embellishment of the person. I
plan to withdraw entirely from the world; why should I employ embellishment
that is used to gain distinction?55His mother said, aIf you arc capable of this course,
then I tcx> will retire and hide myself from the world with you.55
They hid themselves from the world and died. When the duke of Jin afterward
sought Jie Zitui but in vain, he endowed a sacrifice to him, saying, ttIt will be a
memento of my neglect, and a testament to this good man.55
The differences between this narrative and the story in this chapter suggest that
the story was recast to accord m ore com pletely w ith the provisions o f the
knightly code.
The Five Serpents o f Jie Z itui5s poem are the five knights w ho accompanied
Duke Wen in exile: H u Yan, Zhao Shuai, Jia Tuo, Wei C hou, and Jie Zitui.
12 / 3.2 The story o f Yuan Jingmu illustrates the principle that a knight
w ould rather die than suffer disgrace, because if a knight is truly disgraced, he
w ill never be able to enjoy life (sec 11/3.1). Yuan Jingmu's refusal to cat the food
o f a th ief recalls the determ ination o f the righteous knights Bo Yi and Shu Qi
to starve rather than eat the grain o f the Zhou dynasty, w hich in their estim a
tion had acted imm orally in overthrowing the Shang.
The attack on H an referred to here probably occurred in 斗〇7. Zhuang Qiao
was a famous robber; his lootin g o f the Chu capital occurred during the reign
o f King W ei, that is, between 339 and 329. The battle o f Changping, which
occurred in 260, was the m ost disastrous defeat o f the w hole o f the Warring
States period, resulting in the annihilation o f the 400,000-m an force o f the
Zhao army.
12 / 4.1 Confucius remarked that the Three Armies could be deprived o f

their commanders, but even a com m oner could not be deprived o f his beliefs
(L T 9 .26).
12 / 4.2 King Wu5s younger brother Dan is the fam ous Duke o f Zhou.
Texts o f oaths o f the type sworn here have been excavated at H oum a, Shanxi
province (see S. W eld, ‘T h e Covenant Texts from H oum a and W enxian”). The
dream o f King Wu alluded to here is m entioned in the Documents (aTaishiw)
and in the now lost ""Chengwu55 (quoted in TFTL 533), where the dream was
had by King Wu5s mother.
12 / 5.3 Yu Rang tried to kill V iscount Xiang o f Zhao to avenge the earl
o f Zhi. The civil war that broke out in Jin between the Fan and Zhonghang
families on the one side and the Zhi, Zhao, W ei, and H an fam ilies on the other,
ended w ith the destruction o f the Fan and Zhonghang. W hen the earl o f Zhi
subsequendy attem pted to establish him self as the successor to the dukedom
o f Jin, he was defeated, largely due to the efforts o f V iscount Xiang o f Zhao.
12 / 5.4 I f historical, the events in this story should have occurred shortly
after King Zhaoxiang o f Q in ascended the throne in 306, and before 299, when
the Lord o f M engchang became prime m inister o f Q in. The concluding assess
m ent o f G ongsun H on g alludes to Confucius's definition o f a scholar-knight:
“A man w ho in personal conduct maintains ä sense o f shame and w ho when
sent in the four directions brings no disgrace on his lord’s com m ission” （I T
13.20).
1 3 /3 The content o f this chapter is essentially the same as that o f 17/7.
13 / 3.3 Armor was made o f laminated pieces o f leather. These could be

held together using pieces o f silk cloth or, as G ong Xiji advocated, using button
like fasteners.
13 / 6.1 The first paragraph o f this chapter is identical w ith that o f 26/2
and closely related to the content o f the follow ing chapter, 13/7.
14 / 2,2 TFTL 79 and 365 quote the Shizi. W hen Z igong asked, aIn antiq
uity w hy were the Four Sides trusted?55Confucius replied, ^ h e Yellow Sover
eign selcacd four m en to collaborate w ith him and placed them in charge o f
the four directions. They were close w ithout planning to be so and com pleted
their tasks w ithout making any agreement; this is w hy they were called the
T our Sides.5 55
14 / 3.1 According to the BambooAnnals (W ending 11), King Wcn5s father,

Jili, having carried ou t a campaign o f chastisem ent against the Yitu tribes and
taken three o f their chiefs captive, presented a report o f his accom plishm ent to
the court o f the Shang monarch. H e was rewarded w ith the libation mace,
spirits made from black m illet, and the nine em blem s o f a regional carl. But
w hen Jili was subsequently placed in detention, where he died, it was said that
the Shang king had him put to death. In the twenty-third year o f Zhou Xin5s
reign, the Earl o f the W est, King W en, was im prisoned at Youli. The circum
stances o f King Wu5s detention at the Jade Gate are unknown. The details o f
the Z hou conquest are provided below , in 15/7. The story o f the Grand Duke
observing King Wen is given in 13/7.3, above.
1 4 /4 The content o f this chapter is essentially the same as that o f 24/6,

below.
14 / 4.1 Chen Q iyou, noting the oddity o f the text reading, em ends it to
aBoth had becom e accustom ed to heterodox ways, < show ing further that the
w rong use o f the handles makes criminals o f the people > . Therefore, one m ust
be m indflü o f how rewards and punishm ents are applied.”
15 / 1 . 3 .AEvery twenty-five fam ilies were organized into a village, which

worshipped at an earth altar, called a she. The names o f the inhabitants were
recorded on registers. According to the (斗.127)， King WÙ enfeoffed meri-
torious ministers and the knights w ho had planned the conquest, w ith Lü Wang,
the Grand D uke, at the head o f the list o f those to be given fiefs. H e was given
Yingqiu, know n as Q i. H is younger brother D an, D uke o f Z hou, was given
Q ufu, know n as Lu; the duke o f Shao was given Yan; younger brother Shuxian,
Guan; younger brother Shudu, Cai. A ll rem aining retainers subsequently
received fiefs.
15 / 6 .4 The Bamboo Annals record that ttin the seventeenth year o f King
W eilic [4 0 9 ], G ongsun H ui took possession o f Linqiu and rebelled against
Zhao. Tian Bu laid siege to Linqiu, which was rescued by D i Jue o f W ei, Kong
Xiao o f Zhao, and troops o f H an, which fought w ith Tian Bu near Dragon
Marsh, defeated him , and put him to flight. In his eighteenth year, the king
ordered V iscount Jing o f H an, V iscount Lie o f Zhao, as w ell as our [W ci5s]
army to attack Qi. We penetrated beyond the Long Wall.55It would appear that
Kong Xiao is the Kong Qing o f this text.
1 5 / 6 . 5 These events are recorded, from different perspectives, in Z u o -

z h u a n (Xi n ), and G uoyu ("'Jinyu,5510.373 fF). The correct figure for Duke Wen5s
exile is nineteen years, as recorded in the S bu oyu an (6.160).
1 6 / 1 . 4 The “destruction” o fjin refers not to the division o f the country

among the houses of Han, Wei, and Zhao, but to the chaos that resulted in the
death o f Duke You and the establishment o f his son as Duke Lie by Marquis
Wen of Wei in 斗2〇. The destruction o f Zhongshan refers to the vanquishing of
the state by Marquis Wen of Wei in 408 • Tian Yi is presumably Tian Kaizhi, the
master who has an interview with Duke Wei of Zhou in Z h u a n ß z i (^Dasheng,55
5.159). According to the S h iji (4.158)：, when Duke Wei died, his son, Duke Hui,
succeeded to the throne and enfoefFed his elder son with lands in Henan and
his younger son with Gong. This resulted in the division of the state into an
East and West Zhou; the conflict between the two sons resulted in Duke Wei5s
remaining unburied.
1 6/ 1 . 5 Since the '^destruction55o f Zhongshan in this episode was accom

plished by King H ui of Zhao in 296, this Bai Gui must be the contemporary of
H ui Shi. The ^destruction55of Qi refers to the invasion that led to the defeat of
Qi and the death of King Min in 28斗.
1 6/ 5 .3 .C Liang Yusheng notes that Duke Ai is an error and that the

historical figure would have been Duke Ding of Lu.
/ 7 . 2 Chen Qiyou notes that there is no satisfactory explanation of the

1 6
•芾 [J (defined by Gao You as “methods” 術數)， because the text

meaning of z/;，
mentions the "'techniques55 (i^) of the Early Kings. It is possible that z h i is
Tang taboo avoidance of z h i '"government.55
1 6/ 8 . 3 In saying at the conclusion of this story that the person o f King

Min awas placed in harm's way35(w ei fe), the text is perhaps engaging in a little
understatement. The king was hung by his thumbs from the ancestral temple
and allowed to starve to death.
1 7 / 2 . 1 .A Most of this passage consists of an allusion to Laozi 45.
/ 6 . 1 H F Z (16.865) identifies Shen Buhai as the author of the first

1 7
sentence in this paragraph. It is likely that the second sentence also comes from
Shen.
1 7 / 7 . 1 .A The ^purity55that Master Guanyin esteemed was the amainte-
nance o f the pure breath55 which enabled the perfect man to walk under
water without choking, tread fire without being burned, and travel above the
myriad things without trembling (ZZ, “Da sheng”). The emptiness that Lie
Yukou prized enabled him to rid himself o f preferences for one thing over
another, abjuring ^carving and polishing55and returning to original simplicity,
letting his bodily form stand alone like a clod o f earth (塊然獨以其形立 ),
and, surrounded by noisy confusion, keeping himself sealed in unity until the
end o f his life (ZZ, cTTing diwang55). Tian Pian, also known as Chen Pian, prized
the equanimity that treated life and death, ancient and modem, as equals. Wang
Liao, often called Wang Mu, was the inner historian to Duke M u o f Qin.
Nothing more is known o f Ni Liang. The military strategies that these men
advanced arc no longer understood.
1 8 / 1 . 3 Zheng fell in 374. The identity o f the head of the Sheng clan is a
mystery. Sun Yirang suggests that he is the ill-fated Duke Jing (r. 377-
376), ancient pronunciations o is h e n g ^ndjin^r being similar. But as Chen Qiyou
notes, this is inconsistent with the narrative in two respects: Duke Jing is not a
descendant o f Duke Chu; and the removal o f Duke Jing and the dismember
ment o f Jin was a joint project o f Han, Wei, and Zhao that had occurred only
a year earlier than the speech. Chen calls attention to an entry in the B am boo
A n n a ls that notes that Qin Yin, a grand officer of Jin, murdered Duke You in
420 and that Marquis Wen of Wei installed the duke5s son Zhi as Duke Lie
(r. 419-393). The S h iji narrative of the same event suggests that Duke You led a
debauched existence with his concubines and went out on nighdy forays into
the city, during one o f which he was murdered by brigands. Marquis Wen of
Wei used his troops to punish those responsible for the disorders in Jin and
installed Duke You5s son Zhi as duke. Chen surmises that the head of the Sheng
clan was the scion of the family whom Qin Yin had installed as Duke and whom
Marquis Wen replaced with Zhi.
/ 2 . 4 According to the Z u o zh u a n (Zhuang 10) in the winter of the

1 8
second year o f his reign, Duke Huan sent an army to destroy the state of Tan Ü
because its ruler had acted contrary to ritual. The viscount ofTan took refuge in
Ju because the two states had a covenant. Chen Qiyou surmises that this is the
reason why Duke Huan and Guan Zhong were contemplating an attack on Ju.
1 8/ 3 .l.B Wang Yinzhi says that the 一切蜻 is a species of seabird and
identifies it with the q in ß n ia o f f citing a commentary by Li Shan that quotes
this passage in explicating the latter term.
1 8 / 5 . 4 This passage is generally recognized as especially corrupt. The

version here follow s Chen Q iyou5s reconstruction and interpretation. It has to
do w ith a man w hose questions and directives arc regularly m isunderstood by
his underlings.
18 / 6 .2 K ing H u i’s self-im posed im prisonm ent was a sym bolic act,
intended to express his desire to make Wei subservient to Q i.
18 / 6.4 The ode quoted by H ui Shi is now lost.
18 / 7.1 This paragraph continues the them e and language o f the pre
vious chapter and appears to have been erroneously entered into the text o f
this chapter.
19 / 2.4 Three inches was the dim ension prescribed for criminals5coffins.
19 / 3.4 Since Sun Yirang, it has been generally recognized that the first
sentence is defective, but no satisfactory em endation has been proposed. The
last sentence, even as em ended, is deficient.
20 / 1.1 A parallel passage in the lißw* (7.23斗） identifies Yang Zhu as the
author o f the opening lines o f this paragraph.
20 / 3.5 The m eaning o f the tw o phrases, athe discipline o f walking the

marking line55and athe determ ination o f the people o f the Four Superior States,w
is unclear. Gao You says that the former refers to the behavior o f som eone w ho
is ûpright and straightforward.55Chen Q iyou, pp. 1357-58, n. 41, suggests that
being w illing to die for a rulers cause is an example o f this discipline. As for the
second phrase, Yu Yue, quoted by Chen, proposes that si shang E9 _L (af〇ur
superiors55) is a scribal error io tp i shi EEdr. Yu says that the teachings o f Xiahou
Q i (quoted im m ediately below ) describe the determ ination o f a com m on
scholar-knight. Chen Q iyou rejects Yu^s explanation and accepts the text as it
stands. Follow ing the lead o f the Wang Yi commentary found at Chuci buzhu
(10.221), Chen identifies the c<four superiors55as the states D ai Q in Zheng
HP, and Wey % . Chen says that people from these four states dem onstrated a
w illingness to die for their ruler that is applauded elsewhere in the chapter.
20 / 4 . 1- 20 / 4.2 These two passages repeated 13/2.3 and 13/2.4, respectively.
20 / 4.3 The end o f this paragraph alludes to the statem ent o f the Yellow
Sovereign in 13/2.3. The attack on the R ong barbarians o f Cao and Wei is dated
in the Bamboo Annals to the seventy-sixth year o f Yao5s reign, w hen Yu held the
position o f stßong^ or m inister o f works. The attack on the H u is dated to the
second year o f the reign o f Q i, Yu5s son and successor. The Zhuangzi (aRenjian
shi” 人間世） mentions an attack on Congzhi and Xu’ao in the time o f Yao.
“Xu’ao” is probably a variant reading o f “Qu’ao•”
2 0 / 4 , 5 .B The opening statement is attributed to H ui Shi in H a n fe iz i

(9 .531 ).
2 0 / 6 . 4 The poem quoted at the end is a lost Ode.
/ 1 . 2 Fangcheng is the name o f a mountain (for which, see Glossary).

2 2
The aarea beyond Fangcheng55refers to the Chu city of Chcngfu.
/ 3 . 1 H N Z (17 583) has a somewhat different version of the Mo Di

2 2
parable that concludes this passage: aFor this reason, Mo Di, on watching silk
being boiled, wept, for the cloth could be made yellow or black; and Yang Zhu
cried when he came upon a split in the road, for one could go to the south or to
the north•”
/ 4 . 4 aKing Kang o f Song built a high tower55—following the inter

2 3
pretation o f Gao You; compare Li Bacxjuan and Chen Qiyou: "'created from a
tree an image o f the Sovereign.55
/ 6 . 1 A lost Ode quoted by Prince Chan of Zheng in the Z u o z h u a n

2 3
(Zhao 19) and in G u o y u (ccZhouyu,w3.109), as a folk saying.
2 5 Wang Niansun suggests that text

/ 5 is an error z h u a n which
is, in turn, a variant o f z h u a n ^ aunify,55 aconccntrate.>5Wang therefore pro
poses that the chapter tide refers to concentrating on a single aim.
2 5 / 4 . 5 According to Gao You, the fabulous xia o bird, which resembles

the owl, lovingly feeds its young; but when they mature, they eat their mother.
2 6 / 2 . 2 Compare 13/73.
/ 3 . 3 According to the S im a
2 6 six Chinese feet equal one pace, one
hundred square paces equal one m ou lot, and one hundred m ou lots equal a
standard or f u allotment for an individual peasant.
2 6 / 4 . 2 The early Han writer Fan Shcngzhi elaborates on the first wrulc
o f tillage^ cited in this passage: ccWhen the apricots start to bloom, till light
soils and weak soils immediately; plough them again when the apricot blos
soms fall. After ploughing roll down the surface at once . . . If the soil is very
light it should be trampled by cattle or sheep. This is what is meant by "making
weak soils stronger5w(Bray, 6/2, p. 221). Francesca Bray, p. 222, puts Fan5s remarks
into context: ccFan was describing conditions in Kuan-chung in N orthw est
China, where the soils were locssial and the chief problems faced by the farmer
were aridity and erosion, which necessitated 'retaining the m oisture through
out tJie soil5 and 'making the weak strong.5 Ix>wer dow n the Yellow River and
in the regions between the Yellow River and the H uai, where heavier alluvial
soils predom inated， the problem was rather to pulverise the heavy clods left by
the plough and to release m oisture so that the seeds did not becom e water
logged, in other words to "dry the damp5 and cloosen the compact.555
26 / 4.3 This paragraph appears to deal w ith the 撕叫似 w 軟甽（軟吠 )，

or ^ridge-furrow55system o f agriculture. In reference to the passage concerning
the c<six-foot frame-plow55 and the furrows it produces, Francesca Bray, 6/2, p.
168, writes: a. . . if Lii were talking about a fram e-plough, the w idth o f the
blade w ould exaedy determine the breadth o f the furrow (unless a m ould-board
or similar device were attached). The measurements given by L ii, a length o f
six (C hou) feet (approximately 120 cm.) and a w idth o f eight (C hou) inches
(approximately 16 cm.) correspond very closely to those given by Lu Kuei-
M cng for the slade o f his fram e-plough in -h880, nam ely 125 cm. by 12.5 cm ., as
w ell as to those o f 20th-century Chinese fram e-ploughs. A fram e-plough w ith
a broad convex share w ould make exactly the ploughing patterns described in
the L ii S b ib C h b u n C hhiu^ nam ely w ide ridges separated by deep narrow
furrows.55 On the place o f the L iish i eb u n q iu in the early Chinese literature o f
agricultural econom y， see Bray，6/2, p• 斗8.
26 / 4.4 The fifty-seventh day after the winter solstice works out to approx
im ately February 15.
The three leafy vegetables are: j i shepherds purse or mustard; tin ß li
葶黎，chenopodium ; and 对 • 薪蓂，greens.
26 / 5.1 Needham , 6/1, p. 98: uL u means dark hard compact soils, carrying
the im plication o f claypans and sajong horizons.55
26 / 6.7 The precise m eaning oÎ£f 〇u ju ÿéjÈâ is unknow n, but its general
sense is as in the translation.
Bitliograpky
COM M ENTATORS
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二子 ed. i 9〇i.
*Cai Yun 蔡雲（ 1764-182斗)• 呂子校補獻疑 .Z /謎
周秦諸子斜注十種 ed.
★ Chen Changqi陳昌齊（ 1743-1820).以如 A « » * « 職呂氏春秋正誤.
Taibci, 1968.
Chen Q iy o u 陳奇猷 . 呂氏春秋校釋 . Shanghai, 1984.
*Fan Gengyan 范耕硏 • “/ ▲ / ; / »扣 ^ buzhu” 呂氏春秋補注 ./zVw砂《
加 wVwfem 江蘇國學圖書館年干(J 6 (1933). Reprint， Taibei，1990.
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學術世界 1935, no. 12, 1936, nos. 1—5.
*Gao Y ou高誘（ c. 168-212). A «»一《呂氏春秋訓解.
Gu Shengying谷聲應 • ZüjW c/m»一《呂氏春秋白話今譯•
Beijing, 1992.
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W A w 中法大學月刊 1934 , nos. I，3, 5.
*Jiang Weiqiao (i874-?)et al. Lüshi chunqiu huijiao
Shanghai, 1937.
*Li Baoquan 李寶泉（ 1864-1920). Z/ÄjW A «»扣 / Gäö 2/;« 呂氏春秋高注
補正 . H ä«鉍》J 漢堂類稿 • 1922.
#Liang Yusheng (1745-1819). L ü zijia o b u S Z h o u Q in zh u zi
/üwzä« 万周秦諸子斛注十種 ed.
* ---- . L ü z ix u b u 呂子續補 • Zhou Q in zh u zi jia o zh u shizhon^ ed.
* ------ • 7Ï;设庭立紀聞 • 1819.
[741]
*Liu Fu 劉復 • “I/ÄjW 咖你一《‘G u yue’ pian xi huang jie jie” 呂氏春秋古樂篇昔
黃節解•取似泌（
Shanghai) 2, no. 6 (193斗)•
Lin Peng 林鵬 . “以血 ‘Yin ci’ jie” 呂氏春秋厂淫辭」解 • S/wwm
娜 ― 山西師大學報 1989; no. I, 4 〇- 斗2.
Lin Pinshi 林品石 . «»一一呂氏春秋今注今譯 . Taibei，1985.
Liu Ruying 劉如現 . “ZüjW jiaoshi b u ” 呂氏春秋校釋補， Parts 1 and 2.
T Tm ^» 文獻 33 (1987), 157-69; 35 (1988), 150-63.
*Liu Xianxin 劉咸圻（ 1896-1932). 加 m '呂氏春秋發微.
Lü Benzhong 呂本中 • 呂氏春秋集解 . Taibci，1983.
* L ü Tiaoyang 呂調陽（ fl. 1858-88). 呂氏春秋釋地.
*Ma Xulun 馬敘倫（ 1884- ？)• 讀呂氏春秋記 • Shanghai，i93i.
*Mao Panlin 節泮林（ fl. 1817-42). 知ÿï/w 呂氏春秋補校 •
*Shen Yanguo 沈延國 . ‘Xu yi’ pian jijie” 呂氏春秋序意篇集解 •
hmx 泌論學 1937, no •斗• “ZiiyW chun’ lun jijie chugao” 呂氏春
秋開春論集解出稿 • Parts I and 2. Z&jya» 制言 1937, nos. 37-38.
*Shen Z um ian 沈祖綿 • “D u I/Ä yiduan” 讀呂臆斷 • ZWjv»« 制言 1935, nos. i-2 .
“D u Lü suibi” 讀呂隨筆 . 中華文史論業 2.
*Shököen U sai 松皋圓迂齋 . 及 yiflw Z/ÄjW 级畢校呂氏春秋補正.
i8i7.
*Song Z ib ao 宋慈衰 • “LäriW bu zh u ” 呂氏春秋補注 • 華
國月干 !11925, no. io; 1926, no. 12.
*Sun Q iangm ing 孫撕鳴 • G ao zhu buzheng” 呂氏春秋高注補
正. 國故月干丨 J 1919, n o s . 卜斗.
Sun Renhe 孫人和 • 似呂氏春秋舉正 • Beijing，1935-
*Sun S h u c h e n g 孫蜀丞 • “I/ÄjW dSw叫如 juzheng 55呂氏春秋舉正 •价和妨
tushuguan yuektm fÖ 1928-29.
*Sun Z h iji 孫志楫 • jiaoji” 呂氏春秋校記 • 价扣研执必呀似 w
北平圖書館館刊 9, no. 3 ( 1935).
*Tan Jiefii 譚戒甫 • “Jiao Zü yiyi” 校呂遺證 • 武漢大
學文哲季刊 3, nos. i-3 (1933- 34).
U chino K um aichirö 內野熊一郎 and N akam ura S höhachi 中材璋八 •
办仍知
呂氏春秋 • Tokyo, 1976.
W ang Fanzhi 王范之 • 呂氏春秋選注 • Beijing ，1981.
★ Wang N iansun 王念孫（ 1744- 1832). msW 讀書雜志 .1832.
*Wu Chengshi 吳承仕（ 1885- 1939). 彡呂氏春秋舊注校
理 . 1924.
*Wu R uhm 吳汝綸（
1840-1903). 呂氏春秋點勘.
» • 研諸子集評 • i9〇9. Reprint, Taibei，1970.
★ X ia W d yin g 夏維谈 • Lüshi chunqiu (Shanßnonß) d e % si p ia n jiaosbi 呂氏舂秋上
農等四篇校釋 • Beijing, 1979.
*Xu Weiyu 許維通 • 呂氏春秋集釋 . Beijing，1985.
Yang Mingzhao 楊明照 • 呂氏春秋校證 • Beijing, 1938.
*Yang Zhaojun 楊昭俏 . 呂氏春秋補注 .
Yin Zhongrong 尹仲容 • 呂氏春秋校證 . Taibci, 1958.
Zhang Shuangdi 張雙棣 • 呂氏春秋譯注 • Changchun，1993.
Fujita K em pö藤田劍峰 •办仍知呂氏春秋 • 办 ; ^ » « 切國譯
漢文大成 ser. Tokyo, 192斗.
T R A D IT IO N A L S IN O L O G IC A L W O RK S
We have adopted throughout this work the editions of traditional Sinological works in
cluded in the electronic databases assembled by the Academia Sinica in Taibei. These editions
arc listed below, where they arc identified with an asterisk (*). We arc grateful to Professor
C. C. Hsieh 謝情俊 of the Academia Sinica for supplying us with the original publication
information for the works included in the electronic databases.
如治白氏六帖 • Compiled by Bai Juyi 白居易（ 772-8斗6). Facsimile re

print of Song edition，n.p .，1933.
北堂書鈔 • Encylopcdia compiled by Yu Shinan 虞世南（ 558-
638). Taibei reprint: Wenhai chubanshe 文海出版社，1966.
*Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhen£[yi 春秋左傳正義. Shisanjin^r zhushu 十三經注疏，ed.
Ruan Yuan, 1815. Taibei reprint: Yiwen yinshuguan 藝文印書館，1973.
楚辭補注 • Compiled by Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 • Taibei: Tiangong
shuju 天工書局，1989.
^ 大戴禮記今注今譯 . Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan 商務
印書館，1975.
鄧析子. 諸子集成 ed. Taibei reprint: Shijie shuju 世界書
局，1978.
z/w 風俗通義校注 • Compiled by Ying Shao 應勁 • Ed. Wang
Liqi 王利器 Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 中華書局，
• 1981.
管子 . Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館，1983.
公孫龍子 . Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館，i99i.
Guangyun JHÜ. Facsimile reproduction of Qing edition published between
170斗and 1714. Taibei, 1961.
吻古本竹書紀年輯證 . Comp, by Fang Shiming 方詩
銘 • Shanghai: Guji chubanshe 古籍出版社，i98i.
國語 . Taibei: Liren shuju 里仁書局，1980.
户以片知韓非子集釋 • Taibei: Chengwen chubanshe 成文出版社，i98o.
韓詩外傳今注今譯 • Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan
商務印書館，1979.
漢書 • Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 中華書局，i962.
淮南鴻烈集解 • Compiled by Liu Wendian 劉文典 • Taibei:
Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 ,1981.
*H级似w zf 騎冠子 • S必《四部備要 ed. Shanghai, I927-36.
集韻• 知一w 四部備要 ed. Taibei reprint: Zhonghua shuju 中華書局，
iç 8i .
• 孑L叢子 • 四咅叢干IJ ed. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan
商務印書管，1922.
孔子家語• 諸子集成 ed. Taibei reprint: Shijie shuju
世界書局，1978.
2ö?砂 w » 孔子集語 • Compiled by Xue Ju 薛據 (fl. 1266). Jinan: Shandong
youyi shushe 山東友證 * 社，1989.
老子校釋 • Taibei: Huazheng shuju 華正書局，1986.
歹 !J女傳 • S必鉍四部備要 ed. Ikibei reprint: Zhonghua shuju
中華書局，1981.
*1^ 句硫 • 歹 lj子集釋，ed. Yang Bojun 楊伯俊 • Taibci reprint: Huazheng shuju 華
正書局，1987.
•禮言己• 办衫r ed. Ruan Yuan，i8i5. Taibei reprint: Yiwen
yinshuguan 藝文印書館，1973.
論衡校釋，ed. Huang Hui 黃暉 . Taibci: Shangwu yinshuguan
商務印書館，1964.
卿墨子 •A fo w ü ; 级好墨子間話，ed. Sun Yirang 孫詒讓 • Taibei: Zhonghua
shuju 中華書局，I987.
P—a 稗雅 • Compiled by Lu Dian 陸典 (1042-1102). Collected in 五雅.
Photographic reprint. Taibei, 1973.
群書治要 . Compiled by Wei Zheng 魏徵 (580-643).
四部叢刊 ed. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館，1922.
极 ; 商君書 . Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館，1988.
山海經校注 . Shanghai: Guji chubanshe 古籍出版社，i98o.
世本八種 . Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館，1957.
*从 (;ï 史記 • Bdjing: Zhonghua shuju 中華書局，1962.
*从从世說新語笔疏 • Compiled by Yu Jiaxi 余嘉錫 • Beijing:
Zhonghua shuju 中華書局，1983.
S/;»护研 :s / w 水經注校 • Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe 人民出版社，1984.
*5/蘭 ^ 撕《>_似^ » > » > 說苑今注今譯，€<1 1 ^1丫 11201)1111廬元駿 . 丁2111>€丨：511犯 §^ 〇1
yinshuguan 商務印書館，1988.
太平御覽 • Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 中華書局，i960.
文選 • Shanghai: Guji chubanshe 古籍出版社，1986.
* 文子(= 通玄眞經 ). SA» 思部叢刊 ed.
Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館，1922.
TW c/w»一》吳越春秋 •汾以四部叢刊 ed. Shanghai: Shangwu
yinshuguan 商務印書館，1922.
新序 . Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館，1984.
*力 mW 荀子 • Taibei: Xuesheng shuju 學生書局，1981.
心 /«w 鹽鐵論 • Tianjin: Guji chubanshe 古籍出版社，i983.
晏子春秋集釋，ed. Wu Zeyu 吳則虞 . Taibei: Dingwen shuju
B IB L IO G R A P H Y 745
鼎文書局，1977.
*Ti 逸周書 f / 紛《设必部夕 ;拔一辦从 m 皇清經解續編 ed. of i888.
•
Taibei reprint: Hanjing wenhua 漢京文彳匕，1980.

•儀禮 • ed. Ruan Yuan，i8i5. Taibei reprint: Yiwen
尹文子• 研諸子集成 ed. Taibei: Shijie shuju 世界書局，
1978.
藝文類聚 • Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju 中華書局，1965.
成；戰國策 • Shanghai: Guji chubanshe 古籍出版社，1978.
&• 周禮 • ed. Ruan Yuan，i8i5. Taibci reprint: Yiwen
*没紛莊子集解，ed. Wang Xianqian 王先謙 • Beijing: Zhonghua shuju
中華書局，1987-
W ORKS IN C H IN E SE
Anon. “Xi Han boshu shiwen” 西漢帛書天文氣象雜

占. u wn w 中國文物 I (1979)，26- 29.
Ai Linong 艾力農 • “Z/;«Ä；^ w Tianxia’ pian” 莊子天下篇 • 咖
/www砂中國哲學史論叢 I (1984), 171-85.
Ba Hutian ^Zhuangzi TTianxia5pian cbian zhe xucshuo crshicr shi5jishi55
莊子天下篇辯者學說二十二事集釋. 東
吳大學哲學系傳習錄 3 (I984), 35- 52.
Bai Xi 白奚 . “Xunzi dui Jixia xueshu de xiqu he gaizao” 荀子對稷下學術的吸
取和改造• 蘭州大學學報 55, no. 4 (i99〇), 50- 56.
Chen Deshu 陳德述 • “Shilun Yang, Shen de zhexue sixiang” 試論楊慎的哲學
思想 • 哲學硏究 198斗，no. I，5〇-53.
Chen Jinkun KZhuangzi Tianxia" pian de bianti shi Mingjia luoji
xueshuo de gangyao” 莊子天下篇的辯題是名家邏輯學說的綱要 .
廈門東西學報 79, no. I (1985), 54- 62.
Chen Mengjia 陳夢家 . “Shangdai de shenhua yu wushu” 商代的神話與巫術 .
燕京學報 2〇(I936)，4»85- 576.
------ • “Wuxing zhi qiyuan” 五行之起源 • 燕京學報 24 (I938),
35- 53*
------ • 殷墟卜辭綜述 • Beijing，I956.
Chen Qiyou ^ 〇 fâ^. uLüshi chunqiu chcngshu de niandai yu shuming de qucliw
呂氏春秋成書的年代與書名的确立. 復旦學報 1979, no. 5,
1〇3- 4.
Chen Yun 陳韻珊 • “Cong ji shilun de chengshu” 從荀
子及呂氏春秋試論老子的成書 . ZW胃中國文學硏究斗
(1990)，83-106.
Ding Yuanming 丁原明 . “Lun Lä如 •c/w»一《ji qi lishi zuoyong” 論呂氏春秋及
其歷史作用• 文史哲 1982, no. 2, 58-63.
----- . “以如如 de fengjian tongyi shuo” 呂氏春秋的封建統一說 •X似細 ^
血片《你 ” 似》徐州師範學院學報斗 6, no. 2 (I986)，2〇~23.
Dong Yingzhe董英哲 . “Song， Yin xuepai zhi dao” 宋尹學派之道 .
西北大學學報 I988, no. 4 , 83- 89 .
Fan Guohua 樊國華 • “Li Kui， Shang Yang bianfa dui zigengnong jingji de
zuoyong"李悝商鞅變法對自更農經濟的作用 . ％万〃農業考古 z8,
no. 2 (1989), 191- 94 .
Fang Shiming 方詩銘 and Liu Xiuming 劉修明 • “Lun •鉍一jian lun
Zajia de chuxian” 論呂氏春秋一兼論雜家的出現 . 社會科學
i98i, no. 1,134-41.
Feng Jie 瑪絜 . he Huang-Lao zhi xue” 管子和黃老之學 .
中國哲學 11 (1984)，11，1- io.
Feng Jinyuan 瑪金源 . “Xian-Qin Zhuang Zhou xuepai chubu fenzhi” 先秦莊周
學派初步分枝• 社會科學硏究 1982, no. 5, m-iy-
Feng Shao 瑪韶 . “Yang Zhu kao” 楊朱考 • 學術月刊 1980, no. il ，
51- 55.
Fu Wuguang 傅武光 • “Z ü j / 細《chengshu niandai zhi kaobian” 呂氏春秋
成書年代之考辨• 國文學報 i 〇(I98i), 19-36.
------ . 呂氏春秋與諸子之關系 . Ph.D. diss.，
National Taiwan Normal University, 1982.
------ • “ZüjW A«»#« yu Mojia zhi guanxi” 呂氏春秋與墨家之關系 • Parts I and
2: 如東方雜誌 I8 (I 9 85), n o . 9 , 27 -3 4 ; I8 n o . 10 (I 9 85), 25_2 8 .
----- . “jLäM A»»*» yu Mingjia zhi guanxi” 呂氏春秋與名家之關系 .
Donjfanj zazbi 東2 , no. 9 (I987), 13-19.
方雜誌〇
Gao Chonghui 高崇會 • “Deng Xi de ‘liang ke’ biansong luoji sixiang” 鄧析的兩

可辨訟邏輯思想 . / 沿》吉林大學社會科學學報
72, no. 6 (1985), 6-12.
Gao Xiang 高祥 • “Zhanguo mo Qin Han zhi ji Huang-Lao xueshuo tantao” 中
國末秦漢之際黃老. Guoli Taiwan sbifan daxuejuowenyanjiußkan
學說探討
國立臺灣師範大學國文硏究集刊 33 (1989), 267- 350.

Gao Yinxiu 高銀秀 and Zhang Zhihua 張志華 • “Shen Dao Fajia sixiang jianlun”
慎到法家思想簡論晉陽學刊 51, no. 6 (1988)，87-93.
Gong Zhebing 宮哲兵 • “Wan Zhou shiqi ‘Wuxing’ fanchou de luoji jincheng”
晚周時期五行范禱的邏輯進程中國哲學 13 (1985), 65- 74.
Gu Fang 谷方 • “‘Dao’ he ‘li’一Han Fei zhexue sixiang chuping” 道和理 —韓非
哲學思想初評. 中國哲學史硏究集刊， 2
(1982), 73- 94 .
Gu Mengwu 顧孟武 . “Deng Xi zhi si chutan” 部析之死初探 • 明w
如上海師範大學學報 23, no. I (1985)，ii5-2〇.
Gu Xuankui 顧宣魁 . “Gwwzi falü sixiang qianshi” 管子法律思想淺釋 •
祕尤祕办如復旦大學學報 1986, no. 1，225- 35.
He Chongen 何崇恩 . “Ping Wu Qi ji 評吳起及吳子.
篇心 (?湘譚大學學報 27, no. 2 (iS)8;) ，ioi- 6.
He Fazhou 何法周 . yu huzhu fa” 尉繚子與互著法 . 从史
學月刊 i<So, no. 2 (I986)，19~23, i 〇3.
He Hao 何浩 • “Laolaizi qi ren ji qi daolun” 老來子其人與其道論 .7^w^r / / 必《
江漢論壇 ö3, no. il (1985)，41- 47.
He Lingxu 賀凌虛， “Lü Buwei yu 呂不韋與呂氏春秋 .
思與言 7 (197〇)，333- 53.
------ . Z/öW ///«« 呂氏春秋的政治理論 . Taibci, i 97〇.
------ • “Fajia de renxing hin” 法家的人性論 . a wW» /www极中山學
術論叢 7 (1987)，49 - 5&
He Youqi 何幼倚 . “Xia de neirong he shidai” 夏小正的內容和時代 .
西北大學學報 1987, no. 4 , 23- 3〇.
Hong Jiayi aZai tan Lüshi chunqiu zhong de fan junzhu zhuanzhi
sixiang” 再論呂氏春秋中的反君主專制思想 .
華東師範大學學報 46, no. 2 (1983)，88-92.
-------. aLüclun Lüshi chunqiu zhong fan junzhu zhuanzhi de sixiang55B§fro S Ä
春秋中反君主專制的思想. 南京大學學報 1984, no.
4, 74- 81, 64.
------ . “L ü e l u n zhong de ziran zhuyi sixiang55略論呂氏春秋中的
自然主義思想. 1985, no. I, i 〇4- 13.
Hong Yixuan洪頓烜 • 讀書叢錄. 叢書集成 ed.
Changsha, 1939.
Hu Jiacong uG u a n zi Touguan5pian xin kao—jian lun Lüshi chunqiu
‘Shier shi ji’ de niandai” 管子幼官篇新考兼論呂氏春秋十二世紀的年代 .
社會科學戰線 14, no. 2 (1981)，139- 46.
------ . “Gwäwjw zhong de Yin-yang Wuxing shuo xintan” 管子中的陰陽五行說
新探• 中國哲學 9 (1983), 3〇- 4 4 .
------ . aJixia Daojia cong Laozi zhexue jichcng bing tuiyan lc shemma—cXinshu
shang5he ‘Ndye’ de yanjiu” 稷下道家從老子哲學繼承幷推衍了什麼心術
上和內業的硏究. 社會科學戰線 46, no. 4 (1983)，4 〇-
斗5.
— . CiT in w en zi yu Jixia Huang-Lao xuepai—jian lun T in w en zi fei wei shun ^
文子與稷下黃老學派兼論尹文子非僞書. 文史哲1984, no. 2，
21-28.
— • “‘Fa，’ ‘shu，’ ‘quan，’ ‘shi’ jiehe de xueshuo bu shi Fajia Han Fei seying” 法術
權勢結合的學說不是法家韓非色影 • 學術月刊 I9 85, no. n,
42.
— . aZhanguo xingming fashu zhi xuc dc tantao — G u a n zi cJiushou5yanjiu55
戰國刑名法術之學的探討管子九守硏究. 中國
哲學史硏究22, no. I ( 1986), 32- 34, 41.
一 • “H uanglao b o s h u / _ [ / ä de zhengzhi zhexue” 黃老帛書經法的政治哲
學. 中國哲學史硏究33, no. 4 ( 1988), 54- 68.
Huang Xiangyang 黃湘陽 . “1也/^ A«»#« de xingcheng” 呂氏春秋的形成 .
i 7卿杉jo 似 / ^ 輔仁學誌 198斗， no. 13, 609- 23.
Jian Yonghua 簡用華 • “Huangdi Daojia de sänge jiben gainian cdao，’ cli，’ cfa’” 黃
帝道家的三個基本槪念道 .理法 . 刀中國哲學史硏
究 25, no. 6 (I9 86), 59~65.
Jiang Chongyue 蔣重躍 • “Shenzi fei Fajia bian” 申子非法家辨 • 文獻
37 (1988), 8i- 93.
Jiang Ronghai 江榮海 • “Shen Dao ying shi Huang-Lao sixiangjia—jian lun
Huang-Lao sixiang yu Laozi， Hanfeizi de qubie” 慎到應是黃老思想家兼論
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干IJ 1985, no. 12, 43- 斗5.
------ . “Guanyu Mingjia de liangge wenti” 關於名家的兩個問題 •
中國哲學史硏究 31，no. 2 (1988)，28- 34, 4*8.
Zhou Shaoxian 周紹賢 • “Lun Yang Zhu xueshuo” 論楊朱學說 • JFWr» a;««如輔
仁學誌 1982, no. il ，77-88.
Zhu Dexiang 朱德祥 . “Hui Shi zhexue bianxi” 惠施哲學辨析 • f M w 復
旦學報 1987, no. 6, 26- 28, ioi.
Zhu Senpu 朱森溥 . “Xian-Qin Nongjia sixiang chutan” 先秦農家思想初探 .
SM 似w 四川大學學報斗 8, no. I (1986),斗9- 56.
Zhu Shouliang 朱守糧 . 呂氏春秋與
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Zhu Weihuan 朱維換 . “Xääw‘tian men kaihe， yu ‘he hu’ Éguan hu’ zhi
huitong5’ 老子天門開闔與易傳閨戶關戶之會通 . 文史學報
1 9 (1989)，II—1 9 .
Zhu Yiting 朱胎庭 • “Ping Yang Zhu he Yang Zhu xuepai de rensheng zhexue”
評楊朱和楊朱學派的人生哲學. 華東師範大
學學報 , no. 5 (I9 88), 2 6 - 3 〇.
7 9
Zhu Yongjia 朱永嘉 et. al. Iü j /;丨• 新譯呂氏春秋 . Taibci，1995.

Zuo Yibao 左益寶 • “Yin-Yang Wuxing jia de xianquzhe Boyang Fu” 陰陽五行
家的先驅者伯陽父• 復旦學報 1980, no. I, 9 7 - 1 0 0 .
W ORKS IN JAPANESE
Aihara Shunji 相原俊二 • no goha to ha” 呂氏春秋 ® 五霸 i : 霸 .

In Tàwflww财 ibwrdb J 也 nw访山本博士還曆記念東洋史
論叢 .Tokyo, i97〇.
Anazawa Tatsuo 穴澤辰雄 • shi hen no shisö ni tsuite” 管子四篇 ® 思想
1二〇 T • 7 1 ^ 東洋大學文學部紀要 36, no. 8
(1983) ，1 - 3 3 .
------ . uK ansbi shi hen no shisö ni tsuitc— Tenka5hen, Sö, In hyö to no hi-
kakukentö” 管子四篇 ® 思想了莊子天下篇宋尹評比較檢討 .
東洋大學文學部紀要 4 2 , no. 1 4 (1989),卜3 斗.
Arima Takuya 有馬卓也 . “jB»;w/;x kenkyü josetsu—Ä^W inyö 〇megutte” 文子
硏究序說老子引用杳 ft <+ 〇 T . CÄ%心《 ywwJ中國哲學論集 io
(1984) , 92-107.
Asano Yüichi 淺野裕一 • 说 to tenjin sökan shisö, jö” 呂氏春秋 h 天
人相關思想上 . 巧) 呂氏春秋硏究，no. 4.
Baba Hideo 馬場英雄 • “Yö Shu gakuha no ‘kisei，’ ‘zensei’ ni shisö ni tsuite—
Äjyöra» no shi hen wo chùshin to shite” 楊朱學派 ® 貴生全生 ® 思想 (C O t 、
T 呂覽 © 四篇杳中心 i: L T . C/;初 oife«似• 似> ^ » 似• w 中國(二
fc 讨人間性 ® 探究（ 1983), 83-102.
Fujii Taketo 藤居岳人 • “Zakka no teigi” 雜家 © 定義 • nwjJ
(妨 ― 待兼山論叢（哲學） 25 ( i " i ) ，ip-32.
Hayashi Katsu 林克 • “Süshi gogyö setsu kö” 驩子五行說考 •
別攸》如日本中國學會報 3 8 (I9 86), 32 - 4 6.
Hayuka Masanori 羽床正範 • no ongaku shisö ni tsuite”呂氏春
秋 © 音樂思想 (C 〇 T . 九州中國學會報 i8
(1972)，14一23.
Kaga Eiji 加賀榮治 • “ ‘Kö Rö’ no ‘Kö’ no yukue o megutte” 黃老 © 黃 © 行方
专吣 <：。疋.T ö h ö sh ü l^ö 東方宗敎 7 〇( i 9 S f), i - 2 i.
Katakura Nozomu 片倉望 • ni okeru ten to hito” 呂氏春秋 (C 杉
汴 ^ 天 h 人 • In 沒jfemifejKö呂氏春秋硏究 no. 4 .
Kawasaki Takaharu 河崎孝治 • ‘Setsusö’ hen to ‘Anshi’ hen to ni
tsuite” 呂氏春秋節喪篇 i: 安死篇 i：(二O 日
本中國學會報 3i (1979)，31-42.
------ • ‘Shoscn’ hen ni tsuite” 墨子所染篇 (<!就 t 、T. 仿 fowü»
da^ßaku söritsu rokujüshünen kinen Chü£[〇 ki^[aku r m k i 大東文化大學激立六
十周年記念中國學論記（ 1 9 8 4 )， 3 2 7 - 斗9 .
Kishimoto Yoshihiko uRyoshi shunjü no seiritsu ncndai ni kansuru

ichi kösatsu” 呂氏春秋 ® 成立年代 (：；關言 >5 —考察 • PW/ö砂 7 彳口 V
7 彳 7 60 (1970)，67-80.
Kubota Katashi 久保田岡丨 J. “玲仍/;/ ni okeru seiji shisô no ichi mondai”呂
氏春秋 (C於汴 5 政治思想 ® —問題 •
知吻麻咏厶舰伽早稻田大學大學院文學硏究科紀要別冊 I (1975)，15-
28.
------ • jûniki to ‘Getsurei’ hen” 呂氏春秋十二紀 i:禮記月
令篇 • Part 2. 武庫川國文 2〇(I982)，ii7- 26-
------ . uK anshi cShijr hen no kôsci ni tsuitc—Gogyötcki kösei to inyöw^ ^ 2 3
時篇 ® 構成 (：： O T - 五行的構成 i：陰陽 • Parts I a n d 2.
化《武庫川國文 21 (Special issue: O W 办ï Hw »小尾郊一敎授
古稀記念）（ 1983)，I卜2斗； 23 (Special issue: läw % 说 TiwÄk 办和知以 ibw»
山口義男敎授古稀記念）（ 1 9 8 4 )， i-io.
------ • “幻 ‘Yökan’ hen to inyö gogyö setsu” 管子幼官篇包陰陽五行說 .
T 哲學 3 9 (1 9 87 ) , 丨 6 3 - 7 7 .
Kubuki Shigehiro久富木成大 • “办 ni okeru hakusö setsu” 呂氏春秋
\ Z h \1 i> K a n a za w a daißaku kyöyöbu ronshü
26 (1989)，in-33.
------ • “Sengoku ki inyö no kokka ishiki” 戰國旗陰陽 ® 國家意識 • 心》äs/w«
金澤大學敎養部論集 27 (1989), i-22.
------ • “Kyöki kara seiki he — 众 ni okeru Inyöka to Nöka” 狂氣力> 6
正氣、呂氏春秋 I二 (于陰陽家 <!：農家 • 幻办如认》办办祕《_ -
金澤大學敎養部論集 27, no. 2 (1990)，1-22.
------ • “Ryo Fui to Shin no hagyö—i ^ A ü / y .没 no hyöka wo megutte” 呂不
韋匕秦 (D霸業呂氏舂秋 (D評慣苍吣 <：。 T. Kanazawa dai£faku kyöyöbu
一
rönAö 金澤大學敎養部論集 28, no. I ( 1 9 9 0 ) , 3 9 - ip .

