The Handbook of Attitudes Volume 2: Applications: Dolores Albarracín, Blair T. Johnson

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The Handbook of Attitudes

Volume 2: Applications
Dolores Albarracín, Blair T. Johnson
The Role of Attitude in Choice of Travel, Satisfaction with

Travel, and Change to Sustainable Travel
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10.4324/9781315178080-18 Tommy Gärling, Sebastian
Bamberg, Margareta Friman Published online on: 04 Sep 2018
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18
THE ROLE OF ATTITUDE IN

CHOICE OF TRAVEL, SATISFACTION
WITH TRAVEL, AND CHANGE TO
SUSTAINABLE TRAVEL
Tommy Gärling, Sebastian Bamberg, and Margareta Friman
Introduction
In the developed countries of today, travel contributes to well-being by increasing opportunities for people to
choose where to live in relation to their workplace, to meet with relatives and friends, to purchase the most
attractive goods at the lowest prices, to patronize the best restaurants, to visit recre ational places, and to attend
entertainment and cultural events. Some travel is also enjoyed for its own sake. Examples include driving a
fancy new car or enjoying to sail in the sunshine. Does this positive picture of travel imply that people’s attitudes
toward travel are positive? In this chapter, we attempt to answer both this question and several related questions.
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Attitude toward travel is a vague concept if travel is not defi ned. It is also vague because attitude may have
many different roles regarding travel. We fi rst provide a defi nition of travel, excluding other possible defi nitions
and research areas. We also review research on three roles of attitude, as illustrated in Figure 18.1 . One role
allows people to make relatively stable evaluations of optional choices regard ing whether, where, when, and
how to travel. Another role relates to their satisfaction with travel. A third role is infl uencing changes made to
sustainable travel. There are other possible roles that we have thus excluded. Yet our review is fi rmly grounded
in previous and current applied travel research that spans both the engineering and social science disciplines.
The defi nition of attitude toward travel in the research that we review is provided by Eagly and Chaiken
(1993 , p. 1): “Attitude is a psychological tendency that is expressed by evaluating a particu lar entity with some
degree of favor or disfavor,” whereby the particular entity or “attitude object” may be everything a person
discriminates perceptually or holds in mind. Corollaries include that attitudes are less infl uenced by situational
factors than preferences but less stable than personality traits ( Ajzen, 1987 ) and that the evaluation has several
antecedents and consequences including affective (e.g., feelings about the attitude object as measured by, e.g.,
heart rate or evaluative ratings), cognitive (beliefs about the attitude object as measured by, e.g., likelihood
ratings), and behavioral (e.g., behav ioral approach–avoidance tendencies measured using observations or self-
reports) ( Eagly & Chaiken, 1993 ). The defi nition “evaluation” is adopted in this volume (see also Albarracín,
Zanna, Johnson, & Kumkale, 2005 ), implying that attitude is not necessarily a stable memory representation
that is invul nerable to situational infl uences.
The dominant attitude theories in travel research are the theory of reasoned action (TRA) ( Fish 2010 ) and
bein & Ajzen, 1975 , the theory of planned behavior (TPB) ( Ajzen, 1991 ), which are
562
The Role of Attitude in Travel
Individual, social, and

Attitude toward travel
societal factors
Choice of travel
Satisfaction with travel
Travel features Change to sustainable travel
Figure 18.1 The Roles of Attitude Toward Travel Reviewed in the Chapter
examples of expectancy-value theories positing that an attitude is the multiplicative product of the beliefs
(probability) and evaluations (utility) associated with salient properties or consequences. Other elements of these
theories (intention, subjective norm, perceived behavioral control, and value) have also been important foci in
travel research.
Several of travel’s features, and their combinations, are either objects of attitude toward travel or, in conjunction
with individual, social, and societal factors, determinants of attitude toward travel.
For instance, attitudes toward travel may differ depending on the mode of travel, whether by private car, by public
transport (train, bus, boat, or airplane), by cycle, or on foot. Attitudes toward travel during leisure time that are
motivated by desire are, furthermore, likely to differ from attitudes toward travel to work or other activities motivated
by needs or obligations. Attitudes toward long range interurban or foreign travel are similarly likely to differ from
attitudes toward intraurban or rural travel to nearby destinations.
In the developed countries of today, motorized travel using private cars has risen to a level that is starting to
cause locally and globally detrimental effects to the environment ( van Wee, 2014 ). Locally, urban environments
are made less habitable due to the risk of accidents, particle emissions, and noise. Another local effect is the
encroachment of road and parking infrastructure onto land and the consequent destruction of historical and
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cultural assets. Encroachment onto land is also having the global effect of reducing the land available for producing
food for the increasing world population.
Another global effect is the contribution to global warming made by emissions of greenhouse gases.
Yet another global effect is a shortage of material and fossil energy. Changing attitudes toward motor ized travel
are playing their part in attempts to increase how often people choose sustainable travel.
Our review is limited to the urban, suburban, and rural travel of billions of people on most week days when
they commute to and from work or school, often combined with travel for other purposes, for instance shopping,
chauffeuring children, or recreation. We thus exclude interurban and foreign travel done less frequently and mainly
for business or leisure. Travel for these purposes is reviewed in Gärling, Ettema, and Friman (2014 ). In the next
section, we present a classifi cation of the travel features applicable to our research review. The following sections
present a review of the existing research on attitude toward travel as a mediator of the infl uences of travel features
on choices of travel, satisfaction with travel, and changes to sustainable travel.
A Classifi cation of Travel Features

Purpose is a basic feature of any classifi cation of travel ( Axhausen, 2007 ). As shown in Figure 18.2 classifi ,
a
cation of purpose based on motives includes the need, obligation, or desire to engage in some activity at the
destination, while another classifi cation of the activities used in transport policy mak ing and planning includes
work, sustenance, or leisure ( Vilhelmson, 2007 ). The last category may also include the activity of travel itself
( Ory & Mokhtarian, 2005 ). In GPS-based surveys of travel, purpose or activity have, with some certainty, been
inferred from the observed choices of destination ( Stopher & Greaves, 2007 ), whereas in mail-out or Internet-
based surveys, the participants themselves
563
Tommy Gärling et al.
Need Sustenance travel

Purpose
Activity inferred from
Obligation choice of destination or Work/school travel
directly reported
Desire Leisure travel
Nonmotorized travel modes Motorized travel modes
Walking Cycling Public Private

Not shared Not shared Involuntarily shared Voluntarily shared
Active Active Passive Passive
Slow Slow Fast Fast
No interchanges No interchanges Interchanges Interchanges
Space restricted Space restricted Space-time restricted Space restricted
Figure 18.2 A Classifi cation of Travel Features
report purpose freely. This allows more fi ne-grained activity categories (different subcategories of
sustenance or leisure activities) to be developed ( Harvey, 2004 ).
Walking is historically the basic mode of travel. When populations of interconnected people grew and
spread out spatially (referred to as urban sprawl), a faster mode of travel was necessary in order not to
increase overall travel times per day. Motorized travel then evolved, resulting in longer travel distances but
only marginally longer travel times ( Metz, 2004 motorized travel modes 2010are).1private
Another
,or feature is whether
public. Vehicles are
shared by friends and/or relatives in the case of private transportation but most frequently by strangers in
the case of public transportation. This entails different forms of social interaction. Walking differs from
motorized travel in being slower and is thus referred to as a slow travel mode. Cycling is another slow travel
mode, although its speed in congested urban streets is sometimes faster than motorized travel. Walking
and cycling are referred to as active travel modes since they require more physical activity than passive
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motorized travel. Another difference is the degree to which different modes restrict travel in time and space,
with consequences for congestions, accident risks, and delays.
A feature of all motorized travel is whether it consists of linked stages involving different travel modes
( Axhausen, 2007 ). Walking to and from the bus/train or the car park is a frequent example.
2
Another frequent example is public transport journeys having linked stages consisting of inter
changes that result in waiting times when changing from bus to train or from one bus route/train line to
another.
Attitude and Choice of Travel

