for Kaustiaya ano Bravanes Kaun and for Prta Loomaa SE pr teen JAI oy y The Partitions of. ‘Memory THE AFTERLIFE OF THE DIVISION OF INDIA Edited by SUVIR KAULSUNIL KUMAR * Qutb and Modern Memory | HE QUTB MINAR and mosque, Delhi's first masjid ami’, cons- teucted in the last decade of the ewelfth century, has drawn the ourists, antiquarians and scholars over the years. The tall clermencofwhat Gel called ‘magic’. How: and early chirteenth cent 1ct something so enormoi perfectly symmetrical, and yet so artuned to appreciate uniqueness, size, proportion and the investme of money and labour, savour the immensity and beauty of thestructure ‘and marvel atthe accomplish The reactions of visitors to the ‘This an abbreviated version of a pape (sponsored by he Universry Grants Car search andthe Maison des Sciencesde Hom Jawaharlal Nehru Universey, 14-16 February 1994. Lam curendyrevisinghe paper ied ‘Defining and Contesting Terrirory: The Imartin, Dilip Menon, Ebba Koch, SSuvie Kaul and Tanika Sazkar, none of whom necessarily share the opinions of the author expressed here. Qutb and Modern Memory 141 the rubble of ewenry-seven demolished temples, are, however, more ambivalent. The starkness of the mosque is relieved only ployedemaplespoils. Temple columns, Hindu and Ja somecompleteand many defaced idols, are beautifilin themselves but clearly our of context wichin the environs of the mosque. They appear to be spoils of war, che evidence of pillage and vicrory in a conflict fought in the distant past. Most visitors in the mosque today are temples within a‘Muslim’ mosque is unmistakeable, the masjid con- firms images ofslamiciconoclasm and fanaticism. Itresurrects mem- cries of communal di regards asa part of his country’s social history. Unlike the minaret, the 8 with its images of destruction, power and ‘The manner in which visitors to the Quib complex understandand incerprec the structures at the sites not simply shaped by their cognit- ive understanding of what constieutes an object of ‘beauty’. Ie is as mucha productof their socialized, historicized, understanding of the 10 the stcucture. This paper seeks to study the manner in Qutb complexis undeistood today, and theepistemological assumptions which have supported such an understanding. As I dis- cess in my paper, both the builders and detractors of the mosque at- tached a host of meanings to the mosque in the Middle Ages, many of ‘which were reworked in the popular imagination in the early modern period. Yer, today, only one interpretation has survived through the ages. Historians have played a major role in che construction of this modern memory of the Queb. They have written excensively on the ‘Qutb itself, and on the political and religious conditions ofthe time when it was buile. Their research on the Qutb has not remained rele- gated co the pages of arcane tomes; ithas received wide circulation in text books and the popular press. Daily, thousands of visitors are guid- ‘ed through the Qutb monuments by thedescriptionsand interpretations142 The Partitions of Memory provided by the Archacological Survey of India atthe site of the mos- ‘que itself These narratives were culled from the works of scholars on medieval archivecture, Islam, and Indian history. Together they con- stitute a text through which the experience of visitors to one of the ‘major tourist spotsin north Indias refracted into authoritative know- 1 character of Islamic piery and the nature of ‘Muslim Queb and Modern Memory 143 blein roncofhewesewallof the mosque. Theeasfaceofthe scr ‘was decorated with Arabic calligraphy, verses from the Qur’én and traditions of the Prophet, interspersed with floral and geomet vem, Perhaps even more dramatically than che reused temple spoils, the requirements. Irwas around this time that work on the ground floor of the minaret was also completed. Although derived from the archi- riptions and eulogies of conquest, it cory and a vantage point to call the faithful jid-i Jami‘, Its Builders, and Its Main Features? ‘The Delhi masjid+ jimi underwent construction on dire diferent ‘ccasions. The first mosque, 214 by 149 feet, ch, south and che east, ina form which maintained the symmeuy of the mosque. Hence the arches and the i inaret harmonized with the preexistingarchitecture. Since theseadditionsarclargely in ruins today, the final impacto their ze and grandeur, their dwarfing ofthe original masjid, is completely _veryingeniously. Column shafts, base, and capitals, ofdiferet ses and forms, with Hindu or Jain sculpruces and placed one upon the othe lack of concern for iconic symmeuy, with Shaivite, Vaishnavite and Jain motifs placed cheeke-by-jowl wich each other, conveys the impres- sion of destruction, a temper which is very much a part of the cons- ‘over the environs with tht huge transformation that introduced in the architect landscape of the masid-i jimi‘. Many