Kusuyama Haruki uRyoshi shunjû no keisci—ckai zai ko nn-iin, no ku
o megutte” 呂氏春秋 ® 形成一解在乎云云 ® 句杳 to <’ 〇 T.
hjyJ早稻田大學大學院文學硏究紀要 33
(1988), 35- 51.
------ • “办仍知A«»/说 ni okeru to Rötan” 呂氏春秋 (二f c 讨老子 i : 老聃 .
Numajiri bakushi taikyü kinen Cbüßoktâku rmsbû 沼尻^博士推體:記年中画
學論集（ 199〇)，149~6 斗.
Machida Saburö 町田三郎 • “办拟以亡〇及，咖 •办管子 i : 呂氏春秋 .
中國哲學論集 7 (1981)，I-I5.
------ • 没呂氏春秋 • Tokyo, 1987.
Moriya Hiroshi 守屋洋 and Ise Gen 伊勢原 . GoM，吳子尉繚
子兵法 • Tokyo, 1980.
NaitöTorazirö 內藤虎次郎 • “Shösho hengi kö” 尙書編次考 • 支那
學 I (1921)，1- 22 .
Nakamura Shöhachi中村境八 . G明五行大義校註 . Tokyo, 1984.
Nishikawa Seiji西川靖二 • “5 »«如 ryakkö” 文子略放 • rjA J 加如東方宗敎 61
(1983)，49 —6 4 .
------ • 没 ni okeru ckö’ to cshi，一yokuböron 〇chüshin to shite” 呂氏
春秋 (C 朽 ^ S 公 h 私一欲望論杳中心 i: L 龍谷紀要 il,
n o. 2 (1 9 9 0 )，1 -9 .
Numajiri Masataka 沼尻正隆 • “ 办仍办说 ni okeru jingi setsu” 呂氏春秋(二
仁義說 . In Sön>w m ibk» nwéwwM 創立七十周年記念
論文集 .Tokyo, 1973.
------ • “办仍以A■ 押 ni okeru Köshi deshi setsuwa” 呂氏春秋 (：：朽孔子弟
子說話• 漢學硏究 2〇(19衫)，i 5- 3〇.
------ • “ÄjyoW to Köshi shinwa” 呂氏春秋 <h 孔子說話 .
漢學硏究 7 (i97 〇) , 的- 76.
------ • ni mieru Dökasha ryû” 呂世春秋 (C 見 ;I 5 道家者流 .
漢學硏究 18- 19 (1980), 31- 5〇.
------ . “办 (7如 • 没 no seiritsu ni tsuite” 呂氏春秋 © 成立 (C O t 、T.
知》 —ö 漢學硏究 13-14 (1975)，213- 27 .
------ • “Bokka kibi kö” 墨家棄微考 • 漢學硏究 23 (1985)， 49-65.
------ • “办仍知 ni mieru ‘hö’ shisö” 呂氏春秋 I二見尤名法思想 •
心 ; 漢學硏究 15 (1977), I-I 5.
Okada Osamu 岡田脩• “Shinshi no hö ni tsuite” 慎子 6D法 (：： O t 、T. D 似仿
bunka Daiâku söritsu rokujüshünen kinen Chüôkuâku ronki 大東文'匕大學
創立六十周年記念中國學論記 (198+)，215- 225•
Ökubo Takayoshi大久保隆郎 . “办 0如 to 呂氏春秋 i：論術 .
從办如知办福島大學敎育學部論集 28, no. 2
(1976), 13-31.
Önishi Harutaka 大西晴隆 • “Söshi no riron” 宋子 © 論理• ibjyJ奈
良大學紀要 il (1982)，49-56.
Öshima Riichi 大島利一 . aMitabi R yoshishunjü cJönö5nado shihcn ni mieru
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(二O T. SWn•»史林53, no. 5 (197〇)，卜26.
Saiki Tetsurö 齋木哲郎 • “Maötai hakusho yori mi ni Döka shisö no ichi soku-
nado shihen no ko issho o chüshin to shite” 馬王堆帛書 J: 9 見
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Sakai Kazutaka 酒井和孝• “Makki Bokka no ken’ai shi sö— o baikai
to shite” 末期墨家 ® 兼愛思想一呂氏春秋杳媒介 i: L T. 哲學
32 (1980)， io i- i 斗.
Satö Akira 佑滕明 • “《SôrW T öjö’ shohen o megutte 莊子養生主篇杳 to <♦ 〇 T.”
7^ — ^« 哲學年報 48 (1989)，65-85.
Shen Chengtian 沈成添 . “SWmW shisö kenkyû” 慎子思想硏究 • 7hm'
天理大學學報 37, no. I ( 1985)，卜12.
Shibata Kiyotsugu ^ B9 ^Ryoshi shunjü ni mieru meijitsuron oyobi seimci-
ronnoseikaku” 呂氏春秋 (C見文 ^ 名實論朽 J: 正名論 ® 性格 .
iC奴yJ 高松工業高等專門學校硏究
紀要 17 (I9 82)，16 卜69 .
-------. 说 no yöjö setsu to seiji shisö” 呂氏春秋® 養生說 è:政治思
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-------. uK an sh i cHakushin5hen no shisö oyobi sono ^hinjutsu 5nado sanpen to
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-------. aWakka ni kansuru shisö o m e g a tte —K an sh i cNaigyö 5nado shohen no
shisöshiteki ichi zuke no kokoromiru” 惑化(二關 1" ^思想杳 to <* 〇 T —管
子內業等諸篇 © 思想史的位置 3 讨 © 試 # . 7^ « 研 ^ 哲學 4 〇(1988), I75-
88 .
------ . aOngaku to wakka—Sengoku matsu Shin Kan Juka ongaku shisö ni tsuite
11〇0^ 050” 音樂包惑化一戰國末秦漢儒家音樂思想 ^ 〇 ^ 了 © — 考想.
哲學斗I (1989)，i - i 斗.
Shima Kunio 島邦男 . 知ibÿï 虹w—ö 殷墟卜辭硏究 .Tokyo, 1958.
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Tokyo, 1971.
Shimazaki Ichirö "ßP- aR y〇shi shunjü no gakumon ron, ongaku ron—
如 to no kankei ni oite” 呂氏春秋 ® 學問論音樂論一荀子 h » 關系(二
於又 . W aseda daiâku dai£[akuin bunîaku kenkyüka k iy ö bessatsu 早蹈沿大學
大學院文學硏究科紀要別冊 I4 ( 1988), 47- 58.
Sugamoto Hirotsugu 菅本大二 . ‘Kai Rö’ hen no shisö ni tsuite” 韓非
子解老篇 © 思想 (C 〇中國文化 46 (1988), I-I 3.
Tanaka Tomoyuki 田中智幸• “Sä咖 ‘Seibutsuron’no kösei jö no mondaiten” 莊
子齊物論 ® 構成上 ® 問題點. Ö & r w w Ä Ä 櫻美
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Tatcno Masami U l f JEU. aI In no shus&ci—Ryoshi shunjü ^Honmai' hen ni
tsuite no shinwagakutdci, tetsugakutdd kanten kara ichi shiron” 伊尹 ® 出生
一呂氏春秋本味篇忆 ^ ^ T ® 神話學的哲學的觀點 & 6 — 試論 . In
Ryoshi shunjü 色氏舂秋，n o . y
-------. aShindai ni okcru unmeiron no shosô, sono ttn k s d —Ryoshi shunjü wo
chüshinni” 秦代 1C 朽汴運命論 ® 諸相子 © 展開一呂氏春秋杳中心 te.
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------ • 运 ‘Endö’ hen ni okeru ‘ichi’ no shisöteki tokushitsu” 呂氏春
秋圓道篇 1C朽^ ^ 一 ® 思想的特質• 心漢學硏究 i8- 19
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5卜62.
Uno Shigehiko 宇野茂彥. ni okeru Ju Boku setchü no yösö” 呂氏
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(1972), 117-38.
Yanase Kiyoshi 柳瀨喜代志 • “ ‘Jirei’ no kiso to shite no seiji shisö —
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十二月紀 ® 周邊• 學術硏究 2i ( 1972)，87- 95.
Yoneda Kenjirö 米田賢次郎 • nögyö gijutsu kan ikkösatsu” 呂氏
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AU d a te s g iv e n b e lo w a re B .c . u n le s s o th e r w i s e s p e c ifie d ; all c it a ti o n s a re t o Lüshi chunqiu
u n le s s o th e r w i s e s p e c ifie d .
Actor Shi 優施 An official favored by Duke Xian o f Jin. 23/6.2

商箴 The title o f a lost work. 13/2.2
周箴 The tide o f a lost work. 13/5.2
Ancient Kings See Former Kings
Anmen 岸門 Ä city in Wei， located in what is now the area to the south o f
Hejin 河津 County，Shanxi. 11/5.5, 20/8.3
Anyi 安邑 An early capital o f the state o f Wei. 18/7.5
Azure Bird An emissary o f the Queen Mother o f the West. 14/2.4.B
Ba and Shu E S Ancient states located in what is now Sichuan. The Ba arc
included among the ccbarbarianwpeoples listed in 14/4. 8/3.6,14/4.1
Bai Gui 白圭 Given name, Dan f } . A native o f Wei and a contemporary o f
the philosopher Hui Shi. (There is a second person named Bai Gui in the
ancient literature, a native o f Zhou who was a contemporary o f Duke Wen o f
Wei. The chronology o f the Lüshi chunqiu anecdotes suggests that the Bai Gui
named in this text is the contemporary o f Hui Shi.) 13/斗.2.B, 16/1.5,18/6.4 ，
18/ 7 . 1，19 / 8 .4 , 2〇/ 3.5
Bao Shu 鮑叔 S從 Bao Shuya
Bao Shuya 鮑叔牙 A nobleman o f Qi and friend o f Guan Zhong. Cited as a
good influence on Duke Huan o f Qi. Also called Bao Shu. 1/4.3, 2/4.2.c,
15/6.3, 15/6.6, I9/7.3, 21/6.3, 22/6.1.B, 23/2.2, 24/2.2
Bao Si 褒拟 The favorite consort o f King You o f Zhou. A native o f the state
o f Bao, she was surname Si. The king took her when he attacked Bao. 22/3.2
Bei Zhan 被瞻 A grand officer who served Dukes Wen and Mu o f Zheng.
13/6.3.B, I9/3.3.B, I9/3.3.C, 26/ 2.4
Beiguo Sao 北享「 )騷 A recluse o f Qi in Spring and Autumn times. 12/2.2
[763]
Beihu 北戶 An ancient state in the “Southern Wilderness” （Nanhuang 南荒 )•
See “Shi di” 釋地 .19/6.1
Beiliang 卑梁 A border town in Chu, according to the Liishi chunqiu\ but
the Shiji identifies it as a border town in Wu. 16/6.3
Beiren Wuze 北人無擇 A friend o f Shun’s， to whom Shun wished to yield
the throne. 19/1.2.A
Bi 畢 Biyuan 畢原， located to the north o f what is now Xianyang 咸陽，
Shaanxi. 18/8.1
Bi River 沘水 The old name o f the Wei River 浪河 o f Anhui, a tributary o f
the Huai， whose source is on Mount Bi 沘山 • 25/5.3
Bian Sui 卞隨 A legendary and eminent knight o f Xia times. 19/1.2.B
Bigan i 匕干 An uncle， or perhaps older brother, o f Zhou Xin who had his
heart cut out for criticizing the Shang king. Sometimes referred to as Prince
Bi Gan 王子比干 • 2/5.5,13/5.1，14/8.1，15/M，18/4.3, 23/1.3, 23/4.I.B，2斗/i.i
Bikaizhu 敝凯諸 A southern people. 20/3.1
B i l u 庳廬 An ancient site. 8/3.6
Bin 那 A place in the western part o f what is now Shaanxi Province. The
name is also written 豳 • 21/4.2
Bin Beiju 賓卑聚 A personal name. i9/i.4
Bing, Shu, and Shi 丙，術，視 Boyi Bing 白乙丙， Xiqi Shu 西乞術， and
Mengming Shi the three Qin generals in charge o f the surprise
attack on Zheng, ca. 628.16/4.2
Blue Qiang 青充 A tribe whose name (ccBluew) associates them with the east.
22/5.2
Bo 亳 The ancient Shang capital located in what is now Yanshi 偃師 County,
Henan. 15/1.2
Bo ^ A city in the time o f Tang, located to the north o f what is now Shang-
qiu 商丘 County, Henan. Also written 亳 • 18/8• I
Bo ^ An ancient tribe that lived in the area o f what is now southern Sichuan
and eastern Yunnan. 20/1.3
Bo Ya 伯牙 A native o f Chu famous for his skill at playing the zither. 14/2.3
Bo Yang 伯陽 According to legend， a worthy official who served both Yao
and Shun. 14/2.2
Bo Yi 伯益 The legendary head o f the Eastern Yi tribe who was good at ani-
mal husbandry and hunting and served Shun as “Gamekeeper” « 虞)• Also
said to have assisted Yu. Cited as a good influence on his ruler. Sometimes
referred to as Huayi 彳匕益 or simply as Yi. Other sources give his name as f白
醫• 2/ 4 .2 .A，17/ 4 .2, 22/ 5.2, 2斗/ 2 .I
Bo Yi 薄疑 An officer o f Wey， contemporary with Lord Si. I3/6.3.B，I3/7.3.B,
18/1.6, 26/2.3.A
Bo Yi and Shu Qi 伯夷，叔齊 Two sons o f the lord o f Guzhu， who lived at
the end o f the Shang. According to legend, although their father had named
Shu Qi his successor, neither son was willing to accept the position. They
eventually fled to the side o f the Zhou conquerors, but after the conquest
they starved themselves to death rather than suffer the shame o f eating food
provided by the Zhou. 12/4.2
Bocheng Zigao {白成子高 According to tradition， one o f the feudal lords
during the time o f Yao and Shun. 20/2.1, 20/2.2
Boju 柏舉 A town in the southern part o f Chu. The site o f a significant mili
tary defeat for the state. Sec Z u 〇7Jÿuan (Xuan 12). 14/3.2,14/4.2
Bole f 白樂 A famous judge o f horses contemporary with Duke Mu o f Qin.
9/5.4.A, 24/2.1, 25/4.2.B
Boli Xi 百里奚 A grand officer o f Qin who served as prime minister under
Duke Mu. 4/3.1,14/6.3,17/5.5, 24/1.4, 25/5.2
Boqin 伯禽 The son o f the Duke o f Zhou. Since the Duke o f Zhou served
King Cheng as minister, Boqin was enfeoffed with the state o f Lu 1/4.2.B
Boyang 伯陽 A worthy contemporary with Yao and, according to legend,
one o f the seven friends o f Shun. Cited as a good influence on his ruler.
2/4.2
Boyi the elder 伯夷父 According to tradition， the teacher o f Zhuanxu• 斗/j.i
Bozhao f白招 According to tradition， the teacher o f Sovereign Ku. 4/3.1
Bright M ountains 陽山 The southern slopes o f the Kunlun range. 14/2.4』
Broom stars _ 星 Comets—inauspicious signs. 6/5.3.D
Bu Zixia 卜子夏 See Zixia
Butian 圃田 A marsh located to the west o f what is now Zhongmou 中牟
County, Henan. One o f the “nine marshes.” ij/i.7
B uting 不庭 A mountain whose location is unknown. 13/7.2
Buzhou 不周 A mountain whose location is unknown. According to ancient
tradition, it is in the northwest part o f the Kunlun range. 13/7.2,14/2•斗.B
Cai 蔡 A small state annexed by King Wen o f Chu, located in the area o f what
are now called Shangcai 上蔡 and Xincai 新蔡 counties，Henan. Excavations
o f elite burials in the area have unearthed magnificent bronze bells and stone
chimes. 14/5.3
Cang Jie 蒼額 The legendary inventor o f writing. Gao You identifies him
with Scribe Huang, the inventor o f charts mentioned in 17/4.2. 17/2.3
Cangling 蒼領 In old myth, the name o f a large marsh. The Shanhaijing says
it is located “south o f the Yangzi.” Other texts make the name Qingling 清領 .
19/1.2.A
Cao H ui 曹翩 An official who served Duke Zhuang o f Lu. 19/7.3
Caozhong 草中 A city occupied by the Rong, said to have been located east
o f the state o f Jin. 15/6.5
Chang H on g 萇弘 A grand officer o f the small state o f Liu PJ who served
King Jing 敬王 o f Zhou. Having worked to help bolster the house o f Fan in
Jin, he was later murdered by a Zhou adherent. 14/8.1, 18/3.6, 18/4.3
Chang Yuqiao 長魚矯 A sycophantic official in the service o f Duke Li o f Jin.
20/7.2
Changping 長平 A plain located to the northwest o f present-day Gaoping
高平，Shanxi. The site o f a famous battle between Qin and Zhao, which
ended with Qin burying 4 0 0 ,〇〇〇Zhao soldiers alive. 12/3.2,18/7.6
Changxiang 常祥 A mountain whose location is unknown. 13/7.2
Changze 長澤 A marsh that legend locates in the west. 14/2.4.B
Chaomen 巢門 Presumably the name o f a gate in the Xia capital. 8/3.2
Chen Bei 陳悲 A famous judge o f horses. 20/8.4
Chen H en g 陳怪 See Viscoiint Cheng o f Tian
Chen Wuyu 陳無宇 A grand officer o f Qi who attacked other families in the
state to plunder their wealth. Known posthumously as Viscount Huan 桓子.
2〇 / 2 .I, 2 2 /I. 3 .A
Cheng The site o f a battle between Tang and the armies o f Xia. 8/3.2
Cheng ^ The city to which King Wen o f Zhou is said to have moved his
capital. Located to the east o f what is now Xianyang, Shaanxi. The name is
also (more properly) written 程 and 郵（ Ying). 18/8.1
Cheng Jing 成荆 A knight o f Qi in Spring and Autumn times known for his
bravery. Often mentioned together with Meng Ben. 8/5.2
Cheng Ya Legcndarily credited with the innovation o f using teams o f
horses to pull chariots. The X 你似多• calls him Cheng Du 乘杜• （Du is his given
name; Cheng, wa team o f four horses,55is probably a nickname o f some sort.)
17/4.2
Chengfii 城父 A town on the northern border o f Chu， located east o f
present-day Baofeng Sf S County, Henan. 22/1.2
C henggong Jia 成公賈 An official who served King Zhuang o f Chu. 18/2.3
Chengpu 城滕 A site in Wey, located south o f what is now Fan County
縣，Henan. In 632 it was the site o f a battle between Chu and Jin， in which
the latter, led by Duke Wen, was victorious. 14/4.2, 23/1•斗，23/6.2
Chengzhou 成周 Another name for the city o f Luo, the ancestor o f modern
Luoyang. The Duke o f Zhou built the city to help contain the rebels remain
ing among the conquered Shang population. 15/6.5, 20/2.3
Chi (Red) River Location unknown. Gao You sites its headwaters in
the southeast section o f the Kunlun mountains. One o f the ccsix rivers.5513/1.9
Chi Ji 赤冀丁 he legendary inventor o f the mortar and pestk， as w dl as the
hoc, axe, kiln, and other implements and devices. 17/4.2
Child Ruler o f Qin 秦小主 According to Gao You, this was Prince Chu 出
the son o f Duke Hui o f Qin. According to the Shiji^ he was only two
years old when he assumed the throne. Chen Qiyou speculates that his wlady55
{furen ^ À ) mentioned in the Liishi chunqiu is his mother. 24/4.3
Chiyou 贵尤 Legendary leader o f the Nine Li 九黎 tribes o f the east. The
Lüsht chunqiu mentions and rejects the tradition that he was the inventor o f
weaponry. 7/2.1.c
Chiyou’s Banner 蛋尤之旗 An inauspicious cloud formation said to presage
the fall o f a state. Named for Chiyou, the mythical villain who did battle with
the Yellow Sovereign. 6/5.3.A
Chizhang M anzhi 赤章蔓枝 An official o f the state o f Qiuyou in Spring and
Autumn times. 15/2.4
C hong’er 重耳 S你 Duke Wen o f Jin
Chui 倕 A legendary artisan who lived during the age o f Yao and who also
served Sovereign Ku. Also called Youchui 有倕 • 1/3.1，5/5.7,18/4.6
Chun Ju An official who served King Xuan o f Qi. Wang Yinglin (K u n -
x u e jiw e n ) identifies him with the Master Chun o f the Shangshu d a zh u an
尙書大傳 whose given name is Wey 衛.20/7 .4
Chundi 群抵 A mountain whose location is unknown. 13/7.2
Chunyu Kun 淳于髮 A Qi nobleman famous for his erudition. 15/4.4,18/4.6,
23/ 5.4
Chuqiu The ancient name for a place located in what is now the area
east o f Hua 滑 County, Henan. 8/3•斗，11/3.3
Ci Fci 次非 A native o f Chu. Other sources write his name 丨次非，依飛, and
茲非（ Zi Fd). 20/3.2
Cinnabar Peak 丹山 A mountain located, according to Gao You, some
where in the south. 14/2.4. b
Cinnabar River 丹水 A river that flows between what are now Henan and
Shaanxi provinces. 20/4.3
Concubine Li 81 $6 A favorite o f Duke Xian o f Jin, who acquired her during
an attack on the Li Rong 驪戎 • As the duke’s concubine and then as his wife,
Concubine Li conspired against Crown Prince Shcnshcng for the sake o f her
own son5s success and thus brought turmoil to Jin. 19/3.3.A, 23/6.2.A
Confucius 孑L子 The patriarch o f the Ru school. Often mentioned jointly
with Mo Di in Referred to in the text as Kong 孑L, Kongzi 孑L
子， and Kong Qiu 孔丘 • 1/5•斗，2/4.3, 3/3.3, 3/3.4, 4/2.3, 4/3.2.B，4/3.5.C，10/3.4,
10/ 5.4 , 11/ 4 . 3, 12/ 5.2, 13/ 7. 1，14/ 1.8, 1斗/ 4 .2, 1斗/斗.3, 14/ 6 .4 , 14/ 7.I.A, 14/ 7 .3, 14/ 8 .4 ,
ij/i. 4 , 15/7.5, 16/5.3A 16/6.2, 17/3.4,17/7.1,18/3.3,18/3.4, 18/8.2.B, 19/2.2,
19/B.2, 19/8.2, 20/3.2, 20/4.4, 20/4.5.A, 20/8.2, 22/4.5, 22/5.5, 22/6.2, 23/4.1.B,
24/1.2, 24/5.3, 25/3.4, 26/2.2, 26/2.5
Cook D ing 庖丁 Famed for his skills as a butcher. See Zhuangzi^ wYang
sheng zhu” 養生主 • 9/5.4.A
Crown Prince Shen 太子申 Son and heir-apparent to King Hui o f Wei.
Died in the battle with Qi at Maling， in 3斗〇• 24/3.3
Crown Prince Shensheng 太子申生 Heir-apparent to Duke Xian o f Jin.
19/3.3.A, 23/6.2
768 G L O S SA R Y
Crown Prince Yu 太子圉 The son o f Duke Hui o f Jin. He ruled briefly as
Duke Huai 懷公； but soon after assuming his reign， he was killed by Duke
Mu o f Qin, to clear the way for Prince Chong5er, the future Duke Wen. 23/6.2
Cui Zhu 崔抒 A grand officer o f Qi who conspired with Qing Feng to assas
sinate Duke Zhuang, replace him with Duke Jing, and force the generals and
grand officers o f Qi to swear allegiance to the new regime. 20/3.1, 20/3.4,
22/1.3.A
Da N ao ^ M According to legend, an historiographer for the Yellow Sover
eign. Credited with having invented the cyclical £fanzhi system for naming
days. In 4/3 he is named as the teacher o f the Yellow Sovereign. 4/3.1,17/4.2
Dacheng Zhi 大成贊 According to tradition, the teacher o f Yu. 4/3.1
D adou 大豆 A famous charioteer o f antiquity, the teacher o f Zaofu. Some
sources give his name as Taidou 泰豆• I3/4.2.A
Dafen 大汾 A pass in the state o f Jin. One o f the ccnine passes.5513/1.6
Dai 代 A small state located in what is now the area o f Wei County 蔚縣，
Hebei. Annexed by Viscount Xiang o f Zhao. 14/4.3,14/5-4
Dai H ouse 戴氏 The ruling dan o f the state o f Song， who seized power
from the previous ruling dan, the Zi 子• 23/5.3
Daji 大棘 A walled-town in Song, located to the northwest o f modem Zhe-
cheng 柘城 County，Henan. 16/6.4
Dajie 大解 An eastern people. 20/1.3
Daliang 大梁 The capital o f Wei， after it was moved there from Anyi by King
Hui. 18/7.7
Dalu 大陸 A marsh located in the area o f Ji County 汲縣，Henan. One o f the
“nine marshes.” 13/1.7
Dan, Duke o f Zhou See Duke o f Zhou
Daner 儋耳 A northern tribe. 17/3.2.c, 20/1.3
Danyang 丹陽 A place located in what is now Zigui 姊歸 County， Hubei.
23/2.3
Dark M ountain 玄山 A mountain whose name suggests it was in the north,
but whose exact location is unknown. I4/2.4.B
Dasha ^ f p Another name for Nanchao, the site o f Tangos victory over Jie. 15/1.2
Daxi 大犧 One o f Jic's officials; captured by Tang at the battle o f Cheng.
8/3.2
Daxia 大夏 In legend, either a marsh or mountains in the west. Identified as
a marsh in 19/6 and Huainanzi^ wDixingwitË0 . 5/5 5 ,14/2.4.B, 19/6.1
Dazhao 大日召 Old name for a marsh located in the area to the southwest o f
present-day Qi County 祁縣，Shanxi. 13/1.7
Dazzling Deluder ( Y i n g h u o ) 焚惑 Mars—an inauspicious sign. Also called
the Fire Star 火星• 6/5.3.D
Deed o f the j i a z i day 甲子之事 The great defeat inflicted by King Wu o f
Zhou on the Shang armies at Muye. 14/3.1
D eng Xi 鄧析 A grand 〇伍cer of Zheng during the late Spring and Autumn
period who wrote the ccBamboo Q>de of Corporal Punishments,55setting
forth a legal system. He was also a known figure in the school of Names. The
wBibliographic Treatise55of the H a n sh u lists a D en g xi^ now lost; the present
work by that title is regarded as a later forgery. 18/4.2,18/4.3,18/4.4
D eputy C ontroller Ran 右主然 A Qin border official. 24/斗.3
D i 狄 A non-Xia “barbarian” tribe in the west. 8/3.4, 2i/4.2
D i 翟 A non-Xia “barbarian” tribe in the west; the Di 狄 tribe. S吖 West-
em Di 西翟 • 11/3.3,15/6.5,19/3.3.B，24/斗.3
D i and Q iang Western tribes that the inhabitants of the Central States
thought barbarian. 14/斗 •I , 20/1.3
D i H uang 翟黃 A senior minister at the court of Marquis Wen of Wei.
15/3.6,19/8.3,19/8.4, 24/3.5
D i Jian 翟箭 A native of Wei and a descendant of Di Huang. 13/4.2』，18/5.8,
18/6.3
D irector o f the C ity W alls， Prince H an 司城子罕 A powerful official in
Song. 1 0 /4 .3 , 2 0 / 4 . 4
D irector o f Works Chi 士尹池 A native of Chu. 20/4.4
商書 The tide of a lost work. 1 3 /7 .2 ,1 4 /1 .4
D o c u m e n t o f X i a M M The tide of a lost work. 13/7.1
D o c u m e n t o f Z h o u 周書 The title of a lost work. 1 3 /4 .1 ， 15/1.1 ， i9 /5 .i_ B ，19/7.1
D og R ong 犬戎 In myth, a barbarian people located in the far north. 2 2 /5 .2
D on g A nyu 董安于 Ä member of the household staff of Viscount Jian of
Zhao. 8/5.3
D onggu o Jian 東郭蹇 A grand officer of Qi. 2 4 /1 .4
D onggu o Ya 東郭牙 An official who served Duke Huan of Qi. 1 7 / 4 .3 ,1 8 / 2 .4
D ongye Ji 東野稷 A charioteer contemporary with Duke Zhuang of Wey.
1 9 /5 .3 B
D ragon Gate 龍門 An ancient name for the Yellow River gorge to the
northwest of Hejin 河津 County，Shanxi， whose sides resemble gate towers.
5/5.10, 21/5.3
D u H e 杜赫 A native of Royal Zhou who had a reputation as a strategist and
so traveled to Qi, Chu, and other states, offering his advice. 1 3 /7 .3 .B, 2 6 /2 .3 .b
Duan Q iao 段喬 An important official of Han. 21/1.3
D uangan M u 段干木 A recluse of Wei who studied with Zixia and was
highly esteemed by Marquis Wen of Wei. Also identified as a merchant.
2 / 4 . 3 . B, 4 /3 .2 .B , 15/3.6, 1 9 /8 .4 , 2 1 /2 .I, 21/3.3
Duke Ai o f Lu 魯哀公 Often figures in conversations with Confucius. 3/3.5,
1 6 /5 .3 .c , 2 2 /6 .2
Duke A o o f Ju 宮散公丁 he ruler of the small state ofju during the Spring
and Autumn period. Other sources identify the ruler as Duke Mu of*Ju 宮穆
公 • 2〇/i.5
77〇 G L O SSA R Y
Duke Chu o f Jin 晉出公 Reigned 474-452. He was attacked and forced to
flee to Qi by the earl of Zhi acting with the Han, Wei, and Zhao families. The
duke^s family remained in Jin as figurehead rulers until his fifth-generation de
scendant, Duke Jing i f was formally removed in 453- 18/1.3
Duke Dan of Zhou 周公旦 S吖 Duke of Zhou
Duke Dun o f Zhai 祭公敦 A hereditary officer under King You of the Zhou
dynasty. Cited as a bad influence on his ruler. 2/4.2.B
Duke Gong o f Cao 曹共公 Reigned 652-618. I9/3.3.B
Duke Gu o f Guo 虢公鼓 A hereditary officer under King You of Zhou.
Cited as a bad influence on his ruler. 2/4.2.B
Duke H uan o f Qi 齊桓公 Reigned 685-643. First feudal ruler to be named
a lord-protector. 1/4.3, 2 / 4 .2 .C, 4/3.1，8 / 3 .4 , h / 3 .3 , 1 3 / 5 .4 , 1 斗/ 6 .斗，1 5 / 3 .4 , 15/5 4,
1 5 / 6 .6 , 1 6 / 3 .2 , 1 6 / 8 .3 , 1 7 / 3 .3 , 1 7 / 4 .3 , 1 8 / 2 .4 , 1 8 / 3 .5 , I9 / 3 .3 .B，1 9 / 7 .3 , 1 9 / 8 •斗，1 9 / 8 .5 ,
20/5.3, 22/6.1.B, 23/2.2, 24/2.2, 25/6.4
Duke H ui o f Jin 晉惠公 Reigned 650-637. Son of Duke Xian. S吖级 Zw
Prince Yiwu. 8/5.2, 23/1•斗，23/6.2.A，24/3.3
Duke H ui o f Lu 魯惠公 Reigned 768- 723. Remembered as a good ruler. 2/4.3
Duke Jian o f Qi 齊簡公 Reigned 484-481. The ill-fated ruler who, in the
fourth year of his reign, was murdered by the Tian BB family, which then be
came the ruling clan of Qi. 17/6.6
Duke Jian o f Zheng 鄭簡公 I6/5.3.C
Duke Jing o f Qi 齊景公 Reigned 547-509.19/2.2, 22/i.3.a
Duke Jing o f Song 宋景公 Reigned 516-451 (or 469?). 6/4.3, 2〇/ 斗.4
Duke Kang of Liu 劉康公 The son of King Ding 定王 of the state of Zhou
(or perhaps King Kuang 匡王 )• He was enfeoffed in Liu， a small state located
to the south of what is now Yanshi 偃師 County，Henan. 18/3.6
Duke Li o f Jin 晉厲公 Reigned 581/80?-573. Imprisoned and killed by
members of the Jin nobility. Remembered as a villain. 7/4.2.E, 15/2.2, 20/7.2
Duke Ling o f Chen Reigned 614-599. Along with two of his minis
ters, had an illicit affair with Lady Xia; murdered by her son Xia Zhengshu
while at a drinking party at the lad/s home. 7/4.2.E
Duke Ling o f Jin 晉靈公 Reigned 620-607. A ruler who “lacked the Dao•”
1 5 / 4 .2 , 23/4.2
Duke Ling o f Wey 衛靈公 Reigned 5 3 4 - 4 9 3 . 25/4.6

Duke Mu o f Lu 魯綴公 Reigned 4 〇7 - 376. 20/2.3
Duke Mu of Qin 秦穆公 Reigned 659-621. Restored Chong’er as Duke
Wen of Jin. One of the Five Lords-Protector•斗/3 .i ，6/3.3, 8/5.2,1斗/6 .3 ,16/4.2,
19/3.3 .B, 23/5.2, 23/6.2.A, 24/1.3, 24/1.4
Duke Mu o f Zheng 鄭穆公 13/6• 斗，26/2.4
Duke o f Beiliang 卑梁公 The grand officer in charge of the defenses of the
town of Beiliang. Because the ruler of Chu was called ccking,wthose in charge
of such towns were referred to as “dukes.” 16/6.3
G L O S SA R Y 771
Duke o f Bo 白公 S你 Duke Sheng of Bo

Duke o f Cai 蔡公 6/3.3
Duke o f Shao S An official who served King Wu of Zhou and in return
was given Shao as a fief. Because he also held the tide of grand protector 太保，
he was also called the Grand Protector, Duke of Shao 保召公 • 12/4.2, i8/4.3
Duke o f She 葉公 Shen Zhuliang 沈諸梁， the adventurer who became
grand officer of the Chu district of She. 25/4.5
Duke o f Zhou 周公 The younger brother of King Wu of Zhou， whom he
aided in the annihilation of the Shang and the establishment of the Zhou
royal house. According to tradition, much of the old Zhou culture, including
its rites and music, was created by the Duke of Zhou. Cited as a good influ
ence on his ruler; mentioned as the teacher of both Kings Wen and Wu. Also
referred to as Dan 0 ., Duke of Zhou. 1/4.2.B, 2/4.2.A, 4/3.1, 5/5.12, 5/5.13,
5/5.14, 6/3.3, n /5 .4 ,12/4.2,13/5.4,15/1.3,15/3.3,15/7.4,16/2.1,18/2.2,18/3.2,
18/4.3, 20/2.3, 21/1.4, 24/5.3
Duke Ping o f Jin 晉平公 Reigned 557- 532. 1/5•斗，11/5.3
Duke Ping o f Song 宋平公 Reigned 575-532. 2〇/4 .4
Duke Sheng o f Bo 白公勝 The grandson of King Ping of Chu and son of
the heir-apparent, Jian In revenge for his fathers death, between 479 and
478 the duke plotted to murder the Chu prime minister Zixi 子西 and Sima
Ziqi 司馬子期 • He succeeded in carrying out his plot (alluded to as his
asecretwin 18/3) and murdering the two men; but he ultimately failed to take
control of Chu and committed suicide. 18/3.4,19/2.4, 25/4.J
Duke Wei o f Zhou 周威公 The ruler of the lesser state of West Zhou 西周
in Warring States times， located in what is now Henan. King Kao 考王 of
Zhou (r. 4 4 0 -4 2 6 ) enfeoffed his younger brother, Duke Wei5s father, with the
land and the title Duke Huan. After Duke Wei5s death, the fief was divided
into two parts, West Zhou and East Zhou. 16/1 •斗，24/5.4
Duke Wen o f Jin 晉文公 Reigned 636-628. The famous young lord whö
was exiled and then returned home to become one of the most powerful
rulers of the Spring and Autumn pcricxi. He was named one of the Five
Lords-Protector. Also known as Chong Er 〇r Prince Chong5cr
(“Double-Ears”). 2/4.2.C ，斗/3-i ，8/3.5,12/3.1，14/斗.2 ,1 4 /6 .4 ,1 5 /6 .5 ,19/3.3.A，
19/3.3*B, 19/3.3-C, 19/6.4.B, 22/3.2, 23/1.4, 23/6.2, 24/1.5, 24/4.2
Duke Wen o f Wey 衛文公 Reigned 659-631. 19/3 3 B
Duke Wen o f Zheng 鄭文公 Reigned 672-628. 19/3 3 B
Duke Xian o f Jin 晉獻公 Reigned 676-651. The son of Duke Wu 武公 .
15/ 2 . 3 , I9 / 3 . 3 .A，23 / 1.4
, 23 / 6 .2 .A
Duke Xian o f Wey 衛獻公 Assuming the throne in 576, he was forced to flee
the state in 559; but he returned to his position in 5斗7 and died in 5斗4. 25/6.3.A
Duke Xiang o f Jin 晉襄公 Reigned 627-621. The son of Duke Wen. 16/4.2，
18/3.6
772 G L O S SA R Y
Duke Xiang o f Qi 齊襄公 Reigned 6 9 7 - 6 8 6 . 2 i/6 .3

