GODFATHERISM, NEPOTISM AND THE CHALLENGES FACING

YOUTH POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN NIGERIA (A CASE STUDY OF

LAGOS STATE)

BY
NWOKE CHUKWUEMEKA ADRIAN
20/0883

A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF

POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION,
VERONICA ADELEKE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES,
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR AWARD OF BACHELORS OF SCIENCE DEGREE
IN INTERNATIONAL LAW AND DIPLOMACY,
BABCOCK UNIVERSITY,
ILISHAN REMO,
OGUN STATE

SUPERVISED BY
ADESIYAN, VICTOR PhD

November, 2022

i
 TABLE OF CONTENTS
Content Page
Title Page i
Table of Contents ii
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study 1
1.2 Statement of Purpose 4
1.2 Research Objectives 4
1.4 Research Questions 5
1.5 Research Hypothesis 6
1.6 Significance of the Research 6
1.7 Scope of the Study 7
1.8 Operational Definition of Terms 8

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.0 Introduction 10
2.1 Conceptual Review 10
2.1.1 Concepts of Godfatherism, Godfather, and Nepotism in Nigeria 10
2.1.2 History of Godfatherism, Nepotism and other Political Challenges in
Nigeria 14
2.1.3 Influence of Godfatherism, Nepotism and other Challenges on
Youths Political Participation 18
2.1.4 Implications/Effect and Impact of Godfatherism, Nepotism and other
Challenges on Youths Political Participation in Nigeria 19
2.2 Theoretical Framework 22
2.2.1 Elite Theory 22
2.2.2 The Meritocratic Theory 24
2.3 Empirical Review 26

ii
 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

The inception of party politics in Nigeria in 1979 marked the turning point to godfatherism,

nepotism and many other challenges in Nigeria. Godfatherism, nepotism and many other

challenges according to Ohiole and Ojo (2019) have become a focal point of political vandalism

in Africa and other developing nations like Nigeria. A study by Ohiole & Ojo (2019), disclosed

that democracy in Nigeria has not been fully established and the phenomenon of godfatherism,

nepotism and many other challenges have endangered democratic processes and the socio-

economic lives of the citizenry including youth.

Godfatherism in a political setting according to Chukwuemaka, and Chukwurah, (2018), is an

ideology that is championed on the belief that certain individuals possess considerable means to

unilaterally determine who get a party‟s ticket to run for an election and who wins in the

electoral contest. According to Akinola (2018), it is a situation where a person who is extremely

powerful and influential in the politics of a region or geopolitical zone and has the ability to

sway political outcomes in that region or zone either by her/his influence, record, or current

political authority. Nepotism relatively refers to the benefit, privilege, or entitlement given to

family members and friends in a profession or sector. This could be business, politics,

academics, arts, sports, fitness, religion, and other spheres. In the case of this study, politics.

Ibrahim (2016) in the Nigerian context defined political godfathers and nepotism as a condition

in the Nigerian political process that allows an individual influence the democratic establishment

and process of the country in order to satisfy his selfish interest for himself or his family.

1
In Nigerian partisan politics, godfatherism, nepotism and many challenges facing politics today

according to Uzoamaka (2018) first emerged during the First Republic, when the leaders of the

three major parties; the Northern People's Congress (NPC), Action Group (AG), and National

Congress of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) carefully and painstakingly raised godsons and family

members they believed would improve the welfare of the populace. It was claimed that the

motivation behind the actions of Ahmadu Bello of the NPC, Nnamdi Azikiwe of the NCNC, and

Obafemi Awolowo of the AG was not to utilize godsons as surrogates to further local interests

but rather to advance the desires of the populace for development. However, the formation of

political parties in democratic nations such as Nigeria and many others is always capital

intensive in nature, hence involves the rich and wealthy individuals who can fund and maintain

them. These individuals in the third world, make up the clique known as the "Godfathers" whose

patronage and interests are required for the smooth running of the party system (Philip &

Kingley, 2018).

There are five types of political godfathers which are discernible under the present democratic

dispensation of the Nigerian nation. The first type is 'geo-political' or 'ethnic' organizations that

arrogate to themselves the right to decide who represent their jurisdiction in government. Such

movements under the present democratic dispensation include 'Afenifere', the Yoruba socio-

cultural organization; Arewa Consultative Council (ACF) which presents itself as the authentic

voice of the North; Ohaneze, the pan-Igbo cultural group that considers itself to be the only body

with the power to determine Igbo interests. The powers of all these organizations however, have

been receding recently as candidates selected by this godfathers for political offices are often

defeated by those sponsored by 'individual and more wealthy godfathers who also engage in

nepotism, corruption and other means to ensure their selected candidates are in power and

2
answerable to them'. An example is the illegal removal of the former Oyo State Governor Ladoja

by political godfathers in 2006 which lead to political uncertainty in the state.