historians tend to obsc intervention by suggesting that rather than altering the mosqu mish merely ‘completed’ it: “The changes in the mosque introduced dusing the third phase of construction, in the reign of ‘Alt’ al-Din Khalajt (695-715/1296— 1316), ase also nearly lost today. But for one entrance hall, and an unfinished minarer, there is no visible trace of any Khalaji building ether with other evidence of re- cobeassumed thatthe iron trophy of conquest placed m invaders?144 The Partitions of Memory activity within the mosque size of Ieutmish’s, that the arches on ies w alder constructions and if the gith ofthe uninishe! indication, icwould also have been twice thesize oftheol wailed wih ven spaced rectangles windows and door Pee eae chin marble trimmings and epigraphs carrying ‘and statements commemorating the achievements of the Sultan. The modern visitor needs to imagine, fhe or she can, a and dwarf the old one. In sh mne. In sheer size and grandeur it woul one of the most awe-inspiring mosques a ime aan one seen el ofthe nee cent, eee lg hare died iomengucndarompeedocoplan diane coal . Their wrcings have over the years assumed authorit- acvedimension’ Paap an rely upon their guidance tocon- ‘opinions ofthe structure, The nattemp: todieggegatthisecolashiptoundertand how changinghisorel assumption and research ra ea methodologies are reflected in the study of I. Reading the Masjid-i Jami as the ‘Might of Islam Mosque make a derailed study of the epi ‘epigraphs and archirectural form Qutb complex in the 1840's ‘Many cfhisconcsinsweresunmared towered over the opinion on the er telied upon thesescholarly extsfor heir {information and interpretation. with huge arches decorate i ‘on che western wall, anda: Pe aan eesti mnst mn to balance § Qusb and Modern Memary 145 Aichacological evidence, however, has ' written in the 1860s, and some Yea later in the Epignapbica Indo- “Moslemica, aoureal devored 0 1 eipons Much of his information was recompiled in he 19207) the report of the exca logical Survey ofIndianasraredby}.A. Page Thiscorpusofinformation the study of Persian and Arabic ins and conservation efforts of the Archaeo- fal data on the basis of which an early consenstal eof the Qutb complex developed.’ The guides repared atthe turn of the ceneury for English tous: ro Delhi also inverest in the works ofall these authors was temple material within the mas- ive and line drawings focused upon the de- se a his aspect ofthe congregational mosque: whar was the extent ‘of the original plinth ofthe eemple upon which the mosque was built: hhow many temple pillars were in fact used in the making of the cloist- ‘ers? Alcernatively their attention was drawn to the fact srchitecrural seles continued co predominate wi srooque They noted the absence of che tre arc in the great srt of rasan peand the use ofa corbelled tecique by indigenous cfs men, together with the voxsoir, ro convey the impression ofthe are trch, Ina similar fashion these scholars also noved the Persian:. haus; Sanskritovernacular: Réné) which ‘words, in the immediate vicinity of iconoclastic destruction, chere -were other important areas built and ized by “Hind: largeenough to be of public congregatio quite dissimilar from our’s today), we need to nevertheless remember that the actions ofthe Mu‘izat commanders differed from those of the precedents setby the’ Hindu’ rulers. When ‘Hindu’ rajas pillaged each ‘other's temples, he authority ofthe vanquished lord was either appro- priated or reconstituted within the temple shrine of the conqueror. and reconstruction of imperial eemples, homologous forms of Hindu ki statements of conquestin the mas population. Qutb al-Din's .e destruction of templesand theconstcuction of mosque id, fractured the relationship between the king and his ave chieftains. This development need noc necessarily imply, however, aconcomitancdistancing of the subordinate echelon of ural chieftains from newly emerging structures of Sultanate authority. eis160 The Parsisions of Memory certainly worth querying whether the Mu‘izet governors constructed ‘new, but different, relationships with these local political regimes in the countryside. “The discourse of the Persian chronicles and the nature of the mas- jid-i jam would suggest chat this was not the case; political authority remained the exclusive preserve of the new Muslim Turkish elite and ‘Hindus’ were hunted, not recruited, in the new political order. Stray subordinates, were present within the ranks ofthe pillaging armies of Qutb al-Din Ai-Beg, Welacka sense of numbers and roles occupied by these subordinates within the new dispensation, but theit sheer presence forces us to reevaluate the relationships between the different ruling elites in ways more complicated than those suggested by asim- ple confessional divide. The efforts of Quyb al-Din, and other Mu‘izzi commanders, to- wards