The Song of Igor S Campaign The Slovo o

The “ong of Igor’s Campaign – the Slovo o Polku Igorevye - as a document of dvoeverie and its
translation by Rainer Maria Rilke in the context of his religious quest
By: Ullrich Kleinhempel 30th May 2015
This paper is the extended version of the paper delivered at the 5th ESSWE Conference o Western
Esotericism and the East organised by the European Society for the Study of Western Esotericism in
cooperation with: the Latvian Society for the Study of Religions, the Faculty of Humanities, University of
Latvia, the Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences, Daugavpils University,
16-18 April, 2015. Venue: the University of Latvia in Riga. http://www.esswe.org/Conference-2015
Kaspars Bērziņš (b. 1986) „Sea. Oil o a d oa d. . The Conference logo:

http://www.esswe.org/Resources/Pictures/conference5_320.jpg (by permission of Anita Stasulane)
abstract:
The “o g of Igor’s Ca paig “lo o o Polku Igore e as a do u e t of d oe erie of the Middle
Ages, and its translation by Rainer Maria Rilke i the o te t of his pa theisti /pa e thisti e
spiritualit i the earl th e tur . The “o g of Igor’s Ca paig is a i o i pie e of literature. It
comprises clearly distinct layers of Pagan and of Christian theology. It has been cherished as a rare
document of Russians pagan history. However its elements of Christian character situate it in a transition
zone of dual faith which is likewise discernible in Germany and in Scandinavia at the time. This dual
character appealed to the fin-de-siècle spirituality of Rimsky-Korsakov and of Rainer Maria Rilke, who
felt at ho e i oth Russia Orthodo a d i Paga is , of i Rilke’s ase, of a pagan Nature
spiritualit . Both the es are i porta t i his ork. The topi of this essa is . to ide tif Paga a d
Christian motifs in the lay, 2.) to lo ate R. M. Rilke’s tra slatio of the “lo o o Polku Igore e i the
o te t of his ature spiritualit a d u orthodo appropriatio of Russian Orthodoxy, in which
d oe erie pa ed the a for a e erge t e spiritualit . 1
1 th
5 ESSWE Conference WESTERN ESOTERICISM AND THE EAST, Organized in cooperation with the Latvian Society for the
Study of Religions, University of Latvia, Daugavpils University, 16-18 April, 2015, University of Latvia. Programme and
Abstracts, p. 46, URL: http://www.esswe.org/Resources/Documents/ESSWE-programme-2015-FINAL.pdf
1
Viktor Vasnetsov: Afte the attle of Igo “ atosla i h with the Polo ts
(Illustration of a scene of the “o g of Igo ’s Ca paig , 88 , Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow)
Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/6f/Igorsvyat.jpg/1024px-
Igorsvyat.jpg (free)
Introduction: the ediae al Russia “o g of Igo ’s Ca paig as a do u e t of Paga – Christian

dual consciousness
The image of the battle of Prince Igor with the Polovtsians – as depicted on this painting by Victor
Vasnetzov in 1880, and soon exhibited in the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow, was well known to Rainer
Maria Rilke. He viewed it repeatedly and wrote about it. It depicts a scene from an iconic piece of
Russian literature, the 12th e tu ediae al epi poe , The “o g of Igo s Ca paign (» ЛО О О
Л К И О Ђ, И О Я Я Л ЛЯ, К ОЛ О »), which R. M. Rilke translated in
2 3
1904 and which was first published in 1949.
The epic song describes the ill-fated military campaign of Igor, son of Svyatoslav (942 – 972,
grandson of Olga (890 – 962), against the Polovtsians, a pagan Turkish tribe in what is today chiefly the
eastern Ukraine. The a o ous autho , p o a l a le g a of Igo s e tou age, f a ed, hat is
substantially a plaint about the foolhardiness and selfishness of the nobility of the Rus, in the guise of a
praise song. He contrasts their present divisions with the unity of the Rus under Igo s a esto ,
Syatoslav I of Kiev who had made the Kievan Rus the largest European state of his time.
2
Rothe, Hans, Was ist altrussis he эiteratur ?, Wiesbaden, 200: Westdeutscher Verlag, (Nordrhein-Westfälische Akademie
der Wissenschaften, Vorträge – G 362), p. 10
3
Rilke, Rainer Maria, Das Igor-Lied. Eine Heldendichtung, ed.: Haupt, Wilhelm (ed.), Das Igor-Lied. Eine Heldendichtung. Der
altrussische Text mit der Übertragung von Rainer Maria Rilke und der neurussischen Prosafassung von D. S. Lichatschow,
Leipzig, 1960: Insel Verlag, (first edition 1949), online:
http://blog.163.com/gossudar@126/blog/static/2009425120087242246681/
2
Another tension characterises the Song. Overtly a praise of the Christian knights in their battle against
the Pagan Turks4 the Slavic Pagan metaphors and figures of thought and argument prevail in the epic:
Igor and his brother Vsevolod are called desce da ts of Dazh og ,5 a Slavic God – the epithet the
Gi i g God efe s to a sola deit o “u -God . A similar phenomenon existed at the time in England
and Scandinavia, where noble families would claim descent from pre-Christian pagan gods, who were –
possibly – reinterpreted as culture heroes.6 Possibly all the nobility of the Kievan Rus are included in this
descent.7 The sun appea s i the “o g of Igo s Ca paig as a ti g as a deit , sending omens of nature,
such as an eclipse to warn of an ill-fated campaign,8 - which the hero ignores, even as the sun appears
fourfold.9 In the description of an omen, earlier in history, even the opposite aspect to the solar deity,
the moon – related to the sun in myth as complementary aspect or as spouse - appears in double shape
in an omen, an allusion obviously understood, even without naming the deity.10 The sun apparently also
figures as representation of Dazhbog: at the end of the song, when prince Igor has fled captivity and
returned safely to Russian land, the divine sun shines again,11 after having eclipsed itself in so many
omens before.12
So we may assume that the numinous aspect was still well in the mind of the author.
Other gods of the Slavic Pagan pantheon are mentioned as well: Hors, a solar god too.13
Veles, the underworld god of magic, music, cattle and, as the ancestor of the seer-poet,14 Boyan, whom
the author refers to as model even though he wishes to distance himself somewhat from him.15 Yet he
quotes him and his poetics.16
The god Stribog is presented as commander of winds, but also as the sender of arrows against prince
Igor17 who does not heed the warnings shown to him in many omina by the Pagan gods.18
A Dae a as a lesser divine being is mentioned in the Song as crying out warnings from a tree.
And a dragon forces lands into his power by its cry.19 As an underworld being the dragon belongs to the
realm of Veles. A link may be recognised in the analogy to the power of the of the seer Boyan,
descendent of Veles, to sing events into the course he foresees, or even desires, 20 - a power which the
autho of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig disputes o l half-heartedly,21 since he follows his model even in
4
loc. cit., vv. 217-218
5
loc. cit., vv. 64 and 76
6
North, Richard, Heathen Gods in Old English Literature, Cambridge, 1997: Cambridge University Press, S. 171
7
Leipzig, 1960: Insel Verlag, (first edition 1949), v. 76 (online:
http://blog.163.com/gossudar@126/blog/static/2009425120087242246681/ )
8
9
loc. cit., v. 44
10
loc. cit., v. 103
11
loc. cit., v. 211
12
loc. cit., vv. 27, 43-44
13
loc. c.it., v. 159
14
loc. cit., v. 17
15
loc. cit., vv. 3 – 5, 14 – 18, 162 – 163, 209 – 210
16
loc. cit., vv. 15 – 18, 209 - 210
17
loc. cit. 48
18
loc. cit., vv. 27 - 29
19
20
loc. cit., vv. 3 - 4
21
loc. cit. v. 5
3
the egati it of a a paig hi h does ot el o the ha o ious o o d of the fo es of the gods,
of nature and the actions of the heroes, which still remains the ideal of this author.
The motif of shape-changing faculty of an earlier ruler, Vseslav, of whom it is said that he became a wolf
by night, crossing the path of the sun-God Hors to outrun him22 The seer Boyan is also attributed with
the po e of shape ha gi g as e te i g the eal of his tale a d e e ts i i agi atio a d i the
guise of spi itual a i als .23
Prince Igor and his Polovtsian companion, Ovlur, are described as changing shape into the form of
animals, as weasel, as duck, as wolf or as falcon – significantly after undressing and continuing their
flights naked24 by night, as if entering a renaturalised state – a motif known from Norse mythology in
the e se ke ga g ,25 the rite of ritually becoming a bear o a wolf-man . The power of changing into
animal shape was also attributed to Odin.) It is likewise attributed to those endowed with magic powers
– the sha a s – as i this epi to the see a d poet Bo a .26
I Ya osla a s plai t the i d is add essed as a living being,27 likewise the Dniepr as lo d ,28 and
likewise the sun.29 The river Donez speaks himself in answer to prince Igor.30
The night too appears as an agent, acting with omens.31
Trees and the grass act with compassion – and this is not meant as a metaphor.32 Similarly the animals
react to the course of events and sometimes act as performer of the divine omens. 33
The ea th a ises, i the fa e of t aged and raises elements with it.34
The ‘ussia la d ithd a s o e the hills epeatedl i the face of misfortune, as an animate
being.35
It is astonishing how intact the web of a deeply Slavic Pagan world view manifests itself in this epic song,
even though it is overtly dedicated to the victory of Christian Russian princes of their Pagan Turkish foes.
There is a thin layer of Christian theology, discernible in a few verses, as possibly in the metaphor of the
lood- i e 36 i the efe e e to God s judge e t37 – a literal quote from Boyan – in the description
of the ringing of bells for matins in Polozk for the hero,38 or in the mentioning of a pilgrimage to an icon
22
loc. cit., v. 159
23
loc. cit. V. 3
24
loc. cit. v. 189
25
ы eldulf Grundy, Stephen), Shapeshifting and Berserkergang, URL:
http://www.thetroth.org/Documents/Elders/KveldulfR/Shapeshifting%20and%20Berserkergang.pdf
26
Leipzig, 1960: Insel Verlag, (first edition 1949), v. 3 (online:
http://blog.163.com/gossudar@126/blog/static/2009425120087242246681/ )
27
loc. cit., v. 173
28
loc. cit.,, v. 178
29
loc. cit., v. 178
30
loc. cit., v.192
31
loc. cit., v. 28
32
loc. cit., v. 74
33
loc. cit., vv. 28 and 201-202
34
loc. cit., v. 49
35
loc. cit., vv. 32, 47,
36
loc. cit., v. 72
37
loc. cit., v. 163
38
loc. cit., v. 160
4
of the Mother of God.39 However these references to not interfere with the rather consistent pagan
logic of the epic. There is no divine intervention in terms of Christian theology here, nor does Christian
prayer have a role. The course of events is derived solely from the interaction between Prince Igor
culpable of hubris and the divine pagan powers he ignores as they send him warnings after warnings
through natural phenomena. His defeat at the hands of the pagan Polovtsians and the death of so many
of his troops is the inevitable result. His failure and his narrow escape are attributed to actions of in the
field of the interplay between the realms of the social (friendship, loyalty, cunning), the divine and the
divinely imbued realm of nature. (It ould e a a a h o is to speak of atu e spi itualit he e, ut
the links between the Slavic Pagan gods and the elements of nature are essential to the spiritual world
view presented in the So g of Igo s Ca paig . Both of the latter are interrelated in terms of Slavic
Pagan world view. Interestingly, the author extends this to the realm of history and the military, political
sphere. The defeat of Igor is not only a result of inferior military power, capability and judgement, but
also attributed to his failure of spiritual judgement to take heed of the tokens of the gods.
This finding gives an illuminating insight into the world-view of an author some two centuries after the
baptism of the Kievan Rus. It shows how slow the transition to an in-depth Christian world-view may
have been in many cases.
I a ps hoa al ti al pe spe ti e it appea s as if a ep essed paga U o s ious of the author

expressed itself in the symbolic form of this epic song, within the overt frame of a Christian identity.
Rilke seems to have sensed this duality when he spoke of the ‘ussia paga soul e p essi g he self i
Orthodox worship.40
It obviously appealed to him since this figure enabled him to share in both realms, the Pagan and the
Christian, on a fringe where he located himself at the time.41
Gi e the fa t that the autho of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig as ost likel a le i , a idesp ead
eligious o s ious ess, hi h has ee des i ed as dou le elief d oe e ie i ‘ussia i the late
19th century, appears as the dominant spiritual world view of the time, as preserved in this epic.
‘ilke s appa e tl deepl fas i atio ith this epi is thus only in part to be attributed to its literary
qualities. The aspe t of fi di g the spi itual o ld ie of a ie t ‘ussia e p essed he e, ust ha e
been equally important, if not more so. This will become clearer, as we look at the history and motifs of
‘ilke s fas i atio ith ‘ussia a d ‘ussia s spi itual ultu e. It may be a bit of a surprise that motifs of
Orthodox theology came to have an important role in this endeavour. However Rilke deliberately sought
to integrate the Orthodox and the Pagan in the image of an original Russian (spiritual) world view, as
some of his poems and theoretical statements suggest. In this approach he follows an opinion,
widespread in Russian cultural self-reflection from the late 19th to the 20th century and beyond.42
39
loc. cit., v. 213
40
‘ilke, ‘ai e Ma ia, Mode e ‘ussis he ыu st , i : Zinn, Ernst and Sieber-Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke.
Sämtliche Werke, Vol. X, Frankfurt a. M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 613 – 622, pp. 615f.
41
Rilke, Rainer Maria, Das Stundenbuch – Erstes Buch: das Buch vom mönchischen Leben (1899), in: Zinn, Ernst and Sieber-
Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche Werke, Vol. I, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 295
42 th th
Fedotov, Georgiy P., The Russian Religious Mind, vol. I The Kievan Christianity, from the 10 to the 13 Century, Harvard,
1946, Harvard University Press,. Ders.: The Russian Religious Mind. Vol. II: The Thirteenth and the Fifteenth Centuries. Edited
with a foreword by John Meyendorff. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966,(first ed. 1946), p. 3
5
A veritable pagan world-view or epistemic can be discerned in this epic song, which guides and governs
the poeti s of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig . Rilke was certainly fascinated, which is evident by the
t ou le he took to lea the ediae al йast “la o i la guage of the “o g. It is also apparent, that he
took cues from this epic for his own poetics, as may be shown by details of his translation. This will be
matter for the final considerations. Before however, the motifs
R. M. Rilke’s esotericism - monistic and spiritistic features