Meanwhile, Chukwuemeka (2018) highlighted that the emergence of “godfatherism” have posed

great threat not only to good governance but also the socio-economic stability of democratic

governance in many African countries including Nigeria. This is evident in the running of the

Nigerian electoral system which have been made nonsense of a truly free, fair and credible

electoral process in which the electorates including youth by right are expected to freely elect

people of their choice into public office to represent their interests but infact have been denied

given the situation in which “godfathers” foisted candidates of their preference on the generality

of the people. For this reasons, public office holders are no longer answerable to the people, but

rather loyal to their godfathers, a situation which nullifies one of democracy's essential

characteristics, a responsive and open government and has thus far, denied youths of their right

of a free, fair and equitable political participation.

In the new and emerging democracies, the inclusion of young people in formal political

processes is important from the start. Young people‟s active contributions can bring democratic

values to life, leading to the overturning of authoritarian or godfatherism practices. In countries

where young people have led protests such as the 2020 #ENDSARS protest and others, that have

forced authoritarian regimes from power and changed the decisions of government, they are

likely to feel significant frustration if they are not included in new formal decision-making

procedures. This can destabilize democratization and accelerate conflict dynamics. According to

the World Bank Population (2021), youths make up the largest population of the entity, Nigeria

and when disenfranchised or disengaged from political processes, a significant portion of the

population has little or no voice or influence in decisions that affect group members‟ lives. Thus,

3
the importance of this study to assess godfatherism, nepotism and the challenges facing youth

political participation in Nigeria.

1.2 Statement of Purpose

The recent expressions of youth discontent through public dissent, as exemplified in

the #EndSARS protests of 2020, also loosely connected to a previous, yet highly structured rally

towards political advantage, evident in the #NotTooYoungToRun campaign, offer striking

instances of the more recent political determination of the youths to take their engagement with

Nigeria more seriously. According to the report by ThisDay (2022), youths in Nigeria had the

numerical superiority in the 2019 general elections with 51.11% of the roughly 43 million

registered voters in the country. However, with the majority number of the youth in the country,

youth have found it difficult to participate or successfully seek elective positions in the general

elections of the country. This, according to Vanguard (2021) is as a result of the role of

godfatherism, lack of funding, delegate system of political parties, none membership of political

party, wrong perception of youth, unemployment and system failure in the country. The resulting

values of which according to Ohiole and Ojo (2019) has had a significant negative impact on

youth political participation and the society. Therefore, the purpose of the study is to assess the

issue of godfatherism, nepotism and the challenges facing youth political participation in

Nigeria, using a case study of residents of Lagos state, the effects of this on youth and to proffer

contemporary approaches and solutions to this issues.

1.3 Research Objectives

The main aim of this study is to assess the issue of godfatherism, nepotism and other challenges

facing youth‟s political participation in Nigeria, case study of youth residents of Yaba Local

Government Area, Lagos state.

4
The specific objectives of the study are set to:

1. determine the attitude and perception of youth residents of Yaba Local Government Area

towards godfatherism and nepotism in Lagos state.

2. identify the challenges facing youth residents of Yaba Local Government Area, Lagos

political participation in Lagos state.

3. ascertain the level of youth residents of Yaba Local Government Area, Lagos

participation and engagement towards politics in Lagos state.

4. examine the effects or implication of godfatherism, nepotism and other challenges on

youth residents of Yaba Local Government Area political participation in Lagos state

5. proffer contemporary solutions or approaches to godfatherism, nepotism and other

challenges affecting youth residents of Yaba Local Government Area political

participation in Lagos state

1.4 Research Questions

1. What is the attitude and perception of youth residents of Yaba Local Government Area

towards godfatherism and nepotism in Lagos state political system?

2. What are the challenges facing youth residents of Yaba Local Government Area, Lagos

political participation in Lagos state?

3. To what extent or level does youth residents of Yaba Local Government Area, Lagos

engage or participate in politics in Lagos state?

4. What are the effects of godfatherism, nepotism and other challenges on youth residents of

Yaba Local Government Area political participation in Lagos state?

5
 5. What are the solutions or approaches to godfatherism, nepotism and other challenges

affecting youth residents of Yaba Local Government Area political participation in Lagos

state?

1.5 Research Hypothesis

1. There is no significant relationship between godfatherism, nepotism, other challenges and

youth‟ political participation in Lagos state.

1.6 Significance of the Research

This research aims to assess the issue of godfatherism, nepotism and other challenges facing

youth‟s political participation in Nigeria, case study of youth residents of Yaba Local

Government Area, Lagos state. This study is important and beneficial in addressing the issue of

Godfatherism, Nepotism and other challenges that are affecting youth participation in Nigeria

and proffering solutions that will be beneficial to improving youths political participation in

Lagos state and Nigeria at large..

The study will be beneficial to governmental bodies of the country in realizing the impact of the

country‟s system of administration on youth‟s political participation. It will be beneficial among

governmental bodies in creating an enabling political environment for youth participation to

ensure good governance. While the study will also highlight solutions and approaches to

reducing the issues of nepotism and godfatherism, government will be able to use this in creating

an enabling political environment for the youth of the country. Findings from the study would

contribute to other researches that focus on nepotism, godfatherism, and other challenges

affecting youth‟s political participation in Lagos state and the country at large.