In this section, we review attitudes in research regarding choice of travel between the 1950s and the
present day. This research has had the applied aim of forecasting the demand for urban travel ( Pas,
1990 ). It has therefore focused on choices of travel, destination, travel mode, and route, which are the
pillars of transport policy making and planning, referred to as the “four-step” model ( McNally, 2007 ).
Models of disaggregate discrete choice (i.e., choices modeled on the individual level between discrete
options such as, e.g., different travel modes) were developed early on by researchers in traffi c and
transportation engineering using a utility-maximization theoreti cal framework, partly transferred from
microeconomics and partly developed in this research, as exemplifi ed by Nobel laureate Daniel McFadden’s
infl uential random utility model (McFad den, 2001).
3
More recently, an expected utility type of theory (prospect theory, see Kahneman & Tversky,
1979 ; Tversky & Kahneman, 1992 ) has frequently replaced, for some purposes, the random utility model
(for reviews, see Li & Hensher, 2011 ; Van De Kaa, 2010 ). Recent research
564
also exemplifi es how decision heuristics investigated in psychological research are integrated into discrete choice models ( Leong &
Hensher, 2012 ).
Discrete Choice Models

Over the years, some attempts have been made to reorient research into discrete choice models. Dur ing the early 1970s, expectancy-
value theories of attitude ( Fishbein & Ajzen, 1974 1975 ) attracted the research community’s interest as an alternative
, preference”
to “revealed
methods
(choices of actual options observed in situ or, more commonly, recalled actual choices reported in surveys; e.g., Golob, Horowitz, &
Wachs, 1979 ). This interest declined, however, when “stated preference” methods 4
( Hen
sher, 1994 ; Timmermans & Golledge, 1990 ) broke through as a new technique superior to “revealed preference” methods when it
comes to estimating (part)utilities associated with the features of travel options that are important to infl uence in transport policymaking
and planning.
During the 1990s, there was renewed interest in integrating attitude into models of discrete choice in order to capture the infl uences
of features other than travel time and cost (see the conceptual papers by Ben-Akiva et al., 1999 , representing a progression toward this
,
2002not, only
goal), motivated by the need to forecast 2012commutes
less important.
to/fromInwork
earlybut
research,
also other
nojourneys
clear defifor
nition
which
or time
theoretical
and cost
foundation
are likelywas
to be
provided for attitude, which was instead commonly referred to as “psychological factors” or “per ceptions and attitudes” ( Ben-Akiva et
al., 1999 2002 ; Daly, Hess, Patruni, Potoglou, & Rohr, 2012 ; Paulssen, Temme, Vij, & Walker, 2014 ). This may, however, be changing,
as recently demonstrated by Thorhauge, Haustein, and Cherchi (2016 ), who included attitude variables in a “hybrid discrete choice”
model that addresses the issue of whether work commuters are able
, congestion
and willing
in urban
to change
traffitheir
c. departure times to reduce peak-hour
5
A number of previous studies have
shown that people are more likely to change their departure times to avoid congestion than they are to change their travel mode. In
accordance with the TPB ( Ajzen, 1991 ), a model of intention to be on time for work, relating to attitude, subjective norm, and perceived
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behavioral control, measured at the same level of specifi city, was estimated for Danish commuters from 18 to 65 years old. They were
recruited via a web-based survey that also included a stated preference method of investigat ing choices of departure time. An expected
utility model of departure time choice was estimated for these data, assuming that commuters make a trade-off between expected travel
time (as infl uenced by congestion) and the expected penalties for being early or late. The results yielded a better model fi t by adding
the TPB variables shown to have the expected correlations with intention. Intention was not included, presumably since it was considered
to be a measure similar to choice. 6
Researchers from social science disciplines have investigated different determinants of mode choice. In a review of 76 studies, De
Witte, Hollevoet, Dobruszkes, Hubert, and Macharis (2013 ) dis tinguished between sociodemographic, transport-system, geographical-
spatial, and subjective (habit, perception, and attitude) determinants. Car availability, journey chaining, and habit were identifi ed as the
determinants most frequently observed to have signifi cant effects in the reviewed studies, although of these, only car availability had
been frequently investigated. The most frequently investigated deter minants were travel time and travel cost. A meta-analysis of 35
studies, of which the majority included the TPB variables as determinants of car and non–car use, was reported by Hoffmann, Abraham,
White, Ball, and Skippon (2017 ). Most of these studies investigated nonstudent work commuters predominantly in European urban
areas between 1994 and 2013. The total sample sizes were 35,645 (car users) and 12,335 (non–car users). Car use correlated most
strongly with habit, followed by intention, perceived behavioral control, subjective norm, and attitude. Non–car use (public transport or
unspecifi ed) had the highest correlations with intention and perceived behavioral control, followed by attitude and subjective norm.
However, only nine studies of non–car use were included, and none of these measured habit.
565
Computational Process Models of Choice

Still another direction taken by research is the parallel development of computational process models (computer
simulations) of interrelated choices of destination (or purpose of travel or activity), travel mode, and departure time.
The theoretical insight triggering this development is the fact that differ ent choices depend on each other or, using
technical terminology, that the choices are nested within each other in the sense that some are superordinate choices
of goal (e.g., purpose) while others are subordinate choices of means to reach the goal (e.g., travel mode). This
approach differs signifi cantly from traditional discrete choice models in several respects, including the fact that the
nesting of rela tions is not rigid but may vary with context (Algers, Eliasson, & Mattsson, 2005; Gärling, Gillholm,
Romanus, & Selart, 1997 ). forecast dependent activity and travel choices ( e.g., Arentze & Timmermans, 2000 ;
7
Bowman & Ben Akiva, 2001 ; Kitamura & Fujii,
Using this 1998 ;stance,
theoretical Miller &large
Roorda, 2003 models
complex ; Nagel have
& Marchal, 2007 ). As to
been developed criticized
by Gärling (2004 ), these models make some unrealistic behavioral assumptions. The model proposed by Gärling,
Kalén, Romanus, Selart, and Vilhelmson (1998) is an attempt to remedy this limitation. Its basic tenet is that people
are only intuitively capable of performing the algebraic operations of addi tion and subtraction (referred to as cognitive
algebra, see Anderson, 2014 ) by calculating, for instance, whether there is suffi cient time to run a number of errands
during their journey home from work so they can still be in time for dinner. In these models, evaluations (or attitudes)
tend to be downplayed because the criterion of feasibility of choice dominates. In fact, with many restrictions, only a
single option may remain. A noteworthy exception is another attempt to introduce behaviorally realistic assumptions
proposed by Delaert, Arentze, Horeni, and Timmermans (2017 ), who theoretically con ceived of evaluations of
features of choice options as cognitively mapped onto benefi ts. This model is not essentially different from what the
expectancy-value models of attitudes posit ( Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010 ). They also propose a method for revealing from
study participants features, benefi ts, and
1975 ,
the mapping of features onto benefi ts.

More directly relevant to this chapter is the point made by Gärling (2004 ) (as well as by, e.g., Aren tze &
Timmermans, 2003 ) that learning is essential for making adaptive interrelated travel choices and that attitudes toward
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chosen options (of, e.g., travel mode) interface with the learning process.
The argument is that a positive attitude toward an option would lead to the deliberate choice of this option. If the
positive attitude is maintained, the choice will then be repeated such that it eventu ally results in a learned script
regarding how to choose. The script is retrieved from memory based on minimal cues. During this phase, choices are
thus no longer deliberate, such that a thorough information search is made. In several experiments, Verplanken, Aarts,
and van Knippenberg (1997 ) have consequently demonstrated that participants with a strong habit of choosing to
drive, compared to participants with a weak habit, processed less information about travel mode before making a
choice. The degree of habitual choice, referred to as script-based choice, was indexed as the number of choices of a
given travel mode spontaneously reported by participants upon being presented with different travel purposes (e.g.,
“shopping in the town center”; Verplanken, Aarts, van Knippenberg, & van Knippenberg, 1994 ). Gärling, Fujii, and Boe
(2001 ) used questionnaire data obtained from car drivers to identify a causal link from attitude toward driving to script-
based choice through reported frequency of driving. For another sample of car drivers, it was shown that attitude
toward driving was a determinant of choices to drive in a fi ctitious laboratory task, while neither the measure of script
based choice nor the reported frequency of driving was a determinant. The self-paced choices during the laboratory
task were believed to induce thorough processing of the information. A follow-up laboratory experiment was then
conducted with the participation of high school students who were too young to have a driver’s license but who had,
on average, a positive attitude toward driving. These students repeatedly made fi ctitious choices to drive a longer
distance to purchase a consumer product at a reduced price instead of walking a shorter distance to purchase that
consumer product at the
566
normal price. During a test phase, when the cheaper consumer product could be purchased at the
shorter distance, the participants continued choosing to drive, indicating that the distance informa
tion had not been processed. This laboratory demonstration of how a script-based choice of travel
mode is formed was conceptually replicated in a fi eld study of Japanese university students who
had, after graduating, moved to other cities ( Fujii & Gärling, 2003b ). An expected increase in the
script based choice of using a car or public transport to get to work was demonstrated in two survey
waves 5 months apart. The realization that travel mode choice develops into a car-use habit has
spurred several studies of how to break this habit. Some of these studies are reviewed in the section
dealing with the role of attitude in changes to sustainable travel.
Revealed and Stated Preference Consistency