Wh speak a out ‘ilke s eligious uest a d the “o g of Igo s a paig i the o te t of this
conference?
Without doubt Rainer Maria Rilke was perceived as an esoteric poet by his contemporaries43 and he is
widely read as such at present. It is may thus be suitable to approach the issue of his translation of the
mediaeval Russian epic from the perspective of his esoteric legacy, which is succinctly expressed in his
Duino Elegies, written some years later.
The esote i ele e t of ‘ilke s world-view has been met with reluctance in research for a long time.44
To the degree however, that the strong esoteric and occultist currents in the artistic movement of
Symbolism have been acknowledged, this aspect of Rilke has gained acceptance. An exhibition on
Symbolism and it spiritual and occult foundations in Frankfurt at Schirn Kunsthalle in 1995 has created a
break-through in public awareness in this respect.45
‘ilke s o readings and contacts in the fields of esotericism and spiritism have been researched in
recent years and it is safe to posit him in this field in his later years, even though he has not been a
formal member of any organisation nor has he declared to adhere to any organised movement in this
realm.46 Rather he saw his own poetry as a medium of spiritual perception and creation, - as ediu
in the precise mediumistic sense of the word of this world-view.47
In the period covered in this paper belongs to an earlier stage, in which Rilke would not have identified
himself as a symbolist yet, and during which his esoteric convictions were yet in the making. Looking
back the theological motifs of his poetry in the years up to 1900 have a definitely esoteric character
43
Mag ússo , Gísli, „‘ilke u d de Okkultis us , i : i : Blödo , A d eas a d “ø en R. Fauth (eds.), Metaphysik und
Moderne. Von Wilhelm Raabe bis zu Thomas Mann. Festschrift für Børge Kristiansen, Wuppertal, 2006: Arco Verlag 2006, pp.
144-172, p. 144 , URL:
https://www.academia.edu/3838608/Magnusson_Gisli_Rilke_und_der_Okkultismus_i_Metaphysik_und_Moderne._Von_Wil
helm_Raabe_bis_zu_Thomas_Mann._Arco_Verlag_2006_s._144-172
44
Magnússon, Gísli, „Rilke und der Okkultismus , in: Blödorn, Andreas and Søren R. Fauth (eds.), Metaphysik und Moderne.
Von Wilhelm Raabe bis zu Thomas Mann. Festschrift für Børge Kristiansen, Wuppertal, 2006: Arco Verlag 2006, pp. 144-172,
p. 145
45
Loers, Veit (ed.), Okkultismus und Avantgarde. Von Munch bis Mondrian 1900 – 1915, (Catalogue of the exhibition at
Schirn Kunsthalle, Frankfurt, 3. 6. –20. 8. 1995), Ostfildern 1995: Kunsthalle Schirn
46
Magnússon, Gísli, „‘ilke u d de Okkultis us , i : Blödo , A d eas a d “ø e ‘. нauth eds. , Metaphysik und Moderne.
p. 150
47
Magnússon, Gísli, Dichtung als Erfahrungsmetaphysik. Esoterische und okkultische Modernität bei R.M. Rilke, Würzburg,
2009: Königshausen & Neumann, (Epistemata Literaturwissenschaft Bd. 673)
6
already. However the formative influences which Rilke experienced in these years were those of Russian
spirituality.48
His symbolist period proper began after 190049 and his Russian encounters. His intensive preoccupation
with spiritism and esotericism goes back to 1896-7, when he met with Carl du Prel, a German advocate
of spiritism, whose ideas he supported enthusiastically. 50 At this time - Rilke was 21 years old - the
foundations for his esoteric world view which included the phenomena of spiritism had been laid.
Spiritism was aligned with Monism. Rilke increasingly tended towards Monism and he was not the only
German poet of his time to be an adherent of spiritual Monism.51 The monistic outlook also comprises
‘ilke s fusio of the se sual ith the spi itual.52 This feature became stronger over the years.53
The suggestion, that ‘ilke s eligious otifs should e t a slated i to etapho s fo a sa alised e os
as W. Riedel does from the perspective of his late life,54 fails to acknowledge the essentially spiritual
ha a te of ‘ilke s ea l poe s a d o ld-view, which marks the period up to 1900, which is in the
focus of this paper. The spiritistic aspect further supports some reticence in this regard. These elements
re-emerge late i ‘ilke s life, i his fa ed Dui ese йlegie .
It is dou tful hethe ‘ilke s o ld ie i the ti e of his ‘ussia e pe ie e a e ade uatel
des i ed as o isti . The f e ue t o u e e of figu es of pola it , of a I – Thou elatio ship i
his poems of this period in the trilogy of poe s e titled The Book of Hours Das Stundenbuch 55 We
may assume that Rilke had a more fluid concept of the transcendent or divine than the label of
Mo is , suggesti g s ste ati o siste , ould suggest. The as iptio to Mo is a ho e e
be justified in terms of a discursive formation or network, to which Rilke was connected.
Rilke, Russian Symbolism and Sophiology