This study will be beneficial to policy makers in government and corporate entities on the effect

of nepotism and godfatherism in limiting youth‟s participation and abilities in the corporate and

6
government world. The youth today are considered the future and therefore should be allowed

fairly to be involved in corporate and government world without nepotism or godfatherism as

this would spring new development that would aid the growth of the country‟s corporate and

governmental system.

This study will be beneficial to tertiary, secondary and primary institutions in the country in

creating more awareness and highlighting the right and roles of youth in political participation in

their country. It will be beneficial in serving as a means of knowledge through tertiary

institutions if the rights and benefits of youths in political participation is entrenched in the

education curriculum. The study will also be beneficial to undergraduate and youth in the state

and country in giving them the edge, courage and awareness to participate in political activities

in the country.

Also, this study will be beneficial to respondents because it will give them the opportunity to

share their feedback on the issue nepotism, godfatherism and other challenges affecting their

participation in politics in Lagos. This study will be beneficial to the state in general in serving as

an eye opener on the factor affecting the youth‟s political participation in the country and

solutions to it. Lastly, this study will serve as a reference material to aid researchers in their

study and allow further study on the topic; this way, benefiting students and researchers in the

course.

1.7 Scope of the Study

This research, Godfatherism, Nepotism and Other Challenges Facing Youth‟s Political

Participation in Nigeria will be conducted among youth residents of Yaba with focus on youth

7
undergraduate of Unilag, Akoka Lagos, Nigeria and is set to be carried out within the periods of

October to February, 2023

1.8 Operational Definition of Terms

Democracy/Democratic Government: Democracy is a form of government in which the people

have the authority to deliberate and decide legislation, or to choose governing officials to do so.

This is a system of government practiced in Nigeria. A democratic government however is a

government that allows for free and fair election, participation among youth and joint decision

making towards the growth of a nation.

Godfathering: The concept of godfatherism is synonymous to intermediary, mentoring,

benevolence, and support and sponsoring. In a political setting, the concept is an ideology that is

championed on the belief that certain individuals possess considerable means to unilaterally

determine who get a party‟s ticket to run for an election and who wins in the electoral contest.

Godfathers are men who have the “power‟ and influence to decide both who get nominated to

context elections and who wins in the election. In this sense, Godfatherism means office seekers

getting connected to an individual who is believed to have the ability to deliver a desired

outcome in an electoral contest. It is the tradition for looking for a political father to help

promote one‟s political aspiration.

Nepotism: Nepotism is an advantage, privilege, or entitlement that is granted to relatives and

friends in an occupation or field. These fields may include but are not limited to, business,

politics, academia, entertainment, sports, fitness, religion, and other activities. It is a practice

among those with power or influence of favoring relatives or friends, especially by giving them

jobs or putting them in certain political positions.

8
Political Participation: Political participation includes a broad range of activities through

which people develop and express their opinions on the world and how it is governed, and try to

take part in and shape the decisions that affect their lives.

Youth Participation: This refers to how young people can be and are involved in processes,

institutions and decisions that affect their lives; and this can be active or passive. Active youth

participation means engaging or are ready to engage in political activities.

Politics/politicians: Politics is the set of activities that are associated with making decisions in

groups, or other forms of power relations among individuals, such as the distribution of resources

or status. While politicians are individuals involved in politics and political decisions concerning

a state or entity.

Political Corruption: This is the use of powers by government officials or their network

contacts for illegitimate private gain. Forms of corruption vary, but can include bribery,

lobbying, extortion, cronyism, nepotism, parochialism, patronage, influence peddling, graft,

godfathering embezzlement and many more.

9
 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.0 Introduction
This chapter presents three sections, which discuss relevant concepts, theoretical framework and

empirical review on the topic “Godfatherism, Nepotism and the Challenges Facing Youth

Political Participation in Nigeria”. The review of relevant concepts would help understand the

concepts and variables used in this study. The theoretical framework will provide validation and

affirmation for this study. The empirical review would summarize various empirical studies

related to this study.

2.1 CONCEPTUAL REVIEW

2.1.1 Concepts of Godfatherism, Godfather, and Nepotism in Nigeria

Godfatherism according to Chukwuemaka, and Chukwurah, (2018), is an ideology that is

championed on the belief that certain individuals possess considerable means to unilaterally

determine who get a party‟s ticket to run for an election and who wins in the electoral contest.

According to Akinola (2018), it is a situation where a person who is extremely powerful and

influential in the politics of a region or geopolitical zone and has the ability to sway political

outcomes in that region or zone either by her/his influence, record, or current political authority.

Nepotism relatively refers to the benefit, privilege, or entitlement given to family members and

friends in a profession or sector. This could be business, politics, academics, arts, sports, fitness,

religion, and other spheres. In the case of this study, politics.

Ibrahim (2016) in the Nigerian context defined political godfathers and nepotism as a condition

in the Nigerian political process that allows an individual influence the democratic establishment

and process of the country in order to satisfy his selfish interest for himself or his family; and

10
suggests that a candidate for political office lacks independence or self-awareness because he is

expected to act as a surrogate for the political godfather's wishes and submit completely to his

will. The concept of Godfatherism and Nepotism according to Isaac (2005) is not a totally new

experience in the sociology of the Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo people to have one or other type of

'godfather'. For example, the word 'godfather' has a local equivalence in Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo

languages and these words have been in usage since the pre-colonial era.