An old question in attitude research concerns the extent to which attitude predicts actual behavior
( Ajzen, Fishbein, Lohman, & Albarracin, 2018 ). A similar question was raised regarding the extent
to which “stated preferences” predict actual choices. Several empirical studies ( Louviere, 1988 )
have provided insights into what is and is not possible to predict. These insights have resulted in
studies in which available “revealed preference” data is used to calibrate data from “stated preference”
methods ( Ben-Akiva et al., 1994 ). Yet Fujii and Gärling (2003a ) have criticized the results of “stated
prefer ence” methods for being dependent on context and the estimated utilities therefore not usable
in forecasting. They outlined an alternative conceptual framework for travel demand analysis drawing
on attitude–behavior consistency, as analyzed by Ajzen and Fishbein (1977), as well as the more
recent analyses by Gollwitzer (1993 ; see Gollwitzer & Sheeran, 2006 ), emphasizing the infl uence
of indi vidual planning and practice on attitude–behavior consistency. The function of habit, that is to
both increase consistency and resist change that decreases the consistency of choice of nonhabitual
behav iors, was recognized, as were other factors threatening consistency, for instance weak or
unrealistic intentions. In a companion paper, Gärling, Gillholm, and Gärling (1998) asked two
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questions: (i) How well does attitude predict intention (attitude–intention consistency)? and (ii) How
well does inten tion predict behavior (intention–behavior consistency)? As has been found in
numerous studies, they noted that intention (volition) predicts behavior better than attitude
(motivation). They also noted the lower predictability of behavior that is only partially under volitional
control, thus introducing the variable of perceived behavioral control ( Ajzen, 1991 ). The aim of
individuals’ planning is to increase their actual control of nonvolitional behavior (or attainment of
goals), whereas perceived behavioral control regulates planning ( Gärling & Fujii, 2002 ). Applying
these ideas, Gärling et al. (1998) showed, in a fi eld experiment, that households made more car
journeys during one week than they reported expecting to make. The number of work journeys was
less underreported than shopping journeys, which in turn were less underreported than leisure
journeys, thus suggesting the infl uence of both habit and impulsiveness. As additional support,
when asking households to reduce their car travel by explicitly making a plan to achieve this goal
and to report which journeys they would suppress, shop ping and leisure journeys fell in frequency but remained und
Summary
In this section, we have identifi ed a number of ways in which attitude toward travel has been imple
mented in research on travel choice. At the same time, we have also noted that this role has never
been substantial. One reason for this is the aim of the research conducted in traffi c and transportation
engineering to provide quantitative forecasts of travel choice, possibly in conjunction with the judg
ment that attitude has a minor role to play in this mission.
Early optimism that attitude research would provide a valuable input to and a rebirth of mod els
for forecasting travel choice was reduced by another methodological innovation referred to as
567
“stated preference” methods, developed in marketing research. We noted, in this regard, the similarity between the
issue of whether “stated preference” methods correspond to actual preferences, and the issue of attitude–behavior
consistency, which has been plaguing attitude research for decades.
The belief that “soft” factors, in addition to travel time and cost, are important determinants of travel choice has
led to a renewed interest in attitude research. This realization has in turn resulted in discrete choice models (referred
to as “hybrid discrete choice” models) in which attitude-related variables are added as elements. It seems likely that
this development will continue, in particular since travel research in the social sciences has demonstrated an
important role regarding attitude theory.
Impact of this research on travel research seems guaranteed since it is now being published in major transportation
journals such as Transportation as well as in the three sections of Transportation Research, Part A: Policy and
Practice, Part D: Transport and Environment , and Part F: Traffi c Psychology and Behavior .
Another important development is modeling how people make interrelated (or nested) choices regarding whether,
where, when, and how to travel, using the four-step model from transport policy making and planning as a starting
point. These models become complex, and it is not easy to recog nize a role for attitude (or utility) among them.
Under many constraints, there may actually only be one feasible option remaining. Attitude toward choice options
may still play a role in the learning or routinization of choices, which appears to be a prerequisite for people’s ability
to make skilled inter related travel choices when pressed for time. Further development in this research seems,
however, uncertain, although the types of resulting complex forecasting models are increasingly being used.
Attitude Toward and Satisfaction With Travel