consolidating relationships with Hindu’ chieftains only becomes clearer when we turn to other source material. In their ability to reach ivestatementsofconquest. Unlike thecongregational mosque, however, thecoinage carried statements ofboth conquest and reassuranceto the conquered people. To begin with, che coins were unequivocal in their announcement of a new political order, and they introduced the new masters, the Mu‘izt Amits, as She Hammirah che Persian ticles ofthe suggest any evidence of material change. The conquerors made no ef- fore to alter the weight and purity of che precious metals in cheir coins which harmonized perfecdy with existing circulating mediums. Deliberate attempts seem to have been made to emphasize continuity with the older pattems of fiscal and commercial exchange. Pethaps even more impressive was the confessional ambiguity inthe sgila of the Mu‘izzt coins of this gime, the image of han horseman’ were stamped on Shei Hammirah, Even more signific carried both the outline of Lakshmi, the Hindu Goddess of wealth, and the Sultan's tide in che devnagi As discursive statements, these coins made deliberate attempts to incorporate the conquered people within the nevily established political and economic systems, riot through pillage and mayhem, but chrough reassuring measures and symbols chat suggested continuity with a preceding regime. These starements would suggest that ‘Muslim conquest’ did nor seek co twaumatize the subject population and iecertainly did not wish to cre- al life. As the hoard evidence were valued as muchas che atcany major disjunctions in thei from north India conficms, inderandconquestconveyed sore Forgotten thativis the Pers- jan chronicles and the epigrap! episode of temple destruct ‘romadifferentaspecr, thedestruction was also necessary to break the social might have been 1 to the presence es —which eased the political transition and soughe toc stable, productive relationships with the reweagén ws thakurdn. The trautna of the poli- tical change was assuaged somewhat by the remarkably restrained and confessionally ambiguous ways in which the new regime intruded into the life of a second rung of Hindu’ political commanders. Within the162 The Partitions of Memory context of their own discursive statements, this was a fact that the Persian chronicles and the Delhi masjid-i jimi’ would not wish to recognize. VIL. Pietistic Muslim Responses to the Mosque ‘The main audience of the Delhi m was the Musli dents of the town. This community of Muslims increased in both size and heterogenous complexity during the 620s/1220s. Because of the destruction and havoc caused by the Mongol invasions, people from different regions in Afghanistan, eastern Iran, Transoxania and the central Asian steppes, immigrants of varied ethnic backgrounds, speaking distinct regional dialects, and with separate customary'usa- ges, had made their way into the sanctuary ofnorth India. Itis doubefial if they autom: other purely |. Many of them possessed fence to the regional eco- the presence of 2 grea to any sense of an integrated com- that Iltutmish (607-33/1210-36) collected people from all parts of the world in Delhi, (whichis) the capital ofHindustan, déral-mulk the centreoflsiam, daira lam, the cradle of the commands and prohibitions of the Sher‘, mahbiri ausdmir wa nuuthi-yi Shara, the keeper of the Muslim faith, auzi dinei Mubammadi, the dais of the Muslim community, manasa? sanctuary oflslamin the eastern world, Québa' lim Theauthor's description of Delhiasthe gubba/slémthesanctuary, chedome oflslam, conveyed to the reader the new identity of the capi- cal in its axial role of representing the forcunes ofthe larger collectivity Qutb and Modern Memory 163 ‘of Muslims. This was accurate enough in the context of Delhi's emerging military influence in north India; by 625/128 Lcuemish hhad managed 0 defeat and annex the vertitories of the remnant ‘Mu‘izzi and Quibt commanders. Jzjant’s representation ofthis poli- tical transformation, however, went much further. The chronicler's narrative suggested that just as Heutmish’s sultanate was a monolith, Islam was also a unitary, homogenous entity without any internal dissonances or complexities, at peace with itself, especially since the Delhi Sultan was its great protector. Doubtsaboutthe degree of confessional coherencewithin che Mus- Jim populationof the Delhi Sultanate, however, emergerather ironically. from Jazjani’s history itself. Towards the end of Thrutmish’s reign, sometime around, or after 634/1236, JOzjant mentioned that a ‘sort’ oflearned man, shakthst-yi danishmand gina, by the name of Néx Turk collected 2 large following near Delhi, According to the chronicler, this was a congregation of common people, kbalyei ‘awdmm, who col- lected from distantareas like Gujarat, Sindh, the environs of Delhi and the banks of the Ganga and Jumna. They were strongly moved by Nar ‘Turk’s exhortations, caskir, where the preacher referred ro the ‘lama’ of the majority community, wlemd’abl-isunnae wa jamél‘at, as those who had wronged che cause of ‘Ali. According to Jazjant, Nar Turk specifically condemned the ‘ulama’ of the Shafif and Hanaff legal schools of interpretation, and instigated his followers to conspire against Islam, gasd [slim kardand. This group of people attacked the Delhi masjid-i mi’, an action which ed Jazjant wo describe the group as Shi'i Qarmatians and heretics, mulahida wa qarémita.