University of the West Indies, St. Augustine.

Name: Shantel Cooper

ID#: 812002828

Course Code: CRMJ 6012

Course Title: Crime, Media and Society

Faculty: Social Sciences

Lecturer: Dr. Allan Patenaude

Title of Assignment: The Role of the Media in Moral Panic and Fear of Crime in

Trinidad and Tobago.

 Introduction

The era of technological advancements ushered in an ease of access to

information and has further transformed traditional forms of news media. Wing and

Perkins (2012) contends that such technological advancements have reduced barriers to

the exchange of information and further increase the number of media sources available

to the public. The relationship between the media and public perceptions of crime is an

extensively researched area in criminological literature. It is important to examine the

extent to which media portrayal of crime and public perceptions of crime align. This is

significant because the public’s perception of crime, not only informs criminal justice

policy but also has implications for adaptive self-regulating behaviour and ultimately

public safety (Pecar, 1988). A significant body of research illustrates that the way in

which the media reports crime news can have detrimental effects on public concern for

crime (Gerbner and Gross 1976; Weitzer and Kubrin 2004; Callanan 2016).

Schulze (1992) argued that crime news does not exist solely for disseminating

information but also as a platform for excitement and entertainment. The media mantra;

“if it bleeds, it leads” is exemplified every day in crime news reporting. Stories that are

emotion provoking receive the most media attention. In some cases, the way in which

news is presented may drive moral panic on a topic, which in and of itself or prior to

media attention, was not emotion provoking. Furthermore, the portrayal of crime news

may exaggerate the nature and extent of crime, which has implications for public

perception of crime. This was exemplified in a study conducted by Roberts and Stalans

(1998) who noted that despite falling crime rates in the United States, public perception

reflected a contradictory belief; that crime was increasing. The researchers concluded
that this incongruity was a result of media misrepresentation of crime. These discoveries

have been substantiated by researchers who documented similar findings. For example,

Morris (1997, 108) demonstrated that although between 1991 and 1995, serious crime in

the US slightly declined, an analysis of evening broadcasts revealed that there was an

increase in televised accounts of violent crime.

In Trinidad and Tobago, where moral panic and public concern about crime is

omnipresent among the populous (Deosaran 2002), the question is how often do media

coverage of crime news and trends align with official crime statistics and how accurate

are the representations of crime in the news? Furthermore, to what extent is public

perception regarding the nature and amount of crime in Trinidad and Tobago influenced

or driven by the media? The writer intends to answer these questions by examining the

role of the media in moral panic and fear of crime, with reference to the Cultivation

Theory and Agenda Setting Theory.

Historical Overview of the Media in Trinidad and Tobago

A full appreciation of the media’s role in moral panic and fear of crime in

Trinidad and Tobago can be traced to the historical development and agenda of the

media sources in the country. The country’s first newspaper, published in 1799, known

as “The Courant”, was established primarily to advocate the concerns of the government

and white planters (McFarlane-Alvarez and Smith 2006, 15). McFarlane-Alvarez and

Smith further contends that the newspaper at this time was utilised as an arm of colonial

administration and would set the foundation for the role of the media in 20 th Century

political life in Trinidad and Tobago. By 2005, there were three main daily newspapers

in Trinidad and Tobago; the Newsday, the Express and the Guardian. McFarlane-

Alvarez and Smith notes that the intimate relationship between these media sources and
political life, focuses government policy of media publishing (16). McFarlane-Alvarez

and Smith (2006) believed that the agenda of television broadcasts were parallel to that

of the newspapers; in the postcolonial era. According to the authors, television became

an integral component of the identity of Trinidad and Tobago; postcolonialism (20).

The country’s sole television media house, at the time; Trinidad and Tobago

Television (TTT), was criticised for being excessively government- controlled and

representing the ideals of the People’s National Movement (PNM) party (20). For

example; in one instance, a government official mandated the TTT executives not to

cover a speech by the leader of the teacher’s trade union, on the nightly news (23).