Research has investigated satisfaction with travel in order to increase knowledge of how to make travel more
attractive to users (for a review, see Ettema, Gärling, Friman, & Olsson, 2016 ). The bulk of this research has
focused on public transport services. A defi nition of satisfaction frequently adhered to in this research is “a judgment
that a product or service feature, or the product or service itself, provided (or is providing) a pleasurable level of
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consumption-related fulfi llment, including levels of under- and over-fulfi llment” ( Oliver, 2010 , p. 13).
8
Figure 18.3 illustrates how satisfaction is both infl uenced by and infl uences attitudes toward travel.
In what follows, we review research on pretravel attitudes, encounter satisfaction, cumulative satisfac tion, and
posttravel attitudes. Satisfaction is a direct response to travel encounters, while attitudes exist prior and subsequent
to these encounters. We therefore distinguish between pretravel and posttravel attitudes. We also distinguish
between encounter and cumulative satisfaction. The former refers to overall satisfaction with single trips, or with the
features of single trips, while the latter refers to their cumulative effects on satisfaction after repeated trips.
Pretravel Attitudes
Only scant research has demonstrated effects of nonexperiential factors on pretravel attitudes. An example of this is
that a lack of knowledge of the available alternative travel modes frequently makes people express a strongly positive
attitude toward the chosen travel mode (Beirã o & Cabral, 2007;
Nonexperiential factors Pretravel attitude Posttravel attitude
Encounter
Travel features
satisfaction Cumulative
satisfaction
Figure 18.3 The Roles of Attitude Toward Travel in Satisfaction With Travel
568
Domarchi, Tudela, & González, 2008 ). Agents providing nonexperiential information include gov
ernments, the mass media, and producers/providers ( Gärling, Ettema, & Friman, 2015 ). Also, personal
communication plays a decisive role, either via information technology (IT; Golob & Regan, 2001 ) or
by word of mouth. It has, for instance, been shown that once a travel-related topic is raised by a social
media user (e.g., on Twitter, Facebook, or LinkedIn), others typically respond such that a conversation
starts ( Gal-Tzur et al., 2014 ).
Anable (2005) has identifi ed six potential segments of travelers with similar or different pretravel
attitudes, including (1) Malcontented Motorists, (2) Complacent Car Addicts, (3) Aspiring Envi
ronmentalists, (4) Die-Hard Drivers, (5) Car-less Crusaders, and (6) Reluctant Riders. For instance,
Malcontented Motorists feel frustrated and unhappy with their car use but believe that there are many
constraints to using public transport, while Die-Hard Drivers, who are strongly attached to their cars
and car use, believe they have a right to drive cheaply and freely. Beirã o and Cabral (2008 ) similarly
found unique traveler segments with different attitudes, demographic profi les, and intentions to use or
not use public transport (e.g., car users highly attached to their cars and highly dependent on them).
In other research, three different overarching segments of public transport users were identifi ed on the
basis of income and vehicle access ( van Lierop & El-Geneidy, 2017 ): captive users, captive-by-choice
users, and users by free choice. Based on data from two large public transport agencies in Canada,
sys tem improvements targeted at specifi c population segments were found to motivate ridership
among those in these segments and to improve the experience of those in other segments ( van Lierop
& El-Geneidy, 2017 ).
Pretravel attitudes also infl uence satisfaction with travel. Bamberg and Schmidt (2003 ), Cao and
Ettema (2014 ), and Ye and Titheridge (2016 ) have all shown that á priori holding positive pretravel
attitudes toward car use, the use of public transport, or walking has positive effects on satisfaction with
the corresponding mode when it is used. People with pretravel attitudes who place great importance
on time and cost are more likely to be satisfi ed with low fares and short travel times than those who
value comfort more highly ( Papaioannou & Martí nez, 2016 ). Ory and Mokhtarian (2005 ) have even
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shown that pretravel attitudes are more important determinants of how satisfi ed individuals are with
travel than objective travel features. De Vos, Mokhtarian, Schwanen, Van Acker, and Witlox (2016 )
found that travelers holding a positive pretravel attitude toward car use report more positive feelings
during car trips and evaluate these trips more positively. However, people also have biased pretravel
attitudes. This was shown in a study of car users ( Pedersen, Friman, & Kristensson, 2011a ) who expe
rienced higher satisfaction with public transport than they had initially anticipated they would. The
proposed explanation for this was that the focus illusion ( Wilson & Gilbert, 2003 ) makes car users
anticipate high importance regarding a few negative features of public transport, despite the fact that
these features are not important for satisfaction.
Encounter Satisfaction
Travel research has also investigated how satisfi ed travelers are, retrospectively, with the different
fea tures of a specifi c journey, stages of the journey, or a public transport service provider. A review of
studies shows that accessible, reliable, and available public transport services are particularly important
features ( Redman, Friman, Gärling, & Hartig, 2013 ). Another conclusion from the same review is that
the features infl uencing encounter satisfaction vary between contexts, user segments, and public
transport modes. In large cities, seat availability is important due to overcrowding, while the number of
departures is important in rural areas because of the infrequency of the service. Public transport users
in urban areas seem to place more emphasis on safety at stops and less on safety on board, com
pared to public transport users in suburban or rural areas ( Mouwen, 2015 ). Travelers who have
access to a car but choose to use public transport are more sensitive to security issues, the cleanliness
of sta tions, and user information than those with no other alternatives ( Mouwen, 2015 ). Susilo and Cats
569
(2014 ) also showed that female, young, and low-income/unemployed travelers differ in the features
they value for the various public transport modes. They further showed that satisfaction with single trips
(e.g., “satisfaction with your most recent trip”) differs between rail, metro, and bus. Mouwen (2015 )
observed that metro users place more emphasis on on-board information and fare prices and less on
driver behavior than bus users do. Public transport users who travel on regional trains place more
emphasis on on-board information, on-time performance, and speed and less on the method of selling
tickets than bus users do.
Susilo and Cats (2014 ) analyzed travelers’ satisfaction with their main journey in eight European
cities. Features found to be important to car users included travel time reliability, travel safety, and
parking availability, while features found to be important to cyclists included the absence of contact with
other travel modes such as cars and pedestrians and a barrier-free smooth ride. Studies con ducted in
several different countries have also shown that cyclists report a signifi cantly higher overall level of
encounter satisfaction than other mode users do ( Friman, Fujii, Ettema, Gärling, & Olsson, 2013 ; Páez
& Whalen, 2010 ; St-Louis, Manaugh, van Lierop, & El-Geneidy, 2014 ; Willis, Manaugh, & El-Geneidy,
2013 ). Other research has found that the encounter satisfaction experienced by pedestrians is infl
uenced by environmental features such as perceived complexity and aesthetic qualities, upkeep and
order, and the presence of well-maintained greenery ( Johansson, Sternudd, & Kärrholm, 2016 ).
Papaioannou and Martí nez (2016 ) believed that features affecting satisfaction with car trips are
different because car use is not viewed as a service to the same extent as using public transport is.
They reasoned that drivers have a sense of control causing only exogenous features such as the traf
fi c situation to affect their satisfaction. This may not be generally true, however. A study by Ettema,
Gärling, Olsson, Friman, and Moerdijk (2013 ) of Dutch car drivers’ satisfaction showed that, apart from
exogenous features, including perceived traffi c safety, distraction by billboards, and annoyance with
other road users, drivers are affected by tiring trips and the lack of freedom to choose their speed and
lane.
However, encounter satisfaction does not solely depend on cognitive evaluations of tangible fea
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tures, for instance fares and travel time, but also on evaluations of intangible features ( Bolton, Gustafs
son, McColl-Kennedy, Sirianni, & Tse, 2014 ). Negative critical incidents 9 appear to have a profound
effect on encounter satisfaction ( e.g., Ettema et al., 2016 ; Ettema, Friman, Olsson, & Gärling, 2017 ;
Friman & Gärling, 2001 ; Pedersen, Kristensson, & Friman, 2011 ) due to their emotional impact ( Fri
man, 2004 ). Emotions or affective responses have not, however, been extensively investigated in
travel research. The reason for this may be that researchers have equated satisfaction (e.g., in terms
of being interpreted as joy and pleasure) with emotions and have thus failed to see a need for separate studies.
In order to also measure affective aspects of encounter satisfaction with travel, the multi-item Sat
isfaction with Travel Scale (STS; see Table 18.1 ) was developed to assess satisfaction with any type
of travel. 10 The three fi rst items in Table 18.1 are averaged to a composite measure of a cognitive
judg ment of the quality of the travel (referred to as QUALITY). The following six items measure affect
varying from positive deactivation to negative activation (referred to as PNAD, which is obtained by
averaging items 4 through 6) and affect varying from positive activation to negative deactivation (referred
to as PAND, which is obtained by averaging items 7 through 9). The affective dimensions PNAD and
PAND have a high content validity in terms of representing the discrete emotional states (alertness,
boredom, relaxation, stress) frequently experienced during travel.
In a study applying the STS, Ettema and Smajic (2015 ) found that pedestrians experienced greater
affect due to excitement and variation in the pedestrian environment. In addition, walking alone was
found to result in lower affect than walking in company. Gatersleben and Uzzell (2007 ) demon strated
that, for cyclists, the most pleasant aspect of their daily commute is enjoyment of the activity itself and
of the scenery. Also in Willis et al. (2013 ) cyclists stated that a pleasant ride is part of their satisfaction.
A long travel time (more than approximately 20–30 minutes) has been found to cause negative feelings
and less satisfaction with public transport ( Ettema, Friman, Gärling, Olsson, & Fujii,
570
Table 18.1 Dimensions and Items of the Satisfaction With Travel Scale (STS)
Dimensions Abbreviations Items
Cognitive QUALITY Worked poorly—worked well

Low standard—high standard
Worst imaginable—best imaginable
Affective I : positive deactivation to negative activation PDNA Stressed—calm