Duke Xiang o f Qin 秦襄公 Reigned 7 7 7 - 7 6 6 . 2 2 /3 .2
Duke Xiang o f Song 宋襄公 Reigned 6 5 0 - 6 3 7 . 19/3 3 B
Duke Xiao of Lu 魯孝公 1 6 /6 .5
Duke Xiao of Qin 秦孝公 Died 338. i i / 5 .6 , 2 2 /2 .2
Duke Yi o f Wey 衛懿公 Reigned 6 6 8 - 6 6 o. Lost his state because of his
cclove of cranes.55 See Z u o zh u a n (Min 2 .) 11/3.3
Duke Yuan o f Song 宋元公 Reigned 531- 517. 1 7 /2 .2 , 2 0 / 4 . 4
Duke Zhao o f Lu 魯昭公 i6 /6 .5
Duke Zhao of Song 宋昭公 Reigned 6 i 9 _ 6 i i . 2 〇/6 .5
Duke Zhuang o f Lu 魯莊公 Reigned 6 9 3 - 6 2 2 .1 9 / 7 . 3
Duke Zhuang o f Qi 齊莊公 Reigned 5 5 3 -5 4 8 . Characterized as a king who
“lacked self-knowledge.” 19/1 •斗，2 2 /1 .3 .A ，2 斗/ 3 . 3
Duke Zhuang o f Wey 衛莊公 Reigned 534—4 9 3 . I 9 /5 .3 .B ，2 5 /6 .3 .B
Dunqia Choumi 敦洽讎糜 An ugly native of Chen whose name meant
Generous, Harmonious and Quarrels with No One. 1 4 /7 4
Duoying 多顴 A southern tribe. 1 7 /3 .2 .c
Dyadic Couple 兩儀 Heaven and Earth， according to Gao You. 5/2.1
Earl o f Gong 共伯 Earl He 和 of Gong， the ruler of Gong during the West
ern Zhou. He was expelled from his state during the reign of the evil King Li
of Zhou and only able to reclaim his title only after fourteen years, when
King Xuan 宣王 of Zhou assumed the throne. He is said to have found his
exile at Mount Gongshou a period of ease and freedom. 14/6.4, 21/1.1
Earl o f Mei 梅彳白 A Shang nobleman murdered by Zhou Xin. 2〇/6.3，
23/4.1.B
Earl o f the West 西伯 The tide given the fiiture King Wen of Zhou by the
Shang king Zhou Xin when the former was still the subject of the latter. 9/2.3,
12/ 斗.2, 15/ 7.3
Earl o f Zhi 智伯 S你 Earl Yao of Zhi
Earl o f Zhuang 莊彳白 A Chu figure who served as supporter of the state. 18/5.5
Earl Yao o f Zhi 智彳白搖 A descendant of the Xun ^ clan. During the reign
of Duke Ai, the government of Jin was in his hands. Also called Xun Yao ^
2/4.2.D, 7/4.2.E, I2/5.I, 12/5.3, 15/2.4, 22/6.1.B, 2 4 / 3.3
Early Kings See Former Kings
Established Tree According to legend, a tree that grew to the south of
the state of the White Peoples. 13/1.13
Fan family 范氏 The noble Shi 士 family of Jin. (Fan was the name of the
fief given to the founder of the clan, Shi Hui d r# .) The family fled from Jin
to Qin in 490, when they were under attack by Viscount Jian of Zhao. Their
lands were confiscated in 458 by Earl Yao of Zhi acting with the heads of the
Han, Zhao, and Wei families. The term can also refer to the head or leader of
the Shi family. 12/5.3, 2斗/3 •
斗
G L O S SA R Y 773
Fan Jiyi 范吉射 A Jin nobleman. In 斗97, he joined Zhonghang Yin in raising
an army to surround Viscount Jian of Zhao at Jinyang and was exiled as a re
sult. 2/4.2.d, 25/1.4
Fan Li 范蠢 A native of Chu who became an officer in Yue. There he helped
King Goujian conquer the state of Wu. Cited as a good influence on the king.
Also known as Taozhu Gong 陶朱公， or the Lord of Taozhu. See
“Yueyu xia” 越語下 • 2/4.4, 4/3.1,14/5.2,16/斗.1，18/4.3
Fan Yao 凡縣 An official who served King Zhao of Yan. 20/6.4
Fangcheng 方城 A mountain located south of what is now Ye County 葉縣，
Henan. In Spring and Autumn times it was the site of an important pass in
the north of Chu. One of the ttnine passes.5513/1.6, 22/1.2
Fanruo 繁弱 Name of ä famous bow. i 8 / 8 . i
Fei Wuji 費無忌 An official who served King Ping of Chu. The Z 撕 ;/;«级》
gives his name as 費無極 and says he was lesser tutor to the crown prince.
22/1.2
Feilong 飛龍 God of the winds. 5/5.6
Fen 汾 A town in Wei. 18/7.5
Feng and Hao 鄭，鎬 Ancient Zhou capitals. Feng was the capital during
the reign of King Wen and was located east of what is now Lu County 盧縣，
Shaanxi. Its name is also written Hao was the capital of King Wu and was
located to the southwest of present-day Xi5an, on the eastern bank of the Feng
River 澄水 • It was also called Haojing 鎬京 and Zongzhou 宗周 • 8/3.4, 22/3.2
Filial Ji 孝己丁he son of the Shang ruler Gao Zong 高宗 • 1斗/8.1
Fire Grate 炮恪（炮格） An infamous punishment of the Shang dynasty.
After being forced to walk across a bronze grate over a fire, the condemned
would then perish in the flames. 9/2.3, 23/4.2
First Kings See Former Kings
Five assistants 佐五人 According to Gao You, the five men who assisted
King Wu in governing: the Duke of Zhou; Shi 奭， duke of Shao 召公； Grand
Duke Wang; Duke Gao of Bi 畢公高； and Duke Fensheng of Su 蘇公忿生 .
2 5 /4 . 2
Five Colors S f e Azure, yellow, vermilion, white, and black. The phrase is
also used to refer to beautiful and colorful sights. 5/4.1
Five Constants 五常 The five elements of morality: a father who is righteous，
a mother who is loving, an older brother who is friendly, a younger brother
who is respectful, and a child who is filial. 22/5.3
Five Lakes 五湖 The five parts of Lake Tai 太湖 • 5/5.10, 9/2•斗，i5/7.i，19/斗. 5
Five Lords-Protector 五伯（五霸） Duke Wen of Jin, Duke Huan of Qi，
King Zhuang of Chu, King Hclu of Wu, and King Goujian of Yuc. 3/3.2. d,
7/4.2,11/4.2,13/7.1, 19/8.1,19/8.4, 26/2.5
Five Sovereigns 五帝 The Yellow Sovereign 黃帝， Zhuanxu 顧頊， Sovereign
Ku 帝嚳， Yao 堯， and Shun 舜 • This list is based on passages such as those
774 G L O S SA R Y
found in 5/5. I/4.2.D ，3/ 3.2.D，4/3.1 ，4/5.6, 6/5.1，7/2.I.C ，7/ 4 .2, 13/ 2.2, 13/5.2, 14/
i.i ，15/ 3.1，17/4.3,17/8.3,19/5.2
Five States 五國 Qin ，Chu, Han, Zhao, and Wei. 15/ 2.5
Five Tastes 五味 Sour, bitter, sweet, acrid, and salty. The phrase is also used
to refer to delicious flavors. 5/ 4 .1, 14/ 2.4 .A
Five Tones i s 1 The five notes of the pentatonic %zA(t\gong shang ^ J u e
角， ü 徵，and ，》羽 • The phrase is also used to refer generally to music. 5/4.1
Flowing Sands 流沙 According to Gao You， the desert area west of
Dunhuang 敦煌，Gansu. I斗/2.4.B
Former Kings 先王 Variously rendered “Early Kings，” “First Kings，” “Ancient
Kings，” or “Founding Kings.” I/3.6.A 3/5.3,斗/ 2.i ，5/ 2.1，5/ 斗.4, 7/4.3, 7/5.3，
9/2.1 ，14/1.2, 15/8.1，15/8.2,19/5.I.A，22/5.I.B ，24/5.1，25/3.5, 25/4.1，25/5.1，25/5.5
Founding Kings See Former Kings
Fu Tun 腹靜 An elder of the Mohist school. i/5.5
Fu Zijian 态子賤 A disciple of Confiicius originally named Fu Buqi 态不齊 •
I8 / 8 .2 .A, I8 / 8 .2 .B, 21 / 2 .2
Fufeng 夫風 A southern people. 20/1.3
Fulou 縛婁 Ä southern state. 2〇/i.3
Fusang 扶桑 In legendary accounts, a state in the east; also the location and
the name of the tree the sun climbs as it rises in the east. 19/6.1, 22/5.2
Fuyue 傅說 A Shang minister who, according to tradition, had once been a
convicted criminal. An exemplar of achieving greatness from low beginnings.
22/5.2
Gan o f Wu sword 吳干僉(I According to tradition, a prized sword cast by
Gan Jiang 干將， a native of Wu. Also called the Gan Jiang sword. 22/3.1
Gan Xin 干辛 An official who served Jie， last ruler of the Xia. Cited as a bad
influence on his ruler. 2/4.2.B, 15/1.2,17/5.6
Ganhou 干侯 A walled town in Jin, located to the southeast of what is now
Chengân 成安 County，Hebei. 16/6.5
Ganqi Terrace disorders 乾豁之亂 Events that occurred in Chu between
529 and 528. After attacking the state of Xu, King Ling camped his army at
Ganqi—which was later also the site of the king5s suicide when his army was
defeated. Sec Z u o zh u a n (Zhao 12,13). 19/2.4
Gansui 干險 A place in the state of Wu, located to the northwest of modem
Suzhou. 19/5.3.A, 20/3.2
Ganying "0 * 4 3 1 A famous archer; the teacher of Pangmen. 13/4.2.A
Gao and Guo families o f Qi 齊高國 Two noble families of Qi. 14/3.4
Gao He 高何 A disciple of Mozi， identified as a “violent man” from Qi.
4/3.2.B
Gao Jiang 高彊 One of Zhonghang Yin’s retainers. Cited as a bad influence
on the viscount. 2/4.2.d
Gao She 高赦 A retainer in the household of Viscount Xiang of Zhao. Other
sources give his name as Gao He 高赫 or Gao Gong 高共 • 14/4.3
Gao Yuan 高元 The legendary inventor of houses. 17/斗.2
Gao Zong 高宗 The Shang king Wu Ding 武丁 , who was given the
honorific Gao Zong, Êminent Ancestor,55for his righteousness and generos
ity. 18/2.1
Gaotang 高唐 A town in Qi, located to the southwest of what is now
Yucheng 禹城 County, Shandong. 19/1.3
Gaoyang Ying 高陽應 A native of Song and hence an archetype of stupidity.
25/2.5
Gaoyao 阜陶 A law official under Shun credited, according to legend, as the
originator of the idea of corporal punishment. Cited as a good influence on
his ruler. 2/4.2.A, 5/5.10,17/2.3, 22/5.2, 24/2.1
Getian clan 葛天氏 A legendary tribe. The term is also used also to refer to
the leader of the clan. 5/5.3
Giants (Daren ) 大人 An eastern people. 20/1.3
Gong * An eastern people. 20/1.3
Gong note o f the Yellow Bell 黃鐘之宮 Yellow Bell is the name of the first
of the twelve pitch-standards, and the n o tc ^ o n ^ is the first note sounded in it.
It was the note used as the standard for all other notes. 5/4 4 , 5/5.5
Gong Xiji 公息忌 A personal name. 13/3.3
Gong Yudan 公玉丹 An official favored by King Min of Qi. 9/斗.4,16/8.2,
2 3 /4 . 3
Gong Zhiqi 宮之奇 A nobleman from the small state of Yu. 15/2.3, 22/5.i . b
Gonggong clan 共工氏 A legendary tribe. The term also refers to its leader,
famous for having lost the fight with the Zhuanxu Sovereign. 7/2.1.C
Gongshang Guo 公上過 A disciple of Mo Di. 19/2.3
Gongshu Ban 公輸般 The man who built the “cloud ladders” that Chu used
to scale the walls of Song. Mo Di5s defensive strategics repelled attacks de
vised by Gongshu Ban nine times. When Gongshu Ban was defending, Mo
Di also defeated him nine times. See AfoW，“Gongshu” 公輸 .15/1.4, 21/5.2
Gongshu Zuo 公叔坐 Prime minister during the reign of King Hui of Wei.
11/5.6
Gongsun H ong 公孫弘 A retainer attached to Lord Mengchang of Qi.
12/5.1，12/5.4
Gongsun Long 公孫龍丁 he most famous logician of the Warring States
period. A native of Wei, or perhaps Zhao, contemporary with King Hui of
Zhao. 13/4.2.B, 18/1.5,18/5.2,18/5.3,18/7.2
Gongsun Yan 公孫衍 A native of Wei who served as minister in both Wei
and Qin. Referred to in Liisbi chunqiu as Xishou 21/1.2
Gongsun Zhi 公孫枝 Ä grand officer of Qin who served Duke Mu and rec
ommended Boli Xi to him. Also referred to by his cognomen, Zisang 子桑 .
4 / 3. 1，
14/ 6 .3, 24 / 1.4
Gouzhu 句注 A pass to the west of Yanmen 雁門 Pass, Shanxi. One of the
wnine passes^ 13/1.6
Grand Duke 太公 S吖 Grand Duke Wang of Lü
Grand Duke Tian He 太公田和 S吖 Viscount He of Tian
Grand Duke Wang 太公望 S從 Grand Duke Wang of Lü
Grand Duke Wang of Lü 呂太公望 Tutor to Kings Wen and Wu， he as
sisted the Zhou in the conquest of the Shang and was enfeoffed in Qi. Cited
as a good influence on his ruler. Also called Lü Wang 呂望， Grand Duke 太
公， Lü Shang 呂尙， and “a knight of the Eastern Yi barbarians” （ 14/3). 2/4.2.A
4/3.1, n/5.4,13/5.3,14/3.1,15/7.2,16/8.3,17/5.5,18/8.1, 20/2.3, 24/2.1
Grand Officer Zhong 大夫種 A native of Chu who became a grand officer
in Yue and helped King Helu conquer the state of Wu. Cited as a good
influence on the king. Also known as Wen Zhong 文種 • 2/4.2, 4/3.1
Grand One 太一 A cosmogonic deity whose worship originated in the
fourth century and flourished under the sponsorship of Emperor Wu 武帝 of
the Han dynasty in the second half of the second century. 5/2.1,5/2.4
Grand protector of Shen 深申 An o 伍cial title of Chu. 23/2.3
Grand Steward Pi 太宰韶 Bo Pi 伯話， the grand steward of Wu. Cited as a
bad influence on King Fuchai. 2/4.2.D, 18/2.3, 22/6.i . b , 23/3.2
Grand Xiang sacrifice 大饗 A collective offering in which the tablets of
ancestors both near and distant are gathered in the temple. 5/4.4
Great King Danfù 太王亶父 King Wen’s grandfather， usually called
Gugong Danfü 古公亶父， worshiped as the ancestor of the Zhou house.
Danfu led his people to the plains of Zhou, to the foot of Mount Qi, where
he built the city of Qizhou. That event marked the beginning of Zhou ex
pansion and Zhou greatness. After King Wu5s conquest of the Shang, he was
retroactively called Great King 太王 .21/斗.2
Great Regulator 大呂 A bell of Qi tuned to the eponymous note Great
Regulator. 5/3.2, 23/1.3
Great Tranquillity An idyllic period of peace and prosperity signifi
cant in Daoist lore and statecraft. 5/2.2
Gu 谷 A town of Qi located in what is now Dong’e 東阿 County, Shandong.
23/6.2
Guan and Cai 管，蔡 S吖 Guanshu and Caishu
Guan Longpeng 關龍逢 An official under Jie who was killed for strenuously
criticizing the Xia ruler. Also referred to as Guan Longpang 關龍逄 • 2/5.5,
I斗 /8.1 ，I5/I.2
Guan Qing 管青 A famous judge of horses. 20/8.4
Guan River 瞿水 A river in the west. 14/2.4.B
Guan Zhong 管仲 Famous minister to Duke Huan of Qi. Credited with
reforming his state and making the duke one of the Five Lords-Protector of
the realm. Cited as a good influence on Duke Huan and as the teacher of the
duke. Almost always mentioned in conjunction, and in conversation, with
Duke Huan. Sometimes referred to by the honorific Zhongfu ^ 5 ^. Also
called Guan Yiwu 管夷吾 • 1/4.3, 2/4.2.C，4/3.1，12/5•斗，15/5.4,15/6.3,15/6.6，
16/ 3.2, 16/ 8.3, 17/ 3.3, 17/4 .3, 17/5.5, 18/ 2.4 , 18/ 3.5, 19/ 斗.4 , 19/ 7.3, 20/5.3, 21/ 6.3，
22/6.1.B, 23/2.2, 24/2.2
Guangmen 廣門 A city in Jin. 8/5.3
Guanshu and Caishu 管叔，蔡叔 The two “younger brothers” （ j/w) of King
Wu of the Zhou. After King Wu conquered the Shang, he enfeoffed his
younger brothers at Guan and Shu. After the king died, when King Cheng
was still a minor and the Duke of Zhou was acting as regent, Guanshu and
Caishu rebelled against the Zhou house. They were joined in their revolt by
the son of the last Shang king and the Eastern Yi barbarians. 16/6.1, 21/1.4
Guanzi See Guan Zhong
Guan Yiwu 管夷吾 S你 Guan Zhong
Gugong Danfù 古公亶父 S吖 Great King Danfii
Gulin The place where, according to the Liishi chunqiu^ Yao is buried.
Other traditions site his burial at Chengyang supposedly in what is
now Shandong. Gulin was possibly located within Chengyang. 10/3.3
Gun 鯀 The father of Yu and, according to legend, the first builder of city
walls. 17/2.3, 20/6.2, 21/1•斗
Guo 虢 A small state anciendy located to the west of what is now Pinglu ^
Shanxi, neighboring the small state of Yu. 15/2.3
Guo Yan 郭偃 Cited as a good influence on Duke Wen of Jin. Also referred
to as Diviner Yan 卜偃， active during Duke Xian、time. 2/斗j . c
Gusou 瞽叟 The father of Shun. 5/5.8
Guzhu The name of an old state supposed to have been located in what
is now Hebei. 12/4.2
Haiyu 海遇 A large, marshy area located in Shandong, to the west of what
are now Penglai 蓬萊 and Ye 掖 counties and to the north of Zhanhua 沾彳匕
and Wudi 無棣 . One of the “nine marshes.” 13/1.7
Hall o f Light 明堂 The structure from which the Son of Heaven governed
the world. 15/1.3,19/3.2, 20/4 • 斗
Han Ai 寒哀 Credited, according to legend， as the originator of the art of
charioteering. The Shi ben gives his name as 17/4.2
H an River 漢水 A major tributary of the Yangzi. 14/2.4.B, 20/1.3, 20/6.5
Handan 邯鄲 The capital of Zhao. 14/3.5, 26/1.4
Hanfeng Shi 寒風氏 A famous judge of horses. 2〇/8 • 斗
Hanyuan 韓原 A territory in Jin, located in what is now Ruicheng
County, Shanxi. In a battle between Qin and Jin that took place there in 6斗5，
the latter suffered a ''disastrous dcfeat.wSec Z u o zh u a n (Xi 15). 8/5.2, 23/6.2
H eart 心 One of the twenty-eight lunar lodgings. 6/4. B
Heavenly Tally 天符 A commission given by Heaven to those it recognizes
as sages. The Liishi chunqiu uses the term metaphorically to signify a person5s
understanding of the ways of Heaven or nature. 18/3.3
Hei (Black) Rivei• 黑水 Location unknown; Gao You sites its headwaters in
the northwest part of the Kunlun mountains. One of the wsix rivers.5513/1.9
Henei M |?g The area north of the Yellow River, within the borders of the
ancient state of Wei. 18/7.7
Heng Ge 橫革 An assistant to Yu. 22/5.2
Hengyong W fM Located in the state of Zheng in Spring and Autumn times,
in what is now Yuanyang 原陽 County, Henan. 8/3.5
Heyong M M The old name for a large portion of territory in the west,
including the modem provinces of Shaanxi and Gansu as well as part of
Qinghai. Qin5s domain was originally restricted to the central part of modern
Shaanxi; Duke Mu is credited with having brought this western land under
the control of Qin. 24/1.3
High Springs 高泉 A legendary mountain in the west. 14/2.4.B
H ong Yan 弘演 An official in the service of Duke Yi of Wey. 11/3.3
“H ongfan” 鴻範 A chapter in the canonical Book o f Docum ents. 17/2.1.B
Horizontal Axis ( L ia n h e n g ) 連橫 An alliance of six states， whose territory
stretched from east to west; organized by the state of Qin to oppose the state
of Chu. See also Vertical Alliance. 18/4.6
H ou house o f Lu 魯郎氏 A noble house of Lu. i6/6.5
H ou Yi 后益 In legendary accounts, a subject of Shun5s, who later assisted
Yu with his monumental tasks. 17/4.2
Houji 后稷 Lord Millet
House o f Youshen 有侁氏 An ancient tribe. Also written 有莘氏 • 14/2.2
H u 胡 A people thought barbarian by the inhabitants of the Central States.
14/4.1
H u Cao 胡曹 A legendary subject of the Yellow Sovereign credited with
inventing clothing. 17/4.2
H u, Duke o f Shao 召公虎 A descendant of the first duke of Shao, Hu is
credited with preserving the Zhou line by protecting King Li5s heir-apparent,
Jing 太子靖， from a murderous mob and eventually installing him as King
Xuan. Also called the earl of Shao 召伯 • I9/5.I.B, 20/5.2
H u Yuan 狐援 An official who served King Min of Qi. Other sources call
him 狐爰 or (Hu Xuan) 狐卩亘• 23/i.3
H ua Yuan 華元 A grand officer of Song who served Dukes Wen 文公， Gong
共公， and Ping 平公 during the Spring and Autumn era. 16/6.4, 20/6.5
Huai River 淮水 One of the “six rivers.” 13/1.9
H uan Tui 桓魃 Director of the horses for the state of Song. 14/8.3
H uandou 驩兜 Probably to be identified with Huantou 罐頭， a legendary
southern state mentioned in the Shanhaijing. 20/1.3
Huang Jiqin 黃籍秦 A retainer in the service of Zhonghang Yin. Cited as a
bad influence on his master. 2/4.2.d
H u a y i 化益 k Bo Yi 伯益
H ufu 狐父 A place located in what is now the area near Mount Yang,
Jiangsu. 12/3.2
H ui Ang 惠盘 A native of Song in Warring States times. He tried to con
vince King Kang of the efficacy of the teachings of both Confucius and Mo
Di. 15/5.2
H ui Shi 惠施 The famous logician; a native of Song who held office in Wei.
Also referred to as Master Hui. 13/4.2.8,13/7.3.b, 18/5.8,18/6.2,18/6.3,18/6.4,
18/7.1, 21/1.2, 21/5.4
H undred Yue (Bai Y u e ) 百越 A confederation of numerous peoples south
of the middle and lower courses of the Yangzi. 20/1.3
H uqiu Zilin 壺丘子林 A high-minded scholar of Zheng. 15/3.5
H utang 呼唐 Probably a river in the west. 20/1.3
Intendant Rang 宰讓 A grand officer of Lu who served Duke Hui. 2/4.3
神農之敎 Teachings of the Agronomist school
attributed to Shennong. 21/5.1
Jade Gate 玉門 A gate decorated with jade, where King Wen of the Zhou is
supposed to have suffered an indignity at the hands of Zhou Xin. Many
sources mistakenly write the name of the gate (Royal Gate). Sec H a n -
ybü, ^Yu Lao” 喩老 I斗/3.i
Jade o f M ount Kun 昆山之玉 Because it was said to remain unchanged in
color and lustre even after being burned for three days and nights, references to
Mount Kun jade are used as tropes for the extremely rare and beautiful. 1/3.i.A
Ji and Ao The names of two extremely fine breeds of racing horses.
15/8.3, 25/2.6, 26/1.2
Ji Clan The clan of the Zhou royal lineage and its later descendants,
such as the dukes of Wey. 25/6.3.b
Ji house o f Lu 魯季氏 S你 Jisun house
Ji Maobian 劑貌辨 A favorite retainer of the lord of Jingguo. Other texts
make the name Qi Maobian 齊貌辨 and Ju Maobian 劇貌辨 • 9/3.2
Ji Market IB TÎ? Where Shun was buried, according to the Liishi ebunqiu.
Possibly located at the foot of Mount Jiuyi 九疑山， the place most sources
cite as Shun’s burial spot. 10/3.3
Ji River 濟水 The site of a great defeat of the armies of King Min of Qi by
the forces of King Hui of Yan 燕惠王 • 20/6.4
Jian Shu 蹇叔 A high grand officer at the court of Duke Mu of Qin. 16/4 2，
24/1.3
Jian Tu 監突 A grand officer of Qin who advised Prince Lian. 24/4 . 3
Jiang 綠 A walled town in Wei, located in what is now Xinjiang
County，Shanxi. 18/7.5, 25/1.4
Jiangli Clan 匠嫌氏 A family whose sycophantic head， although originally
from outside Jin, was associated with Duke Li of Jin. It was at his home that
Duke Li was taken captive in 574. 7/4.2.e, 20/7.2
Jianshi 繭氏 A town in Zhao. 14/3.5
Jiao Ge 膠高 A worthy official in the service of Zhou Xin. He is said to have
started as a fishmonger but was later recommended to the Shang court by the
Earl of the West, King Wen of Zhou. 12/4.2,15/7.3
Jiaoshi 校師 Probably one of the sons of King Xuan of Qi. 9/3.2
Jiaozhi 交 ß止 An area far to the south， probably corresponding to what are
now Guangdong and Guangxi provinces. 22/5.2
Jicheng 季成 The younger brother of Marquis Wen of Wei. 19/8.3,19/8.4
Jic ^ The last king of the Xia, archetype of an evil and incompetent ruler.
Often mentioned together with Zhou Xin. 2/3.1，2/5.3,2/5.6,4/5.2,15/3.2,5/5.11，
7 / 3 . 3 , 7/ 4 .2 .E, 8/2.5, 8/3.2, 8/4.2,10/5.1,12/5.2,14/3.3,14/5.1,14/6.1,14/8.1,
I5/1.2, 17/5.6, 1 8 / 4 .1 , I9/I.2.B, I9/5.I B, I9 / 5 3 .D, 19/6.2, I9/8.I, 24/6.I, 24/6.3

Jie Zitui 介子推 A recluse of Jin who accompanied Duke Wen of Jin in his
nineteen-year exile. When the duke returned home, Jie Zitui refused any re
ward and went with his mother to live in the mountains. Other texts make his
name Jie Zhitui 介之推 and Jie Tui 介推 • See Zwöz/;财 w (Xi 24). 12/3.1
Jifu An ancient place located to the southeast of what is now Gushi @
County, Henan. 16/6.3
Jimo 艮|3 墨 A town in Qi， located southeast of what is now Pingdu 平度
County, Shandong. 20/6.4
Jingruan 荆阮 A pass in Chu. One of the “nine passes.” 13/1.6
Jingshu 靖叔 Said to have been the teacher of ConfUcius. 2/斗.3
Jingxing 井陛 A pass located to the north of what is now Jingxing County,
Hebei. One of the ccnine passes.5513/1.6
Jinyang 晉陽 A city in Jin during the Spring and Autumn period, located at
the site of mcxiern Taiyuan, Shanxi. It was the fief of the Zhao family of Jin.
25/1.4
Jisun house 季孫氏 The most powerful noble house in Lu. Descended from
Duke Huan of Lu. Textual references are often to the head of the house in a
given generation. Together with the Zhong (or Zhongsun 仲孫） and Shu (or
Shusun 叔孫）houses， one of the Three Huan. 10/3.4,16/6.5,19/8.2
Jiufan 咎犯 S吖 Maternal Uncle Fan
Jizi o f Yanling 延陵季子 Ji Zha 季札， the youngest son of King Shoumeng
of Wu 吳王壽夢 • Because ofji Zha’s worthiness， the king wanted to name
him his successor, but Ji Zha would not accept. When the people of Wu in
sisted he be made king, he again refused. 20/3.1
Ju A small marquisate of Western Zhou times. It was absorbed by Chu in
the early part of the Warring States period and later became part of Qi. Lo
cated in the area of what is now Ju County, Shandong. 18/2.4
Ju Mi 沮覉 A soldier in the grasp of the evil Duke Ling of Jin. 23/4.2
Juan 莹 (5 A walled city in Wei, located to the north of what is now Juanchcng
郵城 County, Shandong. 18/6.2
Jujube Ford (Jijin ) 棘津 This probably refers to Mengjin 孟津， a famous
ford in the Yellow River located to the south o f Meng County in Henan.
18/3.6
Julu 鉅鹿 The old name for a marsh located between Longyao 隆堯，Julu，
and Ren 任 counties， in Hebei. One o f the “nine marshes.” 13/1.7
Jun Gai 菌改 A Qin border-guard. 24/4.3
Juqu 具區 A marsh whose location is unknown. 14/2.4.B
Juyong 居庸 A pass in what is now western Gansu, located in the area to the
northeast ofDunhuang. 13/1.6
Kaiwu 開梧 An eastern tribe. 17/3.2.c
King Cheng o f Chu 楚成王 Reigned 671- 626. Characterized as a king who
“lacked self-knowledge.” 19/3.3.b ，24/3.3
King Cheng o f Zhou 周成王 Reigned 10斗2-1006. The third king o f the
royal Zhou and son o f King Wu. 5/5.14,15/3.3,18/2.2, 20/2.3
King Dao o f Chu 楚悼王 Died in ?8i. 19/3.4, 21/6.2
King Fuchai o f Wu 吳王夫差 Reigned 斗95- 斗73. The son o f King Helu.
Responsible for a great defeat o f Yue. But later, having listened to slander, he
sought peace with King Goujian o f Yue, which led to his country's destruc
tion and his own suicide. 2/4.2.D, 7/4.2.E, 9/2.4,14/5.2,18/2.3,19/5.3^,
22/ 6.I.B，23/ 3.1，23/ 3.2, 24/ 1.1，24/ 3.3
King Gong o f Chu 楚襲王 Reigned 590- 560. The son o f King Zhuang.
15/2.2
King Goujian o f Yue 越句踐王 Reigned 斗91-465. According to 2/4, one o f
the Five Lords-Proteaor. 2/4.4, 4 /î-i, 9/2.4,14/5.2,14/6.4,19/4.5, 22/6.i . b
King Helu o f Wu 吳闔廬王 Reigned 514-496. According to 2/4, one o f the
Five Lords-Protector. Assumed the throne after having King Liao o f Wu
assassinated. 24/1.1, Shijt^ and W u T u e ch u n qiu give the king's name as Helii
闔閭• 2/ 4 .2 .C，4/3.1，8/3.6, 11/3.2, 19/3.1，19/ 4 .2, 19/4.5, 23/3.1，24/1.1
King Hui o f Qin 秦惠王 Reigned 337-311. Also called King Hui wen 惠文
王• 1/ 5.5, 14/ 3.3, 15/ 4 .3, 16/ 7 . 1，22/ 2.2
King Hui o f Wei 魏惠王 Reigned 370-335 (or 369-3i9 ?). The son o f Mar
quis Wu o f Wei. 11/5.6, i 8 / i . 3 , 18/+.6,18/5.8, i8/6.2, i 8 / 6 . 3 , 18/7.1，2i/i.2, 2 6 / i •
斗
King Hui o f Zhao 趙惠王 Reigned 298-266. Other texts refer to him as
King Huiwen 惠文• 18/1.5, 18/5.2
King Huiwen o f Zhao See King Hui o f Zhao
King Jili 王季歷 The father o f King Wen o f Zhou and the son o f the Great
King 太王 • His given name was Jili; but after King Wu’s conquest o f the
Shang, he was retroactively styled King Ji, the tide by which he is better
known. 14/3.1, 21/1.2
King Kang o f Chu 楚康王 Reigned 559- 545. 17/ 6.5
King Kang o f Song 宋康王 Reigned 328-286. The last ruler o f the state.
Because o f his profligacy and greed, contemporaries said King Kang “ruled
Song in the manner o f Jie,55 the evil last ruler o f the Xia. 2/4.2.D, 7/4.2. E,
15/5.2, 23/4.4, 23/5.3
King Li o f Zhou 周厲王 i8/4.i, I9/5.I.B，i9/8.i，20/5.2, 2 i/i.i，2斗/6.3
King Liao o f Wu 吳王僚 Reigned 526-515. 1 4 /p
King Ling o f Chu 楚靈王 Reigned 540-529. 22/1.3.A
King M in o f Qi 齊潜王 Reigned 300-284. Attempted to divide the world
with Qin, calling himself Sovereign o f the East and the Qin ruler, Sover
eign o f the West 15 ^ . When attacked by the other states, he was forced to
flee to Wey. Famous for his paranoia and megalomania, the king was the ar
chetype o f the unworthy and unaware ruler. 9/4.4, n /2 .3 ,14/3-5,16/1.5,16/8.2,
16/8.3, 20/5.4, 20/6.4, 23/1.3, 23/4.3
King Ping o f Chu 楚平王 Reigned 528-516.14/3.2, 22/1.2
King Ping o f Zhou 周平王 Reigned 770—720. Succeeding the disastrous
King You, he relocated the Zhou capital east, to Luoyi 2/4.3, 22/3.2
King Sheng o f Chu 楚聲王 Reigned 斗07—402. 17/6.5
King Shou o f Yue 越王授 Wuzhuan 無顓， the sixth-generation descendant
o f King Goujian o f Yue， perhaps to be identified with the Prince Sou 王子捜
o f Yue mentioned in 2/2.3. 9/4-5
King Wei o f Chu 楚威王 Reigned 339-329. 16/7.2
King Wei o f Qi 齊威王 Reigned 356-320. 9 / n i8/6.2
Eong Wen o f Chu 楚文王 Reigned 689-676.11/5.2,14/5.3, 23/2.3
King Wen o f Zhou 周文王 The first king o f the Zhou royal house•斗/ j . i ,
5/5.12, 6/4.2, 9/2.3,10/5.3,12/4.2,13/2.1.A, 13/5.3,14/3.1,14/7.3, is/3.3,15/4.1,
19/4.6, 20/6.3, 21/1.2, 23/4.I.B, 24/2.I, 24 / 5.3
King Wu o f Zhou 周武王 The second king o f the Zhou royal house and
conqueror o f the Shang. Often simply called Wu and mentioned jointly with
Tang. 4/3.1，5/ 5.13, 7/3.3, 8/3.3,10/5.1，n /4 .2 ,12/4.2,12/5.2,13/7.1，14/3.1，14/3.3,
19/ 斗.4, 19/ 4 .6, I9/ 5.I.B，19/ 8.1，23/ 冬4, 24/ 1.2, 24/ 3.2, 24/ 6.1，25/ 4 .2.A，25/ 斗.4，
26/2.5
King Xiang o f Wei 魏襄王 Reigned 318-296. 16/5.5
King Xiang o f Zhou 周襄王丁 he king perhaps best remembered as having
been saved by Duke Wen o f Jin. In 636 the king5s younger brother Shudai ^
^ led an army o f Di and attacked Zhou, forcing the king to flee to Zheng. In
635 Duke Wen raised an army, defeated Shudai, and restored King Xiang to
his position. 23/1.4, 23/6.2
King Xuan o f Qi 齊宣王 Reigned 319-301. 9/3.2, i斗/3.1，20/7.4, 23/1.2, 23/5.5
King Yimei o f Wu 吳王夷昧 Reigned 530- 527. i6/6.3
King You o f Zhou 周幽王 A villainous king. 18/4.1,19/8.1, 22/3.2, 24/6.3
King Yuan o f Song 宋元王 S從 Duke Yuan o f Song
King Zhao o f Chu 楚昭王 Reigned 515-489. The son o f King Ping. 19/2.5
King Zhao o f Qin 秦昭王 18/5.2,22/2.3
King Zhao o f Wei 魏昭王 Reigned 295-277. i 8 / i • 斗，i8/7.6
King Zhao o f Yan 燕昭王 Reigned 311- 279. I3/4.2.B, 18/7.2, 20/6• 斗
King Zhao o f Zhou 周昭王 Reigned 977-956. 6/3.3
King Zhaoxiang o f Q in 秦昭襄王 Reigned 306-251. In 288 he declared him
self Sovereign o f the West 西帝，a title he was lata: forced to roiounce. 12/5. 斗,
18/7.6
King Zhuang o f Chu 楚莊王 Reigned 613—591. According to 2/4, one o f
the Five Lords-Protector. 2/3.4, 2/4.2.C, 4/3.1,11/2.2,17/6.5,18/2.3, 20/6.5,
20/7.3, 22/6.1.B, 24/2.3, 24/6.2, 25/1.2
King Zhuang’ai o f Chu 楚莊哀王 S你 King Zhuang o f Chu
K night Da 士達 An official who served the head o f the Zhuxiang clan. Said
to have invented a five-string lute that could attract the Tm ethers. 5/5.2
K ong Bochan 孑L彳白產 A personal name. 22/5• 斗
K ong Chuan 孑L穿 A descendant o f Confucius. 13/4.2.B, 18/5.3
K ong Q ing 孑L青 A general o f Zhao. 15/6.4
K ong Si 孑L思、 Kong Ji 孑 grandson o f Confiicius. 18/1.2
Kongjia 孑L甲 The given name o f a ruler o f Xia who was a fourteenth-
generation disciple o f Yu, founder o f Xia. 6/3. i
K ongluo 空洛 A place-name. Also written 空雄（ Kongxiong). I3/4.2.B，
18/5.2
K ongsang 空桑 A place-name. 5/5.6
K ongxiong 空雄 Kongluo
Kuafu 夸父 A mythical strongman who raced with the sun but collapsed
from thirst before finishing. 22/5.2
Kuaiji 會稽 A mountain located in the area to the southeast o f mexiem
Shaoxing 紹興 County, Zhejiang. The site where King Goujian o f Yue suf-
fered a humiliating defeat at the hands o f King Fuchai o f Wu. Also mentioned
in the Liishi chunqiu as the burial place o f Yu. One o f the ccnine mountains.55
9/2.4,10/3.3,13/1.5,19/3.1
Kuang Zhang 匡章 A native o f Qi who served as a general for Kings Wei
斗
and Xuan. I3/7.3.B，18/6.3, 21/5•
K u i 夔 A music official who served both Yao and Shun. 5/5.8,5/5.9, 22/6.2
Kunlun 昆侖 A mountain range in the west. 5/5.5,1斗/2 •斗.B
Kunwu 昆吾 The legendary originator o f ceramic vessels. 17/2.3
Lady Jiang 姜氏 The mother o f Crown Prince Shensheng o f Jin. Also called
Qi Jiang 齊姜• 19/3 3 A
Lady Li 酱夫人 Probably refers to Lady Nanzi 夫人南子， wife o f Duke
Ling o f Wey. 15/7.5
Lao Dan 老聃 According to legend, a figure who lived in the area o f Chu
sometime during the late Spring and Autumn and early Warring States
period. Traditionally the 似老子 or D 奴？々 /ï部道德經 is ascribed to his
hand. According to 2/4, he was the teacher o f Conflicius. 1/斗.2.C，2 /4 .3 ,13/3 5,
I7/ 7.I.A, 18/ 2.4
Lc Tcng 樂滕 An official at the court o f Marquis Wen o f Wei. 19/8.3
Leaves o f the Vermilion Tree and the Black Tree 赤木玄木之葉 Eating
these leaves will make one a transcendent. 14/2.4.B
784 G L O SSA R Y
Leize 雷澤 The marsh Lcixia 雷夏， located to the northeast o f Hezc 荷澤

County, Shandong. 14/6.1
Lesser-Minister Ji /J、臣稷 .A recluse and an official who served Duke Huan
o f Qi during the Spring and Autumn period. His surname is aLesscr-Minis-
ter，” and his given name is Ji. 13/5.4,15/3.4
Li ^ The fief King Wu o f Zhou is supposed to have given the descendants o f
Yao. The Shiji makes the name Ji iij; the L iji claims that the fief was given the
descendants o f the Yellow Sovereign. 15/1.3
Li Kai 李亥欠 A personal name. 22/2.4
Li Ke 李克 A political theorist of early Warring States times who studied
with Zixia. When Marquis Wu of Wei was still heir apparent and the lord of
Zhongshan, Li Ke was prime minister of Zhongshan. 19/5.3.A, 19/8.3
Li Ke 里克 A grand officer of Jin who opposed the clique of Concubine Li.
23/6.2.A
Li Kui 李悝 A Legalist thinker o f the early Warring States period who once
served Marquis Wen o f Wei as a minister and in that capacity advocated legal
reforms. He apparently lived into the reign o f Marquis Wu, since 20/7
records a conversation between them. Also called Master Li An epony
mous book in thirty-two chapters is attributed to him in the Legalist section
o f the H an sh u Bibliographic Treatise. 17/4.1, 20/7.3
Li River 體 7JC A river in the northwest part o f Hunan. 14/2.4.B
Li River 離水 The ancient name o f a river supposed to have been a tributary
o f the Yellow River. 20/1.3
Li Yan 李言 A personal name. 22/2 • 斗
Liang The capital o f Wei. See Daliang
Liang 梁 A small state of the Spring and Autumn period that was destroyed
by Duke Mu of Qin. It should not be confused with the capital of Wei,
Liang, whose name was also an alternate name for Wei. 19/3.3.B, 22/3.3.A
Liang Wu 梁五 An official favored by Duke Xian of Jin. 23/6.2
Liang Youmi 梁由靡 A grand officer of Jin. According to the Shiji^ he
served Duke Hui of Jin as charioteer at the battle of Hanyuan. 8/5.2
Liangtang 兩棠 Site of a famous battle between Jin and Chu; thought to
have been located within the borders of the state of Zheng. 11/2.2
Lianti 連堤 A place in the state of Chu, possibly part of its border fortifica
tions. 15/3.6
Liao River Location unknown. Gao You sites its headwaters in the
Dishi 磁石 Mountains， from which the river flows east through Liaodong
and into the sea. One o f the wsix rivers.5513/1.9
Liejing Zigao 歹 Ö精子高 A contemporary o f King Min o f Qi with a reputa-
tion for worthiness. 20/5.4
Lilou 離樓 According to legend, a man possessed o f extremely sharp vision
who lived during the time o f the Yellow Sovereign. 4/5.6.B
Lin 藺 A place located in the western part o f what is now Shanxi. 18/1.5
G L O S SA R Y 785
Ling Kui fp ® An official in the service o f the lesser state o f East Zhou
during the Warring States period. 21/6.4
Ling Lun fp ^ The music officer o f the Yellow Sovereign. Said to have been
commanded by the latter to make pitch-standards and so traditionally
regarded as their inventor. 5/5.5
Lingci 令庇 A pass in Liaoning. One o f the ccnine passes.5513/1.6
Lingyu ô An eastern people. 20/1.3
Lingzhi 令支 A state that was part o f the Shanrong [i|^〇confederacy in
Spring and Autumn times. Located in what is now the area o f Qian’an 遷安
County，Hebei. The name is also written 令庇（ Lingci). 8/3.4, 22/5.2
Linqiu 糜丘 Originally a city in Qi, located in the area o f what is now Fan
County 范縣，Henan. After Lingqiu later became part o f Zhao territory， Qi
fought Zhao to reclaim it. 15/6•斗，19/2.2
Liqiu District 黎丘部 A district, or a village (土研鄕 )， in the north o f the
small state o f Liang during the Spring and Autumn era. 22/3.3.A
Lishi 離石 A place located in the western part o f what is now Shanxi.
Litu 驥土 A city occupied by the Di and said to have been east of the state of
Jin. 15/6.5
Liuxia Ji 柳下季 Zhan Qin 展禽，a grand officer of Lu. He was given the
income from lands at Liuxia, and his cognomen was Ji. Because his posthu
mous name was Hui he is also known as Liuxia Hui. 9/4.3
Long Wall 長城 A monumental wall in the state of Qi that formed part of
the fortifications on the border shared with Lu. 15/3.6
Longevity Tree 壽木 A tree that grows on Kunlun. Eating its fruit will
make one an immortal. 14/2.4.B
Longpang See Guan Longpcng
Lord M illet 后稷 A text of the Agronomist school named for the Zhou
founder. See also Ix>rd Millet. 26/3.2,, 26/4.1
Lord Millet 后稷 A skilled farmer worshiped by the Zhou as the founder of
their lineage. Lcgcndarily credited with introducing the cultivation of plants.
14/3.3,17/2.3
Lord o f Changguo 昌國君 Lc Yi 樂毅， a nobleman at the court of King
Zhao of Yan who was enfeoffed at Changguo for his merit. Led a major
attack on Qi in 284. 15/2.5
Lord o f Jingguo 靜郭君 Tian Ying 田嬰， prime minister of Qi， and father of
the even more famous Tian Wen, Lord of Mengchang. He was the son of King
Wei of Qi and half-brother of King Xuan. Other texts write his tide 靖郭君 •
In the fourth month of 322, King Wei gave him the fief of Xue 薛， southeast
of present-day Teng County 滕縣，Shandong. He is thus also referred to as
the Duke of Xue 薛公 . S從 Additional Notes. 9/3.2
Lord o f Mengchang 孟嘗君 Tian Wen 田文， son of the Lord ofjingguo.
He was enfeoffed at Xue 薛 and given the honorific Lord of Mengchang.
9/3.2,12/5.1,12/5.斗，15/斗.1，15/4•斗，19/8.4
Lord o f Pingyuan 平原君 Zhao Sheng 趙勝，a member o f a noble family o f
Zheng in Warring States times. He was the younger brother o f King Huiwen
and served as prime minister o f the state. His retainers numbered in the thou
sands. 18/5.2,18/5.3
Lord Shang 商君 S a Shang Yang
Lord Si o f Wey 衛嗣君 The son of Marquis Ping 平侯 • His reign spanned
the reigns of King Huiwen and King Zhao, both of Qin. By his time, Wey
had been reduced to the size of a small administrative unit; he is therefore
referred to merely as alord.w13/6.3.B, 13/7.3.B, 18/1.6, 26/2.3.A
Lord Wu o f Zhou 周武君 The ruler of the lesser state of West Zhou during
the Warring States pericxi. 21/6.4
Lord Yangcheng 陽城君 A man of Chu. 19/3.4
Lord Yin affair 陰君之事 Nothing is known of this incident. 22/2.5
Lord Zhaowen o f Zhou 周昭文君 The ruler of a lesser state during the
Eastern Zhou. 13/7.3.B, 15/4.1,15/4.3, 26/2.3.B
Lu Gate 盧門 A gate in the wall of the Song capital. 20/6.5
Lu Shi 路石 A personal name. 8/5.2
Lu Yue 路說 A personal name. 18/7.4
Lüliang 呂梁 A mountain located in what is now Hancheng 韓城 County，
Shaanxi. Because it stood right in the course of the Yellow River, tradition
has it that Yu cleared it away. Another theory says that it is present-day
Mount Lüliang, in Shanxi. Also called Mount Liang ^ |JL| in the Documents
(‘T u gong” 禹貢 )• 21/5.3
Lü Shang 呂尙 S你 Grand Duke Wang of Lü
Lü Wang 呂望 S你 Grand Duke Wang of Lü
Luan Che M M An official who served Viscount Jian o f Zhao. 20/7.5
Luan Shu 欒書 Viscount Wu o f Lu 欒武子 , a grand officer o f Jin. 20/7.2
Luan Ying 欒盈 A grand officer o f Jin. 21/1.4
Lü’er 綠耳 One o f the eight legendary steeds o f King Mu o f Zhou 周穆王 •
25/2.6
Luye An eastern people. 20/1.3
Ma Chao 麻朝 A famous judge of horses. 20/8.4
Man 蠻 A "'barbarian55people o f the south. Often mentioned in conjunction
with the Yi o f the cast. 2/5.1,19/6.2, 20/4.3
Marquis Bo o f Shen 申侯伯 An official in the service o f King Wen o f Chu.
n/5.2
Marquis o f Chong 崇侯 An official who served Zhou Xin， last ruler o f the
Shang. Cited as a bad influence on his ruler. 2/4.2.B
Marquis o f Gui 鬼侯 A Shang nobleman murdered by Zhou Xin. 20/6.3,
23/4. i. b
Marquis o f Tian 田侯 A ruler o f the state o f Qi during Warring States
times. 8/2.5
Marquis o f Wcnxin 文信侯 One o f Lü Buwei’s titles. “Postface”
Marquis o f Ying 應侯 Fan Ju a native o f Wei who served as minister
to King Zhao o f Qin and was enfeoffed at Ying. 22/2.3
Marquis o f Z hou j、卜| 侯 A favorite minister o f King Xiang o f Chu 楚襄王 •
Criticized in the L iish i ch u n q iu for encouraging the king in his depravities.
19/2.4
Marquis Wen o f Jin 晉文侯 Reigned 780-746. 22/3.2
Marquis Wen o f Wei 魏文侯 Reigned 446-396. The first ruler o f Wei.
13/5.4,15/3.6,16/5.4,19/8.3,19/8.4, 21/2.1, 21/3.3, 24/3.5
Marquis Wu o f Wèi 魏武侯 Reigned 396-371 (or 395—370?)• The son o f
Marquis Wen. In 376, together with the rulers o f Han and Zhao, he
destroyed what was left o f Jin. 11/5.5,19/5.3-A, 20/7.3, 20/8.3
Marquis Zhao o f H an 韓昭侯 S你 Marquis Zhaoxi o f Han
Marquis Zhaoxi o f H an 韓昭釐侯 Reigned 362-333. The S坤ï calls him
Marquis Zhao o f Han. 17/3.2.A, 18/1.3, 21/4.3, 25/5.4
Master Fu See Fu Zijian
Master Guanyin 關尹子 A figure in ancient Daoist lore. The supposed keeper
尹） o f Hangu 函谷， the pass (万祕 w 關） through which Laozi travelled
when he disappeared into the west. An eponymous text, supposedly contain
ing Laozi5s parting words, is attributed to Master Guanyin. 9 /4 .2 ,17/7.1.A
Master H uazi Supposed to have been a native o f Wei and a con
temporary o f Marquis Zhaoxi o f Han. 2/2.7, 3/3-35 4/4.1.b , 6/5.3.h , 17/5.2,
21/4.3
Master H u i See Hui Shi
Master Ji 季子 Context suggests he was erudite and possessed enough
wealth to attract retainers. 13/7.3A, 25/3.2
Master Li 李子 Li Kui
Master Liezi 子歹 !J子 Given name Yukou 禦寇 • A native o f Zheng during the
Warring States period to whom a later Daoist text is attributed. 9/4.2,16/2.3,
17/7.1.A
Master M o 墨子 The fifth-century philosopher. Often mentioned jointly
with Confucius in the L iish i ch u n q iu . Also referred to as Mo, Mo Di or
Master Mozi. 2/4.1，2/斗.3, 4/3.2.B，12/5.2,13/7.1，15/1•斗，15/7.5,17/7.I.A，19/2.3，
2i/5,2, 22/3.1, 24/5.3, 25/3.4, 26/2.5
Master Sanyi 散宜生 An official who served King Wen o f the Zhou. 5/5.12
Master Shen Shen Dao fÄSJ, native o f Zhao and famous personage o f
the Legalist school during the Warring States era. He advocated having the
ruler take advantage o f his superior position to exercise power. He is said to
have written the S/^wdlisted in the “Bibliographic Treatise.” See Paul
Thompson. 17/6.4
Master Tian Xiang 田襄子 Context suggests he was a leader of the Mohist
school. 19/3.4
Master Xie 謝子 A Mohist from one o f the eastern states. Other texts call
him Master She 射子 • 16/7.1
Master Yan 晏子 Yan Ying 晏嬰， a native o f Qi and holder o f hereditary
office in that state. He had a widespread reputation for moderation and
earnestness. 12/2.2,16/2.2, 20/3.1, 20/3.4
Master Yang 楊生 Yang Zhu 楊朱, the Warring States native o f Wei famous
for advocating the importance o f life and the self over that o f society and the
state. Mencius said that his teachings and those o f Master Mo filled the
world. 17/7. i. A
Master Zeng 曾子 S你 Zcngzi
Master Zhan 詹子 S你 Zhan He
Master Zheng A man o f Song who seems to typify the stupidity tradi
tionally associated with the population o f that state. 18/5.5
Maternal U ncle Fan 咎犯 Hu Yan 狐偃， a Jin nobleman and the maternal
unde o f Duke Wen (the w o r d j i u ^ is a loan fo r j i u ^ ) . The duke's teacher,
Hu Yan is also cited as a good influence on the duke. 2/4.4, 4/3.1，14/4.2，
15/6.5
M eng Ben 孟賁 A fearless warrior o f Wei. 4/5.6.B, 14/8.3, 22/1.3.A
M eng Gate 孟門 Mengmen
M eng Mao 孟卯 A native o f Qi who held office in Wei. The
makes his name Mang Mao 芒卯 • 18/7.5
M eng Sheng 孟勝 A Mohist leader. 19/3• 斗
M eng Su 孟蘇 Said to have been the teacher o f Confucius. 2/4.3
M engmen 孟門 A mountain located to the northeast o f Yichuan 宜川，
Shaanxi. Listed as one o f the anine mountains.5513/1.5,19/3.2, 21/5,3
M engzhu 孟諸 The marsh located to the northeast o f Shangqiu 商丘,
Henan. One o f the aninc marshes.5512/4.2,13/1.7, 20/6.5
Mi Zixia 彌子瑕 Ä male favorite o f Duke Ling o f Wey. 15/7.5
M iao 苗 See San Miao.
M ing’e 冥昵 A pass in Chu. One o f the ccnine passes.5513/1.6
M ingtiao 鳴條 A place located in present-day Shanxi, to the north o f
Yuncheng 運城 and Anyizhen 安邑鎭• According to tradition，Tang’s attack
on Jic took place here. Also called Gaohouyuan 8/3.2
M inister o f State Shuli 樗里相國 Shuli Ji 樗里疾，half-brother to King
Hui o f Qin and prime minister to Kings Wu and Zhao. Also called Master
Shuli 樗里子 .22/2.5
M ixu An ancient state said to have been destroyed by King Wen o f
Zhou, located to the southwest o f what is now Lingtai M S County, Gansu.
19/4.6
M o 絡 A northern people thought o f as barbarian by the inhabitants o f the
Central States. 14/4.1
M o D i 墨翟 S從 Master Mo
M om u 嫫母 The wife o f the Yellow Sovereign. I斗/7.3
M ount Chang 常山 Another name for Hengshan 恆山， which avoids the
taboo o f the personal names o f Emperor Wen o f the Han dynasty and
Emperor Zhcn o f the Song dynasty. The northernmost o f the Five Holy
Peaks. Located in the area to the northwest o f what is now Quyang Ö ^
County，Hebei. 14/2 • 斗.b
M ount G ongshou 共首山 S你 Mount Gongtou
M ount G ongtou 共頭山 A mountain also called Gongshoii 共首• Located
within the borders o f Hui County 輝縣，Henan. 12/斗.2 ,1 4 /6 •斗
M ount H en g 衡山 In myth， the northernmost mountain in the world. 22/5.2
M ount H ua 華山 Located to the south o f Shangluo 商洛，Shaanxi. Also
called Great Hua 太華 • 13/1.5,15/1.3,19/3.1
M ount Ji 箕山 Located southeast o f Dengfeng 登封，Henan. According to
legend, Xu You the redusc retired here during the time o f Yao. 14/2.4.B, 22/5.3
M ount Li 麗山 Located southeast o f Lintong 臨潼 County，Shaanxi. Its
name is also written ®Uj. 22/3.2
M ount Li 歷山 A mountain where Shun is supposed to have plowed. There
arc many mountains with this name in China. The most likely candidate for
the original site is located in Licheng 歷城 County, Shandong, and is also
known as Shun-Plowed Mountain 舜耕山 and Thousand-Buddha Mountain
千佛山. 14/6.1
M ount Liangfii 梁父 A lesser peak in the vicinity o f Mount Tai, in
Shandong. 4/3.2.b
M ount Q i lK[_L| Located in what is now Qishan County, Shaanxi. Some
times simply called Qi; the early Zhou capital that was lexated on the south
ern slope o f the peak was also referred to as Qi. Listed as one o f the wnine
mountains.” 8/5.2, 9/2.3,12/4.2,13/1.5, 21/4.2
M ount Shou 首山 S你 Shouyang
M ount Tai 太山 Mount Tai 泰， in Shandong. One o f the Five Holy Peaks;
also one o f the “nine mountains.” 13/1.5,14/2.3,19/3.1
Mount Tu 涂山 According to tradition, the place where Yu became engaged
to a girl and met with the feudal lords. There is discrepancy concerning the
location o f the mountain: some place it in Zhejiang, others in Anhui. 6/3.2
Mount Wo 渦山 Located in the southern part o f Hu County 戶縣，Shaanxi.
The calls it Mount Chu 楚山 . 21/1.2
M ount Xiao 殽山 Located to the northwest o f modern Luoning 洛寧，
Henan. 16/4.2
M ount Xiawu 夏屋山 Located in the vicinity o f what is now Dai County 代
縣，Shanxi. I斗/5.4
M ount Yu 羽山 Said to have been located northeast o f what is now Tancheng
炎[5城 County，Shandong. Another explanation has it southeast o f Penglai 蓬
^ County, Shandong. 20/6.2
M ount Z hong 鐘山 Another name for Kunlun. 26/1.3
M oxi 末嬉 A woman o f the Youshi clan 有施氏 who was married to Jie， evil
last ruler o f the Xia. She enjoyed Jic5s favor and is blamed for some o f his evil
deeds. Her name is written 妹喜 in other sources. 15/1.2
M oye 嫫鉚 Name o f a treasured sword. 15/8.3,19/4.5
M u River 募水 The river in which the legendary Wu Guang drowned him-
self. The Z h u a n g z i makes it the Lu River ® 7jc. 19/1.2.B
Mulberry Grove 桑林 S你 Sanglin
Music Master Juan 師涓 A music master o f Spring and Autumn times who
served Duke Ling o f Wey. The L ü sh i ch u n q iu places him later than Music
Master Kuang, but the H a n f e iz i (aShi guo55 makes them contempo
raries. 11/5.3
Music Master Kuang 師礦 A blind music master o f Spring and Autumn
times who could identify tones and distinguish keys. Also called Blind Kuang
瞽曠 . 11/5.3
Muye t t l ? The ancient name o f a site located in the southwestern part o f Qi
County 淇縣，Henan. This is where the decisive battle in the Zhou conquest
o f the Shang took place. 5/5.13, 8/3.3
Nanchao 南巢 Where Jie is supposed to have been killed， possibly located in
present-day Chao County, Anhui. 8/5.2
N angong Gua 南宮括 A figure at the court o f Duke Mu o f Lu. 20/2.3
N angong Qian 南宮虔 A personal name. 22/5.4
Nanyang An area that got its name from its location south o f the Tai-
hang mountains and north o f the Yellow River, two geographical locations
rich in Yang. The area corresponds to modem Jiyuan 濟源 and Huojia 獲嘉，
Henan. 15/6.5
N ew Town 新城 The Han town better known as Yangdi 陽翟， located in
what is now Yu County 禹縣，Henan. It was first referred to as New Town
when it was designated the new Han capital. 21/1.3
N i Liang 兒良 Probably a Warring States adherent o f the Military school, Ni
Liang is supposed to have advocated careful appraisal o f the results o f the
battle—hence his reputation for “esteeming the end.” 17/7.1.a
N i Shuo 兒說 A dialectician o f Song contemporary with Duke Yuan. 17/2.2
N ine fields A I f The division o f the sky into nine areas (the center and the
eight directions). 13/1.2,13/1.3
N ine Ministers 九 A group o f Zhou officials often paired in texts with the
group called the Three Dukes. 22/3.2
N ineteen Years The Metonic cycle. Approximately every nineteen years, the
winter solstice corresponds with the day o f the new moon, and the Yin and
Yang cycles are in alignment. 9/5.4.A
N ing Guo 寧國 An official who served King Zhuang o f Chu. 25/1.2
N ing Qi 甯戚知 Ning Su
N in g Su 甯遨 A native o f Wey during the Spring and Autumn period. He
pulled carts to Qi, where he was appointed a grand officer by Duke Huan.
Better known as N ing Qi 甯戚 • 1 7 /4 .3 ,1 9 /8 .5 , 23 /2 .2
N in g Xi 甯喜 Viscount Dao o f Ning 甯悼子， son o f Viscount Hui o f Ning
甯惠子（see Ning Zhi). According to Gao You, when Duke Xian o f Wey was
forced into exile, Ning Xi murdered Wcy Houpiao and, in 547, re-
established Duke Xian. According to (Xiang 2 7 however， Ning Xi
) ，
was himself murdered. 2 0 /8 .2