Following these criticisms and the 1990 coup in the country, TTT was eventually ended

and there was the introduction of the privately owned TV6 television station as well as

Direct TV (King ,1991). McFarlane-Alvarez and Smith (2006, 21) emphasised the

evolution of mass media in Trinidad and Tobago in relation to the political changes

occurring in Trinbagonian context. Today, the media in Trinidad and Tobago has

evolved and is intended to be an all-inclusive, multicultural and liberal source of

information dissemination. However, Brown & Sanatan (1987) argues that although

Trinidad and Tobago ranks second, with Denmark, on a list of 133 countries with free

press, the muted effects of corporate control should not be discounted.

Crime News Reporting in Trinidad and Tobago

It has been noted that crime news reporting in Trinidad and Tobago sometimes

run contrary to official crime statistics. According to Seepersad and Williams (2012, 32)

the media in Trinidad and Tobago often sensationalizes and overrepresents crime news.

The authors noted that concerns about crime and violence are expressed daily in the

news media. It was illustrated that media reports based on isolated events, gave the
impression that youth crime was spiralling out of control in Trinidad and Tobago (76).

However, official statistics revealed that youth crime was the exception as opposed to the

rule (76). Seepersad and Williams argued that media depiction of crime was often at

odds with reality. Similarly, Chadee and Ditton (2005) noted that violent crimes against

persons; for example, murder, in Trinidad and Tobago’s media, was overrepresented

while property crimes were underrepresented. These trends are synonymous with

international crime reporting patterns where violent crimes such as serial mass murders

and sexual crimes against children are overrepresented compared to corporate and white-

collar crimes (Pizarro, Chermak and Gruenewald, 2007). Dowler, Fleming and Muzzatti

(2006) provides a justification for this phenomenon; noting that the mass media distorts

facts, images and crime statistics to meet the public’s demand and fascination with

violent crimes.

Literature Review

Defining Fear of Crime and Moral Panic

Fear of crime has been a popular topic of criminological discussion throughout

the years. For many, defining fear of crime is complex, evident by the disparities in

conceptualisation and measurement of this concept. The bulk of criminological literature,

in defining fear of crime, appear to conceptualise this concept as feelings of safety in the

actual or possible presence of a criminal threat or worry or concern about being

personally victimized at any time. For example; Sundeen and Mathieu (1976, 55) defined

fear of crime as “the amount of anxiety and concern that persons have over being a

victim” while Garofalo (1981, 840) described fear of crime as an “emotional reaction

characterized by a sense of danger and anxiety; produced by the threat of physical harm

and elicited by perceived cues in the environment that relates to some aspect of crime.”
For the intent of this research essay, fear of crime will be conceptualised as concern

about being personally victimized.

Increased and widespread levels of fear of crime can sometimes lead to moral

panics. Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994) suggested that moral panics appear when a

substantial portion of society feels that a particular group of evildoers pose a threat to the

moral order of society. According to Young (2009) a moral panic is a moral disturbance,

premised on the claims that direct interests have been violated. Young further notes that

these claims are often grossly disproportionate to the event or activity about which the

public is concerned and is often driven by moral entrepreneurs such as the mass media.

Both researchers tend to agree that moral panics often result in a call for more stringent

and often misguided forms of social control (Good and Ben-Yehuda 1994; Young 2009).

Good and Ben-Yehuda (1994) further note the components necessary for a moral panic

to occur; concern, hostility, consensus and disproportionality. According to the authors,

for moral panic to occur there must initially be a heightened level of public concern

about the issue and its impact on society. This is usually accompanied by increased

hostility toward the deviant group and their problematic behaviour. Members of the

society must also generally agree that the threat to society is real, immediate and serious.

Finally, in moral panics, there is usually the belief by the non-deviant members of

society, that a greater portion of the population in engaged in this wrongdoing than

actually is.