Among the Hausa‟s/Northerners, a godfather is also known as a 'maigida' (landlord or the head

of a household). The word 'maigida' goes beyond its literal meaning. While in the Yoruba (west)

region, they are known as 'baba-kekere' (the small father), 'baba-isale' (the father of the

underground world), or 'baba-nigbejo' (a great help in times of trouble). The most historical of

these terms is 'baba-kekere' and was used to depict community leaders with whom people of less

social status identified as a way of providing physical, social, political and economic security for

themselves. In the Igbo society, Dibia (2013) acknowledged that the idea of Godfatherism is

grounded in the sociology of the Igbo society such that he made reference to the popular

relationship between 'Nnam-Ukwu' (my master) and 'Odibo' (the servant) in the Igbo world view.

In this case, the younger person is entrusted to a more mature and experienced person for

training in social, economic and moral adulthood.

In the cases mentioned above, a person of lesser social status attaches himself to another person,

usually of higher status, for support, which could be social or economic. The godfather gets

something in return from the adopted son for the transactional relationship. It is probably on this

understanding that the modern notion of Godfatherism in Nigeria is based.

11
Types of Godfatherism and Nepotism Act in the Nigerian Political System

In Nigeria, there are five types of political godfathers discernible under the present democratic
dispensation. These are;

First, there are "Geo-Political" or "ethnic" organizations that claim the authority to choose who

represents their region in politics. Afenifere, a Yoruba sociocultural organization; the Arewa

Consultative Council (ACF), which positions itself as the true voice of the North; and Ohaneze, a

pan-Igbo cultural organization that sees itself as the sole entity with the authority to determine

Igbo interests are some of the movements that fall under this democratic regime. All of these

groups' authority has recently been waning. To the point where individuals supported by

"particular godfathers" frequently beat their candidates for political office.

Second, there are the "geo-political" or "ethnic father figures," who are well-known personalities

in a particular geo-political or ethnic group who are well-liked by the movement's adherents due

to some previous "nationalist deeds." These people, who are extremely rare in Nigerian society,

have held public office in the past and were found to have done the finest possible job of serving

their constituents. Thus, their political viewpoints are highly recognized. The deceased Nigerian

Minister of Justice, Chief Bola Ige, is the most well-known representative of this group of

godfathers. Although he served as Afenifere's deputy leader, his impact in Yoruba politics far

outweighed that of the pan-ethnic organization. He was a godfather to many south-western

Nigerian governors between 1999 and 2003. He was considered to be a true scion of Chief

Obafemi Awolowo.

Thirdly, there are those wealthy Nigerians who view supporting political candidates as a way to

advance their social and economic standing. These politicians roam the country like a typical

businessman wanting to invest their money in "resources" (which aren't always marketable). The

12
clients are typically those who want to win elections "at all costs," but who lack the popular

backing, financial resources, or violent tendencies necessary to achieve it. According to Isaac

(2015), these types of godfathers guarantee candidates easy access to this potential aid in

exchange for certain personal rewards for the godfather after the election. Many of these

godfathers follow through on their commitment to ensure the candidates' electoral victories. This

is very certainly through unethical political activity, but it might be any type of electoral

malpractice. A notable example of this type of godfather is Uba, the most well-known political

figure in Nigeria during the current government. In the 2003 elections, he put governor Ngige of

Anambra State forward and made sure he won. These kinds of godfathers also practice nepotism

in their roles.

The fourth category is godfathers who only work with wealthy clientele. For lack of a better

name, we can refer to these individuals as "political entrepreneurs" (Isaac, 2015). On politics,

they subsist. The only thing going for them is that they are well-versed in how to win elections

among the working class. They are knowledgeable about all the constituencies that must be won

over in a political campaign and what it takes, both formally and informally, to do so. They

frequently lack wealth, but their clientele do. The two parties have a straightforward contractual

arrangement: the client pays the funds, and the godfather supplies the votes. In other words, this

group of godfathers invests client money rather than their own in politics. They receive

significant status in the government established by their clients following the election in

exchange for this. Along with enticing contracts, they are given positions in ministerial and

board appointments.

The fifth category of godfathers comprises of wealthy backers who are prepared to make any

sacrifices necessary for their rich or impoverished clients to succeed in winning elections. He is

13
prepared to contribute to the campaign funds of wealthy candidates and to offer him logistical

support. He is also prepared to give impoverished candidates financial and logistical support in

order for them to win elections. Dr. Sola Saraki of Kwara State has already performed in roles of

this nature. He helped a number of low-income candidates win elections in Kwara State. It

cannot be stated that Governor Mohammed Lawal, the governor of Kwara State with whom he

has a huge ongoing conflict, is a poor man. He was a former military governor and a retired navy

officer.