The encounter with Russia and with Russian culture had a deep impact on the formation and
de elop e t of ‘. M. ‘ilke s spi itual ie s a d poetolog . Even though he visited Russia somewhat
efo e the o set of ‘ussia “ olis p ope , the circles of artists to whom he was introduced, in St.
Petersburg and the Wa de e s , were engaged with the integration of art and spirituality. They were
48
Destro, Alberto, Per uno nuovo inizio. эa iflessio e eligiosa el ‘ilke atu o , i : [Ci es U i e si Ce t o I te azio ale di
Cultura – Alberto Frigerio (eds.)], Rainer Maria Rilke. Alla ricerca dello spazio interiore del mondo tra arti figurative, musica
e poesia, Universita Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milano, 2008: EDUCatt Università Cattolica, pp. 29 – 42, p. 32f.
49
“el a, Gia f a o, I t oduzio e. ‘ilke, Dui o, O feo , i : [Ci es U i e si Ce t o I te azio ale di Cultu a – Alberto
Frigerio] (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Alla ri er a dello spazio i teriore del o do tra arti figurative, musica e poesia,
Universita Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milano, 2008: EDUCatt Università Cattolica, pp. 15 – 28, p. 28.
50
Magnússon, Gísli, „‘ilke u d de Okkultis us , i : Blödo , A d eas a d “ø e ‘. нauth eds. , Metaphysik und Moderne.
p. 152
51
Monika Fick: Sinnenwelt und Weltseele - der psychophysische Monismus in der Literatur der Jahrhundertwende, (Diss.
habil., Univ. Heidelberg), Tübingen, 1993: Max Niemeyer Verlag, pp. 122ff.
52
Riedel, Wolfgang, „рo o atura. эiteraris he A thropologie u 9 , Berlin, 1996: Walther de Gruyter, pp. 272ff.
53
loc. cit., pp. 277
54
loc. cit., pp. 278
55
‘ilke, ‘ai e Ma ia, „Das “tu de u h – enthaltend die drei Bücher: Vom mönchischen Leben / Von der Pilgerschaft / Von
de A ut u d o Tode , i : )i , й st, Ruth Sieber-Rilke and the Rilke-Archiv (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke, Sämtliche Werke.
vol. 1.1. Gedichte. Erster Teil. Frankfurt am Main, 1987: Insel Verlag, pp. 249 - 366
7
formative towards the development of Russian Symbolism with its marked theosophical orientation. 56
Rilke is to be situated at this junction, where Russian Orthodox, Pagan (- in terms of dou le elief /
d oe e ie - a d йsote i , Theosophi al ideas e e i teg ated i a t. ‘ilke s affi it to ‘ussia
Symbolism has been noticed, also in Russia. The fact that the leading theoretician of Russian Symbolism,
Vyacheslav Ivanvov, esteemed Rilke highly and i te ded to ite the i t odu tio to ‘ilke s
posthu ousl pu lished t a slatio of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig – he published his essay
independently later on57 - testifies to this affinity.58 Rilke knew the magazine ку т Wo ld
59
of A t , the leadi g o ga of ‘ussia “ olis and its editor, Alexander Benois. The fact that Rilke
i te ded to t a slate A. Be ois History of Russian Art in the 19th Century (И то я у ко оп
XIX еке, (1902) ) into German, as late as 1905, testifies to ‘ilke s in-depth familiarity with Russian
60 61
art and with contemporary movements, even after the time of his most intensive preoccupation with
Russia.
In a sweeping definition the historian of art A. Gusarova describes the endeavour of Russian Symbolism
thus: Symbolism aspired to convey in art intuitive insights into different realities – the reality of dream
… fair tale, lege d, or that of a differe t higher orld. This e orld ie , repla i g positi is , e a e
one of the features of the cultural Silver Age in Russia, and embraced all areas of creative endeavour,
including literature, painting and music. Writers su h as … V a hesla I a o , a d the religious
philosophers Vladimir Soloviev, Pavel Florensky and Sergei Bulgakov became evangelists and interpreters
of the new movement: they preached about the mystical and even divine essence of art which was
bound to transform the world. 62
Unlike the more markedly esoteric western European Symbolism, Russian Symbolism included Russian
Orthodoxy in its sources, motifs and themes.63 This statement however has to be qualified: This
integration of Orthodoxy as a spiritual and religious source was nor exclusive but integrated Pagan and
Esoteric elements and viewpoints on the basis of the o ept of dou le elief ( ое е е /
dvoeverie) which was culturally accepted as characteristic of Russian culture in this period of the late
19th and early 20th century. This is manifest in the work of Vasily Vasnetzov, who accepted the task of
painting the St. Sophia cathedral in Kiev, following the traditional canon of iconography, as Rilke
56
эe jas hi , Wladi i , ) ies he elte des ussis he “ olis us , in: [Ludwig Museum im Deutschherrenhaus,
Koblenz and Staatliches Russisches Museum, St. Petersburg, eds.], Sehnsucht und Aufbruch. Der russische Symbolismus als
historische und aktuelle Dimension, St. Petersburg and Koblenz, 2002: Palace Editions Europe, pp. 7 – 18, p. 8
57
I a o , V a hesla , Vo Igo lied , i : Corona (1936, No. 6)
58
Wachtel, Michael, Russian Symbolism and Literary Tradition: Goethe, Novalis and the Poetics of Vyacheslav Ivanov,
Madison, 1994: The University of Wisconsin Press, p. 16, fn. 54
59
‘ilke, ‘ai e Ma ia, Mode e ‘ussis he ыu st , in: Zinn, Ernst and Sieber-Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke.
Sämtliche Werke, Vol. X, Frankfurt a. M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 613 – 622, pp. 623
60
е у , лек д кол е , И то я у ко оп XIX еке, 1902, URL: http://www.tphv-
history.ru/books/benua-istoriya-russkoy-zhivopisi.html
61
Kürschner, Josef, in: Deutscher Literaturkalender 25 (1903) and 27 (1905), loc. cit: Zinn, Ernst and Sieber-Rilke, Ruth (eds.),
Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche Werke, Vol. XII, Frankfurt a. M., 1976: Insel Verlag, p. 1527
62
Gusarova, Alla, “ olis a d ‘ussia A t , i : Л Я (Жу ал «Т ЕТ ЯКО КАЯ АЛЕ ЕЯ» / (The Tretyakov Gallery
Magazine), 4, 2014 (No. 45), URL: http://www.tretyakovgallerymagazine.com/articles/N2-2013-39/symbolism-and-russian-
art
63
art
8
remarked affirmatively, but who also painted scenes of Russian pagan folk tales and myths, which Rilke
likewise mentions, on a common spiritual basis.64
Likewise the Russian Orthodox religious philosophers who inspired Russian Symbolism taught that the
o ld had a dis e i le di i e ualit , of di i e isdo , hi h the efe ed to the h postati
e tit alled “ophia i the Old Testa e t.
We may also consider that this metaphysical otio of “ophiolog , of the p ese e of the di i e
isdo i the o ld, proposed by Vladimir Soloviev (1853 – 1900) and Sergey Bulgakov (1871 –
1944),65 are based on the Christian Orthodox adaptation and transformation of Platonism. The cultural
presence of this notion in Russian epistemology – and also in the theory of arts, as in Russian Symbolism
– is best understood on this background.
This do t i e of “ophiolog as iti ised as ot full O thodo the ‘ussia O thodo Chu h. The
doctrine of “ophiolog ho e e suppo ted the “ olists o i tio of a u ified a d i teg al
worldview in which rational phenomenological and spiritual, intuitive perceptions of transcendental
significance were complementary elements, necessary for a full understanding of reality. The obvious
convergence of this theology with the epistemology of esotericism certainly contributed to the reticence
with which it was received in the church, regardless of the affirmed orthodox identities of Soloviev and
Bulgakov who had both converted from Nihilism to Orthodoxy.
On the other hand the doctrine of Sophiology created an epistemic continuum to esoteric world view,
which allowed for the integration of Orthodox and Esoteric views in the artistic movement of Russian
Symbolism and a o g the spi ituall o ie ted p ede esso s, the Wa de e s / Pe ed izh iki
( е ед к ) who inspired Rilke and with whom he was familiar.
Rilke admired the Wa de e s , for their devotion to ancient (mediaeval) Russia to Russian folk art as
well as for their renewal of Orthodox Church art. In particular he mentions the Abramtsevo Church
which was built in 1880 in olla o atio the a tists ho had joi ed the a tists olo hi h Savva
66
Mamontov had founded on his estate. The estate which had formerly belonged to Sergey T. Aksakov
had a legacy of Slavophile orientation. In this spirit the artists of the colony did careful research into
mediaeval traditions of church architecture, iconography and folk ornaments, in order to create a
church true to the models and spirit of mediaeval Russian Orthodox Christianity, including the folk
traditions. Their conscientious research did not preclude artistic innovations, as of spatiality in the icons.
This hu h appea s as a s ol fo ‘ilke s o e dea ou s i et a i g a ediae al ‘ussia, hi h to
him symbolised a state of mind and cultu e i hi h the “ olists desi e fo a u ified o ld-view was
fulfilled. His translatio of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig has to e understood in this perspective, as the
document of a Russian mediaeval world view in art which integrates Orthodox and Pagan elements on
the basis of an assumed unified spiritual world view which Rilke – and many Russian contemporaries -
fou d to e a ifest i ‘ussia d oe e ie and which they sought to renew in the fine arts.
64
Sämtliche Werke, Vol. X, Frankfurt a. M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 613 – 622, pp. 618ff.
65
ул ко , е е . . ет е ече : о е ца я у о е я. — о к , 1994: е пу л к
66
Gray, Camilla, Das große Experiment. Die russsische Kunst 1863 – 1922, Köln, 1974: Verlag M. DuMont Schauberg, pp.
177ff., (original title: The Russian Experiment in Art 1863 – 1922, London, 1962: Thames & Hudson); cf.: [Federal State
Cultural Establishment "Abramtsevo State Historical, Artistic and Literary Museum – ‘ese e ed. ], Guide: Church of the
Saviour, URL: http://www.abramtsevo.net/eng/guidway/saviors-church.html
9
‘ilke s t a slatio of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig a thus be understood as the application of this
world view as hermeneutic approach to a strongly pagan work of art of the mediaeval Rus.
Rilke expressed his distance to literary Realism even before his journeys to Russia in a discussion of Lev
Tolstoi s essa What is A t? i . I ‘ussia Tolstoi s essa a e to e a fo al poi t fo the e e ge t
Symbolist movement to clarify their own outlook and was criticised by theoreticians of art like
Ale a d e Be ois. ‘ilke eje ts Tolstoi s ‘ealis a d his e eptio ist ie of a t i his essa Ü e
ыu st he states: „A t p ese ts he self as a ie of life, like eligio o s ie e a d so ialis too.
She differs from the other views only therein that it does not result from time. . . If the world should
break apart under her feet she survives independently as the creative, and she is the musing potentiality
of e o lds a d ti es. Die Kunst stellt sich dar als eine Lebensauffassung, wie etwa die Religion
und die Wissenschaft und der Sozialismus auch. Sie unterscheidet sich von den anderen Auffassungen
ur dadur h, dass sie i ht aus der )eit resultiert. … We ihr ei al die Welt u ter de нüße zer ri ht,
bleibt sie als das Schöpferische unabhängig bestehen und ist die sinnende Möglichkeit neuer Welten und
Zeiten. 67 This invocation of a timeless, transcendent reality – of a reality already present but
concealed, or of a future reality, yet to become - is a mainstay of esotericism and the basis of the sense
of a t a s e de t issio of “ olism.
The O thodo o ept of the i o a d Russia “ olis
The idea that thi gs o phe o e a of atu e a e eal a spi itual ea i g a d ealit hidde to the
se ula e e, is a fu da e tal o i tio of “ olis . A o di g to “ olis the objects of the
o ld, of e pi i e pe ie e a d of ideatio , a e ot o je ts i te s of a Ca tesia est e te sa ,
but materialisations of a divine origin or meaning. They point at a transcendent reality which emerges
th ough the . The “ olist poet s o ept of ealit is sa a e tal i a a .
It is an idealistic concept of the symbol, that transcendental truths of a higher order can reveal
themselves through particular things to the mind attuned to it.68 A platonic world view is the
background.
Roots of this idea a also e t a ed to the O thodo o ept of the i o , hi h ‘ilke a e to k o i
Russia and which has influenced Russian conceptions of art in Symbolism. The icon represents a
i do to the di i e Othe o ld a d e ui es oth a spiritual attitude by its creator – the writer of
icons – as well as by its viewer who should not view it as a visual depiction of any sacred person or
e e t, ut as a ediu of epipha . The idea of the i o is ased o the Ch istia otio of the
incarnation of Christ as the self-limitation of the Unlimited , present in the limitation of the strictly
st lised pai ted itte i o .69
The o e t of epipha i fa e of a i o – of which Rilke took notice70 - involves an inversion of
perception, in that the object becomes subject to the viewer. A fe ea s afte ‘ilke s t a els to ‘ussia
Pavel Florensky, orthodox priest and philosopher connected to the movement of Russian Symbolism,
67
Zinn, Ernst and Sieber-Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche Werke, Vol. 10, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag,
pp. 426 – 434, p. 426f.
68
Hofstätter, Hans H., Symbolismus und die Kunst der Jahrhundertwende: Voraussetzungen, Erscheinungsformen,
Bedeutungen, Köln, 1978: Du Mont, p. 32
69
Felmy, Karl Christian, Orthodoxe Theologie – eine Einführung, Darmstadt, 1990: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, p. 65
70
Rilke, ‘ai e Ma ia, „‘ussis he ыu st i : Zinn, Ernst and Sieber-Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche
Werke, Vol. X, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 493 – 505, p. 496
10
ote a out the i o as ei g ha a te ised a i e ted pe spe tive which makes the icon and the
reality or divine being represented by it the subject and the viewer the recipient in whom this reality has
to unfold its being.71
In a sense Rilke countered the crisis of Western de-sa alisatio o dis-e ha t e t applying
concepts of Christian Orthodox theology, in order to find a model for a re-spiritualised Symbolist
approach to poetry and artistic creation.
The result is neither wholly Christian – to the irritation of some theological Rilke exegetes - nor pristinely
Paga , a d e tai l ot se ula , to the i itatio of se e al lite a e egetes of the late th century,
ho e plai that ‘ilke s God is athe a figu e of his U o s ious ,72 - read: sexually repressed -
ithout a i g u h a out н eud s li itatio s of the o ept o a out ‘ilke s e p essed i te tio s.
The oots of Rilke’s affi it to Russia i his ati e Bohe ia a d i ideals of a spi ituall e oded Pa -
Slavism
Born in Prague in 1875 to parents of the German minority, Rilke spoke the Czech language. On a
ps hologi al le el, Cze hia a d its popula ultu e as a s ol of othe la d ith a pa ti ula
emotional quality. This came to be overlaid with his Russian discoveries – certainly mediated by the
spirit of Pan-Slavism of his age.
Here Julius Zeyer, a German-Austrian by origin and poet of the Czech language, who had lived for some
time in Russia and who engaged in the pan-Slavic cause, conveyed a Slavophile image of Russia to the
young Rilke in Prague, that Russia was a country still close to God and essentially unharmed by
modernity. Zeyer had lived in the house of an Old Believer, who introduced him to the rites and the
cultural heritage of this traditionalist offshoot of the Russian Orthodox Church.73 ‘ilke s isio of ‘ussia
was firmly shaped )e e . н o hi he also fi st hea d of the “o g of Igo s a paig , i a Cze h
Version. Rilke was thus conditioned to his formative Russian voyages by the Romantic Slavophile vision
of Russia as a spiritual and cultural alternative to the more Western Europe.
Rilke’s t a slatio of the “lo o o Polku Igo e a , the “o g of Igo ’s Ca paig i the o te t of his
spiritual and poetological development
Rainer Maria Rilke (1875 – t a slated the “lo o o Polku Igo e a , the “o g of Igo s
th
Campaig , – a 12 century Russian epic poem, which is rich in metaphors and motifs of Slavic
Paganism - as part of his spiritual and aesthetic quest. The Song of Igor covers events in southern Russia
and present eastern Ukraine in the years 1185 – 1187. The epic was probably composed shortly after
that. I this pe spe ti e his t a slatio of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig a ell e u de stood as
testimony of this quest.
71
Florenskij, Pavel, „Die u gekeh te Pe spekti e , i : Mie au, Fritz and Sieglinde, Pawel Florenski. Leben und Denken, vol. 2,
Ostfildern, 1996: Edition Tertium, pp. 126 – 136 (original: Фло е к . ., О т пе пект , о к , 1999:
л )
72
Mason, Eudo C.., „)u й tstehu g u d Deutu g o ‘ilkes “tu de u h , i : Exzentrische Bahnen – Studien zum
Dichterbewusstsein der Neuzeit, Göttingen, 1963, pp. 181 – 204, p. 188, loc cit.: Pagni, Andrea, Rilke um 1900 – Ästhetik und
Selbstverständnis im lyrischen Werk, Nürnberg, 1984: Verlag Hans Carl, Nürnberg, p. 4
73
Tavis, Anna A., Rilke’s Russia: A Cultural й ou ter, Evanston, 1994: Northwest University Press, p. 14ff.
11
Rilke’s i t odu tio to Russia th ough Lou A d eas-Salome
‘ilke t a slated the “lo o in the most formative period of his life, between 1897 and 1900, when he
was introduced to Russia and to Russian artists and theoreticians of art by Lou Andreas-Salomé (1861 –
1937) who was born from a Russian-German family in St. Petersburg. She was well connected in both
Russian and German intellectual circles, being a formidable writer herself who took an active part in
cultural and social movements of her lifetime. During this time she took him twice to extended visits to
Russia. These have been initiatory voyages to him. They were formative experiences in the sense that he
entered a country which he felt spoke to him in many ways. Visiting Russia meant to him to participate
in the symbolism of her land and culture.
1897, shortly after they had met in Lou Andreas-Salomé took him on their first voyage of Russia. They
visited St. Petersburg, several ancient Russian cities and finally Moscow. Here he attended the Easter
Night Vigil se i e. ‘ilke, ho sha ed i Nietzs he s e pe ie e of the loss of God, wrote that here he
e pe ie ed йaste fo the fi st a d o l ti e i his life.74 Given the theurgic character of Orthodox
liturgy and of the Easter Vigil Service75 i pa ti ula , ‘ilke s se se of a o e hel i g spi itual
experience is understandable. Without making him a Christian, he may have felt reassured that he
found in Russia the sense of participation in the divine which he sought so dearly and to which he
devoted his poetry and his existence as a poet.
He described the experience of the Easter Night Vigil i te s of Plato s A a esis as a e olle tio of
something which was inherently his own and deeply familiar.76 From then on Russia became the country
of epipha to hi .
On this journey R. M. Rilke was introduced to Lev Tolstoy, Sophia N. Schill, Ilya Repin, Leonid Pasternak,
Alexander Benois, some of the most influential personalities of aesthetic and cultural discourse in Russia
of the age. From then on Rilke studied Russian intensively.
Rilke’s se o d o age to Russia:

In February 1900 Sophia N. “ hill se t ‘ilke a op of the “o g of Igo s a paig . рe as i ediatel
77
fascinated. Rilke was thus prepared for the journey which would lead him through the areas and cities
which are mentioned in this epic. To Rilke it was a voyage of pilgrimage. This is reflected in the route his
journey took. The other important elements are an encounter with traditional Orthodox Russia,
encounter with Russian art and meetings with Russian artists in the beginnings of Russian Symbolism.
Lou Andreas-Salomé saw clearly that her friend was on an initiatory voyage,78 and she, as his muse was
resolved to be his guide. Apart from that this long voyage from May to summer of 1900 had a very
pe so al ea i g to oth of the . O e di e sio of it as to et a e the o igi al ‘ussia . I this
respect their visit to Kiev had the aspect of a pilgrimage. Both visited the Cave Monastery, the
Pecherskaya Lavra there, participating in services there as pilgrims. The figure of the Russian monk and
pilg i e u s i ‘ilke s ea l poems. Rilke picked up this figure consciously in his
74
Rilke, Rainer M., letter to Lou Andreas-Salomé, 1904, loc. cit.: ibid., p. 28
75
The Orthodox Church in America (ed.), Volume II – Worship, The Church Year, Easter Sunday: The Holy Pascha, URL:
http://oca.org/orthodoxy/the-orthodox-faith/worship/the-church-year/easter-sunday-the-holy-pascha
76
Epp, George K., Rilke und Russland, Frankfurt a.M. 1984: Peter Lang Vlg., p. 28
77
Leipzig, 1960: Insel Verlag, p. 73, (first ed. 1949)
78
Tavis, Anna A., Rilke’s Russia: A Cultural й ou ter, Evanston, 1994: Northwest University Press, p. 32
12
Rilke and Andreas-Salomé were aware of the Ukraine as a distinct culture, yet saw her as part of an
encompassing Rus. They took interest in the particular Ukrainian tradition, as by their visit to Taras
She he ko s g a e, i the pe spe ti e of e ou te i g he e a ie t poeti t aditio . ‘ilke efe s to his
figu e of the ko za , the t aditio al a d.
Rilke spent days visiting the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow. Here he saw paintings of Victor Vasnetzov and
Mikhail Vrubel. Rilke became familiar with the ideas of the artists group the Wa de e s /
Pe ed izh iki е ед к – 1923), who dedicated themselves to a rediscovery of Russian
nature and the life of the people. Their impetus of a new realism however is not to be understood as a
rejection of spiritual elements, and in no way as an affirmation of a positivistic and materialistic world
view. Their attention to the Russian landscape, life, society and culture was inspired by Slavophile
ele e ts of a app e iatio of ‘ussia s u i ue ultu e, i eje tio of a eo-classical orientation
towards Western European models. The Wanderers emphatically strove for a new appreciation of the
landscape and the culture of the people, in particular the ancient Russian, pre-modern elements, which
were rediscovered enthusiastically as source of national culture. This included the spiritual realms, both
of Orthodox Christianity as well as of pre-Christian pagan traditions of the people. Rilke was deeply
influenced by this programme. Russian Symbolism is rooted in these ideas.
This combination of motifs which also informed the nascent Russian Symbolism has become a formative
a d esse tial ele e t of ‘ilke s a tisti iog aph and poetics.
Rilke’s ie of Russia as a la d ot dis-e ha ted ut in communion with the divine and the
“la ophile o ept of Russia’s u i ersal mission
The Slavophile self- o ept of ‘ussia e tai l i flue ed ‘ilke s pe eptio s. This may even extend to
the “la ophiles elief i the ‘ussia Idea , the o i tio that ‘ussia has a spe ial spi itual issio to
the world. Rilke affirms this indirectly in his essay on Russian art. Remembering the impression which
the exhibits at the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow had made on him, Rilke wrote: „Then it seemed to me,
as if the latest developments in Russian art, which does not become narrow as it assumes a more
national character, might indeed be able to express what is highest to mankind and most general of her,
he all that is st a ge a d o ti ge t to he i.e. ‘ussia a t , ill ha e ee holl fo gotte .
( Damals schien mir, als wäre es auch in der Tat die jüngste Stufe in der Entwicklung russischer Kunst, die
mit zunehmender Nationalität sich nicht verengt, ja die vielleicht imstande sein wird, das höchste und
allgemeinste Menschliche auszusprechen, wenn alles Fremde und Zufällige, alles Unrussische ganz
vergessen sein wird. 79) The ancient belief in the unique messianic mission of Russia is adopted here by
Rilke in the medium of art.80
In his essay on Russian art of 1901 ‘ussis he ыu st ‘ilke called Russia: „The ide ou t i the east,
the o l o e hi h God is still o e ted to the ea th . . . ( Das weite Land im Osten, das einzige
79
Rilke, Raine Ma ia, „‘ussis he ыu st i : Zinn, Ernst and Sieber-Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche
Werke, Vol. X, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag,pp. 493 – 505, p. 504
80
Aizlewood , Robin , Revisiting Russian Identity in Russian Thought: From Chaadaev to the Early Twentieth Ce tu , i :
The Slavonic and East European Review, Vol. 78, No. 1 (Jan., 2000), pp. 20-43, Published by: Maney Publishing on behalf of
Modern Humanities Research Association and University College London, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, URL:
http://dl1.cuni.cz/pluginfile.php/67559/mod_resource/content/0/chaadaev2.pdf , f.: л , л лек д о ,
« у кая дея»., о к , 1992.
13
durch welches Gott noch mit der Erde zusammenhängt . . . 81) Gi e ‘ilke s theu gi o ept of poet ,
this means that to him visiting Russia and participating in this land were means of divination and a
pilgrimage to the point where heaven and earth meet . Accordingly, to connect to Russia and to its
arts meant to find a way to restore this connection to the divine which is the foundation of all art in
Rilke s ie .
Rilke’s e pe ie e of the death of God as a kg ou d fo his uest fo e-sacralisation of perception,

culture and poetry
‘ilke s o sessio ith the spi itual di e sio of a t a d of ‘ussia ste s f o a epo hal e pe ie e
which is mirrored in his own: the experience of the loss of God.
‘ilke had e pe ie ed as a adoles e t hat н. Nietzs he had diag osed as the death of God i his
o te po a ultu e. God is dead! God remains dead! And we have killed him. How do we console
ourselves, the murderers of all murderers? („Gott ist tot! Gott lei t tot! U d ir ha e ih getötet. Wie
tröste ir u s, die Mörder aller Mörder? i : „Die нröhli he Wisse s haft, Aphoris us 5 . Rilke
shared this observation but was not too sure about the perma e t „death of God .
Rilke sorely felt a sense of loss and of estrangement from the divine which he shared with several artists
of his time.82 As a poet he dedicated himself to the task of bridging this divide while sharing the
epistemological predicament of a loss of authoritative mediation of the divine – as by authority of the
Christian church with which he had fallen out. In this endeavour Rilke shared the aspirations of
Symbolism, of Russian Symbolism in particular at re-spiritualisation through the means of art.
The task of reconstructing pathways to an experience of the divine and of its expression were a major
theme of movements in culture and science of this era of the late 19 th and early 20th century,
a o pa i g the idel felt dise ha t e t of the o ld Ma We e .83 common cultural
e pe ie e d e a a iet of attitudes: f o a ju ila t affi atio of the death of God as o ditio of
a s li e atio , as by L. Feuerbach, K. Marx and F. Nietzsche, through a nostalgic acquiescence, as an
i e ita le e e t i the p o ess of a s a ake i g as a fi ite ei g, as of “. н eud, th ough the proposal
of a split of consciousness, relating the rational to the agnostic in a scientific world view and to
a epti g a sa ifi e of i telle t i atte s of faith, in order to retain religion, as by M. Weber, up to a
series of devoted counter-movements at reintegrating science and religion in an encompassing world-
view. The latter was at the he heart of movements from spiritual monism and spiritism through
theosophy up to esotericism and spiritualisation of the soul. All of them shared the assumption that
spiritual insight or perceptions on this basis had to be universal. A more or less marked distance from
Christianity, based on particular revelation, was implied in many of these movements. The
dise ha t e t of the o ld ie as a o di gl also e pe ie ed culturally as a collapse of the
Ch istia faith s lai to alidit o as pe so al loss of faith. This is the point of departure for many
protagonists of these movements.
81
‘ilke, ‘ai e Ma ia, „‘ussis he ыu st i : Zinn, Ernst and Sieber-Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche
Werke, Vol. X, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag,pp. 493 – 505, p. 494
82
йh a , A tje, Die “p a he de й gel – zu a gelogis he Quelle u d Moti e ode e э ik , i : G u e , Betti a,
Erfahrung und System. Mystik und Esoterik in der Literatur der Moderne, Opladen, 1997: Westdeutscher Verlag, pp. 136 –
156, p. 148
83
Asprem, Egil, The Problem of Disenchantment. Scientific Naturalism and Esoteric Discourse, 1900 – 1939, Leiden, 2014: E. J.
Brill, pp. Xff.
14
Accordingly the concept of God appears in two distinct but related meanings: as a metaphysical
supreme being and as a subjective entity manifested in personal faith or spiritual experience. Rilke
oscillates between these two meanings without fully opting for either one. In some of the poems of his
Russian period he attempts to relate them in the figure of mutual interdependence of God and a
o k ,84 his poeti spi itual pe so a . Rilke posits the focal point of validation of the spiritual more on
the subjective side.
th
‘ilke s o se atio s a out a ‘ussia a tist of the ea l century, Alexaner Ivanov, are a reflection on
this predicament: O e da he, hose life as a pilg i age to God, elie ed to ha e e o e a atheist.
In truth however it was piety, deep Russian piety, which demanded in him to be expressed i pai ti g .
( … ei es Tages glau te e , desse эe e ei Ga g zu Gott a , Atheist ge o de zu sei . Im Grunde
aber war es Frömmigkeit, innige russische Frömmigkeit, was bei ihm nach malerischem Ausdruck
e la gte. 85). Here again the focus of spiritual verification has shifted towards the subjective side.
With regard to Russian culture this is expressed e.g. i ‘ilke s remarks about the role of icons in Russian
Orthodox piety: „We are concerned here with a people (in a state) before Giotto. All of their experiences
are of a religious nature and (they) are so strong that they let us behold in darkened byzantine images a
beauty, which the state-of-art copies of Athonite monks never had. . . . They see countless madonnas
into the hollow icons and their creative longings vivify the empty ovals. He e the a tist has to egi …
( Wir haben es hier mit einem vorgiottesken Volk zu tun, dessen alle Erlebnisse religiöser Natur sind und
so stark, dass sie uns in verdunkelten byzantinischen Bildern eine Schönheit erkennen lassen, welche
diese ha d erks äßige ыopie grie his her Mö he o Athos ie als esaße . …. U zählige
Madonnen schaut das Volk in die hohlen Ikone(n) hinein und seine schöpferis he “eh su ht ele t … die
leeren Ovale. Hier muss der Künstler einsetzen … 86). Of course Rilke refers to the Renaissance as the
stage from which on a spiritual dimension is lost from world-view in western Europe. Importantly Rilke
emphasises the subjective power of spiritual perception as by projection into traditional, suitable forms
which he believes has been retained by the people. He calls upon the artist to take this as point of
departure for his endeavour of a spiritual art.
In this perspecti e his t a slatio of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig is a e e ise i ie i g the spi itual
esse e of that pe iod the eati e p o ess of t a slatio of this i o i te t.
On the Orthodox o ept of theosis (divinisation) a d Rilke’s pe eptio of Russia as a divinised