The Role of the Media in Fear of Crime

Doob and MacDonald (1979) assert that media reports of crime do not accurately

reflect the reality of crime because crime realities are less brutal and frequent than the

media renders it. In attempting to meet the public’s demand and fascination with violent
crime, the media runs the risk of intensifying moral panic and fear of crime. Gerbner and

Gross (1976) in examining the relationship between the media and fear of crime,

concluded that individuals’ fear of crime surmounted the actual risk posed to them.

Gerbner and Gross then hypothesised that frequent viewers of television are more likely

to believe that they might become crime victims; particularly of violent crimes. This

hypothesis and similar ideologies have been tested and supported by several researchers.

Callahan (2016) conducted a study analysing different forms of crime-related media

across varying racial groups. The findings revealed that the consumption of local

television news significantly increased perceived risk and fear of crime across all racial

groups. Similarly, Smolej and Kivivuori (2006) indicated that individuals who viewed

multiple sources of crime news had increased levels of fear of being violently victimized

and further demonstrated avoidance behaviours. Researchers examining the relationship

between the media and fear of crime also evaluate which sources of media information

are most influential in provoking fear of crime.

Chiricos, Eschholz, and Gertz (1997) for example, contended that watching

television news in general, generates more fear of crime than watching other types of

television programs or reading the newspaper. Lane and Meeker (2003) similarly

concluded that newspaper crime stories had no relationship to reported fear of crime.

Conversely, Jaehnig, Weaver, and Fico (1981) reported a positive relationship between

newspaper reading and fear of crime. Similar comparisons have been made between

local, national and international news in predicting fear of crime. Liska and Baccaglini

(1990) revealed that the impact of local news tends to have a stronger relationship with

fear of crime than national news. Other studies have implicated perceived reality

(Wakshlag et al. 1983), proximal relevance (Eschholz, Chiricos, and Gertz 2003),
demographic characteristics (Dowler 2003) and the extent of personal experiences with

crime, as mediating variables in the relationship between the media and fear of crime.

While the aforementioned empirical research, present balanced arguments on the role of

the media in fear of crime, they do not explain why or how this relationship is formed

and further the measures and intent of the media in portraying such messages. Such an

explanation can be proffered by the cultivation theory and agenda-setting theory.

Cultivation Theory

The relationship between the media and its influence on public concern or fear of

crime has been explored by cultivation theorists. The Cultivation Hypothesis was

introduced by George Gerbner, who in 1967, postulated that heavy television viewing is

associated with the tendency to hold specific conceptions of reality that are aligned with

the pervasive and consistent images portrayed through this medium. In sum, the

Cultivation hypothesis proposes that there are implications from stable, pervasive,

repetitive and virtually inescapable media content and images. Gerbner and Gross (1976)

further purported that increases in television viewing; particularly violent crime content,

cultivates a greater fear of victimization. Such persons, according to Gerbner and Gross,

eventually come to see the world as a dangerous place and further harbour fear and

mistrust for it. This position was also adopted by Weitzer and Kubrin (2004, 499) who

argues that continuous exposure to media content, distorts the audiences’ beliefs about

the real world and further influences their emotional and cognitive states. This macro

theory thus demonstrates the way in which disproportionate media representation of

crime can develop false perceptions of crime and reality. Survey research methods are

utilised to test whether different levels of television viewing affect opinions and attitudes

across a variety of samples (Gerbner et al. 1994). This theory had been empirically
tested, criticised and advanced by researchers who analyse the relationship between the

media and fear of crime.