2.1.2 History of Godfatherism, Nepotism and other Political Challenges in Nigeria

The politics of Godfatherism, Nepotism and other challenges according to Mamah (2014) and

Uzoamaka (2018) became widespread in Nigerian political movements in the 1960s, and early

post-independence where leaders became political godfathers. Their actions became obvious

with the coming of civilian rule in 1979. Study by Alabi and Tunde (2013), pointed out that the

political godfather phenomenon is not new in Nigeria politics. This circumstance started during

the First Republic when the leading supporter of independence of Nigeria (Zik, Awo, Tafawa-

Balewa, etc.) intolerant and managed political activities in Nigeria. According to Uzoamaka

(2018), the issue of Godfatherism, nepotism and other challenges first emerged during the First

Republic, when the leaders of the three major parties; the Northern People's Congress (NPC),

Action Group (AG), and National Congress of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) carefully and

painstakingly raised godsons and family members they believed would improve the welfare of

the populace.

It was claimed that the motivation behind the actions of Ahmadu Bello of the NPC, Nnamdi

Azikiwe of the NCNC, and Obafemi Awolowo of the AG was not to utilize godsons as

surrogates to further local interests but rather to advance the desires of the populace for

14
development. However, the formation of political parties in democratic nations such as Nigeria

and many others is always capital intensive in nature, hence involves the rich and wealthy

individuals who can fund and maintain them. These individuals according to Philip and Kingley

(2018) in the third world, make up the clique known as the "Godfathers" whose patronage and

interests are required for the smooth running of the party system.

Moreover, the 1999 civil rule attended another form of political Godfatherism, which reached its

ultimate during the unpleasant obliteration of lives and belongings that viewed the violent

hostility between the political godfathers (Chris Uba) and the then governor of Anambra state

(Chris Ngige). This act leads to a new dimension to the exercise of political Godfatherism and

nepotism in the Nigerian political movements where the godsons dance the tone of the godfather

in order to accomplish his or her political dream. This is contrary to the roles played by

godfathers in Nigeria’s democratic movements between 1958 and 1983 (Mamah, 2004).

Cases of Godfatherism, Godson and Nepotism Cases in Nigeria

The Lagos State Godfatherism Case

Unlike most states', Godfatherism does not receive as much bad rep in Lagos state. In Lagos

state, Godfatherism is seen as a part of a well-executed plan of succession and not completely

viewed as the planting of a surrogate who has no political understanding to

make political decisions. While some critiques and even present governor of Kaduna state have

described Lagos state as the headquarters of this form of political skulduggery, Derin Philipsa,

political activist and son of Former commissioner for special duties and

inter government relations in Lagos state has rebuked the negativity of godfatherism especially

15
in Lagos state. His definition of Godfatherism as someone who has experience using his

expertise to mentor younger ones as they ascend the ladder of politics.

Continuity, he believes is the biggest backlash to the concept of godfatherism, he claims

successors do not hold common interests with their godfathers that‟s why projects are

started but not completed or maintained by incoming political replacements such as Obudu cattle

ranch by Donald duke which could have remained a source of income for Nigerian tourism and

the Ajaokuta steel development company.

Lagos state is one of the states that continues to witness different forms of political propaganda,

emergence of Godfathers and political overlords, Lagos has managed to develop progressively

the influence of political leaders such as Asiwaju Tinubu. This is not to say Lagos state and its

leaders are not without shortcomings as this is a state that highly endorsed the actions of

former president Olusegun Obasanjo. Godfatherism in Lagos state is progressive,

and development concerned because there is a set out „master plan‟ and the godfather- the

grandmaster planner;

Tinubu, ensures that whoever succeedswalks in accordance, the godfather is also fully involved

in the affairs of the state. According to Derin (2017), Lagos is not ready to let go of godfatherism

politics is because measured performance has shown that the people of Lagos are thriving

and not complaining compared to other states. The influence of godfatherism in Lagos state has

seen the intervention of Asiwaju Bolu Ahmed Tinubu in raising candidates who he picks are to

be elected and voted in to continue his legacy. Such candidates includes the former governor of

Lagos state, Raji Fashola, Akinwunmi Ambode and the current governor of the state. Governor

Jide Sanwo Olu. Apparently, according to report around the state, the fallout between Tinubu

16
and Ambode had led to his denial of a second term and this, according to the public was because

Ambode refused to pay the godfather, Tinubu his dues while in office.

The right of the public including youth has been denied in the state, as tenure after tenure, the

godfather, Tinubu shoves his candidate into the throat of the public and ask that they be voted for

to continue his legacy. Lagos, according to many is the main ground of godfatherism in Nigeria.

The Oyo State Case (2003 – 2007)

In Oyo state during the tenure of Alhaji Rashidi Ladoja, the story was the same. Alhaji Lamidi

Adedibu accused his godson (Governor) of not being loyal and submissive. He was quoted to

have said, “I put him there, so, if I demand money, will it be wrong? Do I need to ask for it”?

(Abases, 2003). Other charges against the former governor were, that he disregarded the

principle of separation of powers and the purchase of 33 graders at the sum of seven hundred

million naira (N700m) only without going through tenders board in violation of section 190(2)

and (3) of local government system law of 2001 (Apabiekun, 2006). To that effect, the Chief

Judge of the state constituted a panel to investigate the allegation leveled against the governor,

the inauguration was secretly done by the Chief Judge who never made any public appearance

throughout the sitting at an Ibadan high court. When the panel submitted its report, an eight pro –

impeachment legislators held a session in parliament during which they adopted the report of

Ayorinde‟s panel and passed a motion for Rashidi Ladoja‟s impeachment within 25 minutes.