N in g Yue 甯越 A native o f Zhongmou, in the state o f Zhao, who once
served as a teacher to Duke Wei o f Zhou. 1 5 /6 .4 , 2 4 /5 .3 , 2 4 /5
•斗
N in g Zhi 甯殖 A grand officer o f Wey in the time o f Duke Xian and sup
posed to have been a member o f the party that drove Duke Xian into exile.
Also called Viscount Hui o f N ing 甯惠子 . 25/6.3.A
N iu Que 牛缺 A native o f the state o f Qin, identified in 14/8 as tta great
Ruw—a prominent follower o f Confucius's school o f thought. 14/8.3
Ousha 稱沙 A river that originates in the Taihang mountains and flows
through Hebei Province. Also called the Oushui 渦水 or the Shahe 沙河 .
14/ 8.3
Pan Ziehen 潘子臣 A grand officer o f Chu. i6/6.3
Pang Juan 龐涓 A general who served King Hui o f Wei, Pang Juan died in
the battle with Qi at Maling in 3斗〇• 24/3.3
Pangeng 盤庚 The ninth-generation descendant o f Tang， founder o f the
royal Shang. 15/1.3
Pangmen 蠢門 According to legend, a famous archer o f Xia times. His name
is also given as Pangmeng 蜂蒙 and Fengmeng 逢蒙 ■I3/4.2.A，i8/8.i
Pangmeng See Pangmen
Patriarch Peng According to legend, Jian Keng the great grand
son o f the Zhuanxu Sovereign. Yao is said to have enfeoffed him at Peng,
hence his traditional name. 2/3.2,17/8.3,19/6.1
Peaceful Repository 平府 Possibly the place where the state o f Chu stored
documents. 11/2.2
Peach Grove 杉匕林 The ancient name for the area located to the west o f
Lingbao 靈寶，Henan， and to the east o f Tongguan 潼關，Shaanxi. 15/1.3
Pearl o f the Marquis o f Sui 隨候之珠 According to legend, the marquis o f
the small state o f Sui, cast o f the Han River, gave medicine to a serpent that
had been wounded. In repayment, the serpent brought the marquis a bright
pearl from the river, which people referred to as ccthe pearl o f the Marquis o f
Sui.” 2/2.6
Pearls o f the Yangzi and H an Rivers 江漢之珠 According to legend,
these pearls glowed in the dark. Those from the Han arc also associated with
the Floating Maids o f the Han, twin goddesses who enticed passersby with
their treasures. 1/3.1
Pengli 彭蠢 The marshy area now called Poyang Lake 鄙陽湖 • 2i/5.3
Pianzuo Context suggests this is a river in the western regions. 20/1.3
Ping’e 平阿 A t:own in Qi. 19/1.3
Poushou § 15"^* The start (shou) o f a seventy-six-year calendrical cycle (pou)
consisting o f four nineteen-year Metonic cycles, or z/ww设章 • Approximately
every nineteen years, the day o f the new moon coincides with the winter sol
stice. The day o f this conjunction was thought auspicious for those seeking
nineteen-year extensions o f life. The poushou winter solstice was believed espe
cially lucky in this regard. 17/4.2
Prince Ang 公子印 A native o f Wei who served as general under King Hui.
22/2.2
Prince Bi Gan 王子比干 S你 Bi Gan
Prince Chai 公孫蕾 A grand officer who served Duke Jing o f Qi. 22/i.3.A
Prince Chan 子產 The cognomen o f Gongsun Qiao 公孫僑（ fl. 55斗一522)，
prime minister o f Zheng, during the reign o f Duke Jian. 15/3.5,16/5.3.B,
16/5.3.C, 18/4.2,18/4.4, 22/5.5
Prince Chengfu 王子成父 An official who served both Duke Xiang o f Qi
and his son， Duke Huan. The gives his name as 公子成父 • 17/4.3
Prince Chongêr See Duke Wen o f Jin
Prince Chuo 公孫綽 Context suggests he was a physician o f Lu. 25/2.2
Prince Fan, Director of Horses 司馬子反 Prince Fan was the son o f the
Chu nobleman Gongzi Cc 公子側 • As director o f the horses， Fan was the
chief general o f the Chu forces in the battle o f Yanling in 575.15/2.2
Prince Gouduan 王孫苟端 An official at the court o f Marquis Wen o f Wei.
19/8.3
Prince Guang 公子光 Mentioned in 从和 and 吳越春秋 as
the son o f King Zhufan o f Wu 吳王諸樊• 16/6.3
Prince Guang 王子光 The ftiture King Helu o f Wu，q.v. 14/3.2
Prince Guisheng of Zheng 鄭公子歸生 A grand officer o f Zheng in Spring
and Autumn times. His cognomen is Zijia 子家• 16/6.4
Prince Jie 公孫竭 A Qin official. 22/2.1, 22/2.5
Prince Jiu 公子糾 One o f the sons o f Duke Huan o f Qi. 15/6.3, 2i/6.3
Prince Lian 公子連 The son o f Duke Ling o f Qin 秦靈公 and cousin o f the
Child Ruler o f Qin, Prince Chu. He assumed the throne after Prince Chu was
deposed. Posthumously titled Duke Xian 24/4.3
Prince Luo 王孫維 A nobleman o f Wu cited as a bad influence on King
Fuchai. 2/4.2.D
Prince Man 王孫滿 A grand officer o f Zhou who resided in the eastern
capital or royal city in Western Zhou times. 16/4.2
Prince Mou of Zhongshan 中山公子牟 A Warring States prince o f Wei
who was enfeoffed at Zhongshan. 21/斗 •
斗
Prince N ang 子囊 The son o f King Zhuang o f Chu. 19/2.4
Prince Q i 公子起 The son o f Duke Ling o f Wey and younger brother o f
Duke Zhuang. He was put on the throne when Duke Zhuang was killed by
the Wey nobleman Shi Pu acting with an army o f Rong living within Wey^s
borders. 25/6.3.B
Prince Qian 公子鉗 The son o f Duke Xian o f Wey. According to the Liishi
chunqiu^ he was put on the throne when, in 559, Duke Xian was forced into
exile. According to the Zuozhuan^ however, Duke Xian was succeeded at that
time by his younger brother, not by his son. 25/6.3.A
Prince Qingji 王子慶忌 The son o f King Liao o f Wu. Famous for his
bravery and military prowess. 8/3.1,11/3.2
Prince Shiwo 公子食我 A man who served Marquis Zhao o f Han. 18/1.3
Prince Sou 王子搜 Said to have been Wuzhuan 無願， who assumed the Yue
throne as King Shou. See Zhuangzi^ aRangwang55 2/2.3
Prince Ta 公子杳 A prime minister o f Zhou. 18/1.7
Prince Wuzhi 公子無知 The grandson o f Duke Zhuang o f Qi, nephew o f
Duke Xi 僖公， and a cousin o f Duke Xiang. When Duke Xi was alive， he
favored Wuzhi, treating him as the equal o f the heir-apparent, the future
Duke Xiang. This is why Duke Xiang grew to hate him. 21/6.3
Prince Xiaobo 公子小白 One o f the sons o f Duke Huan o f Qi. 15/6.3, 2i/6.3
Prince Yang 公孫缺 See Shang Yang
Prince Yiwu 公子夷吾 One o f the sons o f Duke Xian o f Jin. Gained the
throne by conspiring with Duke Mu o f Qin. Posthumously Duke Hui. See
also Duke Hui o f Jin. 19/3.3-A, 23/6.2.A
Prince Yu 公孫與 A native o f Wey. 22/2• 斗
Prince Zao 公孫灶 A grand officer o f Qi who served Duke Jing. 22/1.3.A
Prince Zhuo 公子卓 The son o f Duke Xian o f Jin by the younger sister o f
Concubine Li. 23/6.2.A
Pu 蒲 A city in Jin, located to the northwest o f present-day Xi County 陽縣，
Shanxi. 19/3.3.A
Pure Temple The ancestral temple, so called from the solemnity and
sacrcdness o f the place. 5/4.4
Pushu 蒲疏 A Wey market town whose name is given in Zuozhuan (Xuan
14) as Puxu 蒲胥 • 20/6.5
Qi Where King Wu o f Zhou lived before the conquest o f the Shang. See
Mount Qi, Qizhou. 19/2• 斗
Qi ^5 An ancient state said to have been given as a fief to the descendants o f
the house o f Xia by King Wu o f Zhou. 15/1.3
Qi Huangyang 祁黃羊 A nobleman o f Jin whose given name was Xi 奚.1/5.4
Qi Jia 起賈 A personal name. i8/7.5
Qi Wu 祁午 The son o f Qi Huangyang. i/5.4
Qi Xi 祈奚斗
A Jin official. 2 i/i•
Q i， the Xia Sovereign 夏后啓 The son o f Yu. Yu had designated Bo Yi 伯
^ as his successor; but after Yu5s death, Qi assumed the throne—either after
Bo Yi had declined it, or after Qi had killed him. 3/3-^.F
Qian Ru 幹如 The legendary inventor o f the Poushou calendrical cycle. His
name is not mentioned in any other text. 17/4 2
Qifang, the Prince o f Wey 衛公子啓方 Ä member o f the Wey ducal house
who served as an official in Qi. He was a favorite o f Duke Huan o f Qi. Other
sources give his name as Kaifang 開方• 16/3.2
Qim u 歧母 A mountain whose location is unknown. 13/7.2
Q in Guli 禽滑蔑 A disciple o f Mozi. The second graph o f his given name,
is written variously. 2/4.3, 4/3.2.B
Q in Ya 秦牙 A famous judge o f horses. 2〇/8.4
Q ing Feng 慶封 A grand officer o f Qi. 22/1.3.A
Q ing Ping 青宑 A personal name. 12/5.5
Qinyuan 浸淵 A marsh whose location is unknown. 14/2.4.B
Q inzhou 秦周 A place in the state o f Qi. 15/2.5
Q iongqi 窮奇 A northern people. 20/1.3
Qisi 期思 A town o f Chu during the Spring and Autumn period, located to
the northwest o f present-day Gushi County, Henan. 24/2.3
Qiuyou 公縣 A state o f the Spring and Autumn period located in the area o f
what is now Xiyu 西盂, Shanxi. Other texts write the name o f the state 仇曾，
仇由，旮由，o r 仇猶 • 15/2•
斗
Qizhong， the Rong barbarian 歧踵戎 An official who served Jie， last ruler
o f the Xia. Cited as a bad influence on his ruler. 2/4.2.B
Qizhou 岐周 A city built by King Wen's grandfather Gugong Danfii, on the
plains at the foot o f Mount <î. S吖级 Mount CJi. 15/7.2,17/6.3, 25/斗•斗
Qizu 企足 Zhuang Qiao 莊購， a rebellious figure o f Chu during the Warring
States period. 10/5.5
Qu 屈 An area o f the state o f Jin, located north o f what is now Ji County 吉
縣，Shanxi， famous for producing thoroughbred horses. 15/2.3,19/3.3.A
Qu Boyu 蓬伯玉 Ä grand officer o f Wey who was the son o f Qu Wuqiu,
Viscount Zhuang o f Ju. Qu Boyu was known posthumously as Viscount
Cheng. 20/4.5.A
Q u’ao 屈驚 An ancient state. 20/4.3
Quwo 曲沃 The second capital o f the state o f Jin. Located to the northeast
o f modern Wenxi 聞喜 County, Shanxi. 19/3.3.A
Ran Shu 冉叔 A righteous knight o f Warring States times, otherwise
unidentified, who swore to fight to the death with the marquis o f Tian, then
ruler o f the state o f Qi. 8/2.5
Rectifier of Music Kui 樂正夔 S從 Kui
Ren D eng 任登 An official who served Viscount Xiang o f Zhao as comman-
dant ofZhongm ou. 17/5.4
Ren Zuo 任座 An official who served Marquis Wen o f Wei. 24/3.5
Robber Zhi 盜跖 A famous outlaw o f Warring States times. 10/5.5, n /4 2
R ong 戎 A people thought barbarian by the inhabitants o f the Central States.
4/5.5,14/4.1,15/6.5,16/3.1, 22/3.2, 23/5.2, 24/1.4, 25/6.3.B
Kong Cheng An official who served the Yellow Sovereign and devised
the calendar. 17/4.2
R ong Jiang An official who served the Yellow Sovereign. His name is
sometimes given as Rong Yuan 榮援 • 5/5.5
Rongze 榮澤 Probably a mistake for Yingzc 熒澤, a marsh located to the
north o f the Yellow River. 11/3.3
Ruhuang 苑黃 A breed o f dog. Also written 如黃 and 如簧 • 23/2.3
Ruo River ^ 7jc The ancient name for a river thought to be the Yalong River
雅 @ 江 . The ancient name is sometimes written 弱• Said to have been the
birthplace o f the Zhuanxu Sovereign. 5/5.6
San M iao 三苗 A tribe that lived in the area o f Jingzhou 荆州， along the
Yangzi and Huai rivers. Also called Miao and You Miao 有苗 • 19/3.2, 20/4.3
Sanglin 桑林 The “Mulberry Grove” where Tang prayed for the rains that
broke a long drought. 9/2.2,15/3.1
“Sanglin” 桑林 The name o f a Shang musical composition and a dance that
celebrated Tang. 12/4.2
Sanwei 三危叮 riple Danger Peak，” a mountain in the west with numerous
legendary associations. Said, for example, to have been the roosting place o f
the three magical Azure Birds that belonged to the Queen Mother o f
the West. The mountain referred to now by that name is found in Dunhuang
〇3iinty, Gansu. 14/2.4.B, 19/6.2, 22/5.2
Scholar-knights dr Members o f a learned class from which rulers o f the
Warring States period hoped to recruit officials to advise them and serve in
their governments. Scholar-knights were from the lower fringe o f the old
aristocracy o f Western Zhou and Spring and Autumn times—men o f gcxxl
birth but without titles o f nobility and hence lacking the opportunity to hold
hereditary office. Much o f the thought o f the Liishi chunqiu is derived from
the ideology o f this class and aims to advise its members on how they should
comport and train themselves in order to win the attention and respect o f
rulers. 2/4.3, 3/i- 3, 3/4-2.B, 4/2.1.c, 4/3.2.B, 4/5.3, 6/4.2, 7/3.1, 7/3-2.B, 7/4.2.B,
7/5.1, 7/5.3.B, 8/5.1, 8/5.3, 9/3.1, 9/4.1, n/3.1, n /3 .2 ,12/2.1,12/2.2,12/3.1 ,12/3.2,
12/4.1,12/4.2,12/5.1,12/5.2,12/5.3,12/5.4,13/4.1,13/4.2.B, 13/5.1 ,13/5.3.A, 13/5.3*B,
13/6.3.B, 14/1.1,14/2.2, 14/3.1 ,14/3.3,14/3.5,14/6.1, 14/6.2, 14/6.3, 15/3.1, 15/3.2,
15/3.3,15/3.4, 15/3.6, 15/4.1, 15/4.2,15/4.3,15/8.1,16/1.4,16/2.1,16/2.3, 16/3.1,
16/5.4,16/6.1, 16/7.2, 16/8.2,16/8.3, 17/1.2,17/2.1.B, 17/5.2, 17/5.4, 17/6.4, 18/2.2,
18/6.1，19/1.3,19/2.5,19/8.4,19/8.5, 2〇/i.3, 20/2.1，2〇/2.4, 20/3.1，2〇/3.4, 2〇/5.i，
20/5.2, 20/5.4, 20/7.1, 20/7.5, 21/3.1, 21/3.2, 21/5.3, 22/2.2, 22/3.3.A, 22/4.3,
22/4.6, 23/1.1, 23/1.2, 23/5.5, 24/3.1, 24/3.2, 24/5.3, 24/5.5, 24/6.2, 25/1.3, 26/1.1,
26/1.3, 26/3.2
Scribe D ing 史定 A Qin scribe contemporary with King Hui. 16/7.1
Scribe H uang ^ M The historiographer at the court o f the Yellow Sover
eign. Gao You, in reference to H N Z ^ says this is the same person as Cang Jie,
the inventor o f writing. If this is so, then his name is Cang Jie and his title is
Scribe Huang. 17/4.2
Scribe Jiao 史角 Jiao Jiao 叫角， historiographer o f Zhou at the court o f
King Ping. The king sent him to Lu, where he was detained by Duke Hui.
Mozi is said to have studied with his descendants. 2/4.7
Scribe M o 史默 A Jin historiographer during the Spring and Autumn
period. His given name is also written 墨• 13/2.3, 2〇/4.5.a
Scribe o f the Interior Liao 內史廖 Ä Qin official. The office o f scribe o f
the interior was established at the founding o f the Zhou to administer
rewards and punishments. 24/1.3
Scribe Q iu A grand officer o f Wey referred to in the L u n yu as Scribe Yu
史魚. 20/4.5.A
Shamanka Peak 巫山 One o f the peaks o f the Bashan 巴山 Range o f
Sichuan. The mountain has numerous legendary and religious associations.
22/5.2
Shamanka Tones The music used by sorcerers to accompany the
dances performed to draw down the spirits. 5/3.2
Shan Bao 單豹 Ä recluse who lived in the mountains o f Lu. 14/8• 斗
Shan Quan 善綣 A legendary wise man in the time o f Yao. 15/3.2
Shanfu 亶父 A city in Lu during Spring and Autumn times, located in Shan
County 單縣，Shandong. Usually written 單父 • I8/8.2.A，i8/8.2.b，21/2.2
Shang D uo 商 B出 The name o f a man famous for being handsome. Some
identify him as Gongzi Shangduo 公子商口出 o f Song， who lived during the
Spring and Autumn period. 13/3.4
Shang o f Zhongshan 中山尙 Thought to have been the last (and hence
bad) ruler o f Zhongshan, a small state eliminated by neighboring Wei. 2/4.2.D
Shang Kong 商容 A Shang worthy said to have been dismissed by Zhou
Xin. 15/1.3,18/4.3
Shang Wen 商文 An official o f Wei and contemporary with Marquis Wen o f
Wei and Wu Qi. The Shiji calls him Tian Wen B3 which is the surname and
given name o f Lord Mengchang. 17/8• 斗
Shang Yang 商狭 A native o f Wcy, Shang Yang was a member o f the house
hold staff o f Gongshu Zuo, prime minister o f Wei, but later went to Qin,
where he helped reform the government under Duke Xiao. The duke re
warded him by enfeoffing him at Shang, located in what is now the area to
the southeast o f Shang County, Shaanxi. He was therefore called the lord o f
Shang 商君； the eponymous book on political philosophy is attributed to his
authorship. Also known as Prince (or Gongsun) Yang 公孫狭 and Wey Yang
衛缺 • 11/5.6, 12/5.4, 14/ 3.4 , 19/4•斗，22/2.1，22/2.2
Shang Yi 尙儀 According to myth， a consort o f Sovereign Ku， known for
making divination on the phases o f the moon. Called Chang Yi 常儀 in the
Shi ben. 17/4.2
Shao H u 召忽 A descendant o f Duke Shao o f Zhou. He held office in Qi,
where he became involved in a rebellion and, along with Guan Zhong, as
sisted Prince Jiu in fleeing to Lu. Later, when Prince Jiu was killed, Shao Hu
died. 15/6.3
“Shao nan” 召南 The second part o f the “Guo feng” 國風 section o f the
Shi. Said in the Lüshi chunqiu to have been named for the duke o f Shao and to
have consisted o f songs in the southern style. 6/3.2
Shatang 沙棠 A tree o f unknown species that grows in Kunlun. 14/2.4.B
Shen Buhai 申不害 A Warring States native o f Zheng， Shen Buhai served
Marquis Zhaoxi o f Han and in that capacity advocated government by law.
He placed heavy emphasis on administrative techniques, namely, the devices
by which a ruler can examine and test his bureaucracy and consolidate power
for himself. 17/3.2.B
Shen Xi 申喜 A personal name. 9/5.4.C
Shen Xiang 申向 A native o f Zhou. Gao You says he is related to Shen
Buhai. 18/1.7
Sheng Shu 勝書 A contemporary o f the Duke o f Zhou. 13/5•斗，18/3.2
Shennong 神農 The Divine Farmer， god o f agriculture, original propagator
o f farming. 2/3.1，4/3.1，12/斗.2,14/8.2,17/5.2,17/8.3,19/1.1,19/ 4 .5, 21/5.1
Shenyin H ua 沈尹華 An official who served King Wei o f Chu. All the
Shenyins named in the Lüshi chunqiu (and listed here and below) are probably
one and the same person. The graphs used for the various given names are
close in form and could be graphic errors. 16/7.2
Shenyin Jing 沈尹莖 An official o f Chu. 24/2.3
Shenyin Shi 沈尹篮 A grand officer who served King Zhuang o f Chu. 22/6.1.b
Shenyin Shu 沈尹戍 An official in charge o f Shen, a district in Chu. Gao
You says he was the grandson o f King Zhuang o f Chu; Du Yu says he
was the great-grandson o f King Zhuang. The Z u ozh u an cites his given name
as 戌（ Xu). 22/1.2
Shenyin Wu 沈尹巫 A grand officer o f Chu who served King Zhuang• 斗/3.1
Shenyin Zheng 沈尹蒸 A nobleman o f Chu. Cited as a good influence on
King Zhuang o f Chu. 2/4.2.c
Shi Lin and Zhao Pian 史鱗，趙餅 Incorruptible men o f Warring States
times. 16/1.4
Shi Pu 石圃 A grand officer o f Wey during the time o f Duke Zhuang. 25/6.3. B
Shi Qi 石乞 A follower o f the duke o f Bo who participated in the latter^s ill-
fated rebellion against the rulers o f Chu. 25/4.5
Shi Qi 史起 An official who served King Xiang o f Wei. 16/5.5
Shi Wei drW A retainer o f the lord o f Jingguo. 9/3.2
Shi Yi 式夷 A man o f Qi known for his benevolence. Listed in H a n shu^
“Gujin renbiao” 古今人表 as Shi Yi 視夷• 2〇/ 2.4
Shi Zhu 石渚 A knight contemporary with King Zhao o f Chu. 19/2.5
Shield-and-Axe Tunes 干戚之音 Music named for an ancient form o f dance.
In antiquity there were both peaceful and martial dances. In the former the
dancers held feathers; in the latter they grasped shields and axes. 23/1.3
Shihu 石戶 A place-name. According to legend， Shun wished to yield the
throne to a farmer from Shihu. 19/1.2.A
Shiliang 石梁 A place identified by Gao You as located in present-day
Tongshan 銅山 County，Jiangsu. 8/3.2
Shishe 石社 A place-name. 23/1• 斗
Shouling 壽陵 The name o f the burial mound built by Marquis Su o f Zhao
趙肅侯 .14/3.5
Shoumi 壽靡 A western tribe. 17/3.2.C
Shouyang 首陽 A mountain located in what is now the area to the south o f
Yongji 永濟 County, Shanxi. 12/4.2,13/1.5
Shu Dao 豎刀 An official who served Duke Huan o f Qi after the death o f
Guan Zhong. Involved in an insurrection after the death o f Duke Huan.
1/4.3.b, 15/6.6,16/3.2
Shu Wusun 叔無孫丁 he grand officer of Qi who served as protector of the
town of Gaotang. 19/1.3
Shu(sun) House 叔（孫）氏 S你 Jisun of Lu
Shun ^ The last o f the Five Sovereigns. Noted for having accepted from Yao,
but not inherited, the title o f Sovereign. 4/3.1, 5/5-9,10/3.3, n /4 .2 ,13/5.2,
13/7.1,14/2.2,14/6.1,14/6.2,17/5.2,17/5.3,18/6.2,19/1.1,19/1.2.A, 19/3.2,
19/5.1.B, 19/8.I, 20/2.2, 20/4.3, 20/6.2, 22/1.3.A, 22/3.3.B, 22/5.2, 22/6.2, 23/5.4,
24/2.I, 24 / 3.2, 25/ 3.2, 25/5.2, 26/ 2.5
Shuni 叔逆 A northern tribe. 20/1.3
Shuxiang 叔嚮 The cognomen o f Yangshe Xi 羊舌肸， a grand officer o f Jin
during the Spring and Autumn period. Famous for his worthiness and ability.
21/1.4, 22/5.5
Sima Tang 司馬唐 A grand officer o f Qin during Warring States times.
Other sources call him Sima Yu 司馬庾• 21/3.3
Sima Xi 司馬喜 Prime minister o f Zhongshan. 18/7.3
Sinei 四內 A place-name. 12/4.2
Six Armies 六軍 An enormous military formation typical o f the great states
after the decline o f the royal Zhou. 14/4.3
Six conjunctions 六合 The four cardinal directions， above (Heaven), and
below (Earth). 17/1.4,17/4.2,19/I.2.C，19/7.1，2〇/8.i
Six Kings /n 3E Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, and Kings Wen and Wu o f Zhou. 11/4.2
Song tribe 有娀氏 Name o f an ancient tribe. The term is also used to refer
to the head o f the tribe. A woman o f the tribe named Jian D i ® is sup
posed to have been the consort o f Sovereign Ku and the mother o f Xie an
ancestor o f the Shang royal house. 6/3.4
Songlong 送龍 A western people. 20/1.3
Songxia troubles 松下亂 When Qi attacked Yan, the Yan king Zikuai 子嗜
—father o f King Zhao—engaged Qi in battle at Songxia and was taken cap
tive there. 20/6.4
Sorcerer o f Chang 常之巫 A sorcerer at the court o f Duke Huan o f Qi.
Other sources refer to him as the Sorcerer o f Tang. 16/3.2
Sorcerer Peng 巫彭 A traditional god o f medicine. The S h anh aijin g lists
several sorcerers who possessed the herbs that ward off death; commentaries
identify them all as gcxis o f medicine. 17/4.2
Sorcerer Xian 巫咸 A high official at the court o f the Shang king Tai Mou
jjc， Legend credits him with originating the use o f milfoil stalks in divina
tion. Also called Sorcerer M ou M f X - 17/4.2
Sovereign Ku 帝嚳 One o f the legendary Sovereigns. 4/3.1，5/5.7
Sovereign o f the East 東帝 A title that was briefly assumed by King Min o f
Qi in 288—and that prompted the states o f Yan, Qin, Chu, Han, Zhao, and
Wei to form an alliance to attack Qi, forcing the flee. 14/3.5
Spirit o f Santu 三涂 The spirit o f a mountain 1 on the north bank o f
the Yi River 伊河 to the southwest o f Song County 嵩縣，Henan. 18/3.6
Spirit Tower 靈臺 Ä tall tower in the state o f Qin. 23/6.2.Ä
State o f Z hongrong 中容國 An ancient border state. 14/2•斗.B
Su Q in 蘇秦 A Warring States native o f the small state o f East Zhou. Acting
for King Zhao o f Yan, he went to Qi and tried to influence Qi foreign policy
in such a way that Qi would be left vulnerable to attack. When, in 28斗， Qi
was attacked by an army o f six states led by Lc Yi, lord o f Changguo, Su Qin's
treachery was discovered and he was executed. 17/5.6
Sui 隨 An appanage o f Chu during Spring and Autumn times. 14/3.2
Sui H ui 隨會 A grand officer o f Jin and a teacher o f Duke Wen. He is also
known as Shi Hui 士會• His cognomen is Ji 季• Because he was given the
fiefs o f Sui and Fan, he is also called Ji o f Sui and Ji o f Fan. He was posthu
mously called Viscount Wu Ä 'F o f Sui and Viscount Wu o f Fan. 4/3.1
Sun Bin 孫臏 A Warring States native o f Qi and member o f the Militarist
school o f thought. Sun Bin advocated that the whole world would submit to
those who won victories in battle. 17/7.1.A
Sun Linfu 孫林父 A grand officer o f Wcy in the time o f Duke Xian. Said to
have been a member o f the party that drove Duke Xian into exile. Also called
Viscount Wen o f Sun 孫文子.25/6.3.A
Sun M ing 孫明 A household servant who, along with Yin Duo, served Vis-
count Jian o f Zhao. 25/1• 斗
8〇〇 G L O SSA R Y
Sun Wu 孫武 The famous strategist who wrote the S奴似:纟极和孫子兵法. A

native o f Qi during Spring and Autumn times. 19/3.i
Sunpu 孫樸 A place-name. 22/5.2
Sunshu A o 孫叔教 A natiŸe o f Chu. According to several sources， Sunshu
Ao, originally a recluse living by the sea, eventually became chief minister to
King Zhuang o f Chu. Cited as a good influence on the king. Identified with
Wei Ailie 薦艾獵 and Wei Ao 薦敖 • See 肪/;紛w (Xuan II-I2). 2/3.4，
2/4.2.C, 4/3.I, IO/4 .I, 20/3.I, 22/6.1.B, 24/2.3
Suolu Can 索盧參 A disciple o f Qin Guli, one o f the masters o f the Mohist
School. Identified in the text as a ttcon artist.554/3.2.B
Suozhi 所驚 A northern state. 20/1.3
Supporter o f the State {Z h u g u o ) 柱國 An official tide o f Chu during the
Warring States era. Originally a post that charged its holder with protecting
the capital, it later became the highest military position in the state. The status
o f the office was second only to prime minister. 18/5.4
Supreme Sovereign The chief deity in the ancient pantheon. 5/5.6,
5/5.7, 5/5.8, 6/3.4, 9/2.2,13/6.3, 20/6.3
Susha 夙沙 In legendary accounts, a tribe o f high antiquity. 19/4.6
Taihang 太行 The mountain range that separates Hebei and Shanxi. One o f
the “nine mountains.” 13/1.5,19/3.2
Taihua 太華 S吖 Mount Hua
Tang 湯 Founder o f the Shang royal house. Often mentioned jointly with
King Wu o f Zhou. Sometimes called Tang the Successful 成湯• 3/3.1，3/5.2.C，
4 / 3. 1, 5/ 5.H, 6/ 4 .1, 7/ 3*3, 8/3-2, 9/2.2, io/j.i, 10/5.2, 11/4.2,12/5.2, 13/2.1.A, 13/7.1,
14/2.2, 14/2.4.A, 14/33, 14/5.1, 14/6.1, 15/1.2, 18/8.1, 19/1.1,19/1.2.B, 19/2.4,
19/4.4,19/4.6,19/5.1.B, 19/8.1, 23/4.4, 24/2.1, 24/3.2, 24/6.1, 25/4.4, 26/2.5
Tang G uguo 唐姑果 A Qin Mohist contemporary with King Hui. Other
sources call him Tang Gu or Tang Guliang 唐姑梁• 16/7.1
Tang M ie 唐篾 Served as a general under King Huai o f Chu 楚懷王 .25/5.3
Tang Shang 唐尙 A personal name. Context suggests Tang Shang was active
during the Warring States period. 26/1.4
Tang Shuyu 唐叔虞 The younger brother o f King Cheng o f Zhou. He was
enfeoffed in Tang. 18/2.2
Tang Yang 唐缺 A grand officer o f Song blamed for contributing to the evil
behavior o f King Kang. 2/4.2.D, 17/5.7
Tao 陶 A town in the state o f Qi. 18/7.6
Tao H u 陶狐 A lowly official who followed Duke Wen o f Jin into exile.
Other texts refer to him as Tao Shuhu 陶叔狐 and Hushu 壺叔.24/4.2
Taotie 黎餐 A Zhou bronze decoration, a beast with a large head and small
body, that is supposed to have symbolized gluttony. The Liishi chunqiu is the
locus classicus o f the name o f the famous design as well as the source o f its
symbolic interpretation. Taotie is also the name 20/1 assigns a northern tribe,
about whom nothing is known. 16/1.5, 20/1.3
G L O S SA R Y 8oi
Thousand Bells 千鐘 The name o f a large set o f bells. 5/3.2

Three A ugust Ones According to most accounts, the Three August
Ones are Fu Xi 伏羲，Shennong， and Sui Ren 燦人 . i/4.2.d ，4/5.6, 7/4.2,
i 4 /i.i
Three Dukes There are two explanations of the term, which existed
during the Zhou but not before: it refers to the offices of cither sim a W]
« 如司徒， and 司空； or 太師，加片太傅， and to办 w 太保 • 20/6.2,
22/ 3.2
Three Dynasties 三代 Xia，Shang， and Zhou. The term is used interchange-

ably with 叮 hree Kings.” 3/斗.2, 4/3.1，13/4.1，13/5.2,15/7.1，17/8.3,19/4.5, 20/7.5
Three Kings 三王 Yu o f the Xia， Tang o f the Shang， and King Wen or King
Wu o f the Zhou. 3/3.2.D，6/5.1，13/2.2,13/5.2,13/6.1，13/7.1，1斗/3.3,巧/3.1，17/4.3,
19/2.2, 19/5.2, 19/6.2, 20 / 斗.3, 26/2.1
Three materials 三材 Water，w ood， and fire. 1斗/ 2 .斗.入
Three rivers 三江 Three sections o f the Yangzi. 5/5.IO, 1办 1
Tian Buyin 田不禮 A grand officer o f Song blamed for encouraging the
greed and profligacy o f King Kang. 2/4.2.D
Tian Dan 田單 A native o f Qi who served King Min in the battle against
Yan. 20/6.4
Tian Jiu 田鳩 Tian Qiu 田俅， a native o f Qi. 14/3.3
Tian Pian 田駢 A native o f Qi and member o f the Daoist school. 4/5.6.c,
17/7.1.A, 17/8.3, 26/1.3
Tian Q u 田 Ifj An official who served King Zhao o f Wei. 18/1.4
Tian Xi 田繫 A disciple o f the Mohist Xu Fan. 2/斗.3
Tian Zan 田贊 A native o f Qi. 15/5.3
Tian Zifang 田子方 A native of Wei, disciple of Zigong, and teacher to
Marquis Wen of Wei. Remembered also as a Daoist personality in the
chunqiu^ since he is mentioned in conjunction with Lao Dan and Zhan He. A
chapter in the Z h u a n g zi is named for him. 2/4.3,13/5*4,18/2.4,19/8.4, 21/2.1
H and i 天翟 A mountain whose lexation is unknown. 13/7 2
Tongti 銅韓 A place located to the south of what is now Shen County
Shanxi. 18/1.3
Tou Gorge 投淵 A river whose location is unknown. Presumably associated
with Mount Heng 1互山• 14/2.4.B
Tonfa H e 投伐褐 A famous judge o f horses. 2〇/8 .斗
Tu 突人 A western people. 20/1.3
Tu Shu 屠黍 Grand historiographer for Duke You o f Jin 晉幽公. i6/i .4
Tuiyi 推移 One o f Jie’s officials; captured by Tang at the battle o f Cheng. 8/3.2
Tunes o f Sangjian 桑間之音 Very faint tunes said tQ represent the music o f
perished states. Sangjian was on the banks o f the Pu the river into which
the music official o f the Shang cast himself. During the Spring and Autumn
period, a music official o f Jin, passing by the place, heard these tunes carried
on the waves o f the river and recorded them. 6/3.5
802 G L O S SA R Y
Tunes o f Zheng and Wey 鄭衛之音 The music o f the Zhou states o f Zheng
and Wey. An epithet for the licentious music o f a decadent age. Sometimes
called the music (5知;^ 聲）o f Zheng and Wey. 1/2.5, 6/3.5,18/5.6
University 太學 Sometimes another name for the Mingtang 明堂， or Hall
o f Light, the place the ancient rulers promulgated their teachings. It was here
that all meetings o f the court, all offerings, celebrations, advancement o f
scholars, and nurturing o f the aged took place. 4/3.5.c
U pright G ong 直躬 Someone who makes a name by being forthright. Sec
“Zilu” 子路 , and 没 _ 喂 ^ ，“Robber Zhi.” 11/4.3
Vertical Alliance (H e z o n g ) An alliance against Qin in the west by the
Six States in the East, whose territory stretched vertically from south to
north. See also Horizontal Axis. 12/5.4,18/4.6
Viscount Cheng o f H ou 后(5成子 A grand officer o f Lu. 20/8.1, 20/8.2
Viscount Cheng o f Tian 田成子 Tian Chang 田常 or Tian Heng 田恆， the
Tian patriarch who murdered Duke Jian o f Qi and thus wrested the state
away from the ducal line o f the Grand Duke Wang o f Lii, in whose posses
sion it had remained for twenty-four generations. Also called Chen Chang
常 and Chen Heng 陳恆 • 11/5.4,17/6.6, 25/1.3
Viscount Gao 皋子 A worthy about whom nothing is known. 22/5.4
Viscount H e o f Tian 田和子 The great-grandson o f Viscount Cheng o f
Tian and the son o f Viscount Zhuang. In 386 he was admitted to the ranks o f
the feudal lords, becoming the first member o f the Tian clan to rule Qi. He
was thus worshiped as the founding ancestor o f the ruling Tian lineage and
given the title Grand Duke Tian H e 太公田和 • （According to 11/5, it was
Viscount Cheng who took actual possession o f Qi.) 9/2.5, 23/1.3
Viscount Huan o f Wei Conspired with Viscount Xiang o f Zhao to
eliminate the earl o f Zhi. 14/4.3
Viscount Jian o f Zhao 趙簡子 A Jin nobleman who died in 476. 8/5.3,
13/2.3,14/5.4, 20/4.5.A, 20/5.5, 20/7.5, 21/3.2, 23/1.4, 25/1.4
Viscount Kang o f H an 韓康子 Conspired with Viscount Xiang o f Zhao to
eliminate the carl o f Zhi. 14/4.3
Viscount o f Chu 觸子 A third-century nobleman o f Qi who led its armies
in ä major defense o f the state in 28斗• Other texts give his title as viscount o f
Shu 蜀子 or viscount o f Xiang 向子.15/2.5, 23/1.3
Viscount o f Da 達子 A third-century nobleman o f Qi. 15/2.5, 23/1.3
Viscount o f Ji 箕子 The uncle o f Zhou Xin. He feigned madness to avoid
sharing in the disasters he knew awaited his nephew. 14/8.1,15/1.3,16/1.3,
16/4.1,18/4.3
Viscount Qi o f Wei 微子啓 The oldest son o f Di Yi 帝乙 and Zhou Xin’s
oldest brother. Fled the Shang court when his criticisms went unheeded.
Enfeoffed in Song after the Zhou conquest o f the Shang. 11/4.5,12/4.2
G L O S SA R Y 803
Viscount Wan o f Tian 田完子 The older brother o f Viscount Cheng o f