One of the earliest criticisms of the cultivation hypothesis came from Doob and

Macdonald (1979, 175) who attempted to replicate the original findings. The study

revealed that the effect of the media on fear crime was insignificant when the actual

occurrence of crime in neighbourhoods, was controlled for. Thus, the relationship

between television viewing and fear of crime was mediated by neighbourhood crime

level effects. Similarly, Hirsch (1980) noted that the cultivation theory’s hypothesised

relationship disappeared with the introduction of statistical controls such as age, gender

and experience with crime. Some empirical research has also demonstrated that the

cultivation hypothesis, when examined with other predictors, is comparatively weak in

predicting fear of crime (Allen et al. 2007; Hansen and Kim 2011; Wanta and Ghanem

2000).This dilemma is summed up by Kort‐Butler and Sittner Hartshorn (2011, 38) who

states that as research has progressed, it has revealed that the relationship between

television consumption and fear of crime is more complex and compounded than initially

proposed by the cultivation perspective. As a result, several modified studies of the

cultivation hypothesis emerged; testing the effects of television consumption on groups

which vary by demographic and environmental factors (Morgan 1987; Hetsroni and

Tukachinsky 2006; Callanan 2012; Chadee, Smith and Ferguson 2017).

Notwithstanding the bulk of empirical data which discredits the significance of

the cultivation effect, many studies have also demonstrated; by including moderating

variables in their analysis, that the cultivation hypothesis is valid in predicting fear of

crime. For example, Potter (2014) noted that researchers have strengthened the

cultivation perspective by introducing a range of variables to the paradigm; for example,

perceived realism. The theory has been further refined by researchers who examine the

cultivation effects of specific media as opposed to general television (Chadee, Smith and

Ferguson 2017, 3). Ditton et al. (2004) for example, has expanded the cultivation

hypothesis to examine the effects of newspaper reading on the fear of crime. This study

was parallel to Jaehnig, Weaver, and Fico (1981) who discovered a positive relationship

between newspaper reading and the fear of crime. Other researchers have further

examined the cultivation effect of local news versus national news. Chadee, Smith and

Ferguson (2017, 3) notes that while the effect of national news on the fear of crime is not

clear, local news stands out as the most prominent effector when considering the

cultivation of fear. While debates, criticisms and revision of the cultivation hypothesis

are continuous, the development of this perspective has seen empirical validity in

explaining the relationship between the media and fear of crime.

Agenda Setting Theory

The influence of the media on public opinion has also been implicated in the

Agenda-Setting Theory. Researchers, Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaw, in 1972,

conducted a study examining the role of the media in the 1968 presidential campaign.

The core proposition of the agenda-setting theory is that mass media has a significant

influence on audiences through the choice of stories they consider newsworthy and the

prominence and space allocated to them. Simply stated, the prominence of elements in

the news, influences the prominence of those elements among the public (Carroll and

McCombs 2003, 36). Agenda-setting theorists propose that the mass media directs and

forces attention to particular issues by constantly presenting objects which suggest what

the public should think, know and have feelings about (McCombs and Shaw 1972, 177).

The authors further expound on second- level agenda-setting; where focus is shifted from
thee frequency of issues presented and placed on how the media discuss these issues

presented. Second-level agenda-setting examines the characteristics, attributes and tone

used by the media to describe a particular issue. The assumption is like the first level of

agenda-setting; in that the attributes and tone used by the media on a particular topic will

be the same attributes reflected by the audience on that topic (Carroll and McCombs

2003).

Agenda-setting theory was initially largely concerned with the media portraying

political and economic agendas; evidenced by the initial study by McCombs and Shaw,

however, a range of other agendas; such as sports, religion and corporate reputations

have been recently explored (McCombs 2005). For example; Eaton (1989) examined

media portrayals of 11 issues; including, crime, poverty, unemployment and natural

disasters and noted agenda-setting effects. Empirical support for this theory was

proffered in more than 300 studies for a wide range of national and local issues (Carroll

and McCombs 2003). Winter and Eyal (1981) in examining the Civil Rights issue in the