® Jazjant sought to obscure the significance of the ‘Muslim’ attack on the Qutb mosque by suggesting thac iewas the conspiracy of ‘heretics’, 1a people who were outside the pale of the Sunni community. As a result, cheattackon the masjd-ijami' would have remained one of the many curious details ofa challenge which the 'Muslimn’ Sultanate had ‘withstood successfully, A thorough vindication of themain protagonist in cis story, however, by no less a person than the widely revered and respected s0f? saint Nizdm al-Din Awliya’, makes it impossible to ac- cept JOzjdat’s gloss of the incident.164 The Partitions of Memory (On the 13th of Sh‘aban, 718/October 10, 1318, during one of his, daily meetings with the congregation who ishospicein Delhi, description of the Nizam fromanyheresyand: toNizim al-Din Awliya’, Nar Turkhad publicly criticized the ‘ulama’ because he had seen how polluted they had become by the material world of the capital, ishn-rd luda i duniya didi Iewas for this reason that the ‘ulama’ had fabricated all kinds of offensive charges (of the kind reported by Jizjéni, no doubs) against the pious derwish, w-rd adn chicha mansith kardand:In Nigimal- of the tale, Jagjani’s appraisal of Nar Turk opinions of the ‘ulama’ in Delhi. The wheel had come fall circle; for Nizim al-Din Avliyé’ che sharl'a minded ‘ulama’ were certainly nor paragons of virtue or comportment. The renewed discussion of Nar Turk’s beliefs, his animosity to- wards the Delhi ‘ulam’, and Jitzjant’s accoune of the incident may ‘well have cropped up accideneally during the course of Nizam al-Din ‘Awliyd’s discourse. In the manner of his discussion of the Nar Turk episode however, thesafisaine’sarguments did not merely rework Juz- jani’s report, it also sought to foreclose all options for independent y was unimpeachable, indignation exonerated the derwish’s attack on the mas} ies corrupt ‘ulama’. Hidden as. sub-texcin chis discu ment on the sacred character of the D: sisepresenced Islam, “These contrasting evaluations of Nor Turk are important because they were made by two not: ‘Both Nizam al- Din Avwliya and Jani and both were popul within the sunni-j acommuniy, wreachers, respected for their piery. Yet, even ‘a community there were obviously wide Quib and Modern Memory 165 differences in theic ideal of the virtuous, especially amongst mystics and shati'a-minded scholars. Some of these differences were explained by Nizam al-Din Awliya’. ‘The‘ulamd’ areche people ofinelleceaht-iagh the deruishesa texts by the ‘ulam’’, wi and the ideal of a unity within che Mustim community. This sharply reduced the opportunities forindependentspeculation, andcontcasted with the emotion of divine love, In the gif understanding of Islam far greater importance was given to an inner, intuitive understanding of ritual: The faith ofthe believer could lead him ro experience aspects of God’s bounty and love, foreign to the cognition of the ‘ulamé’. Asa result che sift could believe char was so transported by his own (inbar to a neighbouring wa [char] the mardin-ighait, men of the unseen, J, and sometimes callfed) away a mortal ro ‘Whereas reason and intellect would regard these gs patently fraud- ulencexperiences, for many peoplein the early thirteenth century these ‘were real events, evidence of God's intervention in an insecure mortal world. The mystic’s interpretation of the individual's relationship ‘wich God resisted the auth cervention of the intellect; the nitr-i basin of the sAfi, his internal, hidden emotions, provided him166 The Partitions of Memory ‘wich the space to contravene the ‘ulama’s understanding of the social dictates ofthe sharia This independence, the freedom to negotiate one’s piety through a variety of prescriptive norms, was abhorrent to the ‘ulama’ who re- garded the sift ability to mobilize huge congregations to their way of thinking as positively dangerous to the unity of Islam. The Delhi Sultans, nervous about che popular charismatic appeal of the saints, could not have agreed more with the conclusions of the ‘ulam2’. Although the Sultans lacked the ability to interfere and dis reconstructed the Qutb mosque, the shar'a' very seriously. ‘Als’ plained the Delhi Sultan’s contribution: their roles as the ‘preservers of in’s inscription in the mosque ex- ‘When God Almighty, whose greatness