Worried—confi dent
Hurried—relaxed
Affective II : positive activation to negative deactivation PLEDGE Bored—enthusiastic
Fed up—engaged
Tired—alert
2012 ; Morris & Guerra, 2015 ; Stutzer & Frey, 2008 ). With longer travel times, travelers become less
enthusiastic and less relaxed.
The STS has also been used to study the integration of overall encounter satisfactions from encoun
ter satisfaction with stages of the journey. Different hypotheses about this integration were proposed
and tested by Suzuki et al. (2014 ). When using data from a Swedish survey measuring satisfaction
with commutes to and from work and satisfaction with the various stages of these commutes (e.g.,
walking to the bus stop, riding the bus to work, walking from the bus stop to work), the results showed
that averaging the encounter satisfactions, weighted by the relative durations of the stages of travel,
outperformed heuristic aggregation rules such as the peak-end (averaging the highest or lowest
encounter satisfactions and the satisfaction with the end), summation (summing the encounter satis
factions), and equal-weight averaging (averaging the encounter satisfactions).
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Cumulative Satisfaction
Travelers are frequently asked to report their overall satisfaction with their daily travel or specifi c travel
modes. Friman, Edvardsson, and Gärling (2001 ) hypothesized that remembered frequencies of
negative critical incidents infl uence encounter satisfaction with different travel features, in turn infl
uencing cumulative satisfaction. This was empirically confi rmed by Friman and Gärling (2001 ).
Furthermore, the frequencies of the various critical incidents had an approximately equally large effect
on encounter satisfaction with the corresponding feature. Examples include frequent negative
experiences of public transport information being unaccessible, thus making travelers less satisfi ed
with information, and the frequent experiencing of delays, making them less satisfi ed with reliability.
However, the effect of the frequencies of the different types of negative critical incidents on cumula
tive satisfaction varied. For instance, the frequencies related to treatment by employees, the service
reliability, and information simplicity had larger effects than the frequencies related to design and
comfort did. One possible explanation for this is that the larger effects were mediated by emotional
responses. Travel may thus elicit emotional responses, caused by negative as well as positive critical
incidents, which may vary in intensity.
The impact of encounter satisfaction on cumulative satisfaction with travel partly depends on when
the evaluation is made. Measures of cumulative satisfaction during or directly after travel are infl uenced
more by a momentary affect caused by critical incidents. Pedersen et al. (2011b ) inves tigated
cumulative (remembered) and encounter (online) satisfaction among habitual car users who were asked
to use public transport for their work commute for 4 weeks. They found that recalled sat isfaction with
public transport was signifi cantly lower than online satisfaction. When car users actu ally travelled by
public transport, they were, consequently, more satisfi ed than they remembered having
571
been later. Retrospective evaluations (“think about your most recent journey with . . . ”) of past affec tive
experiences require remembering emotions that are diffi cult or even impossible to retrieve from memory.
Instead of recalling their emotions, people appear to be inferring how things “should have been,” based on
their semantic memory of traveling by public transport ( Robinson & Clore, 2002 ).
Posttravel Attitudes
Antecedents of posttravel attitudes (see Figure 18.3 ) include pretravel attitudes and cumulative travel
satisfaction. Encounter satisfaction has an indirect effect through cumulative satisfaction. As noted,
pretravel attitudes initially have a weak relationship with personal experiences, instead being based on
beliefs. Thus, information about different travel options is one basis for the initial evaluation of specifi c
travel modes or services. Encounter satisfaction is aggregated into cumulative satisfaction, and it is
generally assumed that higher levels of cumulative satisfaction are positively associated with more
favorable posttravel attitudes.
In public transport research, posttravel attitudes have commonly been conceptualized as positively
related to loyalty or commitment (e.g., Wen, Lan, & Cheng, 2005 ; Lai & Chen, 2011 ). An exception to this
is Julsrud and Denstadli (2017 ), who found that the lack of an internet connection was related to more
negative posttravel attitudes among active smartphone users who, despite their negative attitudes,
continued to use public transport. In contrast, van Lierop and El-Geneidy (2016 ) demonstrated a positive
relationship between cumulative satisfaction and loyalty, as measured in a study of public transport users in Canada.
Some studies have used quasi-experimental treatments. Observations of travel experiences using high-
speed rail services in Taiwan ( Canming & Jianjun, 2011 ) led to the conclusion that efforts to improve
passengers’ satisfaction positively increase their loyalty to the service. Abou-Zeid, Witter, Bier laire,
Kaufmann, and Ben-Akiva (2012 ) reported an experiment investigating how a sample of Swiss car
commuters responded to a 1-week switch to public transport. Initially, a lower level of satisfaction was
reported for public transport than for private car use, which was expected because it was consistent with
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the participants’ pretravel attitudes. After having switched, those reporting greater satisfaction with public
transport were more likely to occasionally use it after the experiment. A replication experi ment in the
United States ( Abou-Zeid & Ben-Akiva, 2012 ) found that travelers reverted to using their cars after the
experiment if experiencing a lower level of satisfaction with public transport than with their previous car
commutes. Conversely, travelers more satisfi ed with the public transport service than their previous car
commutes continued to use public transport. In order to measure whether travel experiences impact
posttravel attitudes, Schmitt, Currie, and Delbosc (2015 ) recruited a random sample of users of journey
planners. Questions to measure attitude were asked prior to making journeys and again 1 day later. The
results showed that before and after measures of attitude toward public transport were positively correlated,
thus suggesting that pretravel attitudes infl uence posttravel attitudes. On average, attitudes toward public
transport still became slightly more positive after journeys.
Summary
In this section, we have reviewed research investigating the role of attitude toward travel with regard to
satisfaction with travel and attempted to disentangle the relationships between pretravel attitudes,
encounter satisfaction, cumulative satisfaction, and posttravel attitudes.
Our review has shown that pretravel attitudes are infl uenced by both nonexperiential factors and
posttravel attitudes infl uenced by cumulative satisfaction with previous travel. Pretravel attitudes toward
travel modes differ, furthermore, between segments of travelers, thus infl uencing encounter satisfaction
with travel.
Features that are important for encounter satisfaction vary between contexts, user segments, and
travel modes. Emotional responses to incidents deviating from an initial expectation (referred to as
572
critical incidents) have also been shown to infl uence overall encounter satisfaction. Other research has
found that, for travel consisting of different stages (e.g., journeys entailing different modes), the duration
weighted average of encounter satisfaction at each stage determines the overall encounter satisfaction.
When people make repeated journeys, the encounter satisfaction infl uences the cumulative satis
faction with travel. Research shows that the frequency of critical incidents plays an important role.
However, research relating cumulative satisfaction to posttravel attitudes is sparse. One reason for this
may be the lack of an adequate conceptualization of attitude, satisfaction, loyalty, and their rela tionships.
Another reason may be that most research has to date focused on encounter satisfaction, with little effort
being devoted to assessing and understanding the effects over time. Some quasi experimental and
nonexperimental research still shows that continued use, or loyalty, is affected by cumulative satisfaction
but posttravel attitudes have not been directly measured in many studies.
Attitude and Changes to Sustainable Travel

The preceding two sections have reviewed research investigating the role of psychological factors in
general and attitude in particular as determinants of travel choice and satisfaction with travel. The
extensive body of research into these topics refl ects the high signifi cance of travel to society. Conse
quently, one would expect to fi nd a similarly extensive research literature reporting and evaluating the
results of interventions aimed at systematically infl uencing unsustainable travel. Knowledge of effec tive
approaches to reducing private car use is urgently needed ( van Wee, 2014 ). Without substantially
decreasing CO emissions
2climate protection
attributable
goals
to car
of the
use2015
over Paris
the next
Agreement.
decade, it will be diffi cult to achieve the
A systematic search of studies describing and evaluating car-reduction interventions is, however, a
sobering exercise. In a systematic review of the literature between 2000 and 2010, Graham-Rowe,
Skippon, Gardner, and Abraham (2011 ) identifi ed only twelve methodologically strong studies evalu
ating car-use reduction interventions. Only six studies yielded statistically signifi cant, but weak, inter
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vention effects. Due to the small number of adequate studies, Graham-Rowe et al. (2011 ) felt forced to
conclude that the results hardly warranted drawing the general conclusion that such interventions are
effective. 11
A meta-analysis by Arnott et al. (2014 ) reaches the even more disappointing conclusion
that “no evidence for the effi cacy of existing behavioral interventions to reduce car trips [is] included in
this review” (p. 133). However, as Bamberg and Rees (2017 ) note, the meta-analysis included only
randomized control trials and neglected carefully conducted quasi-experimental fi eld studies.
Furthermore, the majority of the existing evaluations are “black-box” evaluations focusing solely on
behavioral intervention effects without empirically testing the factors posited to mediate these effects.
As a consequence, currently less than a handful of studies exist that explicitly analyze empirically the role
of attitudes in mediating the effects of car-reduction interventions.
In the remainder of this section, we present and discuss, in detail, the results of two of the studies that
have evaluated interventions aimed at reducing private car use by changing participants’ attitudes toward
alternative travel modes. Our aim is to use these two studies as a backdrop for discussing the strengths
and limitations of changing attitudes toward car use by changing salient beliefs of conse quences, as
envisioned in applications of the TPB theoretical framework ( Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010 ).
After this, we present some alternative research foci aimed at extending the theoretical foundation of the
development of effective car-use reduction interventions.
Applying the TPB in Car-Use Reduction Interventions: Semester Ticket