United States, over a 24-year period, noted a high and positive correlation between

public concern for civil rights and the volume of coverage given to this issue

immediately preceding the polls. Similarly, in Germany, Brosius and Kepplinger (1990)

documented significant correspondence between patterns of news coverage and public

agenda on energy shortages. Prior to news coverage of energy shortages, the issue held

no salience in the public’s agenda. Following the rapid increase in media reporting on the

issue, public concern for energy shortages rose from 15% to 30% within a week. Support

for second level agenda-setting has also been proffered by Kiousis, Bantimaroudis and

Ban (1999) who found that the public’s perception of candidate’s personality and

qualifications were parallel to the media’s manipulated portrayals utilised in the study.
 Like the cultivation hypothesis, agenda-setting purports that the mass media is

largely responsible for shaping public opinion and perception about realities. However,

whereas, the focus of the cultivation hypothesis is predominantly on the effects of media

portrayals on public thought and emotion, agenda- setting focuses largely on the

measures used by the media to shape and influence public opinion. Both theories can be

integrated to form an understanding of the role of the media in shaping public perception

of crime and deviance.

Discussion

With reference to Trinidad and Tobago, issues surrounding crime, violence and

citizen insecurity in Trinidad and Tobago have been well documented by several

researchers (Sookram 2010; Persaud 2012; Seepersad and Heather 2016). There is a rise

in citizens’ fear of crime (Deosaran 2002) and simultaneously a reduction in perceptions

concerning the legitimacy of the Criminal Justice System (CJS) and government of the

day. It can be contended that the media plays a significant role in instigating and

perpetuating fear of crime and moral panic among the citizenry. As noted by Seepersad

and Williams (2012) crime news reporting in Trinidad and Tobago is often

sensationalised and disproportionate to official crime data. Both print and television

media often exaggerate isolated events and the frequency with which violent crimes

occur. The media mantra; ‘if it bleeds, it leads’ is evident in Trinidad and Tobago crime

reporting as violent and gory crimes are usually the stories which receive the most

attention in the media. In line with the agenda-setting theory, the media attempts to send

a message to the public that crime is spiralling out of control, via, consistent and

pervasive images and reporting on violent crimes; particularly murder.

 Upon conducting a content analysis of murder and crime stories in the Newsday

Daily Newspaper for the period; February 18th, 2018 to February 24th, 2018, it was

revealed that violent crime stories accounted for a significant portion of the newspaper.

Furthermore, these stories were consistently placed in the headlines and front section of

the newspaper and coupled with images of gory crime scenes or mourning relatives.

Such stories often covered no less than half the page; extending across the first and

second quadrant of the newspaper. According to Carroll and McCombs (2003, 37)

newspapers communicate a host of cues about the relative salience of the objects on their

daily agenda. The authors go on to state that the lead story on page one, front page versus

inside page, size of the headline and length of the stories are techniques used to

communicate the salience of issues on the news agenda. The salience of violent crime

attributed by the media impacts public opinion and emotion. It can be assumed that the

persistent and pervasive reporting of violent crime, communicates to media consumers

that crime in the country is prevalent; thus, increasing fear of crime. Gordon and Heath

(1981) illustrated that readers of newspapers which devoted a large proportion of its

news-hole to crime, exhibited higher levels of fear of crime than persons who read other

newspapers or no papers at all. Similarly, Smolej and Kivivuori (2006) demonstrated that

individuals who read tabloid front pages were more likely to exhibit avoidance

behaviours and record high levels of fear of victimization.

Unprecedented levels of fear crime in Trinidad and Tobago can result in moral

panic. Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994) noted the elements necessary for a moral panic to

occur; heightened levels of concern, hostility, disproportionality and consensus.

Heightened levels of concern are evident in public discourse concerning crime and

citizen insecurity (Seepersad and Williams 2012). Members of the public are also seen
calling for more stringent and punitive policies to aid in crime control. Surette et al.