issublime and whose names are ex alted, for the revival of the laws of the (Muslim) commu iis ills and the el the Caliphs ofthe every moment the foundations of che Muslim tel ‘Mubammadi, and the roots, bind, ofthe Muslim shar Seeches ing, istibkam mipaziradiqawi migerdad, nd for preserving the sae and ‘consolidating che Sultanate, dawim-i mamlitar we nizémi Sultana (the lord ofthe Caliphs} built mosques in accordance with the commands of the mosque wha believes in Go: (Other than acknowledging the divine dispensation of authority to “Ala! al-Din, che Khalajt inscriptions linked ‘reviving’, ‘protecting’ the shart'a to the construction of mosques. ‘Ala’ \s created the material conditions in which Muslims themselves of sin, and ivis for this reason that another lored: ‘may God perperuate his kingdom (0 that he Qutb and Modern Memory 167 Leutmish’s inscription quoted the Qur'an, sara 62: 9-10, co clarify the importance of performing the obligatory rituals of prayer in the midse of one's daily activey: ° when proclamation is made for prayer on God's remembrance and leave trafficking aside; cha is you bur know. Then when the prayers finished, scatter in the land and ‘see God's bounty, and remember God frequently, haply you will pros- pers? Another inscription cited the traditions of cheProphet Muhammad to emphasize the connections between individual and congregational worship: ‘The Propher, .. std, ‘whoever offered his morning prayer in congrega- tion gorhis (worldly) troubles removed by Allah; and whoever offered his afternoon prayer (in congregation) got his living made plentiful by Allah; andwhoever offered hislate afternoon prayer (in congregation} became (as, pre) 25 on the day he was born: and whoever offered his evening prayer in congregation is considered asif he has given away his wealth and (even) his fe (n the way of Allah), and whoever offered his bed-time prayer in congregation received Alla’s blessing.” (The Prophe:) said ‘whoever observed these five prayers in congregation would have his way (to Heaven) widened by Allah. Asa part of their ‘administrative’ repertory aimed their Muslim subjects, che Delhi Sultans needed the ‘ul: supervisory roleofenforcing obedience w thesharl'a. The construction of mosque and schools proclaimed the Sultan's intentions while providing the ‘ular’? wi Muslims could be socialized into following the prescriptive cades of the shart‘a, It was the fractionalized social world of the Muslims chat the Delhi Sultans sought to cohere within one community, governed by one law, under the authority of a morally upright monarch. The Delhi masjid jami’ was extremely important in disseminating this sentime: it was very direct in developing its sacred significance. His inscription on the left pier ofthe south door to the mosque argued: ain cheir168 The Partitions of Memory mosque, which i the mosque of paradise, for and aplace of assembly of the ed by the souls of the chief prophets: 1or question the spirieua authority ofthe saints of cad heargued that together withangelsand prophets, lama’. In establishing an alternative disciplinary formation, the teachings of the sift were as threatening to Sultanate ‘order’ asan armed attack. There was no mincing of words in hisi sion of ‘Ala’ al-Din's claims regarding the sacredness of the Dell (Nizam al-Din} asserted: ‘Whatever place there might be, itis scented by the blessed fees [ofthe sf saints). Take, for example, the Delhi masjid- pious have trod chere, which is why ' would have remained bad the gf saints not that his audience r from the blessings of the saints of God and not from the efforts of the Dethi Sultans. ‘of the place originated Qutb and Modern Memory 169 VIII. Conclusion: ‘Objective’ History and the Memory of the Qutb -wasa haven for'schol- ‘eoftheircongregations jecuniary gain and their claims were very mucha part ami in the thirteenth and four- ‘of the rulers of Delhi. But chis was not at the expense of the +hose influence remained undiminished during this ps ine, paradoxically, ‘controlled’ thesaint’sdiscourse against the inadequacies of temporal government. The Mughals did not hesitate to appear as disciples of mystic saints and incorporated stains of mysticism within the ideological baggage explaining thei rites of kingship. ‘The example of Nigam al-Din Awliya’ notwithstanding, notall gifi170 The Partitions of Memory shrines were equally hegemonized by the Mughals. To the south of Delhi, near cheold masjd-ijami’, thedargah of Quel ly 1740s Dargth Quit Khan com ines with a narration of Bakbt ‘may have lacked the popularity of Nizam al-Din in che eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, his mystical powers were considered so commanding that the Mughal emperors Shah ‘Alam Bahadur Shah (1119~24/1707~12), Jalal al-Din Shah “Alam (1173~1221/1760-1806) and Mu'in al-Din Akbar (1221-53! 