Tian. 25/1.3
Viscount Xiang o f Zhao 趙襄子 Reigned 475-425. The son o f Viscount
Jian. He joined with the Han and Wei families in eliminating the Zhi family.
Charaaerized in Lüshi chunqiu as an able leader. 8/2.5,12/5.5, ^Postface,55
14/4.3,14/5.4, is/i. 4 , 17/ 5.4 , 20/1.4, 22/6.1.B
Viscount Xiao 鶴子 A prime minister o f Qi. 9/2.5
Viscount Xuan o f Fan 范宣子 Fan Gai 范丐， or Fan Shigai 范士丐 • Served
as first gentleman 研正卿， a high government office) under Duke
Ping o f Jin， in which capacity he managed Jin’s military. 21/1 • 斗
Viscount Xuan o f Zhao 趙宣子 Zhao Dun 趙盾， also called Zhao Xuanmeng
A grand officer o f Jin who served as a first gentleman {zJjenßqinß IE
卿， a high government office) in the time o f Duke Ling. 15/斗.1，15/4.2, 23/4.2
Viscount Zhang 章子 A general o f Qi during the reigns o f Kings Wei and
Xuan. 25/5.3
Viscount Zhuang o f Qi See Viscount Zhuang o f Tian
Viscount Zhuang o f Tian 田莊子 The father o f Viscount He o f Tian and
prime minister under Duke Xuan o f Qi 齊宣公 • 9/2.5
Wan and Yan 碗，淡 Two women who enjoyed the favors o f Jie o f the Xia.
15/1.2
Wan Chun 宛春 An official who served Duke Ling o f Wey. 25/4.6
Wang Cuo 王錯 Ä grand officer o f Wei. He criticized Wu Qi to Marquis Wu
o f Wei, forcing Wu Qi to flee to Chu (sec 17/8.4). Wang himself fled to Han
two years after the death o f Marquis Wu. 11/5.5,17/8•斗，20/8.3
Wang Hai 王亥 The legendary originator o f animal husbandry and herding.
Lüshi chunqiu mistakenly gives his name as Wang Bing where i7K is a
graphic error for 亥• 17/斗.2
Wang Liang 王良 A native o f Jin during the Spring and Autumn period
who was famous as a driver o f horses. 17/1.3
Wang Liao 王廖 A member o f the Militarist school o f thought during the
Warring States. As a general, he is said to have studied strategics in detail before
doing battle—hence his reputation for “esteeming what comes first.” 17/7.1 A
Wang Sheng 王生 One o f Fan Jiyi5s retainers, killed during the Jin rebellion
o f the Fan and Zhonghang families. Cited as a bad influence on the Fan.
2/4.2.D
Wang Jili 王季歷 King Jili
Wangwu 王屋 A mountain located in an area southwest o f what is now
Yangcheng 陽城 County，Shanxi. 13/1.5
Wei 渭 The Wei River. I斗/3.i, 15/7.3, 2〇/i.3
Wei Jing 魏敬 A Wei official. The gives his name as Zhou Xin 周
訢 • 18/7.6
Wei River 淹水 The old name for the present-day Shuangji River 雙泊河，
located within the borders o f Henan Province. 18/4.3
Wei Yi 魏義 Ä grand officer o f Zhongshan whose advice to the ruler o f the
small state is blamed for its destruction. 2/4.2.D
Wen 坟 A river near the border between Qi and Lu. This name was given to
all the rivers that flowed in the area o f Mount Tai. 19/7.3
Wen 溫 A city in Wei during Warring States times. 7/4.2.E
Wen Wuwei 文無畏 Ä grand officer o f Chu who served King Zhuang o f
Chu. Also known as Shen Zhou 申舟（or 申周)• 20/6.5
Wen Zhi 文摯 Context suggests he was a famous doctor. ii/2.3
Wen Zhiyi 文之儀 Ä nobleman o f Wu. Cited as a good influence on King
Hclu. 2/4.4, 4/3.1
Wenbo Xuezi 溫伯雪子 Ä worthy contemporary with Confiicius. 18/3.3
West D i 西翟 A non-Xia tribe in the west. 6/3.3
West o f the River M An ancient name for that part o f the state o f Wei
west o f the Yellow River, corresponding to what is now Dali 大荡 County,
Shaanxi. 6/3.3, 20/8.3, 25/6.5
Wey Ji 衛忌 A famous judge o f horses. 20/8.4
W hite M ountains 白山 The Tianshan 天山， also called the White Moun
tains because they are snow-covered all year. 1斗/2•斗.B
W hite People 白民 According to lore, the name o f a state beyond the seas.
/
3 1 .1 3
Wo People 沃民 A state in the west. 14/2.4.B

Wu See King Wu o f Zhou
Wu Guang 務光 A legendary and eminent knight o f Xia times. 19/1.2.B
Wu H u o 烏獲 Ä strongman who served King Wu o f Qin 秦武王 • i/3.2，
4/5.6.B, 26/2.3.A
Wù Qi 吳起 A Warring States expert in the deployment o f troops who is said
to have studied with Zengzi. He started his career as a general for the state o f
Lu, and then served Marquis Wen o f Wei in the same capacity. Later, after the
marquises death, he traveled to Chu, where he became prime minister and
enacted legal reforms. After the death o f King Dao o f Chu, Wu Qi was mur-
dered by the old aristocracy. 2/斗.3,11/5.5,1斗/4.1，17/8.斗，19/31，19/3.4,19/4.2，
2〇/8.1，20/8.3, 21/6.2, 25/6.5
Wu Yun 伍員 S吖 Wu Zixu
Wu Zixu 伍子胥 A nobleman o f Chu. After his father was killed by King
Ping o f Chu, he fled to Wu, where he helped King Helu attack Chu. When
King Hclu would not heed his advice to attack Yue, Wu Zixu committed sui
cide. Cited as a good influence on the ruler o f Wu. 2/4.4, 4/3.1,10/4.2,14/3.2,
14/5.2,14/8.1,18/4.3, 22/5.i.B, 23/1.3, 23/3.1, 23/3.2, 24/1.1
Wulai An official who served Zhou Xin, last ruler o f the Shang. Cited
as a bad influence on his ruler. 2/4.2.B, 14/8.1,17/5.6
G L O S SA R Y 805
Wulu 五鹿 A city in Wcy, located to the northeast o f what is now Puyang

^ County, Henan. 19/3.3.b
Wuma Qi 巫馬旗 A disciple o f Confticius. i8/8.2.b, 21/2.2
Wuqiu Yu 吾丘鳥穴 Context suggests he was an able-bodied knight o f the
state o f Zhongshan. 21/6.5
Xi 肩、 A small state annexed by King Wen o f Chu, located in the area o f what
is now Xinxi 心、肩、County，Henan. 14/5.3
Xi Chou, Xi Q i, and Xi Zhi 郤辇，郤錡，郤至 The 叮 hree Xi”一members o f
Jin^s powerful Xi clan at the time o f Duke Li. 20/7.2
Xi H e 羲和 The official in charge o f the astrological calendar for the Yellow
Sovereign. 17/4.2
Xi Peng 隰朋 A grand officer o f Qi famous for having helped Duke Huan
succeed in becoming lord-protector. 1/4.3,17/4-3
Xi Shuhu 郤叔虎 Xi Bao 郤豹， a grand officer o f Jin. Also called Xi Zihu 郤
子虎 • 2 4 / 1.4 , 2 斗/I .5
Xi Yuan 谷宛 A grand officer o f Chu who served at the court o f King Ping.
22/1.2
Xi Z hong 奚仲 Legendary inventor o f the chariot. Supposed to have been a
descendant o f the Yellow Sovereign, to have had the surname Ren f î , and to
have been in charge o f chariots at the Xia court. 17/2.3
X iZ ih u 郤子虎 Shuhu
Xia N ie o f Chen 陳夏留 A grand officer o f Chen who assisted Chu at the
battle o f Jifu. 16/6.3
Xia states f f X The name used for the various states o f the central plains, to
distinguish them from the Man, Yi, and other peoples thought barbarian.
22/1.2
Xia Zhengshu 夏徵舒 He murdered Duke Ling o f Chen because the latter
was having an illicit affair with his mother. 7/4.2.E
Xiahou Qi 夏后啓 A prince o f Zou 芻 and a contemporary o f Bai Gui.
20/3.5
Xian Gao and Xi Shi 弦高，奚施 Zheng merchants. 16/4.2
Xian Xi 莧譆 An official in the service o f King Wen o f Chu. 11/5.2
Xian Zhen 先珍 A powerful minister o f Jin. Also called Yuan Zhen 原診
after his fief， which was located to the northwest o f present-day Jiyuan 濟源，
Henan. 16/4.2
Xian Zishi 縣子石 A disciple o f Mozi. Identified as a “violent man” from
Qi. 4/3.2.B
Xiang Ci 襄庇 A native o f Wei who served as commandant o f Ye during the
reign o f King Hui. Other sources call him Ji Ci 積庇 • 22/2.2
Xiang Zhi 向擎 Inner scribe o f the Shang and a witness to the sins o f Zhou
Xin. When Zhou Xin would not heed him he joined King Wu o f Zhou, who
made use o f his advice in overthrowing the Shang. 16/1.3, 25/5.2
Xianhei /gScll An official who served Sovereign Ku. 5/5.7
Xiao Weizi 小帷子 A grand officer of Chu. The of the name is also writ
ten 惟 • 16/6.3
Xic H u 解狐 A Jin noblemain. i/5.4
Ximen Bao 西門豹 The commandant o f Ye 鄴， a Wei appanage， during the
reign o f Marquis Wen. The Liishi chunqiu includes an anecdote in which Shi
Qi 史起， ä Wei official, criticizes him; but other sources commend Ximen
Bao for the water projects he oversaw, which benefited the population. 16/5.5
Xin Kuan 辛寬 An official who served Duke Mu o f Lu. Other sources give
his name as Xin Li 辛櫟 • 20/2.3
Xin Yumi 辛餘靡 Ä subject o f King Zhao o f Zhou known for his large size.
His name is sometimes given as Xin Youmi 辛由靡 • 6/3.3
Xing P An ancient state that, according to the Shiji^ was attacked by the Red
Di and whose ruling lineage was subsequently reestablished by Duke Huan o f
Qi in Yiyi. According to the Zuozhuan^ however, the Di did not in fact dc-
stroy Xing, though it was later eliminated by Wey. 8/3 • 斗
Xing, Zhou scribe o f the interior 周內史興 Other sources call this Zhou
official Shuxing 叔興 or Father Shuxing 叔興父 • 24/4.2
Xinzhi M uzi 新稚穆子 Ä general who served Viscount Xiang o f Zhao.
15/1.4
X iong Yi 貪旨意 A native o f Qi contemporary with King Xuan. 23/1.2
Xiqi 奚齊 The son o f Duke Xian o f Jin by Concubine Li. 23/6.2.A
Xishou 犀首 S你 Gongsun Yan
Xizhu 悉諸 The teacher o f Shennong. 4/3 •I
Xu Bi 許鄙 A famous judge o f horses. 20/8.4
Xu Er 續耳 In legendary accounts, one worthy official who served both Yao
and Shun. 14/2.2
Xu Fan 許犯 A disciple o f the Mohist Qin Guli. 2/4.3
Xu Jing 續經 A native o f Zhao. 22/2.1，22/2.4
Xu Ruo 徐弱 A disciple o f the Mohist Meng Sheng. 19/3 • 斗
Xu T ong 胥童 A grand officer o f Jin. He served Duke Li o f Jin and was later
killed by Luan Shu and Zhonghang Yan. Other sources give his name as Xu
Zhimei 胥之昧• 20/7.2
Xu Wan 許棺 A Qin official, according to Gao You. 18/7.6
Xu You 許由 In ancient legend, an eminent knight to whom Shun, or per
haps Yao, wished to cede the realm. Xu You refused the offer and went into
seclusion at Mount Ji 箕山 • According to tradition, Xu You was a native o f
the area o f Yingchuan 潁川， a river in the vicinity o f Mount Ji， on whose
north bank he is said to have enjoyed himself. According to 4/3, he was the
teacher o f Shun. Cited as a good influence on his ruler. Said to have had the
cognomen Wu Zhong 武仲 • 2/4.2.A, 4/3.1，14/6.4,18/6.2, 22/5.3, 25/3.3
Xue 薛 A city in Qi and the fief o f the Lord Mengchang. 12/5.4,15/4.4
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Zog Ä W V S S O T 9
Yanmen 雁門 Mount Gouzhu 句注山， located northwest o f modem-day
Dai County 代縣， Shanxi. 2 〇/ i .3
Yanshi Pass 焉氏塞 A pass that gave entry into Qin from the west, located
to the northwest o f modern Pingliang 平涼 County，Gansu. 2斗/ 斗. 3
Yao 堯 One o f the Five Sovereigns. Noted for having abdicated in favor o f
Shun rather than passing his title on to a son. In the Lüshi chunqiu his name is
used to designate an idyllic period o f time as much as an individual. 4/3.1,
5 /5 .8 ,1 0 /3 .3 , n / 4 . 2 , 13/5.2, 1 4 /6 .1 , 1 5 /3 .2 ,1 7 / 5 .2 ,1 7 / 5 .3 ,1 8 / 6 .2 ,1 9 /1 .2 .A , 1 9 /8 .1 ,
2 0 /2 .2 , 2 0 / 4 . 3 , 2 0 / 6 . 2 , 2 1 /1 .4 , 2 2 /1 .3 .A , 2 2 /3 .3 .B , 2 2 /5 .2 , 2 2 /5 .3 , 2 3 /5 .4 , 2 4 /3 .2 ,
2 4 /6 .3 , 2 5 /3 .2 , 25/5.2
Yao 殽 A pass in Henan. One o f the anine passes.55 Site o f an important Qin
defeat at the hands o f Jin in 6 2 7 . See Z u 〇2^huan (Xi 33). In 6 2 4 Duke Mu
ccwashed away the shame55 o f this defeat by attacking Jin, seizing its territory,
and burying the remains o f the Qin soldiers killed at the battle o f Yao. 1 3 /1.6,
1 4 /4 .2 , 2 4 /1 .3
Yao Li 要離 An official in the service o f King H d u o f Wu. 11/3.2
Yaoshan 搖山 An eastern people. 2 0 /1 .3
Ye HP A small state neighboring Jin that eventually became an appanage o f
Wei. It was located to the southwest o f what is now Linzhang ^ County,
Hebei. 16/5.5, 24/1.5
Yellow River 黃河 One o f the “six rivers.” 13/1.9,14/6.1 ，14/8.3
Yellow Sovereign 黃帝 The first o f the Five Sovereigns. Often called the
Yellow Emperor and considered by traditionalists to be the founder o f the
Chinese people. Frequcndy portrayed lecturing on the workings o f the Dao.
2/3.1, 3/5.2.B, 4/3.1, 5 / 5 .5 , 7/2.1.C, ttPostface,w 13/2.1.A, 13/2.2,14/2.2,14/7.3,
14/8.2,18/1.5,19/1.1, 22/1.3.A, 26/6.8
Yi ^ A people found barbarian by the inhabitants o f the Central States.
Sometimes called the Eastern Yi M M in the Lüshi chunqiu. Often mentioned
in conjunction with the Man o f the south. 2/5.1，5/5.1斗，14/3.1，I斗/4 .i ，19/6.2 ，
2斗/ 1.4
Yi 羿 S吖 Y iofth eY i
Yi The name o f the fief Tang held before he established the royal Shang.
Hence, the term is also used as an early alternate name for the Shang. 15/1.2,
1 7 / 6 .3 ,1 8 / 8 .1 ,1 9 / 2 .4 , 2 5 /4 .4
Yi D i 儀狄 In legendary accounts, the contemporary o f Yu credited with the
discovery o f alcoholic fermentation. 1 7 /4 .2
Yi H ui 夷樣 A “barbarian state.” The “Yi” o f the name refers to tribes in the
east; Hui is the name o f the particular state. Nothing further is known o f the
state or its population. 2 0 /1 .3
Yi o f the Yi 夷拜 A leader o f the Eastern Yi tribe during the Xia, famous for
his archery. Also called Yi and Lord Yi 后拜 1 7 / 4 . 2 ，
1 8 /8 .1 •
Yi River 伊水 A river that flows from Lushi 盧氏 County, Henan， northeast

G L O S SA R Y 809
into the Luo and Yellow rivers. According to 14.2, Yi Yin5s mother lived on
the banks o f this river. Where it flows between the mountains Yique 伊闕 and
Longmen 育I 門， its channel is called Yique. 14/2.2,15/7.1
Yi Shi and Tian Yi 義蒔，田邑 Warring States worthies. 16/1.4
Yi Ya 易牙 An official who served Duke Huan o f Qi after the death o f Guan
Zhong. Involved in an insurrection after the duke's death. 15/6.6,16/3.2,18/3.4
Yi Yin 伊尹 Tangos chief minister. According to the legend recorded in 14/2，
a woman o f the house o f Youshcn found him as a baby, in the hollow trunk
o f a mulberry tree. Said originally to have been one o f the slaves in atten
dance on Tang5s wife, Yi Yin ultimately aided Tang in conquering the Xia and
founding the Shang. Other legends say he started among the cooks and slaves
in Tang's kitchen. Cited as a good influence on his ruler, whom he lectured
on physical cultivation. Also referred to as Tang’s “Lesser Minister” /J、臣.2 /
4 .2 .^ 3/ 3 . 1，4 / 3 . 1，5/ 5 . 11，1斗/ 2 .2 , 1 4 / 2 .4 .^ 15/ 1.2 , 17/ 5 .5, 18/ 8 . 1，I9 /I. 2 .B，2 2 / 5 .2 ，
24/2.1
Yin Duo 尹鐸 A servant in the household o f Viscount Jian o f Zhao who ad-
ministered the viscount’s fief， the Jin city o f Jinyang. 20/5.5, 25/1.4
Yin Ru 尹儒 A famous charioteer o f Spring and Autumn times. 24/5.5
Yin Wen 尹文 A Warring States native o f Qi. His thought is supposed to
have been close to that o f the Huang-Lao school as well as that o f Shen Buhai
and Hanfeizi. The book that bears his name is probably the work o f later
thinkers. 16/8.2,16/8.3
Ying The capital o f Chu, located in what is now the area to the northwest
o f Jiangling 江陵，Hubei. 8/3.6,14/3.2,14/斗.1，21/5.2, 24/2.3
Ying River 穎水 The river in which the legendary Bian Sui drowned himself.
19/1.2.B, 22/5.3
Yingsun 鹰隼 A northern state. 20/1.3
Yinkang Clan 陰康氏 A legendary tribe o f high antiquity. The term is also
used to refer to the leader o f the clan. 5/5.4
Yique 伊闕 S你 Yi River
Yiyang 宜陽 A city o f Han in Warring States times that later became part o f
Qin. 18/7.6
Yiyi Ancient name of a place located in what is nersv the area west of
Liaocheng 耶P城 County, Shandong. 8/3.4
Yizhong o f Rong 榮夷終 A hereditary officer under King Li of Zhou. Cited
as a bad influence on his ruler. 2/4.2.B
Yong Ji 雍季 A personal name. 14/4.2
Yong River An ancient river whose course was subsumed by the Yel
low River. It flowed through what is now Henan Province, but exactly where
is unknown. Also called 灕水 • 15/8.2
Youhu ® An ancient state said to have been located in what is now
Shaanxi Province. 3/3.3, 20/4.3
8i o G L O S SA R Y
Youli 羑里 Where King Wen o f Zhou was held prisoner by Zhou X in _ the
incident referred to as the ashame at Youli.55 Located north o f what is now
Tangyang 湯陽, Henan. 14/3.1
Youyu o f the R ong 戎由余 Descended from a Jin vassal who fled to the
Western Rong, Youyu helped Duke Mu o f Qin become overlord o f the West
ern Rong. 24/1.3
Youzai Guchen 右宰谷臣 Ä grand officer o f Wey. The Z撕 ; 似w (Xiang 13)
gives his name as Youzai Gu. 20/8.2
Yu ß j Legendary controller o f the floods and founder o f the Xia dynasty.
j/5.10, 6/3.2,10/3.3, n/4.2,13/2.1.A, 13/5.1,13/7.1,14/6.1, iî/7 .1 , 15/ 7 .5,16/5.2,
19/3.2,19/4.4,19/8.1, 20/2.2, 20/3.3.A, 20/4.3, 20/6.2, 21/1.4, 21/5.3, 22/3.3.B,
22/5.2, 24/2.1, 26/2.5
Yu Ä A small statelet located to the north o f what is now Pinglu ^ 1^ , Shan
xi, neighboring the small state o f Guo. 15/2.3, 25/5.2
Yu Rang 豫讓 A native o f Jin during the late Spring and Autumn period and
a member o f the household staff o f Earl Yao o f Zhi. When the Zhi family was
destroyed by the Zhao, Han, and Wei families, Yu Rang plotted to assassinate
Viscount Xiang o f Zhao. After his efforts failed, he committed suicide. 8/2.5,
12/5.1，12/5.3,12/5.5, 20/1.4
Yu Xu 虞拘 The legendary inventor o f boats. 17/4.2
Yuan 原 An ancient state located in Qinshui t心水 County，Shanxi. King Wen
o f Zhou was first enfeoffed here. Later the state was moved east, to the nordi-
east o f what is now Jiyuan 濟源 County，Henan. I9/6.4.B
Yuan Jingmu 爰旌目 A personal name. 12/3.2
Yuanlu 宛路 A kind o f bamboo known for being thin and straight, and
therefore used for making arrows. 23/2.3
Yue 越 A state in the southeast. The context in 14/4 suggests that its popula
tion was thought to be barbarian by the Central States. 14/4.1,14/5.2
Yue Shifii 越石父 A personal name. 16/2.2
Yue Yang 樂羊 A general who served Marquis Wen o f Wei. 16/5.4
Yueluo 越路 Probably a mistake for Luoyue 駱越， another name for the
ancient southeastern state o f Yue. I斗/2.4.B
Yuezheng Zichun 樂正子春 A student o f Zcngzi • 工斗/i •8
Yumao 餘瞀 A mountain that legend locates in the south. 14/2.4.B
Yumi 餘靡 A southern people. 2〇/ i . 3
Yunmeng M W The marshlands located in the Lake Tai district, between
Jiangling 江陵 and Qichun 蘄春，Hubei. According to legend， the source o f
many marvelous and magical plants and animals. One o f the “nine marshes•”
n /2 .2 ,13/1.7,14/2.4.B, 23/2.3
Yuqiang 禺强 A northern spirit with the head o f a human and body o f a
bird. 22/5.2
Zai Yu 宰予 A disciple o f Confucius. Because he served the ill-fated Duke
Jian o f Qi, he also became an enemy o f Viscount Cheng o f Tian, after the
latter usurped the former's position. 14/6.4,17/6.6
Zaijie 宰揭 A mountain whose location is unknown. 14/2.4.B
Zan Jun 贊君 A famous judge o f horses. 20/8.4
Zaofti 造父 A famous charioteer o f antiquity. Said to have been the driver
for King Mu o f Zhou. 13/4.2.A, 19/4 6 , 19/5.3.b, 25/4.2.B
Zeng Dian 曾點 The father o f Zeng Can, or Z engzi.斗/2.3
Zengzi 曾子 A disciple o f Confucius and a native o f Lu. Also referred to as
Master Zeng and Zeng Can 曾參• 2/4.3, 4/2.3,14/1.3,14/1.5,1斗/ i . 6 , 14/1.8，
14/8.1
Zhan He 詹何 A Daoist o f whom the Hanfeizi says, ^Hearing the cry o f an
ox from within his chamber， he could tell the color o f the ox.” 17/8.2,18/2.4 ，
21/4.4
Zhang Kui 張魁 A favorite o f King Zhao o f Yan who led an army for the
king in Qi5s attack on Song in 286. 2 0 /6.4
Zhang Liushuo 張柳朔 A retainer o f Fan Jiyi’s killed during the Jin rebel
lion o f the Fan and Zhonghang families. Cited as a bad influence on Fan.
2/4.2.D
Zhang Mengtan 張孟談 A household retainer in the service o f Viscount
Xiang o f Zhao. 14/4.3
Zhang River / $ 7]c A river in Hebei. 16/5.5
Zhang Wu 張武 An official in the employ o f the Zhi clan o f Jin. He advised
Earl Yao to conspire against the Zhao clan, an act that ultimately led to the
annihilation o f the Zhi line. Cited as a bad influence on the earl. 2/4.2.D,
22/6.1.B
Zhang Yi 張儀 Made prime minister o f Qin in 328. 15/4.3
Zhang Yi 張毅 A native o f Lu known for his love o f good manners. 14/8.4
Zhangfti， duke o f Guo 虢公長父 A hereditary official under King Li o f
Zhou. Cited as a bad influence on his ruler. 2/斗.2.B
Zhao Dun See Viscount Xuan o f Zhao
Zhao Gua 趙括 A native o f Zhao and son o f the famous general Zhao She
Known for his arrogance. A general in the time o f King Xiaochcng #
Zhao Gua led the Jin army that lost disastrously to Qin at Changping.
The Liishi chunqiu says he was taken captive, but the Shiji account claims he
was killed during battle. 24/3.3
Zhao Jue 趙厥 A servant in the household o f Viscount Jian o f Zhao. The
Shuoyuan gives his name as She Jue 20/5.5
Zhao Shuai 趙衰 A grand officer o f Jin who accompanied Duke Wen during
his exile. 24/1.5
Zhao Xi 昭酱 Presumably an official who served King Wei o f Chu. 16/7.2
Zhao Xuanmeng 趙宣孟 S吖 Viscount Xuan o f Zhao
Zhao Yang 昭陽 A minister o f Chu in Warring States times. 9/3.2
812 G L O SSA R Y
Zhaoyao 招搖 A mountain that legend locates in Guiyang 桂陽 • I4/2.4.B

Zhen Kui 眞窺 Possibly to be identified with Zhi Cheng 直成， mentioned in
(“Chengxiang” 成相 ) as one o f Yu’s assistants. 22/5.2
Zheng Ping 鄭平 The Qin general known for his conquest o f Zhao. Called
Zheng Anping 鄭安平 in the 从护 . 22/2.1. 22/2.3
Zheng Xiu 鄭褎 Ä favorite concubine o f King Huai o f Chu 楚懷王 • Criti
cized in the 1/沿/^ for encouraging the king in his depravities. 19/2.4
Zhengjia o f the Yin 殷整甲 Better known as King Hedanjia o f the Shang
商王河亶甲 . 6/3.3
Zhengsuo MPf î Context suggests this was a pass leading across Qin's eastern
border. 24/4.3
Zhi An ancient place located to the northeast of what is now Huo County
霍縣，Shanxi. The evil King Li of the Zhou was banished to Zhi. I9/5.I.B，
20/5.2
Zhi Guo 智國 An official in the employ of the Zhi clan of Jin. He advised
Earl Yao of Zhi to conspire against the Zhao clan, an act that ultimately led to
the annihilation of the Zhi line. 2/4.2.D
Zhi Jiao Named as one of Yu5s assistants. Liang Yusheng suggests that
he could perhaps be identified with Zi Zhou Zhifii. 22/5.2
Zhigu 指姑 The mountain Guyu 蛄餘，located in the southeast. I斗/2.4.B
Z hong Gu 終古 Grand historiographer of the Xia. 16/1.2
Z hong H u i Tan^s minister of the left. Cited as a good influence on his
ruler. 2/4.2.A, 20/7.3
Z hong Li 重黎 An official who served both Yao and Shun. 22/6.2
Zhong Ziqi 鐘子期 A native of Chu during the Spring and Autumn period.
9/5.4.B, 14/2.3
Zhong(sun) H ouse 仲孫氏以 Jisun house
Zhongfd 仲父 S你 Guan Zhong
Zhonghang Family 中行氏 The noble Xun 荀 family of Jin. The name
Zhonghang derives from the fact that an early member， Xun Linfii 荀林父，
served as general of the center column (zhonghang). 12/5.3
Zhonghang Yan 中行偃 S吖 Xun Yan
Zhonghang Yin 中行寅 Xun Yin 荀寅， a gentleman of Jin who, along with
Fan Jiyi, built fortifications at Jinyang while surrounding Viscount Jian of
Zhao at the latter^s fief there in 497. He was banished as a result of this act of
insurrection. 2/4.2.D, 25/1.4
Zhongm ou 中牟 An ancient walled town in Zhao, located to the west of
what is now Tangyin 湯陰 County, Henan. 17/5.4, 24/5.4
Zhongren 中人 An ancient city. 15/1.4
Zhongshan 中山 Originally a White Di 白狄 state in Spring and Autumn
times, located in what is now the area of Ding County and Tang County
唐縣，Hebei. 8/3.4,10/3.2, 15/2•斗，16/1.4,16/1.5,16/5.4,19/ 5.3.A，21/6.5, 24 / 3.3
Zhongyan 仲衍 The second son of Di Yi 帝乙 • After the Zhou conquest， he
eventually succeeded his older brother, Viscount Qi of Wei, as duke of Song.
n/4.5
“Zhou nan” 周南 The first part of the “Guo feng” 國風 section of the
According to the Lüshi chunqiu^ it was named for the Duke of Zhou and con
sisted of songs in the southern style. 6/3.2
Zhou People 舟人 A western people. 20/1.3
Zhou Po 周頗 A personal name. 18/7.4
Zhou Tripods 周鼎 The semi-mythical bronze vessels that symbolized Zhou
rule. 16/1.5,19/5.7, 20/5.3
Zhou Xin The last king of the Shang, archetype of the evil and incom
petent ruler. Often mentioned together with Jic of the Xia. 11/4 gives his per
sonal name as Shoude other sources simply give Shou. 2/3.1, 2/5.3, 2/5 6,
4/5.2, 5/3.2, 7/ 3.3, 7/ 4 .2.E, 8/3.3, 8/ 4 .2, 9/2.3,10/5.1,11/4.5,12/5.2,13/5.3,14/3.1,
14/3.3,14/5.1,14/6.1,14/8.1,14/8.3,15/7.2,16/1.3,17/5.6,18/3.2,18/4.1,19/5.3.D,
19/6.2, I9/8.I, 20/6.3, 23/4.I.B, 24/6.I
Zhou Zui 周最 A Warring States native of Zhou and member of the schcx>l
of the Vertical Alliance and Horizontal Axis. 25/5.3
Zhu ^ The name of the state that King Wu of Zhou is said to have given the
descendants of the Yellow Sovereign as a fief. Written in the Shiji. The Liji
says that this was the name of the fief given the descendants of Yao. 15/1.3
Zhu The name of the state that King Wu of Zhou is said to have given the
descendants of Zhuanxu as a fief. The state was ultimately destroyed by Chu.
It was located in Shandong. 13/3.3
Zhu Lishu 柱厲叔 A contemporary of Duke Ao of Ju. Other sources give
his name as Zhu Lifii 朱厲附 .20/1.5
Zhurong /祝融 A god of the south and of fire. He is euhemerized as a descen
dant of the house of the Sovereign Zhuanxu and the ôfficial of fircwfor the
house of Gaoxin 高辛 • 17/4.2
Zhuyu Yang 諸御缺 An official who served the ill-fated Duke Jian of Qi.
17/6.6
Zhuan Zhu 專諸 A native of Wu who singlehandedly assassinated King Liao
of Wu thus permitting Prince Guang 王子光 to become King Helu of Wu.
8/2.6
Zhuang Qiao 莊橋 A rebel leader in Chu during Warring States times. 12/3.2
Zhuang Zhou 莊周 The famous Daoist thinker and author of the
13/3.4, 14/8.2
Zhuangzi 莊子 S從 Zhuang Zhou
Zhuanxu 顓頊 One of the legendary Sovereigns• 斗/î.i ，5/5.6, “Postface”
Zhufang 朱方 A town in Wu， located south of what is now Dantuzhen 丹徒
鎭 and Zhenjiang City 鎭江市，Jiangsu. 22/i.3.a
Zhuliang Shu 諸梁戍 S從 Shenyin Shu
8i斗 G L O S S A R Y
Zhuo Chi 卓齒 A native of Chu who served at the court of King Min of Qi.
Other texts call him Zhuo Chi 淳齒 • 16/8.2
Zhuxiang Clan 朱襄氏 A legendary group supposed to have been led by the
Yan Sovereign. 5/5.2
Zi and Sheng 溜，繩 Two rivers in the state of Qi. 18/3.4
Zi Spring 滋泉 Ä spring that feeds into the Wei River 渭水 • 13/5.3
Zi Zhou Zhifix 子州支父 A legendary recluse and, according to tradition,
Yao5s teacher. See also Z h u a n ß z i aRangwangw Ï . 2/2.2, 4/3-1
Zichan 子產 Prince Chan
Zichang 子常 Premier of Chu under King Ping. 22/1.2
Zigao 子高 A worthy who served as a Han border guard. 21/1.3
Zigong 子貢 Duanmu Ci 端木賜， a disciple of Confiicius. 2/4.3, 3/3.3，
4/3.2.B, 14/6.4,14/8.3,16/6.2,18/3.3, 20/4.5, 22/4.5.A
Zilu 子路 Ä disciple of Confiicius. 9 /4 .2 ,1 4 /6 .4 ,1 6 /6 .2
Zinü Li 子女厲 A famous judge of horses. 2〇/8 • 斗
Zipei， duke of Shen 子培申公 Commandant of the Chu city of Shen. n/2.2
Ziwei 子韋 Grand historian 太史 of Song during the reign of Duke Jing.
6/ 4-3
Zixia 子夏 A disciple of Confiicius who served as ä teacher to Marquis Wen
of Wei and Duangan Mu. Also referred to by his fiill name, Bu Zixk 卜子夏•
2 / 斗. 3, 斗/3.2.B ，19 / 8 .4 , 21/ 2 . 1，22/6.3.A
Prince Yang o f Zheng 鄭子陽 According to some sources, not the prince，
but the prime minister of Zheng. A descendant of the house of Si |H The
calls him Ziyang of Si. 14/3•
斗，16/2.3,19/5.3.D
Zizhang 子張 A disciple of Confucius. 4/3.2.B
Zuan Cha 鑽茶 A general who served King Hui of Wei. Died in the battle
with Qi at Maling in 34〇. 2斗/3.3
Zuoren 左人 An ancient city. 15/1.4
Index
accomplishments, 313, 319-26, 389-90, 斗32, alternatives, 234-39

441-42, 517, 5 2 4 , 539 , 6 〇9；of Confucius, AnalectSy 301, 671
13,14-15,17-18, 238-39, 298, 327, # 9 ， animal husbandry, 98
480, 650; and the Dao, 352, 380, 620, Anmen, 542
622; and Heaven, 323-24, 336, 361; of The Annals ofLü Buwei. See Lüshi chunqiu
ministers, 278, 295-97, 643, 647-48; of The Annals o f the State o f Luy 14-15, 27-28
Mo Di, 298, 650; and reputations, 2 9 0 - The Annals of Tu Q jnß, 15-16
91, 3〇i - 2 , 307, 370-71, 491, 507, 526, 552, Anyi，斗67-68
616-17, 620, 634, 647-48; vs. righteous Ao (horse), 370-71, 629, 645
ness, 316, 479-80, 604, 614-15. See also armies, 193- 96; behavior of，185-87,188,
rewards 195; courage in, 189,199-201; vs. the
Actor Shi，603 people, 188, 196-97
Admonitions of Shang, 285 armor, 287 - 8 8 , 358-59, 73 斗
Admonitions o f Zhou, 293 arrogance in rulers, 510,513, 536-39
agriculture, 39, 4 0 , 283, 618, 718; during A r t of the Sword, 675
autumn ，斗2 , 159,174,175,191，5〇i; Dao assessing others, 106, 108-9
of, 652, 658, 662; farmers, 6 斗3, 650-51, attractions, mutual, 283-85, 509-10, 522—23
652, 654, 657-58；and filial piety, 303; August Heaven, 260, 688
hoeing, 661-62; importance of, 52, 79, Auspicious Farming (constellation), 685
158, 6 4 3 , 6 5 0 -5 1 , 6 5 3 -5 4 , 6 5 7 -5 8 , 6 8 4 - 8 7 ； autumn: actions/commands seasonable in,
plants/planting，310-11 ，斗13, 6 4 4 , 6 5 6 - 15SMS0,171, 174, 190-92, 205, 207-8;
6 7 ； plowing, 6 4 3 , 7 3 9 ； Plowing Cere actions/commands unseasonable in, 175,
mony, 38, 6 2 , 651, 6 8 4 - 8 7 , 7 2 6 ; and the 188,192, 205, 209； agriculture during,
seasons, 319, 6 4 3 , 657, 6 5 9 - 6 0 , 6 6 2 - 6 7 ; 4 2 ,159,174,175,191,5〇i ；autumnal
soil types, 6 斗3, 655-56, 6 5 8 -6 1 , 7斗〇 ; and equinox, 188, 191; ceremonies during,
Son of Heaven，61 - 6 3 , 155, 17斗，191， 2 0 7 ， 173, 191， 207, 690-91; ethers during, 207,
2 4 2 , 2 斗 3, 259, 651 ， 6 8 4 - 8 7 ; during 315, 690-91 ； Hall of Light during, 171,
spring，4 2 , 59, 6 2 - 6 3 , 79 , 158, 5〇 1，6 9 0 ， 173,190, 206; Metal process dominant
7 2 6 ; during summer, 4 2 , 114, H 7 , 132, during, 59, 114, 152, 173, 205, 222, 2斗o;
134, 135-36, 155, 1 5 9 ,5〇 i ； during winter, natural phenomena during ，159, 172, 173,
158, 2 4 2 , 2 4 3 , 259> 2 6 0 188,189, 205, 206, 207, 208, 680; pitch-
Agronomist school, 6 9 3 , 6 9 斗， 6 9 5 , 6 9 6 ， standards during, 157, i5S>-6〇 , 171, 173,
698 189; as progenitor of nature, 222;
Ailing, battle of, 595 punishments during, 160, 173, *74, i9〇 .
[815]
8i6 IN D E X
191, 208; rewards distributed during, 173; Bi Yuan, 711

sacrifices during, 173, 207, 208, 690-91; Bian He of Chu, 682
the sun during, 172,189, 206; warfare Bian S ui, 斗76, 477
during, 43, 222, 690 ； Yang during, 191- biases. See prejudices
92, 690, 691； Yin during, 690, 691 Wjade insignia^ 67, 7 9 , 387, 711， 732
awcsomencss in ruling, 172,193-9斗， 548， bi (neighborhood), 726
576- 77 BielUy 671
Azure Bird, 3ii Bigan， 292, 331，340, 454, 588, 596, 605
Azure Heaven, 279 Bilu， 198
Bin, 557
Ba， 198 Bin Beiju， 478
Ba barbarians, 316 Bing，387
Bactxia, 720 bing (armies/weapons), 723
Bai Gui， 31，291，376, 464-65, 507, 521-22, _ (day), 115,133, 153
736 Bi River, 638-39
Baishi liutie} 682 black (color), 222, 224, 283
balance: among desires, 145；between Black Tree, 310
Heaven and Earth, 17, 279; in music, Blue Qiang tribes, 579
137-39,142- 43, 144- 45, 719； in nature, Bo, 338
53, 691; in pleasures, I斗3; and Son of Bo Qi, 728
Heaven, 17; between Yin and Yang， 69, Bo Ya, 308
76, 86. See also harmony; moderation Bo Yang, 87, 308
Bamboo Annals, 39, 711, 713, 721-22, 735, Bo Yi (servant of Shun), 87, 420, 609
737 , 738 Bo Yi (son of the lord of Guzhu), 266-68,
bamboo shoots, 311 733
Ban Gu, 43, 44, 45 Bo Yi of Wcy， 31，297, 300, 442-43, 648
Bao Shu, 88, 361, 363, 503, 564, 582, 590-91, Bochcng Zigao, 515-16
609-10, 675 body， the ， 282, 305-6, 383, 406, 410, 556-
Bao Shuya， 72, 60斗 57, 558; four limbs of， 95,112; health in ，
Bao Si, 573-74 102,142, 510, 527, 714； illness in, 59,100-
barley, 666 101， 261， 510, 527; nine orifices of， 84, 95 ,
Beautiful Pavilion, 347 h i; ruling analogous to, 112, 406
Bei Zhan, 31, 297, 斗 86-87, 649 Bogong Yu, principle of, 257
Bdgong You, 69斗， 696, 697, 698, 73〇 Boju, battle of, 312, 317
Bciguo Sao, 262-63 Bole, 22〇 , 609, 633
Bciliang, 395 Boli Xi, 122, 325, 427, 607, 638, 718
Bcircn Wuze, 475, 477 Bond (constellation), 258, 279
benefits: considered by scholar-knights, Book of Filial Piety, 395, 672
509, 5i5> 517-19； from social organiza Book o f Lord Shanßy 372
tion, 509, 511-13 Book of Songs, Sec Shijinß
benevolence, 5斗，96,158, 211-12, 224, 306, Boqin, 71
321， 335, 336 , 斗 7 6 - 7 7 , 517- 18 , 6 p ，679; Boqi of Xia, 104
Dao of, 290,358; as greatest moral duty, Bow (constellation), 77
4 7 , 75 , 124-25, 202, 218-19, 4 7 7 ； in Boyang, 647
ruling, 47,172,186, 202-斗， 22斗，290， Boyi Fu, 122
3〇 4, 斗 3〇 , 559~6 o; toward the people, 4 7 , Bozhao, 122
278, 295-96, 323-24, 367, 430, 4 7 3 , 4 7 4 , Bray， Francesca， 739-斗。
4 7 7 , 4 9 2 - 9 4 , 510, 519, 525, 535, 547 - 4 8 , breath, 189, 720, 727, 737
559-60, 561-62 Bright Mountain, 310
berries, 311 brothers. See obedience, fraternal
IN D E X 817
Bu， 682 Chengpu， battle of， 53, 317, 589, 603