The TPB ( Ajzen, 1991 ) posits that, in conjunction with the subjective norm and perceived behavioral
control, attitude predicts the intention to perform a specifi c behavior. Intention and perceived behav ioral
control are in turn hypothesized to predict actual behavior. The TPB further states that attitude
573
depends on the sum of the products of beliefs about the consequences of the behavior multiplied by
their positive or negative evaluations.
In mid-1990, Bamberg and Schmidt (1998 , 2001 ) started a research project aimed at investigating
the potential of applying the TPB in car-use reduction interventions. An initial car-use reduction
intervention targeted student travel in a small German university town. The rationale for what was called
the “semester ticket intervention” was the solidarity principle. All the students were required to make a
monetary contribution in order to reduce the burden on the individual. Thus, at the time, all the students
paid the equivalent of USD 26 on top of their normal university fees for one semester, entitling them to
6 months’ use of all public buses and trains within a 50 km radius. This represented a large reduction in
fare prices, since normal bus users paid the same amount for a monthly ticket that was only valid on
local buses.
Bamberg and Schmidt (1998 ) hypothesized that the discount provided by the semester ticket would
change students’ attitudes toward using public transport positively and that this change in attitude would
ultimately increase previous nonusers’ intentions to switch to public transport. Addi tionally, they
expected that motivating currently car-using students into trying out public transport services would have
the positive side effect of informing them about the bus system (e.g., schedules, bus routes, bus stops),
then potentially increasing their perceived behavioral control relating to their use of public transport.
A two-wave survey was conducted 2 months before and 10 months after the introduction of the
semester ticket, with the aim of evaluating effects on students’ travel mode choices for commutes to
and from campus. Before the intervention, students’ actual use of public transport (15%) was low as
was their intention to use it for future travel to and from campus. In fact, during Wave 1, students
showed a stronger preference for cars (46%) or bikes (36%). Travel reported during Wave 1, compared
to travel reported by the same students during Wave 2 one year later, showed a major change in mode
choice for travel to and from campus. During Wave 2, the percentage of students reporting that they
had used a car for their most recent commute decreased to 31%. The percentage of students who
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reported using public transport increased to 36%. The percentage choices of walking and cycling did
not change. After the introduction of the semester ticket, students’ attitudes toward public transport, as
well as their perceived behavioral control relating to the use of public transport, increased substantially.
As expected, between Wave 1 and Wave 2, a decrease was also observed in students’ perceptions of
the cost of public transport. The results further showed an increase in students’ knowledge of timetables,
as well as a decrease in their negative evaluations of existing public transport connections.
Applying the TPB in Car-Use Reduction Interventions:

Move to Another Residence
In collaboration with the public transport company of Stuttgart (population approximately 600,000),
Bamberg (2006 ) developed and evaluated a second car-use reduction intervention. A unique aspect of
this intervention was that it targeted people who had recently moved to Stuttgart.
The intervention consisted of an offi cial letter mailed to new residents that included a brief presen
tation of the local public transport company and its services. An invitation to use these services and a
one-day free ticket for all public transport services in the Stuttgart region were attached to the letter.
Customized information was also provided, including a map of people’s residential districts showing all
the public transport routes and stops, timetables for accessible public transport services in the district,
and information about how to use public transport to get to frequently used shop ping, leisure, and
cultural destinations.
An intended move to another residence may make people deliberately reorganize their daily lives in
general and their daily travel in particular. A sensitive phase occurs during the weeks just after mov ing
in that people are motivated to pay more attention to information about alternative travel modes
574
to the car, and thus more willing to actually try out these alternatives. As a consequence, an interven
tion would be more effective during this transition phase than during stable phases.
People with permanent access to a car may develop a strong car-use habit, which is automatically
activated by environmental cues, resulting in car-use choices lacking any preceding deliberation ( Ver
planken et al., 1997 ). Thus, the behavioral impact of a move, as part of the intervention, may partly
be due to its ability to motivate habitual car users into deliberatively reevaluating their current car use.
In line with this prediction, Garvill, Marell, and Nordlund (2003 ), in a fi eld experiment, observed
reduced car use in households forced to deliberate before choosing their cars to travel from home.
A move to another residence also offers the opportunity to analyze the actual role of the new
residential context as an additional “change agent.” For people previously living in a village or small
town, moving into a larger city may signifi cantly change the terms and conditions of their daily travel
choices. On the one hand, the city provides better public transport services, while on the other, car
using newcomers face more frequent traffi c congestion and lack of parking spaces that reduce the
attractiveness of car use. Under these changed terms and conditions, the intervention may increase
their motivation to use public transport instead of their cars.
Prior to moving, some people also had the desire to reduce their car use. These people would then
view moving as an opportunity to realize this desire, particularly if their new residences offered public
transport services of high quality. A desire or intention prior to moving may also indirectly infl uence
subsequent travel mode choice. During the process of selecting their new homes, people desiring to
change their travel mode would perhaps place a large emphasis on access to public transport services.
On the individual level, this would be refl ected in a higher level of perceived behavioral control relat
ing to the use of public transport.
With the aim of empirically evaluating the intervention and revealing potential mediators of the
intervention effects, Bamberg (2006 ) conducted a randomized experiment assessing the use of travel
modes before and after moving, as well as the TPB variables and additional variables. Participating
were 191 people who planned to move to Stuttgart within a 6-month period. They were recruited via
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advertisements appearing in Stuttgart newspapers, were then asked to complete a questionnaire at
their old residences, and were randomly assigned to an experimental group or a control group. Six
weeks after moving, the participants assigned to the experimental group received the invitation letter.
Twelve weeks after moving, all the participants were asked to complete a second questionnaire (169
completed the second questionnaire, 90 in the control group and 79 in the experimental group). The
results showed that during Wave 1, the experimental and control groups did not differ in their use of
the car or public transport. During Wave 2, after moving, the control group’s use of public transport
increased from 18% to 25%. In the experimental group, the use of public transport increased more,
from 18% to 47%. The decline in car use was also larger (from 50% to 33%) than in the control group
(from 50% to 45%). During Wave 2, the experimental group’s perceived behavioral control relating to
public transport was higher than that of the control group. The same was true of the intention to use
public transport and self-reported actual frequency of use of public transport.
Figure 18.4 shows the results of a structural equation model (SEM; Hair, Black, Babin, Ander son,
& Tatham, 2010) analysis of the mediating effects of the TPB variables and measures of car-use habit
and reduction intention. As would be postulated by the TPB, during both waves, attitude and perceived
behavioral control are substantial predictors of the intention to use public transport; during both waves,
intention is a strong, direct predictor of actual use. During Wave 1, perceived behav ioral control has
a substantial direct effect on the use of public transport; however, during Wave 2, this direct effect is
fully mediated by intention. One possible explanation for this is that, after mov ing to Stuttgart, which
has a public transport service of high quality, using public transport is more under volitional control
than before moving, particularly for participants formerly living in villages or small towns. From Wave
1 to Wave 2, the infl uence of attitude on intention to use public transport becomes stronger, while
during Wave 2, the effect of subjective norm on intention to use public
575
Before intervention PBC PT
CUH SN IPT
ICR
Intervention
QPT PBC PT
CUH SN IPT
After intervention
A
Legend
PT = use of public transport
A = attitude towards PT
SN = subjective norm related to PT
PBC = perceived behavioral control over PT
ICR = intention to reduce car use
IPT = intention to use PT
CUH = car-use habit
QPT = quality of PT
Figure 18.4 Graphic Representation of Estimated Structural Equation Model of Directional Relations Between
Measures Before and After Intervention. (Solid lines represent positive relations and broken lines negative
relations.)
transport is eliminated. The latter may imply that those moving had lost their old social contacts but not
yet developed new ones. The participants may thus be basing their choice of using public trans port
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mainly on perceived personal consequences. Furthermore, instead of the expected direct effect on Wave
2 attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral control, the results showed a direct intervention
effect on the intention to use public transport during Wave 2. This suggests that the intervention had a
direct impact by strengthening the participants’ intentions to use public transport at their new residences,
although there were no indirect effects through attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioral
control associated with public transport.
Possible mediators of the observed effects include breaking automatically activated habits, increased
quality of public transport services, and participants’ own desire or intention prior to the move to reduce
car use. The results provide little support for breaking habits as a mediator. As expected, self reported
car-use habits decreased after moving. However, neither before nor after moving did car-use habits have
any strong, direct negative impact on the use of public transport. Instead, the results sup port the role of
increased public transport service quality at new residences and participants’ intentions to reduce their
car use prior to moving.
In summary, the evaluation results provide evidence that the observed major change in travel is best
understood as an interaction between the intervention itself and several additional change-advancing
fac tors triggered by the move. The intervention may have played a crucial role in increasing preparedness
for travel change. This interpretation would explain why the control group, which only differed from the
experimental group in terms of not receiving the intervention package, showed no sizable travel change.
Strengths and Limitations of the TPB as a Framework for Interventions