culture
It is strange that Rilke did not reflect on the marked Orthodox element in Russian (pre-)Symbolist
thought. He might have discovered that essential elements which Rilke attributes to the supposed
a hais of ‘ussia ultu e and her alleged not participating in western European movements like the
Renaissance - are rather to be traced to central tenets of Orthodox theology. Whereas Sophiology
relates in particular to the perception of the world and of man - of the outer and the inner world and of
their relation – Theosis is more focussed on the active side, thus relating to processes of spiritual
practise as well as to artistic creation. Rilke grasped its essence intuitively.
84
Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche Werke, Vol. 1, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp 251 – 30, p. 255
85
Sämtliche Werke, Vol. X, Frankfurt a. M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 613 – 622, pp. 617
86
‘ilke, ‘ai e Ma ia, „‘ussis he ыu st i : Zinn, Ernst and Sieber-Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche
Werke, Vol. X, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 493 – 505, p. 496
15
The sti al ‘ussia soul a athe e t a ed ack to Christian Orthodox epistemics. These in turn
have allowed for a good admixture of pagan traditions surviving in culture and piety.
‘ilke s concept of Russia as divinised culture draws – probably unbeknown to Rilke – on the concept of
theosis , of divinisation, as participation in the divine which is accessible to man and even to nature
according to Orthodox theology. It is the centrepiece of Orthodox soteriology. 87 The Biblical foundation
of this idea is found by Orthodoxy in the following lines:
According as his divine power hath given unto us all things that pertain unto life and godliness, through
the knowledge of him that hath called us to glory and virtue: Whereby are given unto us exceeding great
and precious promises: that by these ye might be partakers of the divine nature, having escaped the
corruption that is in the world through lust. . Pete , -4, King James Version)
The Orthodox Church interprets these lines in an ontological sense and not chiefly in terms of morals
and ethics. They also have aesthetic and epistemological meanings in Orthodox thought. This makes in
particular beauty a means of divination and of divinisation. Thus Staniloae writes, following Dionysius
the A eopagite: If beauty consists in the manifestation of the spirit through matter, the irradiation of
living spirit through the living body is the greatest beauty. 88
I ‘ussia ‘ilke e te ed a ou t hose ultu e as ot a ked the dise ha t e t of the o ld ,
which Max Weber attributed in particular to the Reformation and to enlightenment. The Reformation
had ei fo ed a te de also p ese t i Catholi is to sepa ate the atu al f o the
supe atu al . A pe eptio s of the p ese e of the di i e – or of higher, spiritual powers – were
ega ded as paga a d de ou ed. Co ta t ith the di i e as est i ted to faith . й lighte e t –
in its dominant tendencies - reinforced this, by eliminating all assumptions about any spiritual forcec or
presence in the realm of the natural world.
Orthodoxy, in contrast, has always insisted on the presence of the divine in the world, in nature and in
man. The very concept of salvation in Orthodox understanding is based on the reinforcement of such
p ese e th ough the idea of di i isatio theosis .
In Orthodox theology the world view is not based on the primordial separation of the paradisiacal divine
from the worldly sphere as a categorical distinction of the spiritual as an irretrievably lost paradise, but
rather as one to be regained through the incarnation of the “o of God a d th ough a s e dea ou at
divinisation. The p i o dial Bi li al нall is i te p eted as lapse i to a state hi h e ui es heali g
theosis, by divinisation, and not as the basis for a factual exclusion of the divine from the sphere of the
world.
The resulting cultural perceptions and practises have fascinated Rilke immediately. Here he found a
ultu e hi h as ot a ked the ift of dise ha t e t hi h he – like many of his generation
and the next - so sorely experienced in his own culture. He traced this rift back to the Western
Renaissance. He also held the Western churches to be part of this failure to mediate the natural and the
spiritual. It accounts for some of his distance towards Christianity.
Accordingly Rilke did not take a closer look at Russian Orthodox thought. He rather absorbed Orthodox
o ld ie s as pa t of a sti al ‘ussia , a ked a hais . From the point of view of this
87
Felmy, Karl Christian, Orthodoxe Theologie – eine Einführung, Darmstadt,1990: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, p.
133ff.
88
Staniloae, Dumitru, The Experience of God. Orthodox Dogmatic Theology, Vol. 2: The World: Creation and Deification,
(transl. and ed. by Ion Ionita and Robert Barringer), Brookline, 200: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, p. 122
16
supposed a hais of ‘ussia he d e oth o O thodo a d o Paga otifs, a d sought to combine
them in this frame.
The se e a e of the o ldl f o the di i e – which Rilke attributes to Western Renaissance,

Reformation and Enlightenment, might rather be attributed to a pronounced understanding of the
p i o dial fall of a i ‘o an Catholic and Protestant theologies, with the strict separation of the
eated atu al f o the supe atu al i the fo e a d the out ight eje tio of a p ese e of the
di i e i the o ld sa e fo the i a atio of Ch ist.
In Russia Rilke encountered a country whose spiritual epistemology is not based on such as primordial
sepa atio of the pa adisia al di i e f o the o ldl sphe e. ‘athe the p i o dial Bi li al нall is
interpreted as lapse into a state which requires healing by theosis, by divinisation.
Thus at the egi i g of the hou s se i es, as of Vespe s, and in the Entrance prayers of the Divine
Liturgy the p iest e ites the Usual Begi i g hi h i okes the рol “pi it: O Heavenly King,
Comforter, Spirit of Truth, Who are everywhere present and filling all things, Treasury of blessings and
Giver of life: Come and dwell in us, and cleanse us of all impurity, and save our souls, O Good One. 89 The
omnipresence of the Divine in the world and within man is thus regularly invoked and forms the world
view.
The i age of the O thodo o k a d the pilg i as figu es of Rilke’s poetological and self-perception
in the perspective of Russian Symbolism
In Russian Symbolism the artist was to play the role of theurgist. "From the very beginning, the Symbolist
is a theurgist, in other words, a possessor of the secret knowledge with the secret action behind it,"90
Blok wrote in 1910.91 Rilke relates this task to the figure of the Orthodox monk, for several reasons:
firstly, for the shift towards perso al spi itual p a tise as o ditio fo the alidati g spi itual
experience, also for the solitary aspect of this endeavour, and secondly, in view of the monk as artist: as
eato of i o s a d also as ite of h o i les, su h as the “o g of Igo s Ca paig .
The figure of the pilgrim, popular in Russian spiritual imagination, refers to the motif of the spiritual
quest as a journey. The alleged account of a Russian spiritual wanderers travels, published in 1884 in
t o pa ts as The Way of a Pilgrim and The Pilgrim Continues His Way 92 were immediately a success
i ‘ussia, a d a ha e ee e u h p ese t i ‘ussia ultu al i agi atio at the ti e of ‘ilke s
visits.
Rilke perceived himself in these figures. Accordingly the first part of his collection of poems of his
‘ussia period is e titled The Book of Monastic Life , pu lished . The se o d pa t, pu lished i
is e titled The Book of Pilgrimage , the thi d pa t, pu lished has the title The Book of
89
The Divine Liturgy according to St. John Chrysostom with appendices, South Canaan, Penn., 1984: St. Tikho s “e i a
Press, p. 3
90
Blok, Alexander. 'On the Present condition of Russian Symbolism'. in: Blok, Alexander. Works. Vol. 5. Moscow-Leningrad:
1962
91
art
92
[anonymous], French, R. M. (transl.), The Way of a Pilgrim and The Pilgrim Continues His Way, San Francisco, 1973: Harper
Collins, (original: Kazan, 1884)
17
Poverty and of Death . ‘ilke aptly joi ed the togethe as The Book of Hours . Whe eas the the es of
the first book are often related to Italy, the following are often situated in Russia and in an Orthodox
context.
A эeit oti of these poe s is a aestheti espo se to the Death of God . Poetry, according to these
poe s is a a t hi h God e o es o o es i to ei g. The Book of Mo asti эife egi s ith
the verses: I e i le God, the a ie t to e / a d I i le fo e tu ies / a d I do ot et k o : a I a
falcon, a storm or a grand song
( Ich kreise um Gott, um den uralten Turm, / und ich kreise jahrhundertelang: / und ich weiß noch nicht:
bin ich ein Falke, ein Sturm / oder ein großer Gesang 93
The figure of pilgrimage is transformed into images of nature – the falcon and the storm – and of poetics
– the g eat so g . Both i ages a e e hoed i the “o g of Igo s a paig theopho i ele e ts of
nature and poetry.
The figure of inversion, orthodox monasticism, synergy and poetic theurgy

The figu e of i e sio , hich elates to the task of theu g , ai ed at aisi g God or invoking the
di i e p ese e is elated ‘ilke to the the e of the i i e t death of God i the follo i g
verses:
Thou neighbour God, if I disturb you many times / deep in the night with hard knocks on the wall,- / it
is because I rarely hear you breathe / and know: you are alone in the hall. / And if you need something
the e s o o e to offe a d i k to ou g opi g ha d. / I al a s liste : Gi e a s all toke . / I a losel
near by. / Just a thin wall is there between us, and perchance: a calling of your mouth or mine – will let
it crumble / without noise or sound.
( Du Nachbar Gott, wenn ich dich manchesmal / in langer Nacht mit hartem Klopfen störe, -
so ists, weil ich dich selten atmen höre / und weiß: du bist allein im Saal.
Und wenn du etwas brauchst, ist keiner da um deinem Tasten einen Trank zu reichen:
Ich horche immer: Gieb ein kleines Zeichen. / Ich bin ganz nah.
Nur eine schmale Wand ist zwischen uns, durch Zufall und es könnte sein:
Ein Rufen deines oder meines Munds – und sie bricht ein / Ganz ohne Lärm und Laut. 94)
The poet s all ight ake the all eak do hi h sepa ates him from the aging God, and cause
epipha – an apparently ambivalent idea to Rilke. Thus the monk merely asks for a small signal from
God. The inversion shows the poet as active in the sustenance of God as in a mutually sustaining
relationship. It is the figu e of poetic theu g hi h ‘ilke ai tai s th oughout his o k.
About the spiritual task of the poet ‘ilke ote: „Othe s ha e left God ehi d the like a e o . To
the eati e pe so God is the fi al deep fulfil e t. A d he e the pious sa рe is , a d the sad o es
feel рe as , the a tists s iles: рe ill e . A d his faith is o e than faith, for he himself is in
construction of this God. That is the dut of the a tist. „Die anderen haben Gott hinter sich wie eine
йri eru g. De “ haffe de ist Gott die letzte tiefste йrfüllu g. U d e die нro e sage : „йr ist ,
93
94
18
und die Traurige fühle : „йr ar , so lä helt der ыü stler: „йr ird sei . U d sei Glau e ist ehr als
Glau e , de er sel st aut a diese Gott. …. Das ist die Pfli ht des ыü stlers. 95)
O the otif of di i e da k ess a d the theu gi task i Rilke’s poetics. The Orthodox concept of
God’s da k ess a d Rilke’s i age of Russia as a da k la d
The „la d of the poe s is a etapho of God. The la d desig ates ‘ussia. It is also likened to a
da ke i g pai ti g su fa e hi h alludes to the da ke i g i o s that bear the image of the divine. It is
the G u d i the se se of di i e o igi . Of this la d ‘ilke o ti ues, as he o es to a ds add essi g
it more obviously as God:
You da ke i g g ou d, patie tl ou ea the o st u tio , a d ou a allo a hour more to the
cities and two hours you grant to the churches and lonely monasteries. You see seven hours more to the
daily labour of the farmers -: before you become woods again and water and growing wilderness,
in the hour of unnameable anguish, when you reclaim your unfinished image from all things back.
Give me some more time; I will love the things as no one else, until they are all dignified of you and far
remote. I want just seven days, seven on which no one has written yet. Seven days of solitude.
Du dunkelnder Grund, geduldig erträgst du das Mauern, / und vielleicht erlaubst du noch eine Stunde
den Städten zu dauern / und gewährst noch zwei Stunden den Kirchen und einsamen Klöstern /
und lässest fünf Stunden noch Mühsal allen Erlösten / und siehst noch sieben Stunden des Tagwerk der
Bauern -: / Eh du wieder Wald wirst und Wasser und wachsende Wildnis /
In der Stunde der unerfaßlichen Angst, / da du dein unvollendetes Bildnis / von allen Dingen zurück
verlangst. / Gieb mir noch eine kleine Weile Zeit; ich will die Dinge so wie keiner lieben
Bis sie dir alle würdig sind und weit. / Ich will nur sieben Tage, sieben / Auf die sich keiner noch
geschrieben, / sieben Tage Einsamkeit. 96
Of the da ke i g g ou d ‘ilke sa s that it – or rather: God – endures creation of culture – of cities –

and more so of churches and monasteries – and toil and the daily work of those redeemed and of the
farmers – before God will demand His unfinished image back from those creating it and before he
returns to become nature again. The image of an icon darkening by the veneration with candles
e o es a etapho fo God s etu f o the eal of ult a d ultu e, hi h p odu es his image, to
that of da k ess – the Orthodox idea of the mystical darkness of God,97 exposed by Pseudo-Dionysius
A eopagita appea s he e, possi l u a a es to ‘ilke, ut ediated th ough O thodo . The poet s
theu gi o k is set agai st this a kg ou d. To e te the eal of di i e da k ess ea s to lea e the
supposed clarity of the light of Enlighte e t ehi d. ‘ilke also elates the etapho of da k ess to
the darkness of Orthodox churches and icons, which have been stained by innumerable candles lit
efo e the . To eate o a da k g ou d ea s to eate i ages suffused ith the di i e. The
etapho also has a te po al aspe t of etu i g to a poi t of eatio efo e the thi al нall of
Ma , a state of o igi – o to elate it to a etapho hi h as i po ta t to ‘ilke: to a a hai
state , he e the sepa atio of the se ula f o the divine has not yet begun.
95
‘ilke, ‘ai e Ma ia, „Ü e ыu st , i : )i , й st a d “ie e -Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche Werke,
Vol. 10, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 426 – 434, p. 427
96
Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche Werke, Vol. 1, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp 251 – 301, p. 296f.
97
Felmy, Karl Christian, Orthodoxe Theologie – eine Einführung, Darmstadt,1990: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, p. 25
19
To ‘ilke the ediae al “o g of Igo s a paig ep ese ted su h a a hai state. The poem has a
st ai of defi ite iti ue of ultu e as est a ge e t f o the di i e g ou d a hé .
The i age of da k ess is also elated ‘ilke to the “la ophile otio of o u it as o u io
so o ost . I a poe des i i g “t. “ophia s athed al i ыie ‘ilke he o i es the otifs of
da k ess ith the Theotokos a d ith i a atio . This pa ti ula hu h, e og isa le by the detailed
des iptio of he apse, is ge e alised alli g he so o athed al : Selten ist die Sonne im
98
Sobór ( Rarely is the sun seen in the so o ). Picking this word alludes to the idea of so o ost ,
which signifies both the mystical community within the Orthodox community and with the God. The
concept has a wide range of implications within Orthodox and Slavophile thought, regarding the ideas
about social life, nation, culture, community and even the relation to nature as based on spiritual
communion.99 It was an important idea in Russian culture of the time.
Russia as a land still close to God – on apophaticism, nature and dou le faith Двоеверие /
dvoeverie)
эooki g fo a e pla atio of his felt p ese e of the di i e i ‘ussia Rilke drew on the idea of a
supposed a hais of ‘ussia ultu e. In this perception of Russia he eclipsed most of Russian history.
A ti eless a ie t ‘ussia ho e e also figu ed o the a tisti depi tio s of ‘ussia s past i ‘ilke s
time, as by V. Vasnetzov.
‘ussia to ‘ilke is a diffe e t h o o-tope , a ked slowness, archaism and eternity:

I stayed with the eldest monks, the painters and heralds of myth / who calmly wrote stories and carved
runes of fame. / And I see you in my visions with winds, with waters and woods, that rustle at the
margins of Christianity – o land not to be enlightened.
( Ich war bei den ältesten Mönchen, den Malern und Mythenmeldern,
die schrieben ruhig Geschichten und zeichneten Runen des Ruhms.
Und ich seh dich in meinen Gesichten mit Winden, Wassern und Wäldern
Rauschend am Rand des Christentums, du Land nicht zu lichten. 100)
‘ilke sees ‘ussia i oppositio to the la ds of e lighte e t hi h ha e e ti guished the da k ess of

God – God s apophati ode of self-disclosure as Orthodox theology emphasises – a light of
reason) which is illusionary rather than illuminating. It appears as if Rilke had absorbed central tenets of
Orthodox apophatic theology intuitively, rather than through any readings of theology. Rilke coined the
e p essio of God s da ke i g as God s self-disclosure through poetry.
I te esti gl ‘ilke depi ts these a ie t o ks also as i o pai te s, as telle s of th ho ite

u es of fa e . рe e the i ages of o thodo o asti is erge with those of mediaeval epic bards
a d ith the allusio to paga u es of fa e . ‘ilke e ide tl follo s the idea of d oe e ie . This
98
Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche Werke, Vol. I, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 251 – 301, p. 292
99
Valliere, Paul, Modern Russian Theology – Bukharev, Soloviev, Bulgakov. Orthodox Theology in a New Key. Edinburgh, 2000:
T&T Clark Ltd., pp. 359ff.
100
Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche Werke, Vol. I, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 295
20
Russian dou le faith as a leit oti of ‘ussia s cultural and spiritual self-identification since the late
19th century, widespread in the works of those circles of painters with whom Rilke was familiar. It is a
feature of The Song of Igor s Campaign, which Rilke was to translate soon after the completion of this
t ilog of poe s hi h ake up the Book of рou s .
These verses move from the realm of culture – of orthodox monks and pagan bards – to Russian nature.
This too is a characteristic of the poetics and the metaphors of the Sing of Igor s Ca paign.
Natu e e o es a etapho fo eation in its nascent state, of the di i e g ou d – the German
o d G u d also ea s fou datio , pai ti g su fa e, sou e a d e e di i e o igi . I ‘ilke s
i agi atio it is o oted ith the ualit of da k ess i a sti al apophati u de sta di g.
‘ilke s poeti self sa s that he eholds God ustli g ith i d, ate a d oods at the a gi s of
Ch istia it . This is defi itel ot o l to e u de stood i a geog aphi al ut i a eligious or spiritual
sense. Not o e ed a out the o thodo of ‘ussia O thodoxy Rilke deliberately included pagan
allusions here. At the a gi s of Ch istia it a ell e ead as a des iptio of ‘ilke s o eligious
position at the time.
The “o g of Igo ’s Ca paig as a do u e t of ediae al dou le elief d oe e ie

It has bee sho that the o ept of d oe e ie has o s ste ati ea i g i ediae al ‘ussia
101
literature and theology. The word is used at the time in a pejorative sense. There is no deliberate
attempt at fusing the Christian and the Pagan in Mediaeval Russia. Rather there is a slow process of
amalgamation and gradual integration by which Slavic Paganism was partially integrated into the
Christian Orthodox system.102 The resulting fusion, by which Slavic Pagan elements were integrated into
the personages of various saints, as well as into festivals, folk customs an beliefs, did not imply any
deliberate syncretism. On the contrary, there have been repeated moves at purging the Slavic Pagan
elements from the Russian Orthodox.
The o ious a ifestatio s of d oe e ie the poet of the “o g of Igo – presumably a cleric, who
understood himself and his heroes expressly as Christian – is rather to be explained with a different
model, which we can just outline here:
Paganism and Christianity in mediaeval northern cultures did not cover the same points in religious
perception. They were not fully symmetrical religious epistemologies. Rather they complemented each
other in the perceptions of mediaeval authors – save for a few theologians who consciously understood
them as irreconcilable opposites. To most people they probably represented mutually augmentative
epistemologies, with few points of inevitable conflict. This may explain the long period of several
centuries in which Christian and Pagan epistemologies and beliefs were held alongside each other – in
Russia as in Germany, Scandinavia or in England. The phenomenon of authors who were Christian in
their self-perception but who wrote Pagan or Pagan-inspired poetry in the Middle Ages - we may think
here even of Snorri Sturluson, the Icelandic poet and theoretician of literature – appeared as no self-
contradiction to them.
101
Stella Rock, Popular religion in Russia. Dou le elief’ a d the Maki g of a A ade i M th, London and New York, 2007:
Routledge, pp. 106ff
102
л ко . , art: „ ое е е , in: л , л лек д о (ed.), у кая ф ло оф я: ло а , о к ,
1995: е пу л к , p. 132, online at: http://www.logic-books.info/node/425
21
th
O the otio of d oe e ie i Russia ultu al thought at the tu of the century
In the cultural thought of late 19th century Russia the union of the Pagan and the Christian - also to be
found in the Song of Igor - has been conceptualised as an example of dou le faith , of d oe e ie
ое е е . This has been hailed as manifestation of the specific Russian spirituality and as expressive
th
of ‘ussia s i teg ated spi itual o ld ie . Thus the ea l century historian of Russian culture
Georgy P. Fedotov (1886 – 1951) presents this concept as central to an understanding of Russian
spi itual ultu e a d histo i his lassi The ‘ussia ‘eligious Mi d .103 To the cultural milieu of late
19th e tu ‘ussia the idea of ‘ussia d oe e ie e a e a guidi g otif эeit oti hi h the
own cultural heritage of peasant culture and of the rich pre-Christian legacy preserved on folk tale,
customs, rites associated with orthodox saints and festivals, artwork and popular song were re-
appropriated and integrated into the present high culture I this ultu al o e e t the “o g of Igo
had iconic value and it is thus that Rilke became familiar with it through a Russian friend in culture,
Sophia Schill.104
Ale a de Bo odi o posed his ope a P i e Igo ased o this epi afte he as i t odu ed to the
эa of Igo a a t iti elo gi g to the o e e t of the Wa de e s Pe ed izh iki i 69.
After his early death in 1887 Rimsky-Korsakov and Alexander Glazunov completed the composition. The
opera was first performed in St. Petersburg in 1890. The predominantly pagan themes of the Lay
resonated well with Rimsky-ыo sako s o i te tio s, since he composed on pagan motifs alongside
with his church music.105
The pagan studies of the early 20th century, as e.g. by Boris A. Rybakov,106 are based on this re-
e aluatio of ‘ussia s paga past a d its su i i g featu es. The i te est the Wa de e s took in folk
traditions and ornaments in the visual arts, are based on the same sense of the pagan traditions as
essential elements of Russian culture right into modern times. Rilke was evidently influenced by these
convictions.
‘ilke adopted the idea of d oe e ie . рis des iptio of Vasil Vas etzo s a t is ased fi l o this
o ept. I his essa Mode e ‘ussis he ыu st ‘ilke ote: „A o g those ho se iousl ega
new paths (in art) someone more has to be named: Victor Vasnetzov. He too strove to connect art with
the ‘ussia soul…; he sought the g eat o o soul of the people, sought he i the life of the
peasa ts, i thei usto s, i thei faith a d supe stitio s, i thei ost a ie t so gs, the B li i … рe
has explored the paganism of this soul and her piety. He has let her lead him into the churches, in front
of the da ke ed old i o s … нo the ‘ussia hu h is ot dead; she li es a life, hi h is i fi itel sile t,
i fi itel slo a d elated to the i e ost life of the people…. ( … als ei er ster A fä ger euer
Wege [ist] noch einer zu nennen: Viktor Wasnetzow. Auch sein Streben ist es, die Kunst mit der
103 th th
with a foreword by John Meyendorff. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966
104
Haupt, Wilhelm (ed.), Das Igor-Lied. Eine Heldendichtung. Der altrussische Text mit der Übertragung von Rainer Maria
Rilke und der neurussischen Prosafassung von D. S. Lichatschow, Leipzig, 1960: Insel Verlag, p. 73
105
Nelson, John, Lending support to Russian dual faith (dvoeverie) as a facet of identity – aspects of belief in Rimsky-
ыorsako ’s operas, Helsinki, 2015, URL:
https://www.academia.edu/8898933/Lending_support_to_Russian_dual_faith_dvoeverie_as_a_facet_of_identity_aspects_o
f_belief_in_Rimsky-Korsakov_s_operas
106
. . ко , Я че т о д е е у (The Paganism of Ancient Russia), о к , И д тел т о ук , 1987
22
russis he “eele zu er i de . … ; er su hte die grosse ge ei sa e “eele des Volkes auf, su hte sie i
Leben der Bauern, in ihren Gebräuchen, in ihrem Glauben und Aberglauben, in ihren uralten Liedern, den
B li e … йr hat das рeide tu dieser “eele erfors ht u d ihre нrö igkeit. йr hat si h o ihr i die
ыir he führe lasse , or die alte a hgedu kelte Iko e … De die russische Kirche ist nicht tot; sie
lebt ein Leben, das unendlich leise, unendlich langsam ist und verwandt mit dem innersten Leben des
Volkes… 107)
Here Rilke defi es the ‘ussia soul opposite ualities: he paga is , he O thodo piet a d
he a hais , des i ed as uiet ess a d slo ess a e a d ep ese ted i the life of the O thodo
church. To a Western mind Paganism and orthodox Christianity are (defining) opposites. Not to Rilke
ho follo s the idea of ‘ussia d oe e ie ,108 of dou le elief he e. I te s of d oe e ie oth
Paganism and Orthodox Christianity are manifestations of a common religious truth – at least as to
Russian culture.
Rilke therefore chose a piece of Old Russian literature that had an extraordinary symbolic value in his
time, and it is certain that Rilke was informed about its cultural significance. As to the programmatic
idea of d oe e ie ‘ilke akes o e pli it efe e e to it, ut he as obviously was familiar with this
idea – he can hardly have avoided it. His praise of V. Vasnetsov, that He has explored the paganism of
this soul and her piety. ertainly testifies to dvoeverie as an ideal in the late 19th century.
The notion of d oe e ie of the late th century had a different character from its mediaeval meaning.
Here the fusion of these heterogeneous elements was hailed as spiritual complement and as
enrichment. The Russian Orthodox historian of culture, G.P. Fedotev, an emigré, expressed this
succinctly in 1946: All Christia atio s ust e t i e-born , ut si e Gra e tra sfor s ature rather
than destroys it, they carry deep within them traces of their heathen past. The process of transformation
is never complete. In the most civilised of modern peoples there are survivals of the prehistoric ages, now
degraded to the ra k of superstitio s or folklore . Perhaps this ti ture of ati e heathe do a ou ts
pri aril for the atio al features of Christia it . … Christia it as i orporated i to ea h atio
u dergoi g a ki d of … i est e t of the pre-Christian legacies which hide in the subconscious of the
national soul. … The Russia s are o e eptio . With the the tie et ee Christia and pre-Christian
ele e ts is perhaps still stro ger tha i ost atio s of the est. 109
This is a passionate argument for the appreciation of the Pagan past on the specific basis of the Christian
Orthodox concept of divinisation. I this pe spe ti e d oe e ie is a t easu e-basket, as containing and
p ese i g the t easu es of a Ch istia atio s spe ifi ational past, whose knowledge is essential
to come to an understanding of the essence of the own national soul. A Jungian concept of a collective
su o s ious is alluded to he e. A н eudia u de sta di g of the Paga past as a ep essed ele e t
of the (natural) soul, which is to be consciously explored and integrated into the (Christian) present
collective identity, is implied here.
107
Sämtliche Werke, Vol. X, Frankfurt a. M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 613 – 622, pp. 615f.
108
л ко . , art: „ ое е е , in: л , л лек д о (ed.), у кая ф ло оф я: ло а , о к ,
1995: е пу л к , p. 132, online at: http://www.logic-books.info/node/425
109 th th
with a foreword by John Meyendorff. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966,(first ed. 1946), p. 3
23
These li es gi e a pe fe t i p essio of the po e a d the s ope of the idea of d oe e ie i the late
19th and early 20th centuries. I this u de sta di g d oe e ie is o defi ie t, i pu e fo of
Christianity, as in the Middle Ages, but the designation of a programme of spiritual, cultural and
psychological self-identification. What Fedotev claims is that this is perfectly possible on the basis of
Orthodox soteriology. By implication however a critique of the inclusion of this lingering Pagan past into
present identity is rejected.
Even if Rilke was not yet familiar with the psychoanalytic argument implied by Fedotev, he knew about
the thrust of this idea in Russian culture of his time. He shared this conviction.
‘ilke s t a slatio of the “o g of Igo s Campaign therefore is significant primarily in this respect. By
doi g so ‘ilke goes ad fo tes of the ‘ussia spi itual soul. His intention is certainly also to be found in
the implication that the range of spiritual experience and perceptions and of modes of world views is
enlarged.
Beyond the Christian Orthodox realm – of which Rilke had adopted many motifs and figures of thought,
consciously and unawares – he now delved into the “la i Paga past i his uest at the a gi s of
Ch istia it .
O Russia’ supposed a hais a d the li i , epi folk so g