Bu Zixia• 以 Zixia Chengzhou, 363, 517
burials: as extravagant, 222, 228-31, 729；as cherishing, 184-87, 726
modest, 53, 222, 227-28, 232; robbery of, Chi Ji, 420
228, 229-30, 231-33 Chilling Wind, 281
China, unification of, 1-2,11. See also First
Cangüng， 475 Emperor of China; Qin
Cai, 3Zi, 326, 418, 735 Chi River, 281
Caishu, 394 Chiyou, 176, 724
Cang Jic, 413 Chiyou^s Banner (cloud), 168
395, 672
Canon o f Filial Piety, Chizhang Manzhi, 345-46
Cao, 326,524,589, 738 Chu, 9,13,130,131,141, 223, 234, 265, 280,
Cao Hui，503-4 316, 317, 321, 342, 371, 734 ；destruction
Carriage Ghost (constellation), 280 of, 231, 719, 728; incidents in, 71, 235, 252,
causes and effects, 101,104, 216-18, 377, 313, 330, 337, 358- 59, 458, 487-88, 518,
381, 394-97, 602-3. See also knowledge 611, 619, 621-22, 635; relations with
Celestial Bamboo (constellation), 169 Chen, 53, 624 ；relations with Han, 638-
Celestial Club (constellation), 169 39 ；relations with Jin, 53, 245-46, 317,
Celestial Flower (constellation), 169 3435 567, 589, 603, 730 ；relations with Qi,
Celestial Magnolia (constellation), 169 347, 352, 355, 603, 638-39; relations with
Celestial Shield (constellation), 169 Qin, ii, 728; relations with Song, 51, 53,
Celestial Shrine (constellation), 685 369, 432, 524-25, 534- 35, 560-61, 603,
central region, 152,156 725; relations with Wei, 351, 638-39 ；
Chang Hong, 331, 452, 454 relations with Wu， 198, 282, 313, 395, 482,
Chang Yuqiao, 536 569 ；relations with Xuc, 355; relations
ChavgeSy 341,526; aGrcat Ultimate" in, 718; with Zheng, 525; relations with Zhou, sh
hexagrams of, 33, 38,171, 296, 577, 681 161, 722. See also King Zhuang of Chu
Changing Heaven, 279 Chuci buzhu, 738; aYufu,w729
Changping, battle of, 265, 469, 725, 734 Chui, 67, 456
Changze, 311 Chuiji, jade disc from, 344
Chaoman, 197 Chun Ju, 538-39
chaos. See disorder ChunqtUy The Annals of the StaU of Lu, 14-
Chariot Platform (constellation), n o , 241, 16, 27-28, 578
280 Chirnyu Kun, 355, 438-39, 456, 600-602
Chen, 53, B26, 330, 34〇, 418, 624 Chuqiu, 198, 250
Chen Nian, 197 Ci Fei, 518-19
Chen Pei， 5斗3 (“fiill sequence”)，
732
Chen Pian. See Tian Pian cinnabar, 283
Chen Qiyou ， 673, 682, 713, 721, 722, 726， Cinnabar Cave, 81
728, 729, 735, 737, 73», 739；on structure Cinnabar Peak, 310
of Lüshi chunqiuy 32, 278, 548, 693-98, Cinnabar River, 523
718, 719, 728 cinnamon, 310
Chen Wuyu, 509,515,569 circumstanccs/opportunitics, 250-53, 278,
Cheng Heng ， 432- 33 301， 31卜 15, 319, 337, 360- 6 7 , 斗28, +30 ，
Cheng Jing， 195 469, 531, 562, 6oo; in agriculture, 662-
Cheng Ya, 420 67; environmental influences, 76, 87-90,
cheng (sincerity), 728 130; laws modified by, 18-19, 159, 250-51,
Cheng, battle of, 197 367-71. See also fate
Chengfii， 567, 739 classcs/catcgorics, 623, 627-29 ；o f people,
Chenggong Jia, 445-46 65斗
8i8 IN D E X
Classic on M usic, 718 172, 241, 279; Eastern Wall, 241, 279;
dothing, 73,171 Eastern Well, 133, 280; Emptiness, 206,
clouds, 95, no, 153,168 279; Encampment, 6o, 279, 685;
Cloudy Pennant (cloud), 168 Extended Net, 280; Foundation Star, 77;
cold vs. heat^ 85-86, 99,132,142,171， 205， Heart, 153,165-66, 279, 722; Herdboy,
279, 282, 411, 5〇 i, 5 2 4 , 614, 659 95.189, 279, 732； Horn, no, 189, 279；
Cold W^nd, 281 Legs, 77,148,153, 279； Neck, 133, 279；
comets, 153,169 Net, 115,172, 279; Northern Dipper,
communication: language used for, 438, 680; Pleiades, 279； Rooftop, 133, 223,
442, 4 4 4 一斗6 ; as nonverbal， 438, 4 3 9 ， 279; Room, 206, 279, 685; Root, 258,
4 4 3 , 4 4 6 - 4 7 , 4 4 8 - 52 , 510, 5 4 卜斗2; as 279; Serving Maid, 115, 258, 279； Seven
sympathetic between things, 206, 218-21, Stars， 95, 223, 280; Southern Dipper,
727 723; Stomach， 95, 279; Tail， 60, 223, 279,
Compressed Bell (bell), 157,158 723; Triad, 60, 279； Tuntan, 272; Turtle,
Concubine Li，斗85-86, 602, 603 189, 279; Willow， 153, 206, 280; Wings，
Concubine Xia, 3,10 115,172, 280; Winnowing Basket, 279,
Confixeius， 329, 336 , 367, 3 9 0 , 斗 73 , 671， 734; 723
on accomplishments, 326; accomplish conveniences, 59, 66, 69-70
ments of, 13,14-15,17-18, 238-39, 298, Cook Ding of Song, 220
327, 389, 480, 650; as author o f Annals of “Cooling Breeze，” 171
Luy 14-16; on benevolence, 358, 433, 525； courage, 250-51, 252, 303, 4 0 2 , 593 , 730-
on burials, 233, 729; on the Dao, 326, 31; in armies, 188,19^201; in scholar-
449 ； on definiteness, 577; disciples of, knights, 6斗3, 644
90, i 〇 5, 114,121,123,125, 238, 301, 305, craftsmen, 654
326, 335, 3 9 4 , 4 1 8 , 4 4 9 , 526 , 577 , 631， 681， creatures: feathered, 115,133,153; hairy, 171,
712, 715, 731, 735; on disorder, 648； on 173.189, 206; scaly, 60, 77, 95； shelled,
education, 125; on fasting, 683; foresight 222, 224, 241, 258, 260; with skins, 156
of， 372-73, 394, 5斗I; on the “Four Sides，” Crown Prince Jian, 567-68
734; on glory, 342; on honesty, 252, 731; Crown Prince Shensheng, 4^5, 603
on impartiality, 71, 74; influences on, 90, Crown Prince Shen of Wei, 612
713; on knowing others, 斗 18; on lan Crown Prince Yu, 603
guage, 斗 50; on life and death, 519; in Lu ， Cui Zhu, 518, 520-21, 568-69
13,14一 15,18, 9 0 ,105-6, 326, 327, 389，
39斗， 48〇 , 5〇 5, 713, 729; on ministers， Da Nao, 122, 420, 718
648; and music, 132, 583; on perfection, Dacheng Zhi, 122
505; on Power，斗85; on propriety，682; D a D ai lijiy 37, 689, 724
on punishments, 727; on rewards, 317, Dafen， 280
318, 480; on rituals, 318; on ruling， 105- Dai, 318, 322-23, 738
6, 581, 606, 715; as scholar-knight, 13, Daji, battle of, 396
269, 73斗； on sincerity, 471-72; single- Dalu, 280
mindedness of, (S18; on vital breath, 188; Dan, Duke of Zhou. See Duke of Zhou
on weapons, 724; on Zhou Xin, 596 dances, 63,133,147 , 148 - 4 9 ,152, 689, 720
Congzhi, 739 Dao, the, 234, 236, 251, 326, 476, 672, 729；
constellations: Auspicious Farming, 685; and accomplishments, 280, 380, 620,
Bond, 258, 279; Bow, 77; Carriage 622; of agriculture, 652, 658, 662; of
Ghost, 280; Celestial Bamboo, 169; benevolence, 290, 358; circularity of,
Celestial Club, 169； Celestial Flower, io ç-ii; of Earth, 94-95,109, 110,112，
169; Celestial Magnolia, 169; Celestial 531; of caring， 101; and education, 119-
Shield, 169； Celestial Shrine, 685; 20,123-24,127,128, 716; equilibrium
Chariot Platform, no, 241, 280; Dipper, bom of, 137-39； filial piety, 303, 305;
IN D E X 819
o f Former Kings, 18-19；and fundamen delusions, 68,180

tals, 301; as ttGrand Onc,w 136-37,139- Deng Xi, 438- 39, 453-55
4 〇, 718; and harmony, 332; o f Heaven, de Power. See power (de)
33, 63, 9 5 ,109-11，186, 409; importance Deputy Controller Ran, 615-16
o f knowing, 301; o f Man, 33, 35; and desires, 83-87,143 ；as belonging to human
mcrit/famc, 91；o f ministers, 49, 272; nature, 8 4 -8 5 ,1 4 3 , 斗97-98; excess in ，
and music ，136-39,1斗5, 305; o f mutual 126,1斗2,5 斗o; as impediments to
friendship, 271-72; o f nature, 624 ；o f learning, 128; moderation of, 53, 69, 76,
nonassertiveness, 103, 235, 714-15, 729 ；o f 84- 85,106,107,137,145, 351，620; and
nurturing, 65-67, 80-82, 85, 94,123-24, music, 137; as natural, 138, 622; o f the
305, 306; as the One, 106-8, h i , 136-37, people ， 474•，斗9〇, 494 , 496-500, 510,
139-40, 498, 631-32, 718; and persua 527-28, 535；as targeted by persuasions,
sions, 123,124, 328-29; o f ruling, 17-19, 336, 345- 46 , 356-60
斗8- 49 , 5〇, 5斗，94 - 95, l 〇3一4 , 106- 9 , III— destiny. See fate
13, 139, 193, 209-12, 266-68, 289, 298, D i Huang, 351，506, 507, 613
336, 338, 342, 404 , 斗〇7, 409 - 10, 412-13, D i Jian，31，291，4 6 0 , 构
417, 419* 27, 43卜 37, 489, 491, 497, 斗98， D i Juc o f Wei, 735
510, 5H -I 2, 514, 534, 538, 562, 578, 623, 625, D i barbarians, 24, 316, 363, 557; relations
63卜 34, 6斗〇, 714, 7工 5; 〇f sacrifice, 688; with Wey，198, 2斗9-50, 731; relations
scholar-knights in possession o f the, 278, with Zhao, 203- 4, 341- 42
292, 294, 307-8, 313-14, 3斗7一斗9 , 369, 378- diet, 59, 66-67, 69-70, 94 ,101, 548
79, 38o-8i, 481；〇f self-control, 102-6, ding (day), 79, H5, 133, 153, 207
139, 311, 714-15；Son o f Heaven as know D ing o f Song, 583
ing the, 311; and vital essence, 106,139； Dipper (constellation), 172, 241, 279
o f warfare, 193-96; o f the worthy, 293 Director o f Works Chi, 524-25
Daoist school, 694, 695, 696, 697 discipline, 316, 317
daoyin (breathing techniques), 720 disorder: causes of, 17, 47,167-68,178-82,
DaoyintUy 715 193, 272-73, 294, 296, 393- 94 , 4 〇〇, 4 〇5,
Dark and Bright, 282 414-16, 43I--32, 434, 439, 637-38 ；in
Dark Heaven, 279 states/ages，I斗5 , 152,162-63, 285- 86, 289-
Dark Mountain, 310 9〇, 294, 299- 3〇〇, 326, 妗 5, 367, 378""79，
aDark Palace55 (book 8 o f Guanzi)^ 41 斗3〇, 斗52- 53, 454— 55, 463, 476» 77, 499 ,
“Dark Palace Chart^ (book 9 o f G«级似 1)， 523-24, 585, 586- 87, 601- 3, 648
4i Divine Farmer, 155
Dark Warrior, 171 D iwtm ß shiji, 722, 724
Daxi, 197 34- 35, 399, 7巧，722, 73斗
Daxia ，147, 310, 720 Document of Shan^ 299, 3〇 4
D a Tuy The Great Tu} 43~44 Document ofXia, 298
day vs. night, 279 Document ofZhouy 290, 337, 500
Dazhao, 280 dodder, 218, 727
Dazzling Dcludcr. See Mars (planet) D ong Anyu, 203-4
death, 68, 315, 455, 569; the dead ，53, 135， Donßguan Hanjiy 671
222- 23, 227-33, 728-29; vs. life, 83, 94 ， D ongguo Jian, 607
n o , 167, 227, 383, 518-19；and Metal D ongguo Ya，斗21， 446- 斗7
(element) ，59, 83, ii 斗， 383 Dongyang ，i6o
debasement，263-6 斗 Dongye Ji, 495
deception, 185；in language, 439, 452-53, Dragon Gate, 561
455, 456, 458- 59, 565-69, 570-72 ；in Dragon Marsh, battle of, 735
persuasions and discriminations, 180, dry vs. wet, 86, 99
250-51, 斗i 〇, 4 4 0 -4 2 , 453, 斗55, 462-65 Du H e, 31， 300, 6斗9
820 IN D E X
Du Yu，719 with King Wu of Zhou, 87,122,151, 266,

Duan Qiao, 550-51 266-67, 340, 349, 366, 734, 735
Duangan M u ，9 0 , 叫，351，5〇7, 547, 552， Duke Ping of Jin, 74, 25斗
555-56 Duke Ping of Song, 525
Duke Ai o f Lu ，15,105-6, 390, 578, 583, 724, Duke Sheng of Bo, 45〇, 482, 635
736 Duke Wei of Zhou, 375-76, 619, 736
Duke Ao o fju , 51斗 Duke Wen of Guo, 684, 686-87
Duke Chu o f Jin, 4 4 〇, 737 Duke Wen of Jin, 53, 197,198, 263-64, 317,
Duke Dan o f Zhou. See Duke o f Zhou 326, 362-63, 387, 474, 486-87, 499-500,
Duke D ing o f Lu, 736 574, 589, 603, 608, 614-15, 718, 733, 736;
Duke Dun o f Zhai, 88, 713 relationship with Jiufan, 88,122, 718
Duke Gong o f Cao, 486 Duke Wen of Song, 728-29
Duke Gu o f Cai, 713 Duke Wen of Wey,斗8 6
Duke Gu o f Guo, 88, 713 Duke Wen of Zheng, 486
Duke Huai o f Jin， 603 Duke Wen of Zhou, 713
Duke Huan o f Qi, 31,197,198, 250, 294, Duke Wu of Jin, 363
326, 350, 403, 486, 507-8, 6 斗2, 690, 715, Duke Xiang of Qi, 564
7i8, 731; relationship with Guan Zhong, Duke Xiang of Qin, 574
12, 45, 72- 73, 88,122, 360, 363, 372, 383- Duke Xiang of Song, 486
84 , 斗17-18, 斗21-22, 427, 446 - 47, 450-51, Duke Xian of Jin， 344-45, 387-88, 斗51-52，
5〇3- 4 , 528-29, 582, 590- 91, 6〇9- l 〇, 737 485- 86, 589, 602, 6〇3, 733
Duke H ui o f Jin, 202-3, 5^9, 602-3, 612 Duke Xian of Wey, 641
Duke Hui o f Lu, 90, 713 Duke Xiao of Qin, 256, 571
Duke H ui o f Zhou, 736 Duke Yan of Lu, 15
Duke Jian o f Qi, 432-33 Duke Yi of Lesser Wey, 249-50, 731
Duke Jian o f Zheng, 390 Duke Yin of Lu, 578
Duke Jing o f Jin, 737 Duke You of Jin, 375, 736, 737
Duke Jing o f Qi, 480, 568-69 Duke Yuan of Song, 525
Duke Jing o f Song, 165-66,525, 722 Duke Zhao of Lu, 397, 729
Duke Kang o f L iu , 斗52 Duke Zhao of Song, 534-35
Duke Lie o f Jin, 736, 737 Duke Zhong ， 713
Duke Li o f Jin, 183, 343, 536 Duke Zhuang of Lu, 503-4
Duke Ling o f Chen, 183 Duke Zhuang of Qi, 233, 568, 612,729
Duke Ling o f Jin, 353,596-97 Duke Zhuang of Wey, 4 9 5 , 641
Duke Ling o f Wey, 636 Dunqia Choumi, 330
Duke Li o f Zheng, 732 Duo Jiao, 15
Duke Mu o f Lu, 516-17, 725 Duosbi weiy 15
Duke Mu o f Qin, 4 4 , 161，202-3, 386, 388， Dushu congluy 4 4
486, 598- 99 , 602, 606-7, 718, 726, 737； dwellings, 69, 73
relationship with Boli Xi, 122, 325, 607; dyes, 76, 87-90
relationship with Gongsiin Zhi, 122, 325,
607 Earl o f Gong, 326,548
Duke Mu o f Zheng, 31，297, 6 斗9 Earl o f Mei, 532, 596
Duke o f Bo. See Duke Sheng o f Bo Earl o f Xin, 721-22
Duke o f Cai, 161, 722 Earl of Zhi. See Earl Yao of Zhi
Duke o f Shao, 161, 267, 454, 735 Earl o f Zhuang, 458
Duke o f She, 635 Earl Yao o f Zhi，89,183, 269, 3斗5, 582,
Duke o f Zhou, 31, 71,150,161, 254-55, 294, 612, 734
378- 79, 444 - 斗5, 448- 49 , 454, 515, 516- Early Kings. See Former Kings
17, 552, 6i8, 713, 7i8, 721；relationship Earl Zhao o f Lu, 397
IN D E X 821
Earth， 14,18, 46, 66,163,171， 174, 207， Establishing Summer, 116, 689-90
244, 319, 657, 662; Dao of, 94- 95, 1〇9， Establishing Winter, 224, 691
no, 112, 531; as dependable, 501; eight ethers, 169, 277-78; and attraction, 283-85;
winds of, 148, 281; ethers of, 62,152,157, during autumn, 207, 315, 690-91; of
225, 226, 242, 283; in harmony/balancc Earth ， 62,152,157, 225, 226, 242, 283; of
with Heaven， 3斗，36, 62, 86,136,138,152, Heaven, 62,152,157, 225; and music, 152,
277, 279；as impartial, 59, 73；as model, 720; during spring, 98, 315, 685; during
48, 272-73; nine marshes of, 280; nine summer, 155,159,188, 222; vital ethers,
mountains of, 280; nine passes of, 280; 59, 94, 99-100,102,110,189, 200-201，
nine provinces of, 280; and the One, 219, 510, 527, 714; during winter, 152,
108; as part of “Great Identity，” 17, 30， 240; Yang ethers, 36-37, 38-39, 76, 79，
282; pattern of order in, 33, 63, 43斗； as ii 斗，132,146,158,159,175,188,191-92，
progenitor of nature, 222; relationship 2〇 5, 222, 240, 247, 685, 686, 690-91,
with Man ， 17,19, 33, 36, 4 〇, 42, 272-73; 720; Yin ethers, 36-37, 38-39, 76, ii 斗，
signs/omens on, 17,19, 36, 38, 39, 4 〇， 132, 152, 159, 171，175, 205, 24〇, 247, 686,
164-65,169-70, 272-73; six rivers of， 271; 690- 91, 720
and Son of Heaven, 59; winter separa evil happenings, avoidance of, 164-65,16SH70
tion from Heaven, 691. See also seasons excess: in desires, 126,142,540 ； as
Eastern Sea, 310, 410 impediment to learning, 128; as
Eastern Wall (constellation), 241, 279 impediment to teaching, 128; in music,
Eastern Well (constellation), 133, 280 133» 145； in pleasures, 596-98; in rulers,
cast wind, 61 183, 527-28, 530, 536 - 37 , 539 , 596-98; of
education, 4 2 , 斗
7-48, 54,116,118- 31, 618- Yin or Yang, 69
19； and the Dao, 119-20,123-24,127, Extended Net (constellation), 280
128, 716; and moral principles， 114-15， external things， 288, 331—35, 361,斗09, 536
120,12斗 -25,1斗 5; music in, 145, 689; and
ruling, 48, 52,125, 716 Fayany 671
eggs, 310 fame and merit, 91-93
eight (number), 60, 77, 95 family, 46; six family relations, 109. See also
Eight Bureaucratic laws, 61 filial piety; marriage; obedience,
Eight Stanzas, 146 fraternal
Eight Winds, 148, 281 Fan Jiyi, 89, 626, 713
Elder Zheng, 715 Fan Li, 88,122, 320-21, 385, 454, 718
eminence, 54,118,119-20, 269, 632. See also Fan Shengzhi, 739
honor Fan Sui, ii
empathy, 109 Fan Yang, 713
Emperor Wu, 44, 718 Fan Yao, 533-3斗
Emptiness (constellation), 206, 279 Fan family, 6i2, 73斗
Encampment (constellation), 60, 279, 685 Fangchcng, 280, 739
entertainment, 69-70 Fanruo, 470
environmental influences, 76, 87-90, 130 Fanzhong, 675
Equalizing Rule (bell), 157,171,173 farming. See agriculture
equilibrium ，137-38, I斗 2-43, I斗 5 farsightedness. See foreknowledge
equinox, autumnal, 188,191 fate, 284,523, 630-31; and Heaven, 302,
equinox, vernal, 38, 78 323; vs. human effort, 302, 323-26, 381,
Erya Lexicon, 27-28 383, 436-37, 519,521. See also circum-
Esoteric arts school, 695, 697 stanccs/opportunitics
Established Tree, 282 favoring. See rewards
Establishing Autumn, 173, 690-91 Feilian, 676
Establishing Spring, 61-62, 683 Feüong, I斗8
822 IN D E X
Feim ， 475 Soil (element); Water (element); Wood

Fd Wuji, 567-68 (element)
Fen，斗67—68 Five Sovereigns， 71， 285, 349, 688, 718, 724;
Feng， 573 and filial piety, 54; as model rulers， 10斗，
Feng Youlan, 43 122 , l 3〇 , 285 , 2 9 3 , 3〇 2, 4 2 2 , 4 3 6 , 4 9 斗；
Fcnghao, 198 and music, 148-50,167； sacrifices to,
Fengze, 354 690-91; and weapons, 176,181. Sec also
fiefs, creation of, 429-32 Ku; Shun; Yao; Yellow Sovereign;
Fiery Heaven, 280 Zhuanxu Sovereign
Fiery Wind, 281 Five Storehouses, 97
Filial Ji, 331 Five Tastes， I斗3, 309-11. S你 o/w tastes
filial piety， 7 ,125,138,178, 227, 228, 230， Five Tones, I斗 2, 305, 328, 583. S你 äZ«? music
252, 262, 28斗， 297, 316, 331， 341， 388, 436, flattery， 225, 254, 296, 376, 529-30, 597 - 9 8 ,
斗83, 5斗9~5〇; and agriculture, 3〇3; and 601
courage, 303; Dao of, 303, 305; as flavors. See tastes
fimdamental, 5斗，118, 278, 302-6, 303, foreknowledge， 35, 253-56, 372 - 73 , 377 , 381，
383, 402, 575； and order, 303, 575； 3 9 4 - 9 7 , 510, 526, 5 4 0 - 4 3 , 593
relationship to self-cultivation, 301; in Forest Bell (bell), 153,157
rulers, 54, 301， 302, 5斗 9~5〇; 〇 f Son of Former Kings: and burials， 53, 232-33; Dao
Heaven, 303. See also parents, loving of, 18-19； and education, 118; and filial
Fire (element), 18, 637; as dominant in piety, 303, 30斗； laws of， 18- 19, 368-71，
summer, 59,116,171， 240, 257; Fire 64〇 ; as model rulers，斗7 , 4 8 , 4 9 , 53, 的，
ethers, 171， 205, 240, 257, 283; Fire 112, 139 , 2 0 9 , 3〇 4 , 3 9 9 , 431 ， 4 9 3 , 5〇 5, 578 ,
process, 59,152. See also Five Processes 631, 632, 63斗一 35, 637, 686; on moral
First Emperor of China, 44; becomes king principles， 570, 616; on music， 137,145，
of Qin, 12; birth, 10; founds Qin 538; on perfection, 505, 617-18; on
dynasty, 11; relationship with Lao Ai, 22, rcwarck/punishmcnts, 182, 453, 55^. See
24-25, 26; relationship with Lii Buwei, also under specific kings
2,12,14,19, 20-21, 25-26, 28 Foucault, Michel, 42
First Kings. See Former Kings Foundation Star (constellation), 77
fish, 310 Founding Kings. See Former Kings
five (number), 156 four confidential relationships, 109
Five Colors, 142, 305 four limbs， 9斗
Five Constants, 581 Four Seasons，
Five Foods, 118,135,167,175,185,188,192, “Four Sides,” 308, 735
207, 259, 282, 305. See also tastes Four Superior States, 521-22
Five Grains, 63,124, 663-67 fragrances. See smells
Five Holy Peaks, 690-91 friendship， 271- 72, 297, 4 0 2 , 575
Five Lakes, 150, 212, 490-91
Five Lords-Protector， 251， 298, 504-5, 650,
718, 731； as model rulers, 73,104,182, Fu Tun, 75, 676
317-18, 507. See also Duke Huan of Qi; Fu Zijian, 439, 斗 70-72, 553
Duke Wen of Jin; King Goujian of Yuc; filling fungus, 218, 727
King Hclii of Wu; King Zhuang of Chu fundamentals, 295-97, 3〇 i, 302-11; filial
Five Offices, 677 piety, 54,118, 278, 302-6, 303, 3»3>402,
aFivc Proccsscs,5 (book 41 of Guanzi)^ 33, 575
斗0-41 Fusang tree, 579
Five Processes， 33, 35, 37, 39, 4 〇- 斗I，152-53; future, the, knowledge of, 35, 253-56, 372-
related to ruling, 18, 36, 37, 277-78, 283. 73 , 377 , 381，3 9 4 - 9 7 , 510 , 526 , 5 4 0 - 4 3 , 593
See also Fire (element); Metal (element); Fuyue, 579
IN D E X 823
Gai, 723 470,516-17, 718; relationship with King

Gan Xin, 88, 338, 427 Wen of Zhou, 122, 294, 312, 609, 734;
Ganhou, 397 relationship with King Wu of Zhou, 87,
Ganqi Terrace, 482 365 , 735
Gansui， 494, 519 Grand Exorcism， 258-59, 691-92
Ganying, 291 grand historiographer， 61， 116,173, 224，
Ganze, battle of, 104 253, 260, 斗63, 683, 685
Gao He, 123 Grand Music Master Wen of Zheng ，斗12
Gao Jiang, 89 Grand Officer Zhong, 88,122
Gao She, 318 Grand One ， 136-37,138-39, 718
Gao Yao, 724 Grand Protector Shen, 591-92
Gao You, 28, 45,188, 205, 671-72, 673, 680, Grand Steward Pi， 89, 446, 582, 594-95
692, 721， 723, 725, 726, 728, 730, 732 , 7 3 6 , Grand Xiang sacrifice, 145, 720
738 , 739 Granct, Marcel, 687
Gao Yuan, 420 Great Budding (bell)， 60,157,158
Gao Zong ， 444 Great Darkness, 579
Gao and Guo families of Qi， 31斗 Great Dawn ceremony, 687-89
Gaoling, 603 Great Identity, 17
Gaotang, 478 great meat sacrifice, 226
Gaoxin Sovereign, 724 Great Music Assembly, 98, 689
Gaoyang Ying, 629 Great Pcnncd-Animal Sacrifice, 78, 687
Gaoyao, 8 7 , 巧〇 , 413, 580, 609 Great Regulator (bell)， 141， 157,158, 258，
geese, wild, 189 , 2 〇5, 257 , 358 587, 719
gm g (day), 189, 206 Great Sacrifice to the Sovereigns, 207
Gcrian dan, 146 greed, 73, 89, 229, 316, 461, 635. See also
Giant Wind, 281 profit
ginger, 310 green (color), 283
Gloomy Heaven, 279 Green Dragon, 311
glory， 54,118,119-20, 632 Gu, 53, 403, 603
Gong Xiji, 287- 88, 73斗 Gu Shi, 45
Gong Yudan, 217-18, 401, 597 Guan, 735
Gong Zhiqi， 3斗5, 578 Guan Longpeng， 93, 338
ß 〇ng (musical note), 112-13, 144-45, 147, Guan Qing, 543
156, 283, 522-23, 719 Guan Yiwu. See Guan Zhong
Gonggong, 176, 724 Guan Zhong ， 45, 271, 336, 359- 61 ，403，
Gongshang Guo, 480 斗90, 56斗， 675, 718; relationship with
Gongshu Ban, 3斗2, 56o~6i, 725 Duke Huan of Qi, 12,斗5, 72-73, 88,122,
Gongshu Zuo, 256 36〇, 363, 372, 383- 84 , 417 - 18, 421- 22 ，
Gongsun Gu, 16 427 , 4 斗6 - 斗7 , 45 〇- 5l, 5〇3- 4 , 528- 29 , 582,
Gongsun Hong, 257, 268, 270, 734 5 9 0 - 91 , 6 〇9- i 〇, 737
Gongsun Hui, 735 Guan and Cai, 552
Gongsun Long, 31， 51, 291，438, 442, 457一 Guangmen bureau, 203-4
58, 4 6 5 , 7 2 4 Guan River, 310
Gongsun Yang. See Shang Yang Guanshu, 394
Gongsun Zhi， 122, 325, 607, 718 Guanziy 30,33, 40-41, 45, 687, 726
Goumang, 60, 77, 95 ßu i (day), 224, 241, 258
Goushu, 280 gu i jade insignia, 79
governing. See ruling Gulin Forest, 232
Grand Duke Tian He, 587 Gun, 413,531-32,552
Grand Duke Wang of Lü, 254-55, 403, 427, Guo, 325, 3 4 4
824 IN D E X
Guo M oruo, 斗o , 斗I 138, 309, 348, 686, 720. See also balance;
Guo Shifu, 713 moderation
Guo Yan, 88 Harper, Donald, 718-19
Guoyuy 684-87, 713, 719, 720, 724, 736; health， 99-100,1斗 2, 510, 527, 714; and
“Zhouyu^” 739 harmony, 101; and vital esscncc/cthers,
Giisou^ I斗9 69, 9 4 ,100,101 ，102, 71斗
Guzhu, 266 hearsay, 582-84
Heart (constellation), 153,165-66, 279, 722
Haiyu, 280 heart, 156
Hall of Light: during autumn ， 171， 173， h e a t v s. c o ld ， 8 5 -8 6 , 9 9 , 1 3 2 , 1斗 2 ,1 7 1 ， 2 0 5 ，
190, 206; during spring, 36, 61， 7 7 , 95 ; 279 , 282, 5
斗 I I ，〇i ， 524, 614 , 659
during summer, 116,13斗，153,156; during H e a v e n ， 14, 6 6 , 155,163, 174, 2 〇 7, 2 4 4 ，
winter, 222, 224, 241, 258; of Zhou 28斗，319, 410, 662; and accomplish
dynasty, 3斗 0, 485, 525 ments, 323-24, 加， 361; as creator of life,
Han, 27, 736; destruction of, 231; incidents 6 斗，6 6 , 84; Dao of， 33, 63, 94-95, 109-11，
in, 547 , 550-51； relations with Chu, 638- 186, 410; as dependable，斗 34, 501， 502，
39; relations with Qi, 638-39; relations 6i7 ； ethers of, 136,152,157, 225; and fate,
with Qin, 11, 728; relations with Wei, 301, 323; in harmony/balancc with Earth,
440-41,558, 638-39； relations with 3斗，36, 62, 86,136,138,152, 277, 278-79;
Zhao, 318, 735; relations with Zheng, as impartial, 59, 73; as model, 48, 272-73;
265, 440 -斗 1， 73斗； relations with Zhou^ nine fields of, 279; and the One, 108; as
195. See also Han dynasty; Jin part of “Great Identity，” 17, 30, 282; as
Han A i, 斗 20 progenitor of nature, 222; relationship
Han Fei, 16,18, 623 with Man, 17,19, 33, 36, 4 〇 , 42, 272- 73;
Handan ， 21， 314, 333,斗 63, 647; Lü Buwei rules of， 617, 620; sacrifices to, 69〇 ~9i;
in ，斗, 9,10,13,1斗， 26, 27, 716; siege of， signs/omens in ， 17,18,19, 36, 40, 272-73,
9 ,10, 725 283, 285, 3斗 1， 376; and Son of Heaven，
Han dynasty, 2, 3, 26, 斗3, 692, 718, 723, 728. 59; as source of essential natures, 51-52,
See also Han 175, 265, 266, 498, 729; winter separation
Hanfeiziy 3 0 , 4 3 , 257, 3〇 2, 712, 7 2 4 , 727, from Earth, 691
73〇 , 736, 738; “Er bing，” 301; “Nan yi,” Heaven’s Steelyard (cloud), 168
60 斗; “Wudu，” 337 Hei River， 281
Hanfeng Shi， 5斗3 hemp, 665
Han River, 280, 311, 535, 722 Heng Gc, 580
Hanshi waizhuan) Hengyong, 198
HanshUy 16; "Bibliographic Treatise/543- Herdboy (constellation)， 95,189, 279, 732
46, 693, 713-14, 718, 722, 723； ccGujin hereditary rulers, rejection of, 46-47,112,
renbiao,” 724 6 斗7
Hanyuan, battle of, 202, 602 hexagrams of Changes, 33,171; hexagram
Hao, 573 “Shake,” 38; hexagram ^Tripod,” 681;
happiness, 1 0 9 , 30 6 hexagram “Variegated,” 577; hexagram
harmony, 54, 66, 94,143, 334； and the “Xiaochu^” 296
Dao, 332; of food, 305, 3〇 S>-n ； and Hcyong, 606
health, 101; of Heaven and Earth, 33, 3 4 , hierarchy, administrative, 185-86, 725-26
36, 6 2 , 8 6 ,1 3 8 ,1 5 2 , 2 77, 2 7 9 ; of mind, High Matchmaker, 78
143,145, 527； in music, 112-13,136-37, hoeing, 661-62
138, 145, 147 - 4 8 ,163,171, 305, 583 ； with honesty， 248-49, 252,527,585, 586-95, 611-
seasons, 686; in society, 278, 395; and 12
Son of Heaven, 17; in tastes, 309-n ； Hong Yan, 250, 730
between Yin and Yang, 71,135, 136-37, Hong Yixuan, 44
IN D E X 825
Hotigfan, 70 alien to, 631; relation to music, 133,145,

honor， 65, 66-67, 82, 83, 86, 4 7 3 , 475 - 7 7 ， 146, 689, 720; and weapons, 172. See also
斗79-82; desired by the people，490; natures, inborn/csscntial
pursued by ministers, 643, 648; of humility，510, 535, 565, 579, 644
scholar-knights, I斗，241，247- 5〇, 257， Hundred Clans，7 6 ,16斗，211，303, 365, 501，
263 - 6 4 , 265 , 733 55〇 , 612-13, 615, 625, 686, 723, 725. See
Horizontal Axis, 456 also people, the
H orn (constellation), n o, 189, 279 H uo Guang, 728
horses， 311， 3 4 4 , 370 - 71 ，
563 , 629, 645 H uqiu Zilin, 350
Hou Yi, 斗20 “Hymns o f Zhou，” 720
(observation period)， 37, 39
H ou family, 396-97 illness, 59, 69, 8 4 , 100-101 ，240, 257, 261,
Houji, 52, 314, 413 5〇9- l 〇, 527
H ouji nongshu, 695 impartiality,斗6,138, 515, 644, 672; o f
Houtu, 156 Heaven and Earth, 59, 73; in rulers, 60,
Hu, 52斗， 738 70-75, 76, 339, 349, 409 , 416 , 斗17
H u C ao, 斗 2〇 Instructions for the Seasons， 19
H u Yan， 733 Instructions of Shennmjf，SS9
H u， Duke of Shao, 493, 527-28 integrity, 14, 241, 248-49, 266-68
Hua Yuan, 396, 534- 35, 587-88 Intendant Rang, 90
H uainan, nciy The H uatnan, Inner Books,
44- 45, 46 jade, 236; burial shrouds of, 728; insignia/
H uainany waiß The Huatnan^ Outer Books, discs of, 67, 79,165, 344, 387, 541，596，
4 4 -4 5 678, 711, 732; ornaments worn by Son of
Huainanziy 44-45, 46, 671, 672, 715, 724, Heaven， I, 77, 95,116,134,153,156,173 ，
728, 733 , 739 190, 206, 224, 2斗1，258; Yufan jade, 233，
Huai River, 281 728-29
Huan Tui, 33斗 Jade Gate, 312, 735
Huang Jiqin, 89 Jade Pond, 311
“Huang-Lao” texts, 43 Ji Maobian， 206, 214-15
huanhium bird, 310 ji (day), 156
Huashi, 731 Ji (horse)， 563, 629, 6 斗5
Huayi, 580 (“yearly cycle”)，73 :
Hu barbarians, 316 Ji Huang, 676
Hub of Heaven, 279 Jia Kui, 724
Hui Ang, 336, 357-58 Jia Tuo, 733
Hui Shi, 2, 31， 51，291, 300, 斗38, 460, 461- JiaYi, 43
65 , 547 , 54 9 - 5〇, 562 , 6 9 5 , 6 9 7 , 7 幻，736， jia (day), 60, 77, 95
73 », 739 Jian Shu, 386, 606
humaneness. See bcncvolcncc Jiang, 352, 467-68, 589, 626
human nature: aspects of, 51, 65,126,127, Jiangli, 183
143,175, 193, 227, 267-68, 383, 4 7 3 >4 9 5 , Jiangli dan, 536
510, 519, 576, 626, 641； desires belonging Jiang River, 211
to, 8斗一 85, 143,斗 97-98; Heaven as source Jiang Wciqiao, 673, 681, 682
of, 51-52, 175; as inborn/cssenrial， 51-52, Jianshi, 315
65, 67-70, 84-85, 86, 102, 103,106, no, Jiao Ge ，266—67 ，365*66
122,126,127,138,142-43,172,175,193 , Jiaoshi， 21斗
227, 239, 267-68, 293, 297, 383, 420-21, Jiaozhi, 579
4 2 4 , 斗84, 498, 620, 630-31， 727; and jiazi (day), 272, 312, 365,366
learning, 115, 122, 126; moral principles as Jichcng, 506,507
826 IN D E X
Ji dan, 505 junyan bird, 310

Jie， 88,129,141， 195 , 200, 331， 4 2 7 , 453 ， Jupiter, 1 9 - 2 0 , 272
498,505, 719； as paragon of evil, 84,183, Juqu, 310
285, 338 , 374 , 斗〇〇, 4 〇7 , 620, 622, 729; Juyong, 2 8 0
punishments exacted by, 51, 92, 496;
relationship with Tang, 150,180,197, kang (day), 172
237 , 313, 319 , 323-24, 338 - 3 9 , 373 , 4 7 6 ；as Kang of Han, 318
Son of Heaven, 93, 268-69, 4 9 3 kidney, 223, 241， 258
Jic Zitui, 263-64, 733 kindness. See benevolence
Ji family, 396-97 King Bushou of Yuc, 711
Jifu, battle of, 395 King Cheng of Chu, 486, 612
Ji Market, 232 King Cheng of Zhou ， 151，349, 444, 517，
Jin， 26, 27,123, 280, 318, 320, 584, 713, 734, 684, 714
735; dismemberment, 737； incidents in, King Danfo， 557-58
325, 379-80, 451-52, 551； partition of, 521- King Dao of Chu ， 487, 563
22; relations with Chu^ 53, 245- 46, 317， King Fuchai of Wu， 89,183, 212, 4 4 6 , 斗 9斗 ,
3斗3, 567, 589, 6〇 3, 73〇 ; relations with 582, 585, 612；relationship with Wu Zixu,
Guo, 34• 斗一45; relations with Lu ， 5斗I; 320-21, 593-95, 605
relations with Qi, 478, 594-95； relations King Gong of Chu, 3斗3- 44
with Qin, ii, 2〇 2-3, 386-87, 602-3, 607; King Goujian of Wu, 188
relations with Wey, 198, 499, 641; King Goujian of Yue, 88,122, 211-12, 326,
relations with Ye, 608; relations with Yu, 391，490, 582, 718, 726
344 45；relations with Yuan, 499~5〇
- 〇； King Helü of Wa» 196,197,198, 248-29,
relations with Zheng, 198,斗86-87, 581. 312- 13, 489, 49 〇, 593, 605, 718, 731;
See also Duke Wen of Jin; Duke You of relationship with Wu Zixu, 88,122
Jin; Han; Wei; Zhao King Huan, 90, 713
Jin Chang， 44 King Hui of Qin ， 75, 313, 354, 398, 571
jing (essence). See vital essence King Hui of Wei, 256, 440-41, 460, 461-
/吻（ ^warp”)，40 63, 465, 549- 5〇, 647, 723, 73«
jinß (wcil-fidd), 726 King Hui of Zhao, 4 4 2 , 723, 736
Jing Province, 280 King Ji. See King Jili
Jingruan, 280 King Jili, 311, 55〇 , 7 3 4
Jingshu, 90, 713 King Jingmen of Wei, 23
Jingpcing, 280 King Kang of Chu, 432
Jinyang, 318, 626 King Kang of Song， 8 9 ,1 8 3 , 357- 58, 598 ，
Jinyuan, 310 59SMSOO, 739
Ji Province, 280 King Kang of Zhou, 7i斗
Ji River, 280; battle of, 346-47, 377, 534 King Kuai of Yan, 4 7 , 728
Jiufan， 88,122, 718 King Liao of Wu, 312, 731
Jixia Academy, 45 King Ling of Chu 5 569
Jizhou, 311 King Li of Zhou, 15, 88, 4 〇 7, 453, 493 , 5〇 5,
Jizi of Yanling, 518 5 2 7 -2 8 , 5 4 8 , 6 2 2 , 6 8 4
Ju, 326, 4 4 6 - 4 7 , 591, 737 King Min of Qi, 2 1 7-18, 2 4 6 -4 7 » 3i5, 3 4 6 -
Ju Mi, 597 47 , 373, 4 〇卜 3, 510, 529- 3〇 , 533- 3斗，587-
Juan, 斗 61 88, 597, 727, 728, 73〇 , 736, 737
Juan Zishi, 676 King Mu of Zhou, 722
jue (musical note), 60, 77, 95,112--13, 283, King Ping of Chu ，313,395, 567
523 King Ping of Zhou, 574
Julu, 280 King Sheng of Chu, 4 3 2
Jun Gai, 615 King Shou of Yuc, 218
IN D E X 827
King Wei of Chu, 15, 399, 734 knowledge, 293,斗17; o f the fixture，35, 253-
King Wcilic, 735 56 , 372 - 73 , 377 , 38 卜8 2 , 39斗- 9 7 , 5i 〇, 5 26 ，
King Wei of Qi, 214, 215, 461-62 540-43, 593； of the One, 106-8, h i, 139-
King Wen of Chu, 253-54, 321, 591-92, 732 斗〇• S你 a/«? causes and effects; wisdom
King Wen of Zhou, 16,17, i5〇 , 164-65, Kong Bochan, 581
2IO-H, 238, 266, 283, 294, 329, 340, 349, Kong Chuan, 31， 291， 457- 58
352,斗 91， 532 , 550, 618, 716, 721， 722, 727, Kong Qing, 361-62, 736
729, 73i； relationship with Grand Duke Kong Sang， 148
Wang of Lü, 122, 29斗，311， 609, 734; Kong Si, 440
relationship with Zhou Xin, 210-11, 510, Kong Xiao of Zhao, 735
532, 735 Kongjia, 160-61
King Wu of Zhou, 112, 266-68, 298, 340- Kong Jia panyu, The Basins and Bawls of
41, 4 3 〇 , 470, 504, 605-6, 650, 689, 731； Kongjia, 43
as model ruler， 52,180, 302, 317, 340-41, Kongluo, 31, 291
365-66, 367, 391 , 407, 482, 490, 491, Kongxiong, 4 5 7
493, 602, 612, 620, 633, 635, 718, 723； KongzijiayUj 681, 722
relationship with Duke of Zhou, 87,122, Ku， 122,148-49, 718
151, 266, 266-67, 3 4 0 , 3 4 9 , 366, 7 3 4 , 735 ； Kuafu, 579
relationship with Grand Duke Wang of Kuaiji， 211, 232, 280, 326
L h 87, 365, 735; relationship with Zhou Kuang Zhang, 31, 300, 462-63, 562
Xin, 197, 210-11， 237, 311一 12, 313, 319， Kuangyu, 731
324, 34〇 , 365 , 374 , 5 9 6 , 721， 735 Kui, 149, 442, 583
King Xiang of Wei, 392-93 Kun (hexagram), 171
King Xiang of Zhou, 53, 603 Kunlun mountains, 147, 310, 311, 720
King Xiaochcng of Zhao, 15 Kunwu^ 斗13
King Xiaowen. See Lord of Anguo Kusuyama Haruki, 30-32
King Xuan of Qi, 214- 15, 538-39, 586-87，
6oi, 727, 728 Lady Huayang, 3 ,5-8, 9, i 〇
King Xuan of Zhou, 684, 686-87 Lady Jian, 687
King Yimei of Wu, 395 Lady Jiang, 485
King Yi of Yue, 711 Lady Li, 367
King You of Zhou^ 88, 407, 453 , 505, 573一 Lake Dongring, 310
7 4 , 622 Lake Poyang, 205, 257
King Yuan of Song，斗12 Lake Tai, 454
King Zhao of Chu, 312,斗 83 language: and actions, 565; as deceptive,
King Zhao of Wei, 441-42, 469 438, 452 - 53, 455 , 4 5 6 , 458 - 59 , 565-69，
King Zhao of Yan， 31， 291，斗65-66, 533-34, 570-72; as imprecise, 582-84； names and
716 , 7 2 4 reality, 400- 斗〇 3, 4 〇斗，斗0 7 - 9 , 4 5 2 , 4 5 6 ;
King Zhao of Zhou, 161, 722 as used by rulers, 斗多 8, 442, 444- 斗6; used
King Zhaoxiang of Qin, 3,10,11, 270-71, for communication, 438, 442, 444-46
73 4 Lao Ai, 20-26, 28
King Zhuang of Chu, 53, 86-87, 88,122, Lao Dan, 30, 71, 9〇 , 288, 433, 447
215, 4 3 2 , 445-46, 534 - 35, 537, 5«2, 611, Lao Laizi, 713
621-22, 624, 712, 715 Laozi, 713
King Zhuangxiang of Qin. See Prince Chu Laozi, 51, 223, 410, 726, 736
ofQ in Lau, D. C , 28,30-32
King Zhuangxing of Chu, 245- 46 laws, 241, 252, 424, 453 , 4 5 4 - 55, 46 〇 , 474,
King Zhufan of Wu, 312 483, 495-96, 636, 639-40 ； as modified
King Zhugou of Yue, 711 by circumstances, 18-19, 159, 250, 367- 71.
Knight Da, 146 See also punishments; rewards
828 IN D E X
Le Tcng, 506 Liu Sheng, 728

leaming/lcarners，42, 47一
+8 , 5 4 ,114-15， Liu Xiang, 3, 671, 672
118-31，6 i8 -I9 ; and ruling ，斗8, 52. *S你《 Zw Liu Xin, 43, 671
teaching/tcachcrs Liu Zhiji, 682
Legalist school ，斗5, 4 0 4 一5, 565, 604, 623， Liuruan， 452
69斗，696, 697, 6 9 8 Liuxia Hui, 682
Legs (constellation), 77,148,153, 279 Liuxia Ji, 217, 727
Lei Bei, 44 liver, 173,189, 206, 723
Lesser Annuary According to theXia Logicians, 45, 694, 695, 697
Calendar，37-39 Longevity Tree, 310
Lesser Minister Ji, 31, 294, 35〇 Longpang, 331
Li, 3 4 0 Long Wall, battle at, 351
Li Baoquan， 739 Lord Di of Wey, 297
Li Kai， 572 Lord Millet, 643, 651-52, 655
Li Kc, 494, 506, 602 Lord of Anguo, 3, 5-7, 8, 9,10, 27
Li Kui, 419, 537-38 Lord of Changân, 20, 22, 28
Li Ling, 718 Lord of Changguo, 346
Li Shan, 737 Lord of Changping, 24
Li Shang, 44 Lord of Changwen, 24
Li Si， 14, 26, 27, 44 Lord of Chunshen, 2,13
Li Yan, 572 Lord of Jingguo, 205, 21斗一15, 727
U (lane), 726 Lord of Lu, 217, 471-72
Liang， 452, 280 Lord of Mcngchang, 13, 214, 268, 270-71,
Liang Wu, 603 352 , 355, 507, 716, 7 3 4
Liang Youmi， 202- 3 Lord of Pingyuan， 13,斗 57-58, 716
Liang Yusheng, 713, 736 Lord of Xinling, 13
Liangtang, battle of, 245 Lord of Yangcheng， 487-88
Lianti, battle of, 351 Lord of Yangquan, 6-7
Liao River, 281 Lord Shang. See Shang Yang
Lie Yukou， 380-81, 433, 737 Lord Si of Wey， 31， 297, 300, 442, 649
Liejing Zigao, 529-30 Lord Wu of Zhou, 56斗
Liezi, 724, 738 Lord Yin affair, 572
life: vs. death, 83, 94, no, 167, 227, 383, Lord Zhaowen of Zhou, 31, 300, 352, 354,
518-19； Heaven as creator of, 64, 66, 84 ； 649
the living, 135, 222-23, 227; nature/ loyalty, 14, 672, 679; to rulers, 54, n8, 244-
preservation of, 53, 59 , 63, 65-68, 75, 77- 48, 250, 297, 316 , 331, 343 - 4 4 , 393 , 4 〇 2,
78 , 9 4 , 9 9 , 158, 547 , 557- 5 9 ; span of, 230; 407, 435 , 4 5 4 , 483, 486-87, 509, 510, 513,
value of, 67, 76, 80-84, 559 527 , 539 , 5 97 , 604, 605, 613, 621
Lijiy 188; aMonthly Ordinances,w41； Lu, 71, 123, 254 - 55, 280, 315, 516-17, 578 ,
“Yueji，” 720; “Zhaiyi,” 688 735; Confiicius in, 13,14-15,18, 9 0 , 105-
Lilou, 131 6, 326, 327, 3 8 9 , 3 9 4 , 480, 505, 713, 7 2 9 ；
Ling Kui, 56斗 incidents in, 8卜82, 288, 359, 39 斗，3 9 6 - 9 7 ,
Ling Lun, 147-48, 720 44〇 , 47〇 - 7 2 , 517- 18, 591 , 6 2 8 , 681 - 8 2 ;
Lingei, 280 mountain-peak tripod of, 217, 727;
Lingzhi, 198, 579 relations with Jin, 541; relations with Qi,
Linqiu, 361-62, 480, 735 217, 503-4, 569, 609-10, 725； relations
Liqiu, 574 with Shanfu, 439, 47〇 -7 i ；relations with
Li River, 310 Zhou, 727
Lishi, 442 Lu Kuci-Mcng, 740
Liu An, 44 Lu Manpic, 568-69
IN D E X 829
Lu Shi，202-3 672, 693-98; “Postface” section， 19, 27-