1806-37) chose to be buried near the dargah. The wish of the last Mughal ruler, Bahadur Shah ‘Zafar’ (1253~74/1837-58), to be buried nearthesaintremained unfulfilled; hewas deported to Rangoon, ied * dargih, Bakhtiydr Kald's charisma did not emperors. This was not be- the Afghan, Maratha and mand obedience was in obvious d: the increasing popularity of Bakht teenth century many peo Kale seniormoscin the local, popular casmology evidenc in Dell inereenth century, Bakhtiyar Kaki was regarded latecighteenth, the Qutb, the axis, around whom the world revolved. This inter pretation was also provided an iconic representation when the minér Qutb and Modern Memory 171 lopments in the meaning of the masj pate. jin the nineteenth and twentieth to correct some ‘er- «In 1263/1846-47 the judge (munsif) employed wich the British East India Company, Sayyid Ahmad Khan, wrote his famous topographical monograph on Delhi, the Asaral-Sanddid. Acthatstage situation." The documentary record of the court chronicles was an important source for the historian, and Sayyid Ahmad Khan carefully selected texts which were, in his opinion, repositories of reliable, ob- jective information, His concern to recount the ‘correct facts’ about the capital of the ‘great Sultans and the Mughals motivated Sayyid Ahmad Khan towrite the most comprehensive text on the monuments of Delhi, In his ac- count of Delhi's old congregational mosque, he did mention that one of the names for the minaret vias ‘Queb sthib ki lath’, and, amongst172. The Partitions of Memory other names, the masjid was also called Quwwat al-Islam." P: because these names' sd to the realm ofan oral, popul and not to an ‘objective’, ‘scientific’, verifiable, documentary record, there was no discussion of why the mosque and che minér ascribed such intriguing names. Sayyid Ahmad Khan’ ral and epigraphical content of the monument and each ies construction. -l-Sanidid was tegacded as an ‘authoricat- evidence of sound historical research. ‘of a later generation were dependent upon Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s collection of datachis readings of the epi- graphs, bibliography of sources, and discussion of the authorship and architectural significance of the mosque. The major development in the early twentieth century occured when the analysis of the congrega- sional mosque was further elaborated by an emerging consensus about the history of the Delhi Sultanate. Ironically, in their research in his areas well, scholars continued to be dependent upon Sayyid Ahmad. Khan’s scholarship. Itwas his editions ofthe Persian chrosiicles whiich became the staple die for most medievalists, because their ‘factual ac- count(s)’, scholars in the ewentieth century noted, were ‘correct in all substantive matters. is no doubt thatthe scholarship on the medieval period tod: that of Sayyid Ahmai wary of examining jons of evidence, or locates ‘authoritasive’ sources, and history of the Middle Ages, has led to have in different ways remained congruent with the fortunes ofthe stare. This methodology has left liele space for the presence of local histories, popular memories or contesting discourses in the history of Qutb and Modern Memory \73 sguously used by Jzjani for Ileutmish’s Delhi and later applied co define the spiritual domain of Bakhtiyar Kiki, was transformed into Quwiwat al-Islam, ot the ‘Might of Islam’ and used for Queb al-Din’s mosque. This name coincided more closely with the military persona of the first constructor of che mosque and his proclamation of a new political order buile out of the rubble of temples. Des, developmentsin research on medieval Indian history, thisinterpretation of che mosquc has cemained unquestioned. In that sense, the problem before us today is nor a simple oneiofseinterpreting the sig of che Queb monuments. We needito be aware that itis the epist logics dominantin the study of medieval Indian history thacer incerpretation of the Qutb menumentsas the‘ Quwwatal-Islam’ mos- que. As purveyors of ‘information’, historians shape the contours of, the medieval period. Historians may no longer use the iad’ to refer to the subcontinent’s Middle Ages, but he Delhi Sultans and che Mughal padishahs the history of medieval India. The different rulers and their scructures of administration, revenue and diplomatic policies are studied as the agencies which introduced social and eco- . Mazxist analyses of relations of discussed as dissenting groups, ‘non-conformist moveme| | i | 174 The Partitions of Memory 10, but outside the pale of two well contoured religions, During this entire period ‘Muslims’ remained the politically dominant group ‘within the subcontinent. The relationship of these histotiographies to the memory of the Qutb is extremely important. The events and indi- viduals—Queb al-Din Ai-Beg or Quyb al-Din Bakbtiyar Kakt, for example—are nor terribly significant in themselves, but once