нollo i g the idea of ‘ussia s supposed a hais – which to him ea t o igi alit - Rilke explains:
‘ussia still has her age of martyrs. . . . The West has unfolded itself in the Renaissance, in the
Reformation, in revolutions and empires as if within a single moment . . . whereas in the empire of Rurik
the first day still lasts, the day of God, the day of creation . . . Just recently, in the seventies, the eldest
tales have been extracted from the beards of shaking old men, and only hereby has her era of antiquity
been concluded. Her Homer has just died. In his old songs, the so-called Bylini, all the heroes are named
in plain aptness as if they were contemporaries.
Russla d „ hat immer noch sein Märtyrerzeitalter . . . Der Westen hat sich in der Renaissance, in der
Reformation, in Revolutionen und Königreichen wie in einem einzigen Augenblick entfaltet . . . während
im Reich Ruriks noch der erste Tag dauert, der Tag Gottes, der Schöpfungstag. . . . Erst in den
Siebzigerjahren hat man seine ältesten Sagen aus dem Barte zitternd singender Greise gelöst, und erst
damit ist sein Altertum abgeschlossen. Sein Homer ist eben gestorben. In seinen alten Liedern, den
sogenannten Bylinen, sind mit schlichter Gerechtigkeit alle Helden genannt, als ob sie Zeitgenossen
wären. 110)
What Rilke had just undertaken with his translatio of the “o g of Igo is to e eate su h a B li a, a d
to merge poetically with this just bygone era which he feels is still lingering on.
What emerges from the allusions in this passage f o his essa ‘ussis he ыu st is that he took this
mediaeval epic as an example of a Bylina – or as a close representation of it in the sphere of literary art –
and that it represented to him a work of theurgic significance,111 representing a state of consciousness
which is connected to God (in the general understanding of Rilke).
110
‘ilke, ‘ai e Ma ia, „‘ussis he ыu st i : )i , й st a d “ie e -Rilke, Ruth (eds.), Rainer Maria Rilke. Sämtliche
Werke, Vol. X, Frankfurt a.M., 1976: Insel Verlag, pp. 493 – 505, p. 494f
111
On theurgy and its symbolic means see: Užda i s, Algis, Philosophy and Theurgy in Late Antiquity, San Rafael, 2004:
Sophia Perennis, pp. 204ff.
24
Rilke is not concerned with the distinction between Pagan and Christian elements in this epic.
However he takes the epic as a prime example of a primordial poetry in which the aesthetic and the
divinatory are not separate – or not separated yet – and in which poetry has a mythopoetic and theurgic
function. This applies to the sphere of culture and history as well as to nature and both realms are inter-
elated. I ‘ilke s thi i age this so g is a testi o to the p i o dial da of di i e creation.
On this understanding the inter- elatio et ee the eal s of histo : ou t Igo s ilita a paig –
and of nature: the phenomena and omens of nature which presage and reflect the events of history, are
of special significance to Rilke. They show a state of reality and of consciousness in which both are
divinely mediated and correlated. The poet appears as the figure of the diviner who can read the divine
patterns and figures which manifest themselves in these phenomena and relations – and who can
create or recreate them.
R.M. Rilke’s spi itual a d poetologi al uest a d the paga poetolog of the “o g of Igo ’s
Campaign
A central feature, as stated efo e, of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig is the i te elated ess of the sphe es
of: 1.) the divine powers, 2.) the living elements of nature, 3.) the course of history, and 4.) the powers
of divination and 5.) of poetry and magic song. The latter two are represented and enacted by the seer-
poet Boyan.
This idea of interrelation of these spheres had a powerful appeal to Rilke. He presented similar ideas, as
i his poe Du Nachbar Gott , o the o k speaki g to the agi g god ho he ishes to sustai .112
The idea of a li i g atu e is a esse tial te et of esote i o ld ie s, as ide tified A toine
Faivre.113 The notion of interrelation conforms to the principles of theurgy.114
The opening lines of the Song of Igor s Ca paig o tai a passage of poetological reflection, which
unfold these ideas as a poetological approach of an era just passing, but still prevailing, to set the model
and standard for the author of this song himself. This passage efle ts ‘ilke s o e dea ou s.
The Pagan state of mind, as which the author of the Song of Igor in fact presents his poetology and
world-view, is not read as disti tl Paga ‘ilke as opposed to a Ch istia o ld ie – and neither
is it presented in such a defining opposition of religions by the author of the Song of Igor.
‘ilke s t a slatio of the “o g of Igo is to be understood as connecting to a lost origin by poetical and
theurgic means to retrieve what had gone lost in a chiefly Christian age. It is a move towards a universal
spi itualit ea s of et a i g old paths i the d ea ti e. It is perhaps ironic, but not necessarily
so, that he does so with concepts of Orthodox theology.
112
113
Faivre, Antoine, L'ésotérisme, Paris, 1992, 3e éd., 2003 : Presses Universitaires de France
114
Užda i s, Algis, Philosophy and Theurgy in Late Antiquity, San Rafael, 2004: Sophia Perennis, pp. 70f.
25
To ‘ilke the “o g of Igo ith its defi i g featu es of d oe e ie represents a primordial state of a
divinatory mind-set and poetology, which is to be retrieved. The Pagan poetological elements in the
Song of Igor represent such a theurgic poetics, which Rilke strove for in all of the developments of his
poetics, even into the stage of the so- alled Di g-Gedi hte Thi g-poe s i hi h poeti all
perceived objects attained divinatory quality – as epiphanies of a lost or almost inaccessible sphere of
Di i e hole ess . It is a stage of ‘ilke s poetologi al de elop e t hi h follo ed upo his ‘ussia
pe iod .
O Rilke’s translation of the poetological verses of the “o g of Igo ’s Ca paig and the Symbolist
idea of the a tist’s task
Let us look at his tra slatio of the ope i g passages of the “o g of Igor’s Ca paig , i parti ular to the
figure of the poet-seer endowed with magic powers of the word, as example of a pagan theurgic model:
Details of ‘ilke s t a slatio sho that he as a a e of the paga spi itual ele e t i the “o g a d that
he endorsed it. His emphasis becomes apparent when we compare his translation to that of Vladimir
Nabokov.
The ope i g li es of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig read as:
е лЂпо л ет , тїє, т / т ло е / т уд по Ђ тї о п лку И о е Ђ, /
Ио т л л ?/ т е т пЂ / по л е о е е , / е по
ле ї о .115
Na oko s t a slatio : Might it not become us, brothers, to begin in the diction of yore the stern tale of
the campaign of Igor, Igor son of Svyatoslav? / Let us, however begin this song in keeping with the
happenings of these times, and not with the contriving of Boyan li es – 10 VN)
‘ilke: „Wie wäre es, Brüder, wenn wir anfingen, nach den alten Überlieferungen die schwere Geschichte
vom Zug Igors zu erzählen, vom Zuge des Igor Swatoslawitsch? Anfangen aber wollen wir das Lied nach
den Bylinen unserer Zeit, nicht nach der Erfindung Boyans.
The difference: Nabokov conveys the idea of the author that he wishes to distance himself from the
di tio of o e of that e e pla autho , hi h he et i okes, of Bo a . рo e e , he i te p ets this
gestu e as oti ated the desi e to follo the happe i gs of these ti es a d ot … the o t i i g of
Bo a . Thus Na oko has the autho of the tale ju tapose the thopoeti fi tio of Bo a ith a
e pi i al app oa h guided the fa ts of the p ese t ti es. Na oko o e ts he e : po ili a :
116
according to a tual e e ts, to fa ts a d ot to fi tio )
‘ilke ho e e opposes t o st les: he i te p ets the old ‘ussia ph ase т / т ло е
as efe i g to a ie t st le: a h de alte Ü e liefe u ge , to hi h he o t asts: anfangen aber
wollen wir das Lied nach den Bylinen unserer Zeit : The B li i a e a a ie t lite a ge us of epi s,
p ese ed ali e i o al t aditio of ‘ussia e e i ‘ilke s ti e. ‘ilke has his poet de la e that he ishes
to e e the ge us of B li i a o di g to his time – and we may readily interpret this as a poetological
de la atio of ‘ilke s o i te tio s, as ishi g to e e this ge us his t a slatio .
Whe eas Na oko t a slates по ле ї о – lite all : a o di g to hat Bo a has i
i d - so e hat dispa agi gl a o di g to the o t i i gs of Bo a , ‘ilke uses a te ith
positive connotations: i e tio , a d t a slates : i ht a h de й fi du g Bo a s .
115
ЛО О О Л К И О Ђ, И О Я Я Л ЛЯ, К ОЛ О , URL: http://litopys.org.ua/slovo/slovo.htm
116
Nabokov, Vladimir (transl., introd.), The “o g of Igor’s Ca paig , New York, 2003: Ardis Publishers (original : 1960), p. 82
26
The e ‘ilke attai s a dou le ef a tio : Bo a s thi poet e o es the a kg ou d fo a o e
o te po a ode of epi poet , the li i hi h et etai a thopoeti ualit .
‘ilke does the efo e ot i si uate that Bo a s st le is i fe io i a way – rather the idea of a lost
mode of poetic myth presents itself which is yet recalled and invoked in this exordium.
The ph ase т уд по Ђ тї о п лку И о е Ђ i di ate a ge us i ediae al poet : that of he oi