Lu Shi, 682 28, 33- 3 4 , 55; purpose of，1， I斗，16- 17,19,
Lu Yuc, 466-67 54- 55; significance, I，斗2, 5斗 -55; Sima
Lu Zhi， 671 Qian on, 14-16,19, 27-28, 731; structure
Luan Che, 539 of， 32—35,斗0, 693-98. 吖《 to Lü Buwei
Luan Shu， 536 Lüshi chunqiu huijiaoy 673
Luan Ying, 551
luan phoenix bells, 61, 77, 95 Ma Chao, 543
Luminous Heaven, 27 9 Magistrate Zheng of Yin, 88
lungs, 115,133,153 Maid Purity (bell), 95,157,158
Lunhengy 722 Man, 662; Dao of, 33, 35; as nurturer of
Lunyuy 682, 691, 721 life, 64 ； relationship with Heaven and
Luxuriant (bell), 133,157 Earth, 17,19, 33, 36, 斗〇, 斗2, 272—73.
Lü Buwei: on the “Almanacs，” 19; also Human nature
character, 4-5, 26; as chief minister, 2, Man barbarians, 91，斗97-98
i i 9 12; and composition o f Lüshi chunqiuy Manshi, 452
1 .12- 20, 27-32, 272-73, 727; as Marquis M anual on Etiquette， 7
o f Wenxin ，ii, I斗，25, 27, 272-73; as Mao Bei, 44
merchant, 2, 3-5, il, 13, 716; military Mao JiaQ, 25
successes of, 11-12; as patron o f learning, Mao school, 681, 722
2.1 3 - 15, 26, 27; purpose in creating Lüshi maoxinag, 310
chunqiu, 1,14,16-17,19, 54~55；rdarion- Marquis Bo of Shen, 25斗，732
ship with First Emperor， 2 , 12,1斗，19， Marquis of Changxin. See Lao Ai
20-21, 25-26, 28; relationship with Lao Marquis of Chong, 88
Ai, 20-26, 28; relationship with Lord of Marquis of Gui, 532, 596
Yangquan, 6-7; relationship with Marquis of Qi, 217, 713
mother of First Emperor， 9-10, 20-21; Marquis of Sui, 82
relationship with Prince Chu of Qin, 2, Marquis of Tian, 195
3-12,14,19, 27; Sima Qian on, 2-6, 7-8, Marquis of Ying, 571
9-13, 20- 22, 24-26; suicide of, 26. See Marquis of Zhou, 482
also Lüshi chunqiu Marquis Wen of Jin, 363
Lii Shang. See Grand Duke Wang of Lii Marquis Wen of Wei, 31, 294, 35i, 39i, 5〇 6,
Lii Wang. See Grand Duke Wang of Lii 507, 552- 53, 555- 56 , 613, 7 3 6 , 737
Lü Yi, 34- 35 Marquis Wu of Wei, 494, 537-3^, 723；
Lücr (horse), 629 relationship with Wu Qi, 255-56, 510,
Liiliang watercourse, 561 542, 678-79
Lüshi chunqiu: aAlmanacs,5 section, 19-20, Marquis Zhaoxi of Han, 415, 440-+2, 558,
27-28, 29, 3〇, 32- 33, 35- 43, 59；composi 639
tion of, I, i2-2 〇, 27-32, 272-73, 726; date marriage， 7, 76, 78, 138, 575, 637, 652, 674，
of, 19-20, 27, 32; “Discourses” section， 6 7 9 , 687
27- 28, 29, 32-3斗，35,52; “Examinations” Mars (planet), 165-66,169, 722
section, 27-28, 28-35; Gao You commen Master Cheng, 459
tary on, 671-72; and Hanshu wBiblio- Master Guanyin, 216, 433, 737
graphic Treatise^ 43-46; as ttMixcd Master Hua, 54, 斗 2斗，547, 558, 718
School” w orh 43—斗6; numerology in ， Master Huazi, 105,126, 170, 695, 697
32, 33, 36-37, 4 〇；Odes quoted in, 102-3, Master Ji, 5斗， 278, 299-300, 630, 694, 696,
105,150, 162, 203, 233, 264, 295, 297, 324, 698
353, 446 , 464, 520-21，532, 534, 548, 581， Master Li. See Li Kui
602, 722, 738, 739；original size of, 671； Master Liao, 694, 696, 697
philosophical themes of, 16- 17, 1 9 , 斗3- 55, Master Lie Yukou, 380-81,斗33, 737
83〇 IN D E X
Master Liezi, 216 50, 253-5斗， 255一 56, 257-58, 261, 27卜72，
Master Min, 716 278, 28 斗， 295 - 9 7 , 318 , 卩 5, « 〇 , «8, 351，
Master Mo. See Mo Di 373 , 389 - 9 3 , 3 9 9 , 4 0 2 - 3, 4 〇斗~9 , 4 I I , 斗13一
Master Tian Xiang，斗88 28, 4 3 2 - 33, 435 - 37 , 4 4 3 , 4 5 4 , 4 5 9 , 462-
Master Xic, 398 63, 斗 67- 6 8 , 4 7 〇 - 71 ， 4 8 2 - 83 , 5〇〇, 5〇 5一 8,
Master Yan, 262-63, 379-80,518,520-21, 713 5〇 9 , 51〇 , 512, 513一 1 4 , 527 , 532 , 一 3 9 , 5斗7,
Master You, 301 554-56, 6〇 4, 6〇 5~6〇 8, 613-15, 621-22，
Master Zcng， 121， 303-斗，305, 331 623, 628, 636, 64 〇 , 6斗 7-48, 732; rewards
Master Zhanglu, 678 for, 295-97； righteousness of, 604, 605;
Master Zhuo of Yanling, 677 selection of， 35,斗 9 , 72 - 73 , 261， 292-9斗，
matchmaking, 78, 687 3〇 1， 3〇 2 , 33〇 , 373 , 4 0 2 - 3, 4 7 3 , 4 7 4 , 5〇 4-
material things, pursuit of, 65-67, 82, 85 5, 506-8, 537, 554-56, 582, 610-11; tasks
Mawangdui， 30, 54, 9 4 ,152, 715 of, 278, 295-97> 296, 6 4 7 - 4 3 . See also
Mean Regulator (bell), 157 responsibility, divisions of; worthy, the
means and ends, 82 min tang, 36
meat, 310 misfortunes, avoidance of, 164-65,169-70
melodies, 1 5 2 ,1 6 0 -6 3 , 677. Sec also music “Mixed School” （ zä»， 43-46
Mencius, 2, 3,16,17,1M1 ， 52, 55, 717, 731. Mixu, 491
See oXsoMengzi Mo Di, 17, 55, 367, 4 7 3 , 573, 717, 7 3 9 ;
Meng Ben， 131， 333—34, 569 accomplishments of, 298, 650; on
Meng Gongchuo, 713 benevolence， 336, 358; disciples of, 90 ，
Meng M ao, 斗 67-68 ii 斗， 123, 631， 725; on dyes, 87; influences
Meng Shcng, 487-88 on, 90; and moral principles, 480; as
Meng Shishc, 694, 696, 697, 698, 731 scholar-knight, 13, 269, 618; and warfare,
Meng Sukui, 90, 713 51， 342, 560-61， 725; on wholeness,斗33.
Meng Gate, 561 Set also Mohist school
Mengzhu, 280 Mo Xi, 338-39
M engziy 671, 672, 714, 73〇 , 731. See also Mo barbarians, 316
Mencius M odel for Directors o f the Horse (Sima fa) ^ 725
merchants， 3 ,斗，12,13, 52, 654 M odel of the First Kings, 725
merit and fame, 91-93 moderation， 43 , 59-60, 69 - 70 , 99, 395,
Metal (element), 188, 690, 723; and death, 4 4 3 , 5 4 7 , 631; of desires， 53, 69, 7 6 , 84-
59, 83,114, 383; as dominant in autumn, 85,106,107,137,145, 351， 620; in diet，
59,114,152,173, 205, 222, 240; Metal 101, 548; essential nature preserved by,
ethers, 171, 205, 222, 240, 257, 283; Metal 106,107, 714-15; and musiq 133,137，
process， 39, 59 , 83,114,152,171， 205, 383. 144-45； Yellow Sovereign on, 73. See also
See also Five Processes balance; harmony
Mi Zixia, 367 Mohist school, 30, 45, 9〇 , 288, 313, 347,
Miao people, 524 398, 4 8 7 - 8 8 , 694, 695, 696, 697, 713-14,
Military school, 694, 696, 697 731; on benefits, 509; on bcncvolcncc, 75,
millet， 156, 258, 311， 663, 663-6斗 278, 336, 547-48; and burials, 223; on
mind, the, 143, 219, 4 i 〇 , 527, 717 music, 133; on the people, 278; on
Mingle, 280 warfare, 172,188, 278, 336, 373, 439, 466,
Mingtiao, 197 723, 724, 725. See also Mo Di
ministers: accomplishments of, 278, 295- Momu, 329
97, 6 4 3 , 647-48; Dao of, 49, 272; “Monthly Ordinances” （ book 6 of Lÿï), 41
emincnce/glory desired by, 54,118; as moon, the, 110,153,169,171, 219, 259, 272，
filial, 54, 302; honor pursued by, 643, 2 7 7 , 279, 337 , 367, 3 6 9 , 614, 679, 732
648; loyalty in， 5斗， 297, 509; relations moral principles， 35, 250-51， 4 3 6 , 438— 39，
with rulers， 35, 5〇 , 5 4 , H〇 , 112,125, 247- 455, 475-77, 482, 717; as alien to human
IN D E X «3i
nature, 631; benevolence as greatest of, Assembly，98, 689; harmony in，112-13 ，

斗7, 75,124-25, 202, 218-19, 477; conflicts 1 3 6 - 3 7 ,1 3 8 ,1 4 5 ,1 4 7 - 4 8 ,1 6 3 ,1 7 1 , 305,
between, 483; and education, 114-15, 583; as harmony of Yin and Yang, 1 3 6 -3 7 ,
120,124-25,1斗 5; Former Kings on ， 570, 138; as imitative, 148, 721; as influenced
616; and persuasions, 184； vs. profit, by customs, 145 ；as influencing Yin and
477, 481, 522, 566, $69-72; and punish Yang ethers, 7 2 0 ; melodies, 1 5 2 ,1 6 0 -6 3 ,
ments, 316, 479-80 ； and reason, 184-85, 6 7 7 ； and moderation, 1 3 3 ,1 3 6 ,1 4 4 ；
453; and relations between ruler and musical instruments, 1 3 3 ,1 3 4 ,1 4 1 ， 1 4 4 ，
minister, 512, 513—I斗； and relations I 斗 6 , 1 4 7 , 1斗 8 , 1斗 9 ,1 5 2 ,1 7 1 ，2 0 7 , 257, 259,
between ruler and subject, 188,193； and Music Ceremony
5 2 2 -2 3 , 7 i9 , 7 2 〇 ;
ruling, 126,179, 301-2, 366, 407, 488-89, during spring, 9 8 ; music master, 134 ；
494, 504-5; and scholar-knights, 180, notcs/toncs of scale, 6 0 , 9 5 ,1 1 2 -1 3 ,1 3 3 ,
213, 380-81， 460, 565, 73斗； and the I斗 2 - 4 3 , 1 4 8 , 583, 719; of orderly states/
worthy, 522, 526. See also righteousness ages, 7 0 ,1 4 5 ; origins of, 1 3 6 -3 7 ； and
mountain-peak tripod, 217, 727 personal power, 1 6 2 -6 3 ; rectifier of, 6 3 ,
mountains: Mountain of Lofty Spring, 311; 7 9 ； as rcctifying/corrupting, 59, 6 7 ,1 3 3 ,
Mountain of Nine-Fold Yang, 579; 1 4 5 ,1 4 6 , 6 8 9 , 7 2 0 ; relation to human
Mount Budng, 298; Mount Buzhou, nature, 1 3 3 ,1 4 5 ,1 4 6 , 6 8 9 , 7 2 0 ; and Ru
298, 310; Mount Chang, 311; Mount school, 133; of Sangjian, 163; Sanglin
Changxiang, 298; Mount Fu, 160; music, 2 6 7 ; and Son of Heaven, 1 34 ； as
Mount Gongshou, 267, 326; Mount source of pleasure, 138- 3 9 ,1 4 1 ， 1 5 2 ,1 70;
Gongtou, 267, 326; Mount Heng, 579； styles of, 1 5 2 ,1 6 0 -6 3 ; during summer,
Mount Hua, 3斗o; Mount Ji, 311, 580; 116,117; taste in, 328; and Three Kings,
Mount Kun, 67; Mount Li, 323, 573; 167; of Zheng and Wey， 6 7 ,1 6 3 ,斗60,
Mount Liangfu, 123; Mount Mengmen, 719. See also pitch-standards
280; Mount Qi, 202-3, 210, 266, 280, Music Master Kuang, 254
557; Mount Qimu, 298; Mount Qundi, Muyc, 197
298; Mount Santu, 452-53; Mount Shou,
280; Mount Shouyang, 267; Mount Tai, Naito Toraziro, 28
280, 308; Mount Taihang, 280; Mount names and reality, 4 0 0 - 4 0 3 , 4 0 4 , 4 0 7 -9 ，
Taihua, 280; Mount that Leaves the 452, 456
Wind Behind, 311; Mount Tiandi, 298; Nanchao, 195
Mount Tu, 161， 67斗， 679, 732; Mount Nangong Gua, 516-17
Wangwu, 280; Mount Wo, 550; Mount Nangong Qian, 581
Xiao, 386, 388; Mount Xiawu, 322; Nanying, 675
Mount Yangchang, 280; Mount Yu, 531; natural phenomena: during autumn, 159,
Shamanka Peak, 579 1 7 2 ,1 7 3 ,1 8 8 ,1 8 9 , 2 0 5 , 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 , 2 0 8 ,
Moye sword, 370, 斗 90-91 6 8 0 ; clouds, 95, n o , 15 3 ,1 6 8 ; earth
舱味 43; “Shangtong,” 337; “Suoran，” 712- quakes, 1 6 4 -6 5 ； as inauspicious, 1 6 4 -6 5 ,
13 1 6 9 - 7 0 ; during spring, 6 0 , 61 ， 6 2 , 77, 78,
Mu River, 476 95, 98 , 548, 7 1 4 ; during summer， ii 斗，115,
music, 136-51, 254, 388,587, 606, 693； ii 8, 133,135,153,155, 718 ； during winter,
balance in, 137-38,142-43,144-45, 719; 2 2 2 , 223, 2 2 4 , 2 4 0 , 241, 2 4 3 , 257, 258. See
and the Dao, 136-39,145, 3〇 5；and also Earth; Five Prexesses
desires, 137; of disorderly states/ages, nature: balance in, 53, 6 9 1 ； Dao of, 6 2 4 ；
138,140-41,145 , 162-63, 167-68, 170; relying on, 364-67,375
expressiveness of, 42, 220-21, 308; natures, inborn/csscnrial, 8 6 , 2 7 9 , 3〇 ^ - 7 ,
extravagance in, 133,140-42, 719； and 381 ，4 0 1 ，4 1 2 , 斗 36, 48 5 ; Heaven as source
Five Sovereigns, 148- 50, 167; and of, 51-52, 175, 265, 2 6 6 , 4 9 8 , 7 2 9 . See also
Former Kings, 137,145, 538； Great Music human nature
832 IN D E X
Neck (constellation), 133, 279 order: and correct use of names, 400, 4 〇斗，
Net (constellation), 115,172, 279 斗o8-9; and filial piety，3〇3, 575; of
New Town, 550 Heaven and Earth, 277; principles of, 33,
Ni Liang, 433, 737 斗o , 斗9, 63, 8 9 , 143 , 167, 272-73, 296, 393 ,
Ni Shuo, 412 414-16, 423, 433, 637-38; relationship to
night vs. day, 279 unity, 433 - 3 4 ；in states/ages, 145,152,
nine (number), 173,189, 206 162-63, 285-86, 294, 296, 378-39, 390,
nine fields of Heaven, 280 423-24, 428-29, 431-34, 4 3 6 , 4 9 9 , 52 B-
Nine Gates, 97, 98 24,585; upheld by Son of Heaven, 46,
nine marshes of Earth, 280 405, 斗31
Nine Ministers, 61， 79, 98,116,173, 224, The Order ofThivgSy 42
574 Ouyc, 609
nine mountains of Earth, 280
nine orifices of human body， 85, 9 4 , h i pacifism, 51-52
nine passes of Earth, 280 Palace of Longevity, 384
nine provinces of Earth, 280 Pan Ziehen, 395
Nine Tripods, 719 Pang Juan, 612
Ning Guo, 53, 624 Pangeng, 340
Ning Qi, 507-8,590-91 Pangmen, 291
Ning Su, 421 Pangmeng, 470
Ning Xi, 541 parents, loving, 221, 227, 228, 230, 331, 383,
Ning Yue, 362, 618-19 435. See also filial piety
Ning Zhi, 641 past, the, 253, 369, 373
Niu Que, 333 Patriarch Peng, 84-85, 436, 496
Nivison, David, 20 Peach Grove, 340
nonasserriveness, 33, 273; Dao of, 103, 235, Pearl Turtle (fish), 310
714-15, 729; in rulers， 4 8 -4 9 ,103,104-5, Pengli Marsh, 561
714-15. See also quiescence people, the: vs. armies, 188,196-97；
Northern Dipper (constellation), 680 benevolence tow ard, 斗 7, 278, 295-96，
notes, musical, 60, 95,112-13,133,1斗 2-43， 323-324, 367, 4 3 〇 , 4 7 3 , 4 7 4 , 4 7 7 , 492-
148, 583. See also music 9 4 , 510, 519, 525, 535, 547 - 4 8 , 559- 6 0 ,
Nuhuaiqing Terrace, 12 561-62; desires of, 172,175, 474, 49 〇 ,
numerology， 32, 33, 36 - 37 , 4 〇, 41 斗94, 496-5〇〇, 510, 527-28, 535; farmers
nuo, 692 among， 643, 650-51, 652, 654, 657-58;
Niiwa, 724 lack of understanding among, 372, 389-
90, 392-93; relations with rulers, 47, 92,
obedience, fraternal, 278, 301, 341,575 131,172,178-79,180,186-87,193-94,
ocarina, 171 205-6, 209-12, 250, 264-66, 278, 289-
offerings: offering at the door, 60, 77, 9 5 ; 90, 295 - 9 6 , 323-24, 337 , 363, 3 6 4 - 6 6 ,
offering at the furnace, 115,133,153; 367, 389^90, 392-93, 403, 420—21，斗30，
offering at the gate, 173,189, 206; 4 73 - 7 4 , 斗8斗 - 5〇〇, 5i 〇, 527 - 2 8 , 535, 536 ,
offering at the middle court, 156; 539 , 5斗 7- 4 8 , 55SM3 0 , 561 ， 635 - 3 6 , 675 ，
offering at the path, 224, 241, 258 726, 7 2 7 ； will of, 337 , 3 4 〇 , 364-66, 367.
One, the: the Dao as, 106-8, h i, 136-37, See also Hundred Clans
139-40, 斗 98, 631-32, 718; as object of perfection, 4 7 4 , 4 75 , 5〇 4HS, 508, 617
knowledge, 106-8, h i, 139-40； as origin persuasions and discriminations, 181-82,
of Yin and Yang, 136-37, 277; and Son of 241, 290-91, 328-29, 335, 3 9 8 , 455- 56 ,
Heaven, 434 508, 548-52, 587-88, 5 9 9 , 6oo-6oi, 649,
opportunities. See circumstances/ 717, 725; and the Dao, 123,12斗，328- 29;
opportunities deception through, i8o, 25〇>51，斗io,
IN D E X 833
462-65；
4 4 0 - 4 2 , 453 , 455 , desires Prince Chu of Qin: adoption, 3-9; death,
targeted by, 336, 3斗 5-46, 356-60; and 12,1斗； as hostage in Zhao, 3-4, 8-9,10;
intelligence, 385; and moral principles, as king of Qin, 10,16; marriage, 9-10;
184; in teaching， 120,129-30 relationship with Lii Buwei, 2, 3-12,14,
philosophy， 1-2; schools of， 693-98; 19, 27
themes in Liishi chunqtuy 16-17,19, 43-55, Prince Fan, Director of Horses, 343-44
672 Prince Gouduan, 506
phoenix eggs, 310 Prince Guang. See King Hclii of Wu
Ping Yi, 676 Prince Guang of Wu, 395
Ping^c, 477 Prince Guisheng of Zheng, 396
pitch-standards, 583, 719； during autumn, Prince Han, 236, 524-25, 724
157,15SMS0,171,173,189, 206; generation Prince Jic, 570, 572
of, 152,156-60, 721; during spring, 60, Prince Jiu, 361, 564
77, 95,157,158； during summer, 115,133, Prince Lian, 615-16
153,156,157,159； during winter, 157,158, Prince Luo, 89
224, 241, 258; Yellow Sovereign on, 147. Prince Man, 372, 386
See also music Prince Mou of Zhongshan, 559
planets, 614 Prince Nang, 482
plants/planring, 310-11， 413, 64 斗，656-67 Prince Qi, 641
pleasures, 529; balance in, 143； from music, Prince Qian, 641
138-39,1斗1,152,170; of rulers of doomed Prince Qingji, 197, 248-49, 73i
states, 596-98 Prince Shensheng of Jin, 733
Pleiades (constellation), 279 Prince Shiwo, 44 〇 ~4i
plowing, 644, 739 Prince Sou of Yuc, 81
Plowing Ceremony, 38, 62, 651, 684-87, Prince Ta, 443
726 Prince Wei, 165-66, 723
pomelos, 311 Prince Wuzhi, 564
poushou auspicious day, 420 Prince Xiaobo, 361, 564
poverty, 60,109, 263-64 Prince Xi of Qin. See Lord of Anguo
Power (办 )，斗0, 73, 501， 682; Fire dominant Prince Yang. See Shang Yang
in summer as, 59,116,171, 240, 257; Prince Yiren of Qin. See Prince Chu of Qin
Metal dominant in autumn as， 59, ii 斗， Prince Yiwu, 485-86, 602
152, 173, 2〇 5, 240 ； as personal, 50, 66, 71, Prince Yu, 572
104, i 〇7 , 149 - 51, 162-63, 219, 293, 298, Prince Zao, 569
4 0 4 ,斗〇9 , 4 2 0 , 斗22, 斗85, 527, 5 4 8 , 554 , Prince Zheng of Qin. See First Emperor of
632; Water dominant in winter as, 171, China
222, 224, 240, 691; Wood dominant in Prince Zhujiu of Yuc, 711
spring as, 59, 61， 114,132,152, 205, 240 Prince Zhuo, 602
predictions. See foreknowledge profit: desired by the people, 172, 49 〇 , 7^6;
prejudices, 273, 278, 286-88, 373, 397-400 vs. moral principles, 477, 481， 522, 566，
present, the, 253, 369, 373 569-72; pursuit of， 89, 229, 249, 263-6斗，
Pressing Bell (bell), 77,157,158 285-86, 2 8 9 - 9 0 , 343 , 3 4 4 - 4 7 , 4 7 7 , 4 8 l,
Prince Ang, 570-71 516, 522, 523, 5 4 0 , 5 4 7 , 556- 57 , 559 , 565,
Prince Bigan, 93 566, 5 9 0 , 631, 632, 635, 6 4 4 , 675
Prince Chai, 569 promises, keeping of, 4 7 4 , 斗 99-504
Prince Chan, 350, 389, 39〇 , 453> 4 5 4 - 55, wpunishmcnt and blessing^ (xinjfde)^ 40
581, 713, 739 punishments， 188, 403, 413,斗3 9 , 716;
Prince Chengfu, 422 during autumn, 160, 173, !7 4 , i 9 〇 , 191,
Prince Chong^cr. See Duke Wen of Jin 208; for filial impiety, 30斗，306; as
Prince Chuo, 628 “handles” for ruling, 176, 301， 316, 453，
834 IN D E X
4 8 4 - 9 2 , 4 9 5 , 5〇l, 516 , 551- 52 , 59 SMSOO, dents in, 75, 313, 325, 354 , 466-67, 481,
604, 636, 642; for the immoral, 179, 571,572, 615-16; relations with Chu, n ,
180-83,185-86,197, 459, 726; and moral 728; relations with Han, 11, 728; relations
principles，316, 479-80; necessity of， with Jin， 11， 202—3, 386-88, 589, 602-3，
176-77; and righteousness, 473~74, 488; 607; relations with Qi, 11, 607; relations
as severe, 92, 210-11, 491-96; during with Rong barbarians, 317, 598-99, 6o6-
spring，58, 78; during summer，117,134; 7; relations with Wei， 11， 22-23, 255,斗 56，
for those lacking the Dao, 172,179,180- 斗57 , +6 7 - 6 9 , 5 4 2 , 5 4 7 , 556 , 570 - 71 ，7 2 8 ;
83,185-86; and unworthiness, 522; relations with Yan, 11,12, 728; relations
during winter, 225, 243. See also rewards with Zhao, 3-4, 8 -9 ,10,11， 265, 442,
aPurc Temple55ode, 145, 720 457, 725, 728, 733; relations with Zheng,
Purian，280 386-88; relations with Zhou, 11, 354, 372,
“putrid rats,” 83, 712 386-87; Shang Yang school in, 50-51;
unification of China by, 1-2,11. See also
Qi, 13,18, 4 5 , H i, 233, 254 - 55, 280, 320, First Emperor of China; Lii Buwei;
3斗 6- 47 , 427, 4 3 0 , 48 2, 斗 90, 516-17, 524; Prince Chu of Qin
destruction of, 231， 3斗 2, 373, 719, 736; Qin Guli， 90,123, 725
incidents in ， 123,129,131， 150,195, 246- Qin Ya， 5斗 3
4 7 , 252, 262-63, 300, 314, 315, 361, 377 , Qin Yin, 737
斗〇〇 -斗 03, 435- 36, 455-5Ö, 507-8, 520-21， Qing Feng, 568-69
562, 6〇〇 «6〇 l, 622, 6 4 5 , 676, 6 9 〇 , 727， Qing Ping, 271-72
730; Lesser Qi, 340； relations with Chu, Qing Province, 280
347, 352, 355, 603, 638-39; relations with Qinzhou， battle of, 346-47
Han, 638-39; relations with Jin, 477-78, Qi River， 491-92
594-95； relations with Lu, 217, 5〇 3~4, Qi thoroughbreds, 370-71
569, 609-10, 725; relations with Qin ， 11， Qiu, 265
607; relations with Song，斗37, 533-34, Qiuyou, 345
599-60, 728; relations with Wei, 351, Qizhong, 88
638-39, 735, 738; relations with Wey, Qizhou, 635
450-51； relations with Wu, 198, 437, 594- Qizu, 239
95； relations with Xue, 355; relations with Qu Boyu, 526, 713
Yan， 347 , 4 3 7 , 4 6 5 - 6 6 , 533—3 4 , 719, 728; Qu’ao, 524, 739
relations with Yuc, 625; relations with Qu Yuan， 16
Zhao, 261-62, 318, 361-62, 442. See also Qu, horses from, 344
King Min of Qi Qufu, 735
Qi Huangyang, 74, 711 quiescence in rulers，49, 5〇, 103, 243, 395，
Qi Jia, 467-68 斗0 4 - 5, 408- 10, 斗17,斗22, 425, 5 4 7 , 552-
Qi Xi, 547, 551-52 53, 6 23 , 632 - 33, 636, 672
qi ethers. See vital ethers quiescence of rulers. See also
qi (fortnights), 37, 39 nonasscrrivcncss
Qi (son of Yu), 680, 738
Qian Mu, 714 rain, 98,118, 501
Qian Ru, 420 rainbows, 153, 222
Qiang barbarians, 316 Ran Shu, 195
Qidiao Kai, 694, 696, 697, 698, 730； reason， 120, 126,145, 251，斗58-59, 4 7 4 , 529,
principle of, 257 626, 717； and moral principles, 184-85,
Qifang， thePrinceof\Vey,383-84 斗53
Qilue，斗3、 671 reasons. Sec causes and effects
Qin, 14,18, 44, 161, 270, 280, 320, 364, rectifier of music, 63, 79
427, 490, 638, 682, 718, 734, 73« ；admin- Regulator of the Mean (bell), 115
istrarive hierarchy of, 185-86, 726; inci Ren An, 16
Ren Deng, 426 363, 382, 573- 7 4 , 579 , 641， 687, 713, 7 3 8 ;
Ren Zuo, 613 relations with Qin, 317, 598-99, 606-7
ren (day), 224, 241, 258 Kong Cheng， 420
reputations, 93 , 285, 286, 353, 359 , 377 , 393 , Rong Jiang, 147
409, 470, 504-5, 523; and accomplish Rongzc, 250
ments, 290--91, 301-2, 307, 370-71, 491, Rooftop (constellation)， 133, 223, 279
507, 526, 552, 616-17, 620, 634, 647-48 Room (constellation), 206, 279, 685
resemblance. See similarity Root (constellation), 258, 279
resolve, 109 rulers: advice acccptcd/rcjcctcd by, 240,
Resonating Bell (bell), 157, 223 2 4 4 , 255-56, 278, 290-94, 3 4 4 - 4 6 , 362-
resourcefulness, 548, 562-64 63, 372 , 377 , 3衫- 8 4 , 386-88, 391- 9 3 , 397 -
respect for teachers, 118-25, 716, 717 99, 432- 33, 438, 439- 43, 463, 469, 5〇3-
responsibility， divisions of， 49-50, 89, 261， 4, 506, 508, 510, 527- 30, 533- 39, 550-52,
4〇 5- 9 , 4 II, 413, 414-15, 417, 419-32, 554 - 56 , 558, 585, 586-95, 604, 606, 6 0 9 -
607, 623, 636, 677 13, 616, 621-22, 624-26, 636; arrogance
results. See accomplishments in ， 510, 513, 536-39, 537-38; authority of，
retribution, 376-77 172, 4 〇 4-5, 4 〇 8-9, 420-21， 422, 斗 3卜32，
rewards: autumn distribution of，173; as 484-88, 576-77； and dissent, 35, 45, 49,
“handles” for ruling，172,185-87,197, 372, 391, 528, 626; of doomed states, 596-
224, 255, 3〇i, 3I5- I 8 , 473- 7 4 , 484-91, 600; excesses among， 183, 527-28, 530，
斗88, 495 , 5〇l, 516, 551- 52, 599- 6 0 0 , 604, 536-37, 539, 596-98; fiefs created by,
6〇8, 6〇s>-i〇, 614-16, 635, 636, 642；for 429-32; filial piety in, 54, 3〇 i, 3〇 2, 549-
ministers, 295-97；refusal of, 263-64, 50; humility in, 510, 565, 579； impartiality
斗79-80, 733; for righteousness, 179,182， in ， 60, 7 0 - 75 , 7 6 , 339 , 3 4 9 , 斗〇9 , 斗16,
301, 302, 316, 6 0 4 ；vs. righteousness, 斗17; and inauspicious signs，164-65, i6ç-
473-74, 488; spring distribution of, n 6 , 70; language used by， 438, 442, 444- 斗 6;
689-90, 715; summer distribution of， of large states, 337-42, 428-29; loyalty
690, 715；and unworthincss, 522. See also to, 54,118, 244-48, 250, 297, 316, 331,
accomplishments; laws; punishments 343 — 4 4 , 393 , 斗 02, 4 0 7 , 斗 35, 4 5 斗，4 8 3 ,
rice, 664-65 486-87, 5〇 9 , 51〇 , 513, 527 , 539 , 597 , 6 〇 4,
Rickett, Ailyn, 41 (S05, Ô13, 621; nonassertiveness in ，斗8-
righteousness, 306, 475 - 77 , 5〇 4 - 5, 577 , 609, 49, i 〇 3, 104-5, 714-15； as non-hcrcditary,
672, 679; vs. accomplishments, 316, 479- 46-47,112, 647； nonverbal œmmunica-
80, 604, 614-15； of ministers, 604, 605; tion by, 439, 443, 446-47 ； pleasures of,
and punishments, 473, 488; rewards for, 596-98; Power (de) of, 50, 66,104, i 〇 7,
179,182, 301, 302, 316, 604, 725； vs. 斗04, 409, 422, 527, 548, 554; promise
rewards, 473, 488; and ruling, 484-88; keeping by, 4 7 4 , 4 9 S>~5〇 4； quiescence in,
of scholar-knights， I斗， 241， 2斗 7—48, 257， 4 9 , 5〇 , 103 , 2 4 3 , 395 , 404• 一 5, 408- 10,
261 — 73 , 斗〇2 —3, 4 8 7 —88, 5i 〇—n , 515, SU 4 1 7 , 4 2 2 , 4 2 5 , 5 4 7 , 552- 53, 6 2 3 , 632 - 33，
IS， 520 - 21， 561，外5, 577- 7 8 , 6 4 3 , 6 4 4 —4 6 , 636, 672； relations with ministers, 35, 5〇 ,
73〇 , 733； in warfare, 51-52,171-72, I75~78, 5斗，110, 112, 125, 247一 5〇 , 253- 5 4 , 255-56，
179 - 8 4 ,185-87,188,189,1 9 4 ,196,197-200, 257 - 5«, 26l, 271-72, 278, 284, 295 - 9 7 , 318,
285—86, 320-21， 474, 斗 9 9 , 510 , 523- 2 4 . 325, 330, 33», 351, 373 , 389 - 9 3 , 3 9 9 , 4 〇 2 - 3,
See also moral principles; worthy, the 斗〇斗- 9 , 411 ，413-28, 4 3 2 - 33, 435 - 37 , 4 4 3 ,
Rites of Exorcism, 98 4 5 4 , 4 5 9 , 4 6 2 - 6 3 , 467-68, 4 7 〇 ~7 l, 482-
rituals, observance of, 43, 96, 98,116,134, 83, 5〇〇, 505一 8, 5〇 9 , 510 , 512, 513, 527 , 532 ,
145, 3〇i, 306, 318, 3 4 9 , 363, 372 , 386-87, 533- 3 9 , 5 4 7 , 554 - 56 , 6 0 4 , 6 〇 5- 8 , 613 - 15，
474, 496, 652, 683-92, 717. See also Son 621 - 2 2 , 6 2 3 , 6 2 8 , 636, 6 4 〇 , 6斗 7 - 4*8 , 7 3 2 ;
of Heaven relations with the people, 4 7 , 92,131, 172,
Robber Zhi, 223, 239, 251， 731 178-79, 180, 186-87, 193-94, 205-6, 2 〇 9-
Rong barbarians, 12, 24, 44, 88, 130, 316, 12, 250, 264-65, 278, 289-90, 295-96,
8 3 6 IN D E X
323-24, 337 , 363, 364-66, 367, 3«9 - 9 〇 , 5〇1，516 , 551- 52 , 599 - 6 0 0 , 6 〇4, 6〇8, 6〇 ç-
392 - 9 3 , 4 〇3, 4 2 0 - 21 , 斗3 0 ,斗73, 斗84-500, 10, 614-16, 635, 636, 642; and seasons,
510, 527- 28, 535, 536, 539, 547- 48, 559- 60 , 42-43. See also rulers; Son of Heaven
561, 635-36, 675, 727；relations w ith Ruo River, 148
scholar-knights, 12-13, 96,165,186, 202- Ru school, 17, 41， 4 4 , 4 5 , 5〇 , 5斗， 9〇 , 336 ，
4, 206, 213-16, 241，257-58, 261，263-6斗， 3 4 7 , 372 , 6 2 3 , 6 9 5 , 6 9 6 , 716 - 19 , 731 ; 〇n
268-71, 278, 292, 2 9 4 , 3〇7~12, 323-24, code of scholar-knights, 694, 73〇；〇n
3斗7 - 5 4 , 358- 59 , 376 - 82 , 391 , 3 9 9 , 4 0 1 - 3, music， 132-33, 718-19
4〇6, 424, 426, 430, 4 7 8 - 7 9 , 483, 4 8 7 - Rushou, 172,189, 206, 723
88, 507-8, 5 0 9 - 1 0 , 527-30, 536 , 539 , 554 -
56 , 586 - 88 , 6 〇 1， 611- 12 , 6 i 8- I 9 , 6 4 9 , 73 〇- Sacred Fields， 62, 684—87
31; selection of ministers by, 35, 49> 72- sacrifices, 191, 260, 726; during autumn,
73 , 261， 292 - 9 斗， 301， 302, 330, 373, 4 0 2 - 3, 173, 207, 208, 690-91； Great Pcnncd-
473, 474, 5〇4 - 5, 5〇6- 8, 537, 554- 56, 582, Animal Sacrifice, 78; heart in, 156;
ôio-ii; self-control in, 604 ； self-culriva- kidney in, 224, 241, 258; liver in, 189,
rion in ， 277, 3〇 i, 311， 404, 420-21，斗35; 206, 723; lungs in, 115,133,153; spleen in,
selflessness in, 509,512, 548; self-reliance 60, 7 7 , 9 5 ; during spring， 78, 7 9 , 9 6 , 98;
in ， 4 3 9 , 4 4 3 ; severity in, 4 7 4 , 485, 斗 9卜 during sur mer, 115,133,153； during
96; sincerity in ， 442, 444- 斗 5, 46 卜62， winter, 2 : ; ， 226, 241， 258-59
5〇 o - 5〇 2 , 535, 688; vs. subjects, i88, 193 , salt, 311
318, 341 , 375- 7 6 , 509, 531, 575, 632-33； plant， 163-6斗， 722
trustworthiness in, 491， 4 9 4 , 500-504, Sanglin, 210, 340
6 8 8 ; the worthy as, 179, 261, 290, 294, Sanglin music, 267
307-8, 312, 337, 347 - 4 9 , 378 - 7 9 , 39 〇 , 393 ~ San Miao tribe, 485
94, 4〇 i, 461, 471-72, 525, 526, 530, 587 , Sanshi shiy 41
593, 605, 621-22, 6斗 2. S你 ä/w ruling; Son Sanwei, 579
of Heaven Sanwei Peak, 311
ruling, I, 33, 34-35, 45 - 4 6 ,143 ； awesomc- scholar-knights, 3, 26, 90, 291, 297; benefits
ncss in, 172, 193-94, 548, 576-77； benev considered by, 509,515,517-19； code of,
olence in, 47,172,186, 202-4, 224, 290, 241, 257, 261-63, 270-71, 488, 577, 694,
30斗，斗30, 559*~6o; the body analogous 730, 733; courage of, 6斗3, 6斗 4; education
to, 112,斗 06; Dao of， 17-19,斗 8-49, 5〇， of, 48,119,123,129-30; as filial, 302-3;
5 4 , 9 4 - 95 , i 〇 3- 4 , i 〇 6 ~9 , n i - 13, 139 , 193 , honesty of, 611-12; honor of, 14, 241,
209-12, 266-68, 289, 298, 336, 338 , 3 4 2 , 247-50, 257, 263-64, 265, 733； humility
斗0 斗，407, 409-10, 412—I斗，417, 419-27, of, 644 ； impartiality of, 644 ； integrity
431 - 37 , 4 8 9 , 4 9 1 ， 4 9 7 , 4 9 8 , 51〇 , 51卜12， of, 14,180, 266-68, 644; and Lü Buwei,
51斗， 53斗， 538 , 562 , 578 , 6 2 3 , 625 , 6 3 卜3斗， 2 ,13-15, 26, 27; and moral principles,
6斗〇 , 71斗，715; divisions of responsibility 184, 213, 380-81， 460, 565, 73斗； and op
in, 49-50, 89, 261, 405-9, 411, 413, 414 - portunities, 313-1斗； as possessing the
15, 417, 419-32, 607, 623, 636, 677; and Dao, 278, 292, 294, 307-8, 313-14, 347 -
education, 48,52,125, 716; Five Processes 49, 369, 378-79, 380-81，斗81; relations
related to, 18, 36, 37, 277-78, 283; Former with rulers, 12-13, 96,165, 186, 202-4,
Kings on, 304; and laws, 367-71，斗24; 206, 213-16, 241, 257-58, 261, 263-64,
and moral principles, 126,179, 301-2, 366, 268-71, 278, 292, 294, 307-12, 323-24,
斗07, 488 — 89, 494, 5〇斗一5; punishments 347 - 5 4 , 358- 59 , 376-82, 391 , 3 9 9 , 4 〇 i~3,
as “handles” for, 176, 301，316, 453, 4 8 斗- 4 0 6 ,斗 24, 4 2 6 , 斗30, 4 7 8 - 7 9 , 斗83, 487-
92, 495 , 5〇i, 516, 551-52, 599- 6 0 0 , 604, 88, 5〇 7-8, 5 0 9 - 1 0 , 527 - 3 0 , 536 , 539 , 554 ~
636, 639, 642; and reason, 126; rewards 56, 586-88, 6oi, 611-12, 618-19, 649, 73〇 -
as “handles” for, 172,185-86,197, 22斗， 3i; righteousness of, 14, 241, 247, 257,
255, 3〇i，315—18 , 4 7 3 , 斗8 4 - 91 ，
488, 495， 261-73, 402-3, 斗 87-88, 5i〇 - n , 515, 517一
IN D E X «37
18, 520-21， 561， 565, 577 - 7 8 , 6 4 3 , 6 4 4 - 4 6 , Shang ï î , 420