Several other cases of Godfatherism and godson conflict include the; Anambra, Chris Uba and

Ngige issue in Anambra state, Oshiomole in Edo state, and others.

17
2.1.3 Influence of Godfatherism, Nepotism and other Challenges on Youths Political

Participation

The Nigerian governance and its politics have continued to be influenced by godfatherism,

nepotism and other form because her government is a joust between the elite and democracy.

Olawale (2015) posited that elitism is a system where political control is demonstrated and

institutionalized in the ruling structure by a few. Elitism protects the interests of the privileged in

society and makes a complete joke of protecting the interest of the electorate or general public;

such situations, Nigerians and well-meaning scholars have argued has an effect on the

development of the nation.

In the new and emerging democracies, the inclusion of young people in formal political

processes is important from the start. Young people‟s active contributions can bring democratic

values to life, leading to the overturning of authoritarian or godfatherism practices. In countries

where young people have led protests such as the 2020 #ENDSARS protest and others, that have

forced authoritarian regimes from power and changed the decisions of government, they are

likely to feel significant frustration if they are not included in new formal decision-making

procedures. This can destabilize democratization and accelerate conflict dynamics. According to

the World Bank Population (2021), youths make up the largest population of the entity, Nigeria

and when disenfranchised or disengaged from political processes, a significant portion of the

population has little or no voice or influence in decisions that affect group members‟ lives.

According to the report by ThisDay (2022), youths in Nigeria had the numerical superiority in

the 2019 general elections with 51.11% of the roughly 43 million registered voters in the

country. However, with the majority number of the youth in the country, youth have found it

difficult to participate or successfully seek elective positions in the general elections of the

18
country. This, according to Vanguard (2021) is as a result of the role of godfatherism, lack of

funding, delegate system of political parties, none membership of political party, wrong

perception of youth, unemployment and system failure in the country which has resulting values

of which according to Ohiole and Ojo (2019) has had a significant negative impact on youth

political participation in the society.

2.1.4 Implications/Effect and Impact of Godfatherism, Nepotism and other Challenges on

Youths Political Participation in Nigeria

Godfatherism is one of the most essential factors responsible for electoral malpractice in Nigeria.

The godfathers assure their godsons of electoral success only to advance their social, political

and economic influence. As a result, elections, especially in Nigeria‟s fourth republic, have

become a tool for promoting the interest of the aristocrat rather than the electorates. The

philosophical basis and fundamental ethos of democracy according to Chukwuma (2018) are

being swept under the carpet making the Nigerian electorates including to lose faith in the

electoral or political process and the government. Electorates and youths right to select an

aspirant of their choice to rule them is run-down given the conditions in which godfathers are the

deciders of who is to contest or imposed candidates of their desire on the general individuals in

the society.

This was evident in the 2003, 2007 and 2019 general elections which were adjudged to be the

worst elections in the history of fourth republic. This is because, the elections were characterized

by massive rigging, monetization factor, corrupt practices of electoral officers and security

personnel, judicial injustice, assassination of political opponents, political thuggery, deliberate

disfranchisement of the populace, outright disregard for the rule of law, political inivierar, hate

speech, mobilization of religious sentiments, youth restiveness, political propaganda, multiple

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voting, under-aged voting, addition of unofficial ballot boxes to official ones containing already

thumb printed ballot papers, chasing of voters away from constituencies where their candidates

are likely to have few votes, falsification of results and forgery of figure both at polling units and

collation centers, forcing some party agents at gunpoint to sign forged election results among

others. What this implies is that the legitimacy of democracy as the best form of governance has

been corroded.

Also, politics of godfathers in the Nigerian states are not simple sponsors of political campaigns,

rather they are people whose influence stems not just from wealth but from their capacity to

organize violence and corruption to manipulate central, state or local political schemes in support

of the candidates they champion. This is buttressed by Oluloyo (2014) in his study where he

observed that godfather request a considerable grade of control over the government not in order

to support or form government policy, but to extract direct financial return in the form of

government resources stolen by their politicians or gave to them as further opportunities for

the implant. The over-concentration of influence, wealth and power of politicians describes the

ascent for the regulating of the political structures and institutions by the ruling class in society.

However, the struggle and the resulting standards have impacted significantly on the society

including youth in various way.

A democratic system allows the governed to not only come out to exercise their voting rights,

they also have the right to be voted for. However, political godfathers use their influence to block

the participation of others including youth in Nigerian politics, they are political gatekeepers:

they dictate who participate in politics and under what conditions. This kind of situation has

promoted mediocrity and financial corruption as „the incumbent godson is at pains to satisfy the

whims and caprices of the godfather among other competing demands on the scarce resources of

20
the government, the interest of the larger number is savagely undermined. In addition, Ugwu,

Izueke and Obasi (2017) observed that the politics of godfatherism has made development

elusive to the generality of the populace. Thus, politics of godfatherism is one of the major

factors orchestrating socio-economic and political crises in Nigeria‟s fourth republic. In Nigeria

today, politics of godfatherism has affected negatively on the state democracy and democratic

development as the people are progressively marginalized from decision making because of a

heavily monetized and militarized polity dominated largely by godfathers and their private

militia and thugs.