(2011) conducted a study among 570 Trinbagonian respondents to analyse how levels of

media consumption influenced public attitudes to crime. Findings revealed that

Trinbagonians’ support for punitive policies was significantly related to television crime

dramas and crime news as realistic and accurate. The disproportionality principle of

moral panic is not only represented by the incongruency between crime news reporting

and official crime statistics but also by the extent to which law-abiding citizens believe

that a large percentage of the population is committing crime. The public often express

concern about the prevalence of gang members and evildoers in the society (Seepersad

and Williams 2012). In reality, however, studies often document that a small proportion

of the population is actually responsible for majority of violent crimes (Falk at al. 2014;

Freeman 1996; Moffitt 1993). Young (2009) further noted that moral entrepreneurs such

as the media tend to stereotype and displace the source of anxiety onto a scapegoat

group. With reference to Trinidad and Tobago, street crimes and violence which occur in

structurally disadvantaged communities are heavily publicised (Chadee and Ditton

2005). Hotep (2005) added that the media is a tool of mass misinformation in Trinidad

and Tobago as it uses every opportunity to overemphasize ghetto crime while

maintaining and protecting the interests of corporate elites.

Similarly, the cultivation hypothesis proposes that the media is owned and

controlled by the elites who codify messages to suit their agenda (Shanahan and Morgan

1999). As noted in the earlier sections, since its inception, the mass media represented

the interests of the ruling government. Arguments by Hotep (2005) further demonstrate

that today, ownership of the mass media by private companies and the government of

Trinidad and Tobago, is reflected in the discourse of these sources. The main assumption
of the cultivation hypothesis was also tested by Chadee and Ditton (2005) in Trinidad

and Tobago. Findings from the study failed to support the cultivation effect as no

relationship was found between media consumption and fear of crime. A possible

explanation for this finding is the reassuring principle, which contends that media

coverage of violent crimes occurring in places other than where residents reside, makes

people feel safe by comparison (Liska and Baccaglini 1990). East Port of Spain has been

implicated as the area in Trinidad and Tobago with the highest proportion of violent

crimes (Seepersad and Heather 2016) and thus it can be assumed that based on the

representative sample used in the study, residents who were not from those areas may

have felt reassured as opposed to threatened by crime news reporting. This assumption is

supported by Chadee, Austen, and Ditton (2006) who contended that the degree to which

individuals estimate their own likelihood of victimization, may depend on the

availability of similar instances of victimization in their local environment. The findings

from Chadee and Ditton (2005) however, is contested by who Chadee, Smith and

Ferguson (2017) note that although there was weak support for the cultivation

hypothesis, the relationship between media effects and fear of crime appeared to be

mediated by the degree to which individuals perceived media portrayals to be realistic.

Thus, the role of the media in fear of crime and moral panic in Trinidad and Tobago,

should not be discounted. The bulk of suggestive evidence calls for further investigation

into how the media shapes public opinion about crime and what factors aid in mitigating

unprecedented fear of crime in the county.

Conclusion

In retrospect, the media plays a significant role in shaping public opinion and

emotion about particular issues. It has been noted as one of the central information
sources and has far reaching impacts due to increased access via technological

advancements. While the media serves as a tool of information dissemination and is

often consulted as a reliable and valid source, the tendency of mass media to attract

consumers with gore excitement may have detrimental effects. This is especially

problematic when people come to perceive their realities in terms of media portrayal and

imagery. One such example is the way in which the media consistently and pervasively

represent violent crime news over other types of crime which can result in an increase in

the level of perceived victimization and ultimately, moral panic. Cultivation research has

demonstrated the way in which the media, as a moral entrepreneur can instigate and

perpetuate fear of crime in regular consumers. Both the cultivation theory and agenda

setting emphasise the tendency of mass media to report news in ways which serve a

particular agenda or the ideals of an elite group. While there has been little empirical

support for the role of the media in fear of crime and moral panic in Trinidad and

Tobago, the evident levels of heightened concern for crime among the populous and the

media’s pervasive and gory violent crime representations, calls for methodological

refinements and further investigation into the relationship between the media and fear of

crime in the country.

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