73〇y 733- See also worthy, the Shang/Yin dynasty, 104,150,161, 200, 368,
Scribe Ding, 398 斗27 , 斗9 〇, 579 , 587, 588 , 605, 684, 687，
Scribe Huang, 420 735 ; M 〇 f, 88, 141 ， 151， 183, 197 - 9 8 , 2 6 6 -
Scribe of the Interior Liao, 606 68, 292, 340-41， 3 6 4 , 3 6 4 - 6 6 , 374, 391 ，
Scribe Mo, 30, 286, 525-26 438, 4 4 3 , 4 4 9 , 斗9 2 , 5 9 6 , 609, 635, 638，
Scribe Qiu, 526 719, 731, 734, 735； founding of, 17, 301,
seasonings, 311 374. See also King Wen of Zhou; King
seasons， 107,124,167, 309, 337, 367, 653; Wu of Zhou; Tang; Zhou Xin
and agriculture, 319, 643, 657, 659-60， sharig (musical note), 112-13,171,173,189,206
662-67; as dependable, 501, 502, 614, Shangshu dazhuan, 722
617; as impartial, 73； pitch-standards Shang of Zhongshan, 89
generated by, 156--60; as progenitors of Shanhaijingy 724
nature, 222; and ruling, 41-43; transfor Shao Hu, 361
mation of, 99, no, 524； and Yin-Yang Shaohao Sovereign, 172,189, 206, 723
school, 693. See also under specific seasons Sharp Wind, 281
self-control， 9斗，109, 296-97, 604, 620; Shatung tree, 311
Dao of, 102-6,139, 311, 714-15. See also Shen, 245-46, 73 〇
moderation Shen Buhai, 2, 3, 404, 415, 428, 737
self-culrivarion， 35, 4 6 , 斗8, 67-70, 94, i 〇 6- Shen Dao, 405, 斗31- 32
9,125, 215-18, 335, 717, 727-28; relation Shen Shushi. See Zipci, Duke of Shen
ship to filial piety, 301; in rulers, 277, 3〇 i, Shen Xi, 220-21
311， 4〇斗， 420-21， 435; self-knowledge, Shen Xiang, 443, 674
611-13 Shen Yinshi, 582
self-governing. See self-control Shen Yinwu, 122
selfishness. See greed Sheng Shu, 31, 294, 448-49
self-knowledge, 611-13 Sheng dan, 440, 7 3 7
selflessness， 509, 512, 5斗 8, 559-60. S你 o/w Shennong， 84,122, 267, 424, 4 29, 斗36,
benevolence 475 , 4 8 4 , 斗91 ，
559 , 717 , 7 2 〇
self-reliance, 302, 331-35,斗39, 443, 626 Shenyin Hua, 3 9 9
self-restraint, 9斗， ï〇 9 ,斗 98. S你《 to Shenyin Jing, 610-11
moderation; self-control Shenyin Wu, 604
Sericulture Ceremony, 97, 687-89 Sheshi， 220
Serving Maid (constellation), 115, 258, 279 Shi, 387
seven (number), 115,133, 153 Shi Cang， 6-7
Seven Stars (constellation), 95, 223, 280 Shi Lin, 376
severity, 51， 2io-il, 4 7 4 , 485, 4 9 1 - 9 6 Shi Pu, 641
sexes, separation of the, 375-76 Shi Qi, 392-93, 635
“Shamanka Tones,” 141, 719 Shi Que, 90, 713
shame， 248-49, 480 Shi Tai, 674
Shan Bao, 33斗 Shi Wei， 21斗
Shan Quan, 349 Shi Yi, 515, 517, 713
Shanfii， 439, 470-72, 553 ShiZhu ,483
Shang, 151, 338-39,385. See also Shang/Yin Shi beny 724
dynasty Shihu, farmer of, 475, 477
Shang Duo, 288 Shijiy Records of the Grand Historian, 671,
Shang Rong, 454 682, 720, 722, 726, 736, 737；〇n Lii
Shang Wen, 436-37 Buwci/Lwj/;/ chunqiu^ 2-6, 7-8, 9~i3^ I4~
Shang Yang, 44, 50-51， 256, 271， 314, 38〇 - 16, 19, 2〇 -22, 24-26, 27-28; wZhongni
81，斗90, 4 9 6 ,570-71 dizi liezhuan,” 713
8 3 8 IN D E X
Shijinßy 681, 684, 687, 688, 720, 722; Odes similarity, 42,183-84, 5〇 9 -i 〇 , 522-23; as
quoted in Lüshi chunqiuy 102-3,105,150, source of confusion, 572-75, 582
162, 203, 233, 264, 295, 297, 3 2 4 , 353, sincerity，斗 71一 72, 645, 727; in rulers， 442 ，
446, 464, 520-21， 532, 534 , 5 4 8 , 581， 602, 444-45, 461-62, 500-502, 535, 688
722, 73 », 739 Sinci, 266-67
Shiliang, 198 Si River, 280
Shining Horses (cloud), 168 Sishiy Four Seasons^ 40
Shiqiu tripod, 465 six (number), 224, 241, 258, 691
Shishc, 589 Six Conjunctions,斗 77, 500, 540
Shiton£fy '"Yigu^ 682 six family relations, 109
Shiweny 714 Six Governmental Statutes, 61
Shixufiy Instructions far the Seasons, 39 Six Kings, 251, 731
Shiziy The Master Shiy 44, 735 Six Meats, 305
Shoudc. See Zhou Xin six rivers of Earth, 281
Shouling， 315 Six States, ii, 682
Shouyang, 267 smells, 73; burning, 115,133,153; fragrant,
Shu， 387,198 156; putrid, 224, 241, 258; rank, 60, 77,
Shu Dao, 73, 363, 383-84 95,173,189, 206
Shu Qi, 266-68, 733 Smoky Wind, 281
Shu W usun, 斗 78 social organization/roles, 509, 511-13, 575,
shudanß, 310 637-38
Shudu, 735 Soil (element), 152,156. See also Five
Shuli Ji, 572 Processes
Shun, 17, 45, 122, 223, 232, 251, 298, 340, soil types, 644, 655-56, 658-61， 739-40
斗07, 427, 4 7 3 , 斗 77 , 5〇 4 , 523 , 583 , 638， solstice， summer， 135,157, 281， 624, 656, 718
65 〇, 6 8 9 , 7 i 8 ; as model ruler, 4 5 , 4 6 , 73 , solstice, winter， 38,157, 243, 281， 624, 656，
87,112,131， 302,斗 24, 425, 493, 569, 612; 722, 740
relationship with Xu Er, 308; rclarion- Song, 141, 280, 340, 719； destruction of,
ship with Yao, 47, 7斗， 3叼， 364, 441，斗61， 231, 233, 612, 728; incidents in, 162, 326,
475 , 515- 16 , 531， 575, 579 , 6 〇 9 , 6 3 0 , 731 ; 33斗，4 2 7 , 4 5 9 , 4 7 3 , 4 9 1 - 9 2 , 583, 7 2 4 ;
relationship with Yu, 74, 293, 323, 485, relations with Chu ， 51，53, 3 6 9 , 斗 32, 524-
515-16, 531-32, 552, 575, 609 ； as Son of 25, 534-35, 56o-6i, 6〇3, 725；relations
Heaven， 18,1斗 9, 324, 675 with Qi, 4 3 7 , 533—3+， 5 99 - 6 0 , 728;
Shuowen, 692 relanons with Zheng, 396
Shuoyuan, 3, 23-24, 25, 722, 736 Song Xing, 277, 278, 336, 694, 696, 697,
Shusun family, 397 725
Shuxian, 735 Son of Heaven, 6 6 ,197-98, 298, 309, 31斗，
Shuxiang， 551-52, 581 351，妗3, 372 , 387 , 4 4 9 , 451 - 52 , 斗96^97，
signs/omens: on Earth, 17,19, 36, 38, 39, 727； advice accepted by, 528, 611; and
4 0 ,16斗 -65,169-70, 272-73; in Heaven， agriculture， 61-63,155,174,191， 207, 242,
17.18.19, 36, 4 〇 , 272- 73, 283, 285, 341 ， 243, 259, 651, 684-87; as assessor of
376. See also natural phenomena Heaven and Earth, 59; autumn ceremo
silkworms, 97,117, 651-52, 687-89 nies attended by, 173,191, 207, 690-91 ；
Sima fa, 44,188, 694, 723, 725, 739 autumn clothing of, 171,173,190, 206,
Sima Qian: on Lü Buwei, 2-6, 7-8, 9-13， 690-91; autumn conveyances of, 173,189,
16, 20-22, 24-26; on Lüshi chunqiuy 14- 206; autumn diet of, 173,190, 206-7, 208;
16.19, 27-28, 731 during autumn hunt, 208; autumn orna
Sima Tang, 556 ments of, 171,173,190, 206; autumn res
Sima X i, 斗 66 idences of, 171,173,189, 206; autumn
Sima Zhen, 72斗 vessels of, 173,190, 206; as benevolent.
IN D E X 839
224, 290； as bringcr of order, 176,178-79; spirit，66, 99, i 〇6

filial piety of, 303; and harmony/balance, spleen, 60, 77, 95
17； Jic as, 93, 268-69, 493； King Li as, spring, 86,501; actions/commands
493； as knowing the Dao, 311; lack of, 17, seasonable during, 78-79, 9 4 , 96-98,158,
294; language of, 444-45; and music, 547；actdons/commands unseasonable
134；as nurturcr/prescrvcr of life, 60, 63, during ， 59, 63-6斗，79, 9 8 ,158; agriculture
64, 77-7^ order upheld by, 斗 6 ,斗05, 43K during, 42, 59 , 62-63, 7 9 ,158, 501， 690 ，
and perfection, 617; relationship with 726; ceremonies during, 59, 61-62, 78,
ministers, 112, 257; relationship with 79, 98, 651, 683-89, 726; ethers during,
scholar-knights, 257, 731; relationship 98, 315, 685; Hall of Light during, 36, 61,
with teachers, 120,125, 716; relationship 77, 95; natural phenomena during, 60,
to the people, 92,193-94 ； role of, 17-18, 61， 62, 77, 78, 95, 98,548, 714; pitch-
36, 40-41, 42, 46, 59； and selection of standards during ，（
So, 77, 95,157,158;
ministers, 49 ； Shun as, 18,149, 324, 675; preserving/nurturing life as fundamental
spring ceremonies attended by, 59, 61- task of, 59, 94,158; punishments during,
62, 78, 79, 98, 651， 683-89,726; spring 58, 78; rewards distributed during, 116,
clothing of, 61,77,95, 683, 688; spring 689-90, 715; sacrifices during, 78, 79, 96,
conveyances of, 61, 77, 95； spring diet of, 98; as season of renewal and rebirth, 42,
61, 77, 95, 683; spring ordinances of, 63; 59, 548; the sun during, 60, 77, 95； vernal
spring ornaments of, 61, 77; spring resi equinox, 38, 78; Wood process dominant
dences of, 61, 77, 95； spring vessels of, during, 59, 61,114,132,152, 205, 240 ； as
61, 77, 95; summer ceremonies attended Yang, 59, 76,171， 188, 205, 222, 685, 686
by, 116, 689-90 ； summer clothing of, 115, The Spring and A u tu m n A nnals. Sec
116,133,153,156; summer conveyances of， ChunqiUy The A nnals o f the State o f Lu
115,133,153,156; summer diet of, 115,133， stars, 169, 260, 281, 680. Sec also constella
153» 156; summer ornaments of, 115,133, tions; zodiac signs
153,156; summer residences of, 115,133, Stomach (constellation), 95, 279
153,156; summer vessels of, 115,133,153, strength, 306
156; and trust of ministers, 50; unity study. See lcarning/lcarncrs
upheld by, 405, 434, 513； winter cere stupidity, 47, 647
monies attended by, 224, 226, 258-59, Su Fei, 44
691-92; winter clothing of, 224, 225, 241, Su Qin, 427
258; winter conveyances of, 224, 241, The Subtleties o f D uo Jiaoy 15
258; winter diet of, 224, 241, 258; winter success and failure. See accomplishments
ornaments of, 224, 241, 258; winter resi Sui, 682
dences of, 224, 241, 258; winter vessels Sui Hui, 122, 718
of, 222, 224, 241, 258; Yao as, 18, 349； summer, 86, 501, 617; acrions/commands
Zhou Xin as, 93,197, 268-69, 294. See seasonable during, 116, 117-18, 134-135»
also rulers; ruling 154-55, 159；actions/commands unseason
sons. See filial piety able during, 114,116,118,132,134,135-36,
Sorcerer of Chang, 383-84 152,155,156,159； agriculture during, 42,
Sorcerer Peng, 420 114,117,132,134, 135-36,155, 159, 690 ；
Sorcerer Xian, 420 ceremonies during, 116, 689-90 ； ethers
sounds, 73 during ，155,159,188, 222; Fire process
Southern Dipper (constellation), 723 dominant during, 59, 116,171, 240, 257;
Southern Man, 523 Hall of Light during, 116,134,153, 156;
Southern Regulator (bell), 157,189 music during, 116,117; natural phenom
Southern Sea, 310 ena during, 114, 115, n«, 133, IB5, 153, 155,
soybeans, 665-66 718; pitch-standards during, 115,133, 153,
sparing of oneself, 85, 712, 714 156, 157, 159; as progenitor of nature.
84 〇 IN D E X
222; punishments during, 117,134； Tao, 斗69

rewards distributed during, 690, 715； Tao Hu, 614-15
sacrifices during, 115,133,153； summer Taotky 376-77
solstice, 135,157, 282, 624, 656, 718; the tastes，69, 73,143; acrid，115,133,153; bitter，
sun during, 115,133,153； as Yang, 135,188, 173,189, 206; harmony of, 309；salty,
205, 222, 257; Yin during, 135,159, 718 22斗，241，258; sour，60, 77, 95; sweety 156
Sun Bin, 433, 723 taxes, 53—5斗，185, 207-8, 260, 443, 624
Sun Cizhou^ 714 tcaching/tcachers, 47- 48, 114-15, n8_3i，
Sun Linfu, 641 120,129-30；respect for teachers, 42,
Sun Ming, 626 118-25, 716, 717. See also lcarning/lcamcrs
Sun Wu, 723 Techniques of Longevity school，695, 697，
Sun Xingyan, 44 698
Sun Yirang， 713, 737, 738 "The Thirty Periods^ 斗I
sun, the, 153,168, 259, 279, 282, 369, 614, Thousand Bell set, 141
732; during autumn, 172,189, 206; Three Armies， 178,193,斗37,斗65, 487, 73斗
during spring, 60, 77, 95； during Three August Ones， 54, 71，i3〇, i8i，3〇2.
summer, 115,133,153; during winter, 223, See also Shennong
241, 258 Three Dukcs， 61， 79, 98,116,173, 224, 531，
Sunpu, 579 574
Sunshu Ao, 86-87, 88,122, 223, 234, 518, Three Dynasties，108,122, 289, 293, 364，
582, 610-11, 712, 718 436, 491, 526, 539. See also Shang/Yin
Suolu Can, 123 dynasty; Xia dynasty; Zhou dynasty
Suoyiny 682 Three Kings，167, 295, 3斗9, 480, 498，
Supreme Sovereign， 6 2 ,148,149,154,162, 524, 647-48; as model rulers, 104, 285,
170,191, 210, 260, 297, 532, 688, 691 293, 298,斗 22, 49 斗• S你 o/w? King Wen of
Susha, 斗 91 Zhou; King Wu of Zhou; Tang; Yu
suspicion, 576-77, 581 Three Rivers, 150
sympathetic connections, 205, 218-221, 727 Thunder Marsh, 323
Han Bu, 735
Tai Bo, 682 Tian Buyin, 89
Taidou, 291 Tian Dan, 534
Taihang Mountains, 235 Tian Jiu, 313
Taihao Sovereign, 60, 77, 95 Tian Kaizhi, 736
Tail (constellation), 60, 223, 279, 723 Tian Pian, 131， 433, 435-36, 645, 737
Taimou, 722 Tian Qi, 713
Tan, 737 Tian Qu, 441
Tang, 163-64, 251, 283, 298, 340, 407, 430, Tian Wen. See Lord of Mengchang
4 7 3 , 504, 650, 679, 689, 721, 723, 7 2 9 , Tian Xi, 90
731; as model ruler, 17,112, 210, 268, 302, Tian Yi, 376, 736
3 6 4 , 367 , 391 ，
4 7 3 , 4 7 7 , 482, 斗9 0 ,斗91， Tian You, 44
493, 612, 620, 635, 7i8, 726; relationship Tian Zan, 336, 358-59, 724
with Jic, 150,180,197, 237, 313, 319, 323- Tian Zifang, 31, 90, 294, 447, 5〇7, 552
338-39, 373» 476; relationship with Yi Tianwen qixiang 2Mzhan} 152
Yin, 87, 102, 122,150, 301， 307, 309-11, ticou (wstackw), 728
338- 39 , 427, 470, 4 7 6 , 609 rime, 253-56, 313-15
Tang Guguo, 398 Tireless (bell), 157, 206
Tang Mic, 638-39 Tongti, 440
Tang Shang，646-47 Torrent Wind, 281
Tang Shuyu, 444 Tou Gorge, 311
Tang Yang, 89, 427, 459 Toufa He, 543
tangerines, 311 trade and commerce, 4,13, 52, 654
tranquillity，243, 273, 4 〇4-5 ,斗13, 422 vital ethers, 59, 99-100,189, 200-201, 219,
Triad (constellation), 6〇 , 279 509, 527; and health, 69, 94, i 〇〇, i 〇i,
trustworthiness, 306, 316, 331, 377, 565, 57〇
- i〇 2, 714
72, 679; in rulers，491， 4 9 4 , 5〇
〇~5〇4,
688 Wan Rao. See Xian Xi
Tu Shu, 375-76 Wan Su. Xian Xi
Tuiyi, 197 Wang Chuo, 5斗2
tunes of Zheng and Wey，<37,163,斗 60, 719 Wang Cuo, 255-56, 437
Tuntan (constellation), 272 Wang Hai, 420
Turtle (constellation), 189, 279 Wang Liang， 407
Wang Liao, 433, 737
Unde Fan, 317, 362-63 Wang M u , 斗33, 737
unity, political, I, 405, 斗« - 3 4 , 509, 513 Wang Niansun, 739
Upright Gong, 251-52, 731 Wang Sheng, 89
Wang Yi, 10, 738
vermilion (color), 283 Wang Yinglin, 44
Vermilion Heaven, 279 Wang Yinzhi, 737
Vermilion Tree, 310 warfare, 204, 638-39; abolishment of
Vertical Alliance, 270, 456 weapons，51-52,175-78, 442, 465-66，
vinegar, 310 723-24; against the disorderly, 285-86;
violence, 89,185, 316, 513. See also punish against the immoral, 172,180-84； against
ments; warfare those lacking the Dao, 172,180-84;
Viscount Cheng o f Hou, 541-42 armies during ，185-87,188-89,193-97，
Viscount Cheng of Tian, 255, 625 199-201; during autumn ，43, 222, 690;
Viscount Gao, 581 avoidance of，53,104, 155, 358- 59 , 485，
Viscount He of Qi, 212 494, 556, 602, 652, 654, 686, 725; courage
Viscount He of Tian, 587 in ，188,199-201; and Mo Di, 51， 3斗 2，
Viscount Huan of Wei, 318 56o-6i, 725； Mohist school on, 172,188,
Viscount Jian of Zhao, 30, 203- 4, 286, 322, 2 7 8 , 336, 373 , 4 3 9 , 466, 723, 725 ； offen
525-26, 53〇 , 539 , 554 - 55, 589 ~9 〇, 626 sive vs. defensive, 172,179,180-84, 439,
Viscount Jing of Han, 735 斗66, 725; in pursuit o f profit, 285-86，
Viscount Lie of Zhao, 735 289-90, 523; righteousness in ，51- 52,171-
Viscount of Chu, 346, 588 7 2 , 175— 7 8 , 179 - 8 4 , 185-87, 188 , 189 , 1 9 4 ，
Viscount of Da，346-斗 7, 588 1 9 6 , 197 - 9 9 , 285 - 8 6 , 3 2 0 - 21 , 斗7 4 , 斗9 9 ,
Viscount of Ji，331，34〇, 374, 385,斗 5斗 5〇 9, 523-24; victory in, 200-201, 206,
Viscount Ping of Lu, 396-97» 729 560-61; during winter, 222; wisdom in,
Viscount Qi of Wei, 252, 267 189,199. See also weapons
Viscount Wan of Tian, 625 Warring States period, 53~54, 205, 734
Viscount Wen of Qi, 712 Water (element), 18,171, 682; as dominant
Viscount Xian, 713 in winter, 171, 222, 224, 2斗0, 691; Water
Viscount Xiang of Zhao, 28,195, 271-72, ethers, 283; Water process, 114,152, 205.
318, 322-23, 341-42, 426, 513, 582, 7 3 4 See also Five Processes
Viscount Xiao, 212 water, 59, 95 , 100, P 。， 411 ， 50“ 65斗
Viscount Xuan of Fan, 551-52 aWay of the Later Kings" 55
Viscount Zhang, 638-39 “Way of Yao and Shun,” 55
Viscount Zhao, 713 “Way of Yu,” 55
Viscount Zhuang of Qi, 212, 727 wealth, 65, 66-67, 82, 109,127, 263-64,
vision, 115 269, 296, 297, 4 7 7 , 510, 632, 6 4 4
vital essence, 66, 85, 99, i 〇i, 240, 244, 273 , weapons, 171, 172, 188, 196-97, 7^6;
472, 680, 727—28; and the Dao, 106,139; abolishment of, 51-52, 175-78, 442, 465-
and health，9 4 , 100, 102, 71斗 6 6 , 724. See also warfare
842 IN D E X
W ei, 斗，13, 26, 27,131,524, 737, 7衫； dcstruc- unseasonable in ， 158, 222, 226, 240, 242,
don of, 231, 510; incidents in, 439, 462- 244, 257, 260-61; agriculture during, 158,
63,571, 716; relations with Chu, 351, 638- 242, 243, 259, 260; ceremonies during,
39; relations with Han, 440-41,558, 224, 226, 258-59, 691-92; ethers during,
638-39； relations with Qi, 351, 638-39, 152, 240 ； Hall of Light during, 222, 224,
735, 738; relations with Qin, 11， 22-23， 241, 258; natural phenomena during, 222,
255, 4 5 6 , 4 5 7 , 467-69, 542, 5 4 7 , 556, 570- 223, 224, 240, 241, 243, 257, 258; pitch-
71, 728; relations with Wcy, 469; rela standards during, 157,158, 224, 241, 258;
tions with Zhao, 286, 318, 457, 647； rela as progenitor of nature, 222; punish
tions with Zhongshan, 391. See also Jin; ments during, 225, 243； sacrifices during,
King Hui of Wei; Marquis Wen of Wei; 224, 226, 241, 258-59； as season of cold,
Marquis Wu of Wei 132; as season of storing/hiding, 42, 43,
Wei Chou, 733 114, 222, 225, 244, 691； the sun during,
Wei Jing， 469 223, 241, 258; warfare during, 222; Water
Wei Liao, 44 process dominant during, 171, 222, 224,
Wei Liao, The Works of Wei Liao, 44 240, 691; winter solstice, 38,157, 243,
WciYi, 89 282, 624, 656, 722, 740； Yang during,
Weiltaoziy 44 160, 240, 243, 692; as Yin, 59, 76,152,
Wei River， 281， 312, 365, 454 159,160,171, 205, 222, 240, 692
Wen, 183 wisdom, 12斗一 25,189,199-200, 253, 288，
Wen Wuwei， 534-35 31斗，372, 381- 82, ^ 8- 89, 394- 95, 斗i 〇，
Wen Zhi, 246-47 斗34. S你必0 knowledge
Wen Zhiyi， 88,122 women, 154,156, 260; in ceremonies, 78,
Wcnbo Xuczi, 449 687； as scductrcsscs, 59, 67; and silk
Wen River, 503 worms, 97,117, 651-52, 687-89
Wenzi) 72斗 Wood (element), 188, 205, 723; as
Western Sea, 310 dominant in spring, 59, 61， 114,132,152，
wet vs. dry， 86, 9 9 205, 240; Wood ethers, 283; Wood
Wcy, 280, 315, 676, 738; incidents in, 326, process, 59, 61， ii 斗，132,152, 205, 240. S你
403, 486, 4 9 5 , 526, 541-42, 572 , 584, 5 97 , also Five Processes
738； Lesser Wey, 3, 217, 249, 73〇 , 73i； Wo people, 310
relations with Di barbarians, 198, 249- worthy, the ， 357一 58, 378-80, 436-37, 470,
50, 731; relations with Jin, 198, 499, 641； 533—34, 577, 6斗〇; concentration on tasks
relations with Qi, 450-51； relations with by, 616-19； and the Dao, 293; and moral
Wei, 469 ； relations with Zhao, 525-26, principles, 522, 526; as rulers, 179, 261,
554-55, 589-90；relations with Zheng, 290, 294, 3〇 7 - 8 , 312, 337 , 347 - 4 9 , 378 -
486-87 7 9 , 39 〇, 393 - 9 4 , 4 0 1 , 461, 471-72, 525,
W cyji, 543 526, 530, 587, 593, 605, 621-22, 642；
Whirlwind, 281 selection of, 93,172,186,197, 292-93,
white (color), 171, 283 302, 307-8, 325, 336 , 352, 372 , 373- 7 4 , 3 7 6 ,
White Mountain, 311 382, 4 3 0 , 4 7 3 , 4 7 4 , 5〇 4 - 5, 5 0 6 - 8 , 5 4 7 ，
White People, 282 552-56, 578-81, 582, 590, 609, 610-11, 622,
will, 527 634, 674. See also moral principles;
Willow (constellation), 153, 206, 280 righteousness
winds, 114,152,157,171,192, 281, 501, 583, Wu，3斗2, 49斗，578, 588; incidents in, 235,
721 248-49, 312-13, 518; relations with Chu,
Wings (constellation), 115,172, 280 198, 282, 313, 395, 482,569； relations with
Winnowing Basket (constellation), 279, 723 Qi, 198, 437, 594-95； relations with Yuc,
winter, 85, 501, 617； acrions/commands 21卜12, 320-21, 437, 594-95. «S吖 King
seasonable in, 160, 224-26, 242-44, 258- Fuchai of Wu; King Hclü of Wu
59, 260, 732; acrions/commands Wu Bai, 44
IN D E X 843
Wu Guang， 476, 477 Xianyang, 14, 24, 25

Wu Huo, 131, 649 Xiao Weizi， 395
Wu Qi， 90, 316, 436-37, 4 «7 , 4 «9 , 541，
563, X ia xiaozJjeng, Lesser Annuary According to
6斗2, 723; relationship with Marquis Wu the X ia Calmdary 37-39, 689
of Wei， 255, 510,542, 678-79 “Xia zhen，” 44
Wu She, 567-68 aXi Han boshu^ 153
W uY un.S^W uZixu Ximen Bao, 392
Wu Zixu， 235, 312-13, 331，斗54,578, 588, 718, Xin Kuan, 516-17
729； relationship with King Fuchai of Xin Yumi， 161， 722 ,
Wu, 320-21, 593-95, 605; relationship xin (day), 172,189, 206
with King H d ü of Wu， 88,122 Xing, 198
Wu Zixuy The Wu Zixu, 44 xiang (village), 726
wu (day), 156 对妨办（“punishment and blessing^)， 40
Wuding， 722 xingxing ape, 310
Wuhuo, 68-69 Xinlun, 722
Wulai， 88, 331，斗27 Xinzhi Muzi, 341
Wuma Qi, 471， 553 Xiong Yi, 586-87
Wuqiu Yu, 564 Xiqi， 602
ttWimngÄ (book 41 of Guanzt)^ 33, 40-41 Xizhu, 122
W uxingpian, 30 Xu， 235
W u Tue chunqiu, 682 Xu Bi， 543
Wuzhi Luo, 12 Xu Er, 308
Xu Fan, 90, 714
Xi, 321 Xu Jing, 570, 572
Xi Chou, 536 Xu Ruo, 487-88
Xi He, 420 Xu Tong, 536
Xi Peng, 72, 421 Xu Wan, 469
X iQ i ,5 3 6 Xu Wugni, 723
Xi Shi, 387 Xu Xing, 714
Xi Shuhu, 607 Xu You， 87, 326, 461， 580, 631， 718
Xi Yuan, 567-68 Xu’ao, 739
Xi Zhi, 536 Xuanming, 223, 241, 258
XiZhong ， 4i3 Xuc, 214-15, 270-71, 727; relations with
Xi Zihu, 608 Chu, 355; relations with Qi, 355
Xia Nie of Chen, 395 Xuji, 426
Xia Zhengshu, 183 Xuman, 579
Xia dynasty, 104, 160, 3斗 o; fall of, 88,141， Xun Kuang, 3 ,12,14,16,18, 27, 52, 55, 717;
150,183,195,197 , 210, 338- 39 , 3 6 4 , 373 , on music, 132, 719, 720. Sec also X unzi
391 , 4 4 3 , 斗9〇 , 4 9 2 , 5 9 6 , 609, 635, 719, xun (week), 37
729, 732； founding of, 17. See also Jic; Xun Xi, 344-45, 602
Tang X unzi, 2, 4 3 , 4 7 , 257, 604, 671, 717 , 7 2 4 ；
Xiahou Qi, 521-22, 738 ttJic bi,w278; aZhongni,w336. See also Xun
Xian Gao, 387 Kuang
Xian Shang, 422 Xu Province, 280
Xian Xi， 253-54, 732 Xuyu, 122
Xian Zhen, 387-88 Xuzhou, 31斗
Xian Zishi, 123
aXianchiwmusic, 148 Yan, 4, 280, 320, 735; destruction of, 231;
Xiang Ci, 571 relations with Qi, 347, 437, 465-66, 533-
Xiang Zhi, 374, 638 34, 719, 728; relations with Qin, 11, 12,
Xianhei, 148-49 728
84 斗 IN D E X
Yan Chu, 676 Yao, 17, 4 5,122,131，149, 223, 232, 251，340,

Yan He, 81-82, 495 407, 5〇斗， 523, 552, 580-81，680, 689, 718,
Yan Hui， 326, 418 724> 738; as model ruler, 46,112, 285,
Yan Pingzhong, 713 293, 424, 425, 553, 5 6 9 , 612, 633, 638;
Yan Shigu， 45, 728 relationship with Bo Yang, 308;
Yan Shuzi， 681 relationship with Shun， 47, 74, 323, 36斗，
Yan Ying. See Master Yan 441， 461， 4 75 , 515- 16 , 531，575, 579 , 6 0 9 ，
Yan Yuan， 121， 681 63〇 , 7Bi；as Son of Heaven, 18, 349
Yan Zhang, 89 Yao Li, 248-49, 731
Yan Zhuoju, 123 Yao Pass, 280; battle of, 317, 606
Yan Sovereign, 115,133,153,176 Yaoyao,斗73
Yang: during autumn, 191-92, 690, 691；in Yc, 392, 608
balance with Yin, 69, 76, 86; as natural yellow (color), 283
principle， 18, 30, 40, 99,110, 282, 348， Yellow Bell (bell)， 144-45,147,156,157,158,
369, 410, 4 3 4 , 520, 528, 637, 692, 693； 241, 719, 720, 721
origin in Oneness, 136-37, 277; spring as, Yellow River, 4 ,150, 280, 281, 323, 333, 539,
59, 7 6 ,171,188, 205, 685, 686; summer as， 561，584, 682
135,188, 205, 222, 257; at summer/winter Yellow Sovereign， 40, 43, 44, 45, 84, 96,
solstice, 135, 243；during winter, 160, in, 122,156,176, 283, 284-85, 308, 329，
240, 243, 692; Yang ethers， 36-37, 38-39, 332, 340, 475, 569, 677, 688, 689, 714，
76, 79,114,132,1斗6 , 158,159,175,188， 723, 724, 735, 738；〇n agriculture, 667；as
191 , 2 〇
5, 222 , 2 斗〇, 2 4 7 , 685 , 686, 6 9 0 - 91 ， founder of Chinese civilization, 17, 718;
72〇; Yang pitch-standards, 721; Yin in as model ruler, 484 ；on moderation, 73;
disharmony with, 69,167-68; Yin in and music，I斗7-48; relationship with
harmony with, 71,135,136-37,138, 3〇 9, Zhuanxu Sovereign, 19, 55, 272
3斗8, 686, 720. S你 ä/w Yin; Yin-Yang Yi，斗7〇
school Yi Di, 420, 731
Yang Dcchong, 730 Yi Shi, 376
Yang Huo, 729 Yi Ya，363, 383-84,斗5〇
Yang Kuan, 12 Yi Yi, 420
Yang Shuda， 27-28 Yi Yin, 579, 718; relationship with Tang, 87,
Yang Xiong, 671, 672 102,122,150, 3〇 i, 307, 3〇9 -ii, 338- 3 9 ,
Yang Yan, 149 427, 470, 476, 609
Yang Youji， 219-20, 619 Yi Yin school， 54, 301， 695, 696, 697
Yang Zhen, 396 Yi barbarians, 91, 238, 316, 424, 497-98,
Yang Zhu，斗33, 693, 717, 738, 739 607, 729; Eastern Yi barbarians, 151, 312,
Yang Zi ， 4 5 2 39 斗
Yang Gate, 384, 677 y i (day), 60, 77, 95
Yangchcng Xuqu, 203-4 Yi (fief of Tang). See Shang
Yanggu, 343-44 y i (town), 726
Yang Heaven, 280 T ijinß, 341, 526; aGreat Ultimate" in, 718;
Yanghua, 280, 310 hexagrams in, 33, 38,171, 296,577, 681
Yang Province, 280 Yin: during autumn, 690, 691; in balance
Yangpu, 310 with Yang, 69, 76, 86; the moon as, 219;
Yangshc Hu, 551 as natural principle， 18, 30, 40, 9 9 ,110，
Yangzi River， 281， 311，385, 454, 518- 19, 561 282, 3斗8, 369, 410, 4 3 斗，519, 637, 693;
Yanling, battle of, 343 origin in Oneness, 136-37, 277; during
Yan Province, 280 summer, 135,159, 718; at summer/winter
Yanshi, pass at, 615 solstice, 135, 243; winter as, 59, 76,152,
Yan Sovereign, 115,133, 153,176 159,160,171, 205, 222, 240, 692; Yang in
IN D E X 8 斗5
disharmony with, 69,167-68; Yang in Yu Rang, 195, 257, 268, 269, 271-72, 513, 734
harmony with, 71,136-37,138, 309, 348, Yu Xu^ 斗20
686, 720; Yin ethers, 36-37, 38-39, 76, Yu Yuc, 720, 738
i i 斗，132,152,159,171，175, 205, 2斗0, 247, Yu (brother o f King Shou o f Yuc), 218
686, 690-91, 72〇; Yin pitch-standards, Yu (state), 344-45, 578, 638
721. See also Yang; Yin-Yang school Yuan, 499-500
Yin Duo, 530, 626 Yuan Chun, 636
Yin Ru, 619 Yuanchu, 712
Yin Wen, 277, 278, 336, 37A 401-3, 694, Yuan Jingmu, 265, 733
696, 697 Yue, 81，223, 234, 280, 326, 342, 364, 711;
Yin Yi, 713-14 incidents in, 480; relations with Qi, 625;
Yin dynasty. See Shang/Yin dynasty relations with Wu, 211-12, 320-21 ，斗37，
Ying，198, 265, 312, 316, 395, 560, 610-11， 594-95. See also King Goujian o f Yuc
725 Yue Chi, 726
Yingqiu, 516, 735 Yue Shifii, 379-80
Ying River，326, 476, 580 YucXi, 724
“Yingshao” music，148 Yue Yang, 391
Yinkang d a n , 夏47, 720 Yue Yi, 719, 728
Yinqucshan, 41, 4 4 Yuc barbarians, 316
Yin-Yang school，1 8 ,188,199, 693, 695, 696, Tuejiy 718
697, 698 Tuejinßy 718
Yiquc, 307, 364 Tuelinß (bcx>k 6 o f Liji)^ 41
Yi River, 307, 364 Yucluo, 310
Yiyang, 469 Yuezheng Zichun, 305
Yiyi, 198 Yufan jade, 233, 729
Yizhong o f Rong, 88, 713 p (musical note) ，112-13, 222, 224, 241， 258
I t Zhoushu, 39, 41 ；aDaju,w 44; aWcn Yunmen, 311
zhuanf 4 4 Yunmeng, 280, 310
Yong, 25 Yunmeng Marsh, 245, 591-92
Yong Ji, 317 Yu Province, 280
You Yu, 4 4 Yuqiang， 579
Yong Province, 280 Tushi chunqtUy 15
Yong River, 369 Tu zhijiny 4 4
Tou沒uan (book 8 o f Guanzi),斗I
Touguan tu (book 9 o f Guanzi)^ 41 Zaijic, 310
Youhu, 104 Zai Yu, 326, 432-33
Youli, 311, 73斗 “Mixed School,” 斗3- 斗6
You Province, 280 Zan Jun, 543
Youyu, 606 Zaofu, 291, 492, 495, 633
You Tu, The Works of You Tuy 4 4 Zeng Can. See Master Zeng
Youzai Guchcn, 541 Zeng Dian， 121
Yu，17, 4 3 ,122,161，223, 232, 251，283, 298, Zengzi, 90, 731. See also Master Zeng
367, 407, 490, 504, 519, 524, 650, 679, Zhai, 88
689, 718, 724, 731; as minister o f works, Zhan, 426
674, 738; as model ruler, 87, 112, 149-50, Zhan He, 435, 447, 559, 714
292, 302, 364, 389 , 425 , 427 , 561，
579-8 0 ; Zhang Kui, 533- 3斗
relationship with Shun, 74, 293, 323, 485, Zhang Liushuo, 89
515-16,531-32, 552, 575, 609 Zhang Mengtan, 318
Yu Qic, 680 Zhang Wu, 8 9 ,582
Yu Qing, 15,15-16 Zhang Xucchcng, 27, 28
846 IN D E X
Zhang Yi (of Lu)， 334 Zhong Li, $83

Zhang Yi (of Qin), 354 Zhong Linghuai, 729
Zhangfu, 88, 713 Zhong Ziqi，220, 308
Zhangtwce^ 671, 727, 731; on Lü Buwei, 3, 5, Zhongfu. See Guan Zhong
6-7, 8-9, il, 22-23 Zhonghang Yan, 536
Zhang River, 4, 392 Zhonghang Yin，89, 626
zhanwei sturgeon, 310 Zhongmou, 618
Zhao, 13,15- 16,20, 26, 2 7 ,195, 231，280, 571， Zhongmu, 426
572, 737；relations with Dai, 322-23; rela aZhongni dizi iiezhuanf 713
tions with D i barbarians, 203-4, 341-42 ； Zhongren, 341
relations with Han, 318, 734, 735；rela Zhongrong， 310
tions with Qi, 261-62, 318, 361-62, 442; Zhongshan ，198, 726; destruction of ，231，
relations with Qin ，3- 斗，8 - 9 , 10,11 ，265， 375-76, 612, 728, 736; incidents in, 345»
442, 457, 725, 728, 734 ；relations with 斗66, 斗94; relations with Wei，391; rela
Wei, 286, 318, 457, 647 ；relations with tions with Zhao, 376, 466-67, 564, 728
Wcy, 525-26, 554-55, 589-90 ；relations Zhongsun family, 397
with Zhi, 318; relations with Zhongshan, zhong vessel, 719
377, 466-67, 564, 728. See also Jin; Vis Zhongyan, 252
count Jian o f Zhao; Viscount Xiang o f Zhou, 2 8 0 , 斗38, 469, 735; incidents in ，
Zhao 220-21, 386-87, 443 ；relations with Chu,
Zhao Dun, 597 53, 161, 722; relations with Han9 195；rela
Zhao Gua, 612 tions with Lu, 727; relations with Qin, 11,
Zhao Juc, 530 354, 372, 386-87. See also Duke o f Zhou;
Zhao Pian, 376 Grand Duke Wang of Lii; King Li of
Zhao Shuai, 608, 733 Zhou; King Wen of Zhou; King Wu of
Zhao Xi， 399 Zhou; Zhou dynasty
Zhao Xuanmeng, 352-53 Zhou Po, 466-67
Zhao Yang of Chu, 215 Zhou Xin ，84, 88,129,141 ，200, 252, 331，
Zhaoyao (star), 680 斗27, 4 4 9 , 斗53, 498, 505, 719; as paragon
Zhaoyao, 310 of evil, 180,183, 334, 532, 620; punish
Zheng, 4, 363, 389, 738; incidents in, 235, ments exaaed by, 51, 92, 210-11, 496;
254, 350, 453, 454- 55, 649, 732, 737, 73»； relationship with King Wen of Zhou,
relations with Chu, 525; relations with 2 io - ii ，510, 532; relationship with King
Han, 265, 440-41; relations with Jin, Wu of Zhou, 197, 2 io -ii, 237, 312, 313,
198, 486-87, 581; relations with Qin, 386- 319, 324, 340, 365, 374, 596, 721, 735；as
88; relations with Song, 396; relations Son o f Heaven, 93,197, 268-69, 294
with Wey, 486-87 Zhou Zui, 638
Zheng Ping，570,571 zhou (district), 726
Zheng Xiu, 482 Zhou dynasty，10斗，363, 376-77, 378, 386-
Zheng Xuan，76, 687, 688, 691，720, 732 87, 4 〇3, 斗27, 451- 52, 587, 6〇5, 638, 684,
Zheng and Wcy, music of, 67,163, 460, 686- 87, 713, 719, 721, 723; fall of, il, I斗一
719 15,17, 88, 2〇o, 292, 294, 443 ；founding
Zhengjia, 161 of, 17, 200, 266-68, 733-34；Hall of
Zhengsuo, pass at, 615 Light of, 340, 485, 525. See also Duke of
Zhen Kui, 580 Zhou; King Cheng of Zhou; King Wen
Zhi, 318, 493 of Zhou; King Wu of Zhou; Zhou
Zhi Guo, 89 Zhou li, 76, 683, 687, 688, 689, 726
Zhi Jiao, 580 Zhou tripods, 4 33, 斗5 6 , 斗96, 528
zW (musical note), 112-13,115,133,153 Zhu, 287, 340
Zhong Gu, 373 Zhu Guo, 589-90
Zhong Hui, 87, 537 Zhu Lishu, 514
IN D E X 847
Zhuan Zhu, 196 Zilu, 216, 326

Zhuang Qiao, 223, 265, 73斗 Zinü Li，5斗3
Zhuangzi, 288, 331-32 Zipci, Duke o f Shcn, 245-46, 73〇
Zhuangzi, 720; aDa shcng,55 278, 736, 737； Zisang. See Gongsun Zhi
“Keyi，” 715; “Qiushui，” 712; “Rang wang，” Zi Spring, 294
473;“Renjian shi，” 738-39;“Ying diwang，” Ziw anzi, The M aster Wany 44
737; “Yufii，” 729 ，
Zixia 90,123, 507, 552, 584, 731
Zhuanxu Sovereign^ 122, 148, 241，258, 718, Zizhang ，123, 712
721, 724; relationship with Yellow Zizhi, 47, 728
Sovereign，19, 55, 272 zodiac signs, n o , 277, 279-80, 337, 367,
Zhufang, 569 61斗，732. oito constellarions
Zhuling Shu, 568 Zou, 522-23
Zhuo Chi, 401 Zou Yan, 18, 277, 716
Zhu river, 311 Zuan Cha, 612
Zhurong ，115, 133, 153, 420 Zuo Qiuming, 15,16
Zhuxiang dan, 146, 720 Zuo Wu, 4 4
Zhuyu Yang，斗32-33 Zuoren, 3斗I
Zi Zhou Zhifu, 80,122 Zuoshi chunquiy The Zuo Interpretation of the
Zichang, 567-68 Annals o f Luy 15. See also Zuoshuan.
Zigao, 547, 551 Zuozhuany 132, 712, 713, 718, 719, 721, 722,
Zigong，90,105,125, 326, 335, 39斗，449 ， 723, 724, 727, 728, 729, 731, 733, 736, 737,
526, 577, 681，715, 735 739

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Tke Annals of Lii Buwei

J o k n K noL lock a n d Jeffrey Riegel

© 2000 by the Board o f Trustees o f the

Printed in the United States o f America

Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Lii shih ch5un ch5iu. Chinese and English.

Designed by Sandy Drooker and Typeset by Birdtrack Press

Original Printing 2000

Last figure below indicates year o f this printing:

The Lüshi chunqiu is a work o f unique im portance in Chinese thought. The

In order to minimize the annotations, we provide a complete Chinese

J.K. & J.R.

. . . the sun shone

Conventions and Abbreviations

Lun ren 論人 “Assessing Others” 106

9/3 Zhi shi 知士 “Understanding Scholar-Knights” 213

Xu shi 胥時 “Awaiting the Right Time” 311

18/3 Jing yu 精諭 “On Subtle Communication” 448

Yi si 疑似 “Confiising Similar Things” 572

A. The Gao You Preface to the Lüshi chunqiu 671

BTSC Beitang shuchao

In addition, the following editorial conventions are observed in the notes

(X) Enclosed graph (usually excrescent) should be deleted from the

Lii Buwei and Yiren, Prince Chu o f Qin

On returning home, he said to his father, aWhat is the profit on invest­

Merchant-princes were ridiculed as unscrupulous, though cunning, igno­

He then went to call on Prince [Yiren] and offered him a persuasion:

aPrincc Xi is in line to succeed to the throne. Moreover, his mother resides

According to the Shiji^ the conversation proceeded w ith Lii arguing:

wYour lordship is guilty of an offense for which the penalty is death. Is

The Shiji biography offers another avenue o f approach, through an elder

Subsequently， Lü Buwei sought an audience with Lady Huayang’s elder

In consequence, through her elder sister, Lii caused Lady Huayang to be

Lii Buwei and the Marriage o f Prince Chu

The Triumph o f Lü Buwei

The Com position o f the Liishi chunqiu

The third century witnessed a great florescence o f patronage o f learning

In Wei there was the Lord o f Xinling, in C hu the Lord o f Chunshen, in

All of them treated scholars with deference and delighted in entertaining

Sima Qian û s to the development o f a standard interpretation

A nd he concludes w ith a discussion o f three m ore recent works that con-

In the aBiography o f Yu Qing,55 Sima Qian repeats that in composing

Explorations，” and “Statecraft and Diplomacy•” These books contained such

Lü’s w ork is the last com pendium cited, for

When we come to the followers of such writers as Xun Kuang，Mencius，

W hat w as lacking, w hat m ust be m issin g, and w hat L ii B uw ei grasped

The Lao Ai Affair, Disgrace, and Suicide

This part o f the narrative reveals itself to be a deliberate and n o t very

Perhaps at the instigation o f the queen dowager, in the aftermath o f the

Lao Ai was enfeoffed as the Marquis of Changxin, was given Shanyang,

T he drama o f the Shiji biography requires collaboration betw een Lao

A s L ao A i becam e dom inant in the governm ent he behaved ever m ore

bellowed: WI am the stepfather of the emperor. How dare some wretch

Lao A i, fearing execu tion , p lotted a revolt that w as discovered.

State M inister L ii B uw ei had been im plicated in the m atter, possibly

since the tide o f the first chapter o f Book 13 is ‘T o u shi” 有 始 “O n Having

Character C ou n t o f Individual B ooks

books o f aE xam inations .55 B ut the lack o f on e chapter is insufficient to ac­

What gives Heaven and Earth shape no explanation

Scribe Mo and Viscount Jian of Zhao explanation in “Zhao lei” 20/4.5

Man of Qi desiring gold explanation in “Qu you” 16/7.3B

“Jin d in g "5 13/5.4

Lord of Zheng and Bei Zhan explanation in ^Wu daw26/2.4

On returning home, he said to his father, aWhat is the profit on invest

Merchant-princes were ridiculed as unscrupulous, though cunning, igno

since the tide o f the first chapter o f Book 13 is ‘T o u shi” 有始 “O n Having

books o f aE xam inations .55 B ut the lack o f on e chapter is insufficient to ac

The twelve books o f the ccAlmanacswprovide the overall intellectual struc

孔甲盤盂，级 ;w / 力成，2ô books， now

from the Tî# 禹之禁 (in Tï 娜 j/w “Daju” 大聚） and as from the

T h e p h ilo s o p h y o f a w o r k as lo n g as th e Lüshi chunqiu c a n n o t b e s u m

17. Li£ihtenin£f of taxes and duties. T h e c o n s ta n t w a rfa re o f th e la te W a r

18• Emphasis on filial piety and loyalty • L ii places a n a lm o s t R u im p o r

I n th e p a st, w h e n th e a n c ie n t sag e-k in g s g o v e rn e d th e w o rld , th e y in v a ri

( 荆 T A > 楚人有遺弓者，而不肯索，曰：「（荆丁人> 楚人遺之，（荆 TA>

子華子曰：「全生爲上，虧生次之，死次之，迫生爲下。 j