Also, the trend of political godfatherism according to Ali and Isah (2018) threatens the Nigerian

political culture, orientation and socialization, but also to the Nigerian legal system since there

are glaring abuses, confusion, manipulation and widening gap in the constitutional interpretation

and adherence with provisions of the political parties among Nigerian politician, particularly the

legislators at the federal and states levels, who have now established a political market for

politics of godfatherism based on personal interests hinged on flimsy political excuses.

Godfatherism also demonstrates a great peril not only to good governance but also to the socio-

economic development and firmness democratic rules. Feasibly, one of the most alarming and

destructive effects of godfatherism in Nigeria’s fourth republic according to Nkwede, Ibeogu,

and Nwankwo (2014) is the area of making nonsense of a truly free, fair and credible electoral

process in which the voters by right are anticipated to freely elect people of their choice into

public office to represent their right and interests.

According to the World Bank Population (2021), youths make up the largest population of the

entity, Nigeria and when disenfranchised or disengaged from political processes, a significant

portion of the population has little or no voice or influence in decisions that affect group

21
members‟ lives. ThisDay (2022), reported that youths in Nigeria had the numerical superiority in

the 2019 general elections with 51.11% of the roughly 43 million registered voters in the

country. However, with the majority number of the youth in the country, youth have found it

difficult to participate or successfully seek elective positions in the general elections of the

country.

This, according to Vanguard (2021) is as a result of the role of godfatherism, nepotism and other

challenges such as lack of funding, delegate system of political parties, none membership of

political party, wrong perception of youth, unemployment and system failure in the country

which has resulted to, according to Ohiole and Ojo (2019), a significant negative impact on

youth political participation and the society. The issue of godfatherism and nepotism have also

brought other challenges such as political killing, armed robbery, and religious riots due to crisis

between godfather and godson (Ohiole & Ojo, 2016). This crisis has affected the socio-economic

and political development of the country and as well, the involvement of the youth.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

A research theoretical framework is used to establish what theories already exist, the

relationships between them in relation to the study and to what degree the existing theories have

been investigated in order to apply them to the topic of study. This research work will aim to

assess the issue of Godfatherism, Nepotism and other Challenges Facing Youth Political

Participation in Nigeria using the Coalition Theory, Party System Theory, Meritocratic Theory

and the Elite Theory.

2.2.1 Elite Theory

The elite theory was propounded by Vilfredo Pareto in 1935. The supposition of the theory is

that power is rotated among the elites at the expense of the masses or electorates. As Pareto
22
(1935) argued, the political elites insulate and isolate themselves from their society and try as

much as possible to reproduce themselves from within. They do all possible within their reach to

ensure that non-elites do not join their membership. To ensure this, the political elites maintain a

safe, functional distance from the rest of the society. They reproduce themselves on an individual

and selective basis in a process, which Pareto specifically referred to as the „circulation of elites‟.

The criteria for such elite recruitment are often parochial and the process is usually done in a

manner that does not in any way compromise the traditional integrity of the dominant elite class.

Pareto further argued that the dominant class often tries to frustrate any efforts at the „collective

circulation of elites‟ and would rather support individual recruitment. However, Mosca (1999)

disagrees with Pareto that elite recruitment is only possible on an individual basis. He believes in

the possibility of one social class replacing another and posited that it is possible for a non-elite

member to join the elite class through „collective social mobility‟. This refers to the status that

people attain because of their social, economic and professional efforts.

Mosca also believes that there exists already in many societies of the world a group of people

that could be referred to as „sub-elite‟. These people facilitate communication between the elite

and the non-elite and are thus potential tools for relatively large-scale elite recruitment. This

argument makes it possible for both sub-elite and non-elite to become recruited into the political

elite class in Nigeria. The elite theory according to Salawu (2017) sees elites as players

governing the state and national resources, and occupying key related to power networks. Thus,

the perception of elite class is more carefully connected to “the Weberian knowledge of power,

understood as the competence of executing one‟s will, even against the will of the general

population” (29:696). Godfatherism serves as a medium for such selective elite recruitment in

Nigeria (7). The resultant effects of the above in Nigeria polity are under-development, abject

23
poverty, acute youth unemployment and un-involvement in politics, poor health prospects and

misinterpretation of what politics ought to be.

Relevance of the Theory to the Study

The relevance of the elite theory to this study is based on its ability to justify how the transition

of people into the political elite class is facilitated by politics of godfatherism and nepotism.

Liberalism, as we have experienced in Nigeria, promotes extreme elitist democracy and money-

inspired electioneering system, leaving the masses especially youth as „onlookers‟ and keep

denying Nigerians the much-needed institutional, socio-economic and political advancement (4).