The results of the two evaluation studies impressively support the explanatory power of the TPB in the
context of car-use reduction interventions. Thus, the results verifi ed that attitude toward travel
576
mode is based on perceived probability and evaluations of the behavioral consequences. Also in sup
port of TPB, in conjunction with subjective norm and perceived behavioral control, attitude predicted
the intention to choose travel mode, while intention predicted actual use. These fi ndings are consis
tent with many other studies of travel mode choice referred to earlier ( Hoffmann et al., 2017 ).
In previous research, studies have also attempted to extend the TPB, since instrumental behavioral
beliefs alone seldom explain more than 30% of the variance in attitude ( Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010 ). As
a consequence, researchers have explored whether other beliefs than instrumental contribute to the
formation of attitudes toward travel options. A starting point in this research is the insight, from con
sumer research (e.g., Allen, 2002 ), that the evaluation of a good or a service is not only infl uenced
by instrumental beliefs but also by emotional associations and symbolic meanings. Recognizing the
car’s multifunctionality, affective and symbolic motives for its use have been investigated (e.g.,
Gatersleben, 2007 ; Lois & López-Sáez, 2009 ). From this perspective, the sole focus of the TPB on
the instrumental motives of car use appears limited. Yet, we have not found any studies that use this
insight to develop an intervention focusing on changing the affective and symbolic values of car use.
Furthermore, the results of the study of moving to another residence indicate that interventions
targeting only the self-interest aspects of travel mode choice (e.g., reducing travel time or cost) may
neglect other motives that are important to people in reducing their private car use. In the study, the
reported desire to reduce car use prior to moving was a strong predictor of the TPB variables relating
to public transport and thus indirectly also of the frequency of use of public transport reported at new
residences after moving. Abrahamse, Steg, Gifford, and Vlek (2009 ) have analyzed, in more detail,
the psychological determinants of the intention to voluntarily reduce car use. In their study, feelings of
moral obligation to reduce car use were associated with a car-use reduction intention. Feelings of
moral obligation explained a larger proportion (24%) of the variance in intention than the self-interest
variables (18%) did. A fi eld experiment conducted by Eriksson, Garvill, and Nordlund (2008 ) pro vides
additional support for the role of perceived moral obligation to reduce car use. Participants were asked
to consider their possibilities of reducing car use and to form detailed action plans (“implemen tation
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intentions”) for changing their travel behavior, if a change was perceived to be feasible. A key fi nding
was that the intervention strengthened the association between personal norms and car use.
Also, a larger reduction in car use as a result of the intervention was found among those with both a
strong car-use habit and a strong personal norm (see also Garvill et al., 2003 ).
A series of three studies ( Verplanken, Walker, Davis, & Jurasek, 2008 ; Walker, Thomas, &
Verplan ken, 2015 ; Verplanken & Roy, 2016) has systematically investigated the effect on voluntary
car use reduction of the interaction between preexisting attitude factors and a context change. All
three stud ies tested a hypothesis derived from the habit-discontinuity ( Verplanken & Wood, 2006 )
and the self activation hypotheses ( Verplanken & Holland, 2002 ). When a context change disrupts
an individual’s habits, a window opens in which habitualized behavior such as car use is likely to be
deliberately con sidered. As a consequence, values and attitudes that have been incorporated into the
self-concept are activated and are thus more likely to infl uence behavior. This prediction was tested in
the domain of travel mode choice on environmentally concerned people who had recently either moved
to another residence or not. As anticipated, in all three studies, the participants who had recently
moved and who were environmentally concerned used their cars less frequently to commute to work.
This was found not only in comparison with those who had a low level of environmental concern but
also in com parison with those who were environmentally concerned but had not recently moved.
These results independently support the car-use reduction observed by Bamberg (2006 ) possibly
being caused by the interaction between the intervention effect and context change. Together, both
factors may have reduced the strength of existing car-use habits as much as preexisting
proenvironmental values, atti tudes, and moral norms had infl uenced the use of alternative travel modes to the car.
An open-ended inspection of the results of the semester ticket evaluation also gives rise to the
question of whether the fare reduction was the main factor triggering students’ change to public
577
transport. An alternative explanation for this is suggested by the observation that the introduction of the semester ticket had a
strong effect on the subjective norm associated with using public transport.
The announcement of a plan to introduce a collective semester ticket triggered a heated, ideologically fl avored debate within
the student community. As a consequence, the student union asked students to vote for or against the intervention. Two thirds
of the students voted in favor of the semester ticket.
It is conceivable that, during the preceding debate, support for or opposition to the semester ticket became associated with
different student identities, that is either a leftist and environmentally aware identity supporting the introduction of the semester
ticket or a conservative and market-oriented identity opposing the introduction. Social identity theory (e.g., Tajfel & Turner,
1986 ) posits that individuals who strongly identify with a specifi c reference group also have a high readiness to follow the
perceived group norms and to develop a positive attitude toward the behavior prescribed by the group norm. From this
perspective, the TPB may be criticized for its narrow conceptualization of the impact of social-normative factors on attitude,
intention, and behavior. While in other domains ( e.g., Smith, Terry, & Hogg, 2007 ), there is some evidence of the role of social
identity as an important mediator of attitude–behavior relationships, studies of how social normative factors associated with
social identity infl uences car-use reduction are non-existing.
Summary
Only a few studies were found that have systematically used attitude toward travel options as a start ing point for interventions
aimed at reducing car use. We have discussed in detail the results of two of these studies. Both studies provided evidence that
a change of attitude mediated the intervention effect. Thus, in travel change as well, the TPB may provide a parsimonious and
powerful framework for developing interventions. However, there is also growing evidence that the TPB does not identify all the
motives for voluntary car-use reduction. According to this evidence, car-use reduction is even more strongly infl uenced by
social-normative factors such as perceived moral obligation and social identity than instrumental beliefs. More intervention
studies are needed in order to evaluate the car use reduction effect of interventions that are systematically based on social
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normative factors.
Conclusions
This chapter initially reviewed research into travel choice that started in traffi c and transportation engineering with the applied
aim of forecasting the demand for urban travel, which is needed for transport policy making and planning ( Pas, 1990 ;
Timmermans & Golledge, 1990 ). Later, this research has also focused on a theoretical understanding of how people choose
whether, where, when, and how to travel (Algers et al., 2005; Gärling, 2004 ). This partial change in focus resulted in an infl u
ence of attitude research in social psychology ( Fishbein & Ajzen, 1974 1975 ) on modeling of travel choice ( Ben-Akiva et al.,
2002 ), although the infl uence of behavioral research on judgments and decision making has
2012
been
; Listronger
,& Hensher,
( Leong
2011& ).Hensher,
It is
still likely that the infl uence of attitude research will increase, as witnessed by the current interest in adding attitude variables
to discrete choice models ( Bahamonde-Birke et al., 2017 ). The motivating factor seems to be the increase in the prediction
accuracy of such models. However, whether this interest is sustained in integration attitude and choice theories ( Ben-Akiva et
al., 1999 Gärling et al., 1998) remains to be seen.
,
2002 , 2012 ; Fujii & Gärling, 2003a;
Another strand of travel research ( Friman, 2004 ; Friman & Gärling, 2001 ), reviewed next, started out from viewing
transport as a service ( Oliver, 2010 ). Attitude variables were then the natural ingredients of attempts at theoretically
understanding why people are satisfi ed with transport services, primar ily, although not exclusively, public transport services
( Redman et al., 2013 ). Conceptual distinctions have been made between (pretravel and posttravel) attitudes, satisfaction, and
loyalty or continued use.
578
Satisfaction is still attracting most research interest ( Ettema et al., 2016 ). A heightened focus on the nonexperiential
determinants of pretravel attitudes ( Gärling et al., 2015 ) would still be desirable because of its bridge with research
evaluating policy measures targeting reduced motorized travel.
Extensive projects have been launched in Australia, Austria, Germany, Japan, New Zealand, Swe den, the UK,
and the United States with the aim of reducing car use. It is claimed that these projects are cost effective as regards
empowering motivated car users to change by simply providing custom ized alternative-travel information ( e.g.,
Brög et al., 2009 ; Fujii & Taniguchi, 2006 ; Richter et al., 2010 2011; Rose & Ampt, 2003 ). This stands in stark ,
contrast to the weak effects observed in behavioral intervention studies attempting to increase positive attitudes
toward alternative travel modes ( Arnott et al., 2014 ; Graham-Rowe et al., 2011 ). Unfortunately, the majority of the
evaluations have focused solely on the behavioral intervention effects without empirically testing factors theoretically
posited to mediate these effects.
In the last part of the chapter, evaluation studies of two successful attitude-based interventions are reported in
some detail. These interventions did not recruit any motivated car users; in fact, in one of the studies, many of the
participants were opposed, at least initially, to the intervention. The theoretical rationale in one of the interventions
is that the solidarity principle would work in a student sample, while in the other, it is that car users would be
motivated to change after having moved to a larger city with better public transport services, especially if the movers
obtain customized alternative-travel information soon after moving. The results showed that, as expected, the use
of public transport increased and car use decreased. One mediator was a more positive attitude toward public
transport.
However, it is still concluded that attitude change is insuffi cient. An increased perceived behavioral control (improved
public transport services and car use made more costly and time consuming) and affective-symbolic motives for car
use are both essential to take into account. Car use is also different from many other behaviors that have been
targeted in attitude-change interventions in that the long term negative consequences for society are in confl ict with
the individual short-term benefi ts ( Gärling et al., 2015 ). Social norms and changes in social identity are thus likely
to play a more important role in travel change than attitude-related beliefs regarding how to achieve benefi ts for
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oneself. Changes in the transportation system and using a broader approach that not only targets mode choices
are also important ( Gärling et al., 2002 ).
Acknowledgements
Financial support was obtained through grant #2014–05335 being awarded to Margareta Friman by the Swedish
Governmental Agency for Innovation Systems for her work on the chapter. We thank the editors for their valuable
comments. We also thank Satoshi Fujii for reading and commenting on the chapter.
Notes
1 More complex cause-and-effect relationships need to be assumed ( e.g., Muller, 1995 ), although this is not a
main concern here.
2 While the term “public transport” is predominantly used in Europe, Japan, and Australia, the interchangeable
terms “mass transit” and ”public transit” tend to be used in North America and Southeast Asia (primarily in
China, Hong Kong, and Singapore).
3 In the random utility model, people are assumed to have different preferences that vary randomly. It is not an
expected utility model ( Baron, 2007 ) since it does not assume that the objective outcomes of choice options
are uncertain. Expected utility models have, for instance, been applied when travel time is uncertain due to
congestion.
4 In “stated preference” methods, observations are made of choices of fictitious options presented in a survey.
The advantage is that this makes it possible to systematically vary the features of the options such that their
influences on the choices can more easily be determined. In this way, new features or changes of old features
may be pretested before being implemented.
579
5 In a recent theoretical criticism of “hybrid discrete choice” models, Bahamonde-Birke, Kunert, Link, and de Dios Ortuzar (2017 )
argue that attitude should be distinguished from perception in that it is associated with individuals, similar to socioeconomic
variables, and that perception is associated with choice options. It is similar to the common distinction in psychology between
judgment and evaluation, although in psychology, both are posited as being associated with the individual’s processing of
information about choice options or attitude objects.
6 Note that choices of departure time are continuous and not discrete. Thus, intention and choice would be interchangeable. The
relationship between discrete choices and TRA variables was discussed by Dabholkar (1994 ). One of several possibilities is that
discrete choices are made between intentions associated with options. Thus attitude would not have a direct influence on choice.
7 The computational process models also deviate from the four-step model ( McNally, 2007 ) in excluding route choice but including
both departure time choice and, most importantly, a daily agenda of activities (or purposes). In transport policy making and
planning, route choice is more closely related to the forecast ing of traffic volumes ( e.g., Prashker & Bekhor, 2004 ). Due to
limitations of space, route choice has been excluded from the review in this section, despite being the topic of extensive research,
including some studies of attitude influences ( Bovy & Stern, 1990 ). For instance, Bekhor and Albert (2014 ) report a “hybrid
discrete choice” model with sensation seeking as an additional determinant along with the shortest route.
8 It is possible to define overall satisfaction as a general attitude and satisfaction with features of travel as a spe cific attitude. Yet
we choose to define these concepts as they are used in the cited research. Thus, an attitude, according to Oliver (2010 ), is based
on previous satisfaction with a service but may also be formed on the basis of prior nonexperiential information, for instance, when
consumers base their attitude on a brand image forming their expectations. In our analysis, satisfaction is, then, a directly cognitive
or affective response to travel encounters, while attitudes toward travel exist prior and subsequent to encounters.
9 A critical incident is generally defined as an event perceived to be either negative or positive ( Gremler, 2004 ). Several others (e.g.,
Bitner, Booms, & Tetreault, 1990; Flanagan, 1954 ;Spencer-Oatey & Harsch, 2016 ; Youngdahl & Kellogg, 1996 ) have proposed
a number of more specific criteria. One of these is a critical incident significantly contributing to or detracting from the general aim
of an action. Thus, a critical inci dent should involve specific actions (e.g., making a special request or paying for a service) and
result from satisfaction or dissatisfaction with the outcome of the actions. This entails a critical incident deviating from the initial
expectations that people have. Examples occurring in public transport primarily include negative critical incidents, for instance
inappropriate treatment by employees, a lack of punctuality, and crowding.
10 A psychometric analysis of the STS is reported in Friman et al. (2013 ), showing that the three STS composite measures (QUALITY,
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PAND, and PDNA) are distinct constructs, which positively correlate with each other and are subsumed into a latent higher-order
global measure interpreted as satisfaction with travel. The factor structure of the STS has been validated for bus users, car drivers,
and active mode users in different geographical contexts ( Ettema et al., 2013 ; De Vos, Schwanen, Van Acker, & Witlox, 2015 ;
Friman et al., 2013 ; Olsson, Gärling, Ettema, Friman, & Fujii, 2013 ; Thomas & Walker, 2015 ; Ye & Titheridge, 2016 ). The
results have generally supported the three-factor structure proposed by Ettema, Gärling, Olsson, and Friman (2010 ). Scale
reliability, measured by means of internal consistency coefficients such as Cronbach’s alpha, are generally found to be acceptable.
11 It should be noted that different conclusions have been reached in evaluations of a large number of “per sonalized travel planning”
projects, some including many thousands of voluntarily participating car users, conducted in Australia, Austria, Germany, Japan,
New Zealand, Sweden, the UK, and the United States.
These projects, based on principles of individualized social marketing ( Thøgersen, 2014 ), primarily give customized information
about alternative travel to car users, with the aim of empowering them to change their car use, sometimes in conjunction with
concomitant improvements to public transport services. It is concluded from the evaluations ( e.g., Brög, Erl, Ker, Ryle, & Wall,
2009 ; Richter, Friman, & Gärling, 2011 2012; Rose & Ampt, 2003 ) that these projects are cost effective. Small-scale experiments ,
show that request ing participants to set change goals and engage in implementation planning are more effective than merely
providing customized information ( Fujii & Taniguchi, 2006 ).
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THE ROLE OF ATTITUDE IN