situated wwichin larger contextual frames of sign . The Queb is one of those histo ts own historical moment to carry a much larger symbolic served and ‘done up’ into a national and world Inoneofits advertisement campaigns, the Hindustan Timeanational newspaper, asked its readers thé shesorical question: ‘Can you imagine Delhi without the Qutb?” Its ruins are presented today as a part of “Indian’ antiquity, a part of each citizen’s inheritance which he or she can cherish. One mosque out of several from the twelfth century has gained this doubtful honour. Indians are asked to take pridein ‘their’ rmindr-—we ate told chat it is one of che tallest free scanding minarets built out of stone and mortar. Nationalist pride, however, is short- lived and the Queb monuments lead vo 2 host ofambivalentreactions. If the minaret is wonderful, what of the mosque? Responses vary. For many, especially children, the monument isanincredibly beautiful and grandiose palace oralarger congregational hall. Thati isa mosque ‘escapes most of them. Other, more ‘discerning’ visitors, remain dis- concerted by the statues, pillars, and elaborate carvings, so obviously ofa Hindu/Jain provenancesituated within a congregational mosque. Suill others may see in the mosque evidence of the might and domin- ance of ‘their community’ in the affairs of the subcontinentin the near past Sinceitisa major rouristsite, the Archaeological Survey of India has placed shortdescriptionsinscribedon stonenear theseveral monuments ‘0 guide’ visitors through the Qutb complex. These in vide the name, the physical properties, functions and the respective monuments. These are facts; there is no hint of doubt, Qutb and Modern Memory 175 speculation or debate concerning the mulkiple interpretations of these sites or the changing historical contexts in which they were buil Inscead, the self-confident recounting of undisputed infor itself reassuring to the visitors. Ic is presented as the wisdom of the professional body of historians and archaeologists, the ‘authorities’ whose knowledge should be above doubr. ‘Once armed with checrucial information thatthe Quwrwaral-Islém masjid celebrates the conquest of Hindustan by the Muslim Sultans of Delhi, he nature of the monument itself leaves litle space co visitors fordoubr. Evenasthey function ashistorians themselves, the‘evidence’ of plunder before them is proof sufficient of Muslim iconoclasm and bigoted hatred of Hindus and their religious beliefs. Their empirical conclusionsarenot very fa fom aseamless historiography of medieval Indian history which has provided litde to contest the overriding im- pression of the hegemony of the Muslim state.® Asa result, the Qutb serves as a catalyst which resurrects host of memories about Muslims and theit governance: from casual tories concerning Muslim fanaticism and violence, to history lessons where Mustim rulers and their sub- in adivide which the Quebsuggests commenced from the very intrusion of Islam into India. A Partition which from its very first encounter was remarkable for its violence. ‘More than any large tome or pedagogical instruction, the Queb provides an opporcunity to educate visitors about the complex, frag- ‘mented political and religious world of India’s Middle Ages, a time when there was considerable disunity and contestation wi ‘groups defined as which should also guide us to reflec upon the manner in which dis- ‘of knowledge were formed in the Middle Ages. ‘mosque was built to represent a unity of congregation who not only remained unimpressed with Sultanate statements of piety and power but produced their own contesting discursive texts. The spoils of the Hindu and Jain temples are only a small part of the story of the Qutb;176 The Partitions of Memary Mu‘izzt Amirssuch as Baha’ al-Din Tu Turk, shaykbs like Nizam al-Din Avi (Quyb al-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki and the hi Khan and his successors are all ingredients that should be used to ex- plain the mult-levelled history of the mosque and minaret to visitors with unequivocal evidence of wrongs inflicted inthe past upon the Hindu community, wrongs that are in need of correction coday. ores ano Rerensnces 1. “Alfred Gell, “The Technology of Enchantment and the Enchantment of ‘Technology’, in Anthropolegy, Art and Aesteser eds, J. Cooteand Anthony Shelton, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992, pp. 40-63. For deals on the spatial, architeesural and epigraphic information, other shan my own field surveys, [am reliant on the research of Sayyid Ahmad Khan, Alexander Cunningham, J. Horowitz, JA. Page, A.B.M. Husain, (M.A. Husain, and Ebba Koch, The full bibliographical cietions are given lurely no evidence to warrant such an assuraption all ogists have concluded that it was the Muslims who within the Qutb morque: Theirconclusions mighthave been guided: + cha later rules