epi . т уд : „la ou , „toils efe s to k ightl a duous e dea ou s, as i the o te po a
„Ni elu ge -эied o posed a ou d i Passau, Ba a ia o the asis of elder epic traditions117):
where the corresponding phrase: o g ôze a e eit – also invokes the labours of the heroes, which are
told according to the ancient tales, which ae to be retold here: The toilso e tale : т уд
по Ђ тї thus sig ifies a heroic epic which follows. Yet in both epics, spiritual powers guide the course
of events.
Whereas one might expect an account of the knightly endeavours to follow now, a tale of the campaign
proper, a strange reflection on an elder mode of poetry by the magic poet and seer Boyan is now
inserted.
At this point the author of the Slovo introduces the poetics of Boyan. It is remarkable that he does so,
afte ha i g dista ed hi self e p essl i the egi i g. Appa e tl Bo a s ode is i oked as
exemplary. This can be supported by observing that some of the techniques described here as employed
in fragments across the Song of Igor. – We should ho e e e a eful to speak a out te h i ues a d
a out st le si e e a e o lo ge o e el poeti g ou d, ut in the realm of magic speech or
incantations.
This gestu e of tu i g a k to the a ie t ode of Bo a s poet i plies a ha ge of ge us. The
present epic is told with reference to Boyan but also in differentiation from him.
Boyan is introduced as „ Ђ ї , as a see . The o otatio s of this o ept i the ti es of t a sitio
become apparent in its attribution to Oleg, the Wise (Oleg Veshchi, the 9 th century ruler of Novgorod
and of Kiev, of Scandinavian descent.) This attribute has been derived from a misreading of the Norse
fo of his a e helgi as hol .118 That seems far-fetched. More likely he was attributed some
powers of divination, as of magic quality, which earned him this title. Boyan is characterised as a
ates , a poet e do ed ith shamanic powers.119 Bo a s epithet as еле о ук , as g a dso of
Veles , o fi s his att i utes of agi -sacred powers.
To Bo a the se o d pa t of the “lo o is dedi ated. рe is add essed he e i the egi i g as see , ith
a description of his magic poetic song, then, towards the end he is add essed as ighti gale of olde
ti es О о е, оло ї т о е е a d fi all as see Bo a , g a dso of Veles Ђ е
о е, еле о у е ith ief e ses of ho he ould ha e des i ed the e e ts to follo i his
mythic mode.
If e all his ode of poet sha a i it is fo the sake of a sho tha d to state that the autho of the
“o g of Igo att i utes to his poet ot o l a di i ato , p opheti aspe t, as of a see of futu e
events, but also the powers of creating realit i so g o ha t, as i a pe fo ati e spee h-a t . The
117
http://www.blb-karlsruhe.de/blb/blbhtml/aktuelles/nibelungen.html
118
Verndasky, George, Kievan Russia, 1973: Yale University Press, p. 22
119
о о . Л., „ лед к п ед т ле п е ко т д д е е у , .: Фол кло
т о аф я, Л., ., cf. Article: „ ОЯ , in: Акаде к - ц клопед я фоло , (2000-2014 ), URL:
http://dic.academic.ru/dic.nsf/enc_myphology/1868/%D0%91%D0%9E%D0%AF%D0%9
27
att i ute sha a i does ot atte pt to lu the li es to “i e ia Tu i , paleo-Siberian or Finnish
shamanism proper), but points rather to the mantic properties attributed to Woden in Germanic religion
of which we find an equivalent in the figure of Boyan, the seer as mythical son of Veles.
This equation of poeti a d spi itual spee h acts needs justification. Reasons are at hand:
The lite a fo of pe fo ati e spee h a ts of poeti uality and magic powers, which can conjure
up movements in nature – as a e des i ed i this se o d pa t of Igo s “o g, a e k o f o Ge a i
a d Mediae al Ge a te ts too. We a efe he e to the Me se u g Cha s , e o ded o a
manuscript of Fulda monastery from the 10th century.120
The content here is about healing. In this charm several gods join together in healing by spells, with
Woden as the final soothsayer. Unlike the warrior-god attributes familiar otherwise his role here is that
of a god of magi heali g a d of effe ti e soothsa i g. This is suppo ted Ta itus ide tifi atio of
Woden with Mercurius.121 Woden is associated with charms and with the powers of poetry, and of magic
spells.122
рe e a thi odel situatio „U -“ituatio is i oked and repeated in the charm, so as to convey its
powers on the present situation. This pattern has been identified in ancient Indian spells of the
Atha a eda Te t IV i the ”au akī a-Version).123 A similar power of invoking scenes of nature to
reflect, to predict and to guide the events of history are presented by the author of the Song of Igor as
featu es of Bo a s st le a d so g – both in success and in failure of the heroes. Therefore a comparison
of the poeti s of Bo a i the “o g of Igo s Ca paig to the properties of the healing charms of
German and of Vedic tradition is permissible.
The figure of a pagan diviner and origin of magic poetry existed in the 12 th century in Scandinavia in the
figure of Odin (Woden). Here a gradual transition to Christianity over centuries saw a long period of
coexistence of Christianity and of Paganism, even after the former had become the official religion. In
this context the Edda was written, by poets who already identified as Christians - to whichever degree.
The sa e dualit of faiths d oe e ie is fou d i the “o g of Igo too. Gi e that la gel paga Viki gs
had traded, raided and settled in Russia in the centuries before a degree of cultural and religious
exchange is likely to have happened too. So a degree of common features of the cultural and religious
situation may be safely assumed, which allows an interpretation of the Song of Igor on the background
of contemporary Scandinavian and even German testimonies.
The Edda describes how Woden acquired the power of mantic divination and relates it to his powers of
writing runic spells. The Havamal tells that Odin (Woden) attained the powers of divination through his
self-sa ifi e, ha gi g i e da s a d ights o the t ee: I know that I hung on a windy tree / nine long
nights, / wounded with a spear, dedicated to Odin, / myself to myself, / on that tree of which no man
knows / from where its roots run. / No bread did they give me nor a drink from a horn, downwards I
peered; / I took up the runes, screaming I took them, / then I fell back from there. 124 A few verses
fu the o the po e s of these so gs a e des i ed thus:
4. Then fruitful I grew, and greatly to thrive, / in wisdom began to wax. / a single word to a second word
led, / a single poem a second found.
5. Runes will you find, and fateful staves, / very potent staves, very powerful staves, / staves the great
gods ade, stai ed the ight sage, / a d gra e the speaker of gods. …
120
Schlosser, Horst Dieter (Hrsg., Übers., Anm.), Althochdeutsche Literatur – mit Proben aus dem Altniederdeutschen.
Ausgewählte Texte mit Übertragungen, Frankfurt a.M., 1970: S. Fischer Verlag, p. 358
121
Simek, Rudolf, Götter und Kulte der Germanen, München, 2004: C. H. Beck, p. 59
122
Hasenfratz, Hans-Peter, Die religiöse Welt der Germanen. Ritual, Magie, Kult, Mythos, Freiburg, 1992: Herder Verlag, p. 96
123
йi h e , рei e , „Kurze "indo"-"germanische" Betrachtungen über die atharvavedische Parallele zum Zweiten
Merseburger Zauberspruch (mit Neubehandlung von AVS. IV i : Die Sprache. 42, Heft 1/2 (2000/2001), p. 214.
124
Larrington, Carolyne, (trans.), The Poetic Edda, Oxford, 1999: Oxford World's Classics, p. 34
28
7. Do you know how to write? Do you know how to read? / Do you know how to tint? Do you know how
to try? / Do you know how to ask? Do you know how to offer? / Do you know how to send? Do you know
ho to slaughter? …
9. These songs I know, unknown to wives / of kings, or to mankind/ help is the first, and help it will / in
sickness, sorrow, and strife. 125
The poetic form here is obviously self-referential: runic charms or songs require poetic, lyric form.
The cultural horizon of this poem, which was composed or completed by the time of the Song of Igor, is
a similar state of Pagan-Christian coexistence, which is so characteristic of this song.
The poet o sha a ho ould utte these o ds, o e ite the i a spell, ould pa take of these
powers and raise them.
Now this comparison of the magic poetry of Boyan in the Song of Igor to the magic use of poetry of a
Scandinavian skáld in appropriate ritual contexts, presupposes similarities of culture and the religious
situation.
The ha a te isatio of Bo a as the g a dso of Veles ualifies his poet i a eligious sense. The
essential point of comparison is, that similar to the person who composed and who recited the
Merseburg charms, in order to evoke the divine powers contained in them, or the seidhman reciting a
u e poe , the poet of the see Bo a is p esented as having magic powers of shaping the reality
depicted and of influencing the spiritual powers of nature.
These powers are apparent in the following passage:

For he, vatic Boyan, / if he wished to make a laud for one, ranged in thought [like the nightingale] over
the tree; / like the gray wolf across the land; / like the smoky eagle up to the clouds. /
For as he recalled, said he, / the feuds of initial times, /
he set ten falcons / upon a flock of swans, / and the first one overtaken, / sang a so g first - / to
Yaroslaw of yore, / and to brave Mstislav / who slew Rededya / before the Kasog troops, / and to fair
Roman / son of Svyatoslav. /
To be sure brothers, Boyan did not really set ten falcons upon a flock of swans; / his own vatic fingers /
he laid on the live strings / which then twanged out by themselves / a paean to princes. /
So let me begin, brothers, / the tale - / from Vladimir of yore / to nowadays Igor, / who girded his mind /
with fortitude, / and sharpened his heart / with manliness, [thus] imbued with the spirit of arms, / he led
his brave troops / against the Kuman land / in the name of the Russian land. 126
( Ђ ,/ Ђ ,/ Ђ ,/ Ђ
,/ ./ , ,/
Ђ. /
10 Ђ :/ ,/ Ђ /
,/ М ,/ Ђ ,/
./ , є, 10 / Ђ ,
/ Ђ / ;/ ./
, є, Ђ / Ђ И ,/
Ђ є / є ;/ ,/
/ Ђ / .“127 )
125
рa a al, Odi ’s Ru e “o g, (transl. by Jack Hart), URL: http://www.odins-gift.com/poth/L-Q/odinsrunesong.htm
126
Nabokov, Vladimir (transl. and introd.), The “o g of Igor’s Ca paig , New York, 2003: Ardis Publishers (original : 1960),
p.32f.
127
29
Here the state of primordial unity of poetry, seer-dom , divinely ruled events of nature and of history is
recalled and evoked – o l to e disillusio ed stati g that it as i fa t the po e of usi the
see Bo a s o fi ge s o the ho ds that eate su h a spell.
The shamanic powers of Boyan the poet-seer are not called into doubt in principle but not fully. It is on
this more modest level of a merely metaphorically raised union of nature and history that the poet of
the Song of Igor wishes to continue his epic. Rilke however affirms the model and poetic hermeneutics
of Boyan, by quoting him literally at the end of the song128 and, more importantly, by following his mode
throughout in the depiction of the negativity which arose through the discord between the actions of
the hero and the divinely enacted events of nature and history.
The land of Russia herself is still evoked as a living entity in which a harmony of nature and history and
divine powers may exist, which provide the space for the poet-seer to rove in the guise of a nightingale.
However, as things go wrong with this a paig a d isfo tu e efalls the he oes, this ‘ussia la d
withdraws herself: O Russian land, you are already behind the culmen. 129 О у к е ле! е
Шело е є . 130) To ‘ilke too the „‘ussia la d a ished ehi d the ho izo . The p i o dial unity he
experienced and sensed here became however the guiding image for his poetry to last.
‘ilke as o f o ted ith the sa e o ditio . эike the poet of the “o g of Igo s Ca paig he lo ged
for the theurgic powers of a divinely empowered seer-poet who could call things into divine life by
creation. рo e e his solutio to this disillusio e t as diffe e t.
The poet of the “o g of Igo s a paig depi ts a ou se of e e ts he e the o i a of atu e a e
disregarded and the union of nature and divine powers and historical action if broken and disregarded.
The misfortune which befalls his hero and his narrow escape from death appear to reflect this rift.
Metaphors of shamanic perceptions and phenomena appear only here and there. The do not add up to
a harmonious or heroic course of events. They appear as fragments.
‘ilke dealt ith the o ditio of f ag e tatio diffe e tl . рe o e t ated o i di idual thi gs
hose ati o s oli ualities he sought to e-establish. He forsook the notion of a harmonic
cosmos of universally affirmed mutual references – which A. Faivre described as one of the fundamental
features of Esotericism – in favour of the powers of epiphany of single objects, which disclose a higher
reality. This however is a develop e t hi h o l ega afte his ‘ussia pe iod .
The i age of the autho as a sha a -poet hi h he e ou te ed a d e og ised i Bo a , see s to
have remained with him as an ideal throughout.
128
Rilke, Rainer Maria, Das Igor-Lied. Eine Heldendichtung, ed.: Haupt, Wilhelm (ed.), Das Igor-Lied. Eine
Heldendichtung. Der altrussische Text mit der Übertragung von Rainer Maria Rilke und der neurussischen
Prosafassung von D. S. Lichatschow, Leipzig, 1960: Insel Verlag, (first edition 1949), vv. 209 - 210
129
Nabokov, Vladimir (transl. and introd.), The “o g of Igor’s Ca paig , New York, 2003: Ardis Publishers (original : 1960),
p.38
130
30

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The “ong of Igor’s Campaign – the Slovo o Polku Igorevye - as a document of dvoeverie and its

translation by Rainer Maria Rilke in the context of his religious quest

By: Ullrich Kleinhempel 30th May 2015

Kaspars Bērziņš (b. 1986) „Sea. Oil o a d oa d. . The Conference logo:

Introduction: the ediae al Russia “o g of Igo ’s Ca paig as a do u e t of Paga – Christian

I a ps hoa al ti al pe spe ti e it appea s as if a ep essed paga U o s ious of the author

R. M. Rilke’s esotericism - monistic and spiritistic features

Rilke, Russian Symbolism and Sophiology

The O thodo o ept of the i o a d Russia “ olis

Rilke’s se o d o age to Russia:

Rilke’s e pe ie e of the death of God as a kg ou d fo his uest fo e-sacralisation of perception,

On the Orthodox o ept of theosis (divinisation) a d Rilke’s pe eptio of Russia as a divinised

The se e a e of the o ldl f o the di i e – which Rilke attributes to Western Renaissance,

The figure of inversion, orthodox monasticism, synergy and poetic theurgy

Of the da ke i g g ou d ‘ilke sa s that it – or rather: God – endures creation of culture – of cities –

‘ussia to ‘ilke is a diffe e t h o o-tope , a ked slowness, archaism and eternity:

‘ilke sees ‘ussia i oppositio to the la ds of e lighte e t hi h ha e e ti guished the da k ess of

I te esti gl ‘ilke depi ts these a ie t o ks also as i o pai te s, as telle s of th ho ite

The “o g of Igo ’s Ca paig as a do u e t of ediae al dou le elief d oe e ie

O Russia’ supposed a hais a d the li i , epi folk so g

The ph ase т уд по Ђ тї о п лку И о е Ђ i di ate a ge us i ediae al poet : that of he oi

These powers are apparent in the following passage:

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