The Role of Attitude in Travel

Individual, social, and

Satisfaction with travel

Travel features Change to sustainable travel

A Classifi cation of Travel Features

Tommy Gärling et al.

Need Sustenance travel

Nonmotorized travel modes Motorized travel modes

Walking Cycling Public Private

Figure 18.2 A Classifi cation of Travel Features

Attitude and Choice of Travel

The Role of Attitude in Travel

Discrete Choice Models

Tommy Gärling et al.

Computational Process Models of Choice

the mapping of features onto benefi ts.

The Role of Attitude in Travel

Revealed and Stated Preference Consistency

Tommy Gärling et al.

Attitude Toward and Satisfaction With Travel

Nonexperiential factors Pretravel attitude Posttravel attitude

The Role of Attitude in Travel

Tommy Gärling et al.

The Role of Attitude in Travel

Dimensions Abbreviations Items

Cognitive QUALITY Worked poorly—worked well

Affective I : positive deactivation to negative activation PDNA Stressed—calm

Affective II : positive activation to negative deactivation PLEDGE Bored—enthusiastic

Tommy Gärling et al.

The Role of Attitude in Travel

Attitude and Changes to Sustainable Travel

Applying the TPB in Car-Use Reduction Interventions: Semester Ticket

Tommy Gärling et al.

Applying the TPB in Car-Use Reduction Interventions:

The Role of Attitude in Travel

Tommy Gärling et al.

Before intervention PBC PT

Strengths and Limitations of the TPB as a Framework for Interventions

The Role of Attitude in Travel

Tommy Gärling et al.

The Role of Attitude in Travel

Tommy Gärling et al.

The Role of Attitude in Travel

people’s travel behavior? Results from

Tommy Gärling et al.

is the scale for travel satisfaction?

structure of affective reactions to critical incidents. Journal of Economic Psychology, 25,

ence methods in travel demand analysis. Transportation Research Part A, 37 ,

The Role of Attitude in Travel

Transportation Research Part F: Traffi c Psychology and Behaviour, 4 ,

Tommy Gärling et al.

A review of theory, methods, recent

of household activity/travel scheduling. Transportation

portation Research Part A, 39 ,

portation Research Part A, 44 537–549.