like Fire Shah Tughlug and Akbar wansported Asckan pillas and placed them as trophies in Delhi and Allaha- dso plundered by Hinds ule, ‘wophies and publicly displayed as statement of conquest. A simila fo Qutb and Modern Memory 177 AlsandesConnnghm, ‘out Repos ade ding she years 1862-63— Sil Aehclogi Survey Sieh Jean Deities See nad Rha Aland, Kal Urdu 847}; Alerander Cunningham, ‘Four Report's J. sof Muhammadibn Sam, QuibuddinAibegand 12-545). Yanda, Ins and ches conteraporaties in Bengal 2-30; JA. Page, An Miorcal of the Archacological Survey of Asfaras have been able toda to refer co the Delhi Mas ‘Qurvatal-Llam was the name chstening frit was to evencualy become the ofthe istoriographical spectrum , Enclopacdia of Teigibnrond sector General Archaclogical Survey of 1982 apes pp 17-19, 52-9, amongst the beter wurst ide liter acl W, Meister, “The Two-and-achalf day Mosque’, Oriental Art 18 pp- 57-63; Mohammad Mujecb, "The Queb Complex asa Social smic influence on Indian i Praka Arohisecrure, DI 8, Robert Hillenbrand, ‘Political Symbolism in Early Indo-| i { 178 The Partitions of Memory ps 105-17. Anthony The Tughlug Sulzans of « Quritn and Tomb: dhe Religious Epigraphs of Two Estly Suleanate Tombs in Delhi in fndian Epirapl: Is Beringon the Fitory of ‘sods Freetick M. Asher and G.S, Ghai, New Delhi: Oxford and [BE shed article: Islamic Architecture and Epigraphs in Sultanate Studies in South Asan Artand Archivecrare, ed, A.K. Narain, forth- ing. 11. Ibid, p. 257. 12, Welch, ‘Architectural Patronage sspiations and ts distance from the polytheism ofthe sub- 312-13. The Foundation of Musi Rule in India, Allahabad: General Book Depot, 1976 spe, Khaliq Abmad Nizaji, Some Aspect of Reli- so and Plt DrenthCoay, Db Mavi thi, B.D. Nigam, Nobility Under te Saltansaf Dell, ab 1206-1398, i: Munshiram Manoharial, 1968 ‘Archicectral Patronage .. ',p. 311. 16, “Theplebianization ofthe nobility’ aclumsy formulation atbest, hi several proponents bur was first suggested by Muhammad Habib, "The Governing ical Survey’, Enguiryn.s. 2 (1965), p. 45. The Agrarian System of Mughal India, Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1963, p. 257. Qutb and Modern Memury 179 20. ‘efan Habib, “The State and the Economy’, in the Cambridge Economic sychandhuri and Irfan Habib, Cambridge: 184 22, Habib, Agrarion Sytem of the Mughal Empire p. 334. 23, Habibullah, Foundation of Maan Agrarian Spiem of Mughal india. 9. see Franz Rosenthal, History of Muli Hiseriegraphy, Leen: 969, pp. 93-5 and Louise Maslow, Herarchyand Fgaltarinism in llamic Thought, Cambridge: Tabagés..., vol 1, p. $21. 32. Ibid, vol. 1, p. 421. Notice also che eitulature and JO) 33, FED. Ross, The genealogies of Fab al-Din Mubérak ShAh in ‘Ajab Namah: A Volume of Orienal Seeds prevented to E.G, Browne ‘eds, T.W. Amold and RA. Nicholson, Cambridge: 34 3s.180 The Partitions of Memory [Neighbouthood Sedementsand i Rint, eds, Peter J. Ucko and Robert Layton, The Archacelogy and Anshropology of Landicape, London: Routledge, 1999, p. 159: and idem, "Names, Meanings and a History of Dehi's Neighbourhoods, forthcoming, 38, See Davis, ‘Indian Are Objects as Loot’, pp. 22-48. 39. Peter Hardy, 'Grovrch of Authority Over a Conquered Political Elie: Early Delhi Sultanate as Possible Case Seady’,in Kingship and Authority in South Avia ed, J. Richards, Delhi: Oxford Universicy Press, 1998 spe, pp. 216- 41, had seudid a similar set of questions years ago withous much succes. Sigoificandly hie research was based primarily on the textual evidence ofthe irteenth and fourseenth cencures. Tei 3 Hardy, ‘Authority Overa Conquered Queb and Modern Memory 181 by Maulvi Muhammad Ashraf Hussain. Record Non-HisorealEpigraphs onthe Protected Monuments leuta: Memoits of the Archaeological Survey of 58, Sl, Fem al Pt pp. 18-19: seBbon dar harkari gaan nth mardi sefel:farmid bh har mae keh bat, ba-yaran-i agar tis ts, ebundncheh masjid jimi" Dehli. B'ad az dn farm heh, agdrichand ‘auliyd'wa buzurgin Anjabracidah bchad he én magion nendrrdbat dérad. aareniiah Historical Research, 1993, p. 11.182 The Partitions of Memory we medieval period. The writings ty Subrahmanyam are, however, The Mughal State, Delhi: Oxford Alar, Subrahmanyam and other Sui in ad Masi Hiri Wing Londons Lara 1966 rp, pp- 4-5. Performing Partition in Lahore RICHARD McGILL MURPHY Introduction: The Mirror Stage of ‘National Difference ARTITION tives EACH day at sunset atthe Wagah border crossing beeween Pakistan and India, a few kilometeseastof Lahore, The goods cross by train at a point down the bo: daily event at Wagah is the sunset fag lowering ceremony the Pakistani and Indian atmy detachments who guard their respective sides of the frontier have developed a precisely coordinated ceremonial choreography. ‘The commanders of the two border-guard detachments meet ‘monthly to discuss the flag ceremony and other joint responsibil