The elite theory is very much concerned with structures, especially authority structure. It is based

on the assumption that elite action has a causal effect on the relationship between the state and

society since the elites have greater influence/control of the state than the masses. According to

Mosca (1999), elite theory points to the concentration of power in the hands of a minority group

which „perform all political functions, monopolizes power and enjoys the advantages that power

brings‟. Thus public policy may be viewed as the value and preferences of governing elites. The

Nigerian polity represents a situation where the welfare of the citizenry is grossly mortgaged for

the interests of a few politicians and their mentors (godfathers). The electorates are impoverished

the more, and the corrupt rich godfathers are enriching themselves the more leaving youth and

the general public with a reducing interest in the electoral system.

2.2.2 The Meritocratic Theory

The meritocratic or meritocracy theory was propounded by Weber, (1948; 1968); Evans and

Rauch, (1999). The theory literally rejects political patronage or godfatherism or nepotism via

state jobs as enhancing the performance or quality of state institutions. Lapuente and Teorell

(2011) argued that godfatherism and nepotism leads to politicization rather than
24
professionalization of state institutions. Politicization of the state institutions eventually

culminates into poor institutional capacity and lack of accountability on public goods provision

as the system is immoral and a democratic pathology.

Dahlstrom (2012) gives an example of the mayor of Spain between 2001 and 2003 who replaced

„merit-recruited‟ state agents with political appointees. According to these scholars, the Spanish

mayor was able to coordinate his corruption intensions with appointees he had himself selected

based on godfatherism and nepotism. Conspicuously, the theory of meritocracy argues that poor

performance by state agents appointed on political patronage (godfatherism) is often blamed on

others or covered up by their political principals. Kanyane (2006) noted that with a culture of

patronage politics an atmosphere of playing safe is often created, which is not conducive for

responsible and accountable bureaucratic institutions.

According to Weber (1948), the meritocratic theory strongly maintain that people in the state

should be appointed on merit because such officials see office holding as a vocation. For this

theory, office holding is not considered a source to be exploited for rents or emoluments nor is

considered a usual exchange of services for equivalents. In the study of bureaucracy, Max

Weber, for example, advocated for „career personnel‟ with specialized training and expertise,

among others, as the prerequisite for employment in any bureaucratic institutions. Hence, he

suggested that democratic states all over the world should shun away from godfatherism via state

jobs and embrace a culture of meritocratic recruitment and promotion. They argue that access to

institutions of government as an employee should be conditioned on the bases of possession of

relevant knowledge, skills and qualification credentials, what Max Weber (1968) refers to as

„expert-officialdom‟.

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Relevance of the Theory to the Study

Empirical evidence indicates that officials appointed based on godfatherism and nepotism may

be recalled at any time once they have lost favor with their political principals. This is because

they were not elected or chosen by merit. Kanyane (2016) noted that with a culture of patronage

politics an atmosphere of playing safe is often created, which is not conducive for responsible

and accountable bureaucratic institutions. Proponents of this theory strongly maintain that people

in the state should be appointed on merit because such officials see office holding as a vocation.

For this theory, office holding is not considered a source to be exploited for rents or emoluments

nor is considered a usual exchange of services for equivalents. Hence, proper democratic process

should be encouraged to motivate youth participation in election.

2.3 Empirical Review

Study by Adeoye (2009) on the impact of godfatherism on Nigeria‟s democracy found that the

truth is that most honest, accountable and dedicated political aspirants in Nigeria are not

financially buoyant they are not influential and did not possess the financial capacity to compete

and win in the primary election and proceed in the general election. He further noted that most of

the party aspirants are hiding under the canopy of political godfathers in order to win

the election. Which had given birth to godfatherism, since then the politics of godfatherism

became very strong and effective in influencing the political arrangement of the nation.

El-Rufai, Eke and Osaghae (2003), noted that the central concern of Liberal democracy is to

provide the framework for the aggregation of long-term interest of the majority and the

channeling of public resources in the pursuit of that interest. However, where corruption by the

custodians of the aggregate interest exists and persists, the chances are that development targets

26
will be missed and the „Hobessian‟ society would emerge. Consequently, societies that have

adhered to minimum liberal democratic principles have raised guaranteed living standards by

observing and complying with simple rules, which include private sector led growth, macro-

economic stability and fiscal discipline, investment promotion, deregulation of financial markets

and anti-corruption measures, especially when these are backed by a stable and predictable

judicial system and internal security.

Wilsons (2008) in his study of administration also argued for an administration apparatus that is

devoid of politics and meddling after he was concerned about the bureaucratic system in

America that operated as a bastion for political patronage. Proponents of this theory suggest that

democratic states all over the world should shun away from political patronage and godfatherism

via state jobs and embrace a culture of meritocratic recruitment and promotion. They argue that

access to institutions of government as an employee should be conditioned on the bases of

possession of relevant knowledge, skills and qualification credentials, what Max Weber (1968)

refers to as „expert-officialdom‟.

Finally, a study by Quintelier (2007), which specifically examined the differences between the

age groups, revealed that young adults and adults seem to be similar in their political attitudes,

with the exception that young people have fewer opportunities to participate politically.

Furthermore, they state that there are differences with regard to the engagement in specific forms

of political participation as young adults tend to participate more in non-institutionalized forms.

This leads to the conclusion that “it seems as if the problem of youth political participation is

less a matter of whether they participate, and more a matter of where they

participate” (Rainsford, 2017).

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