HAItD,

An Introduction to the
Conspiratorial View of History

by A. Ralph Epperson

1^
 An Introduction to the
Conspiratorial View
of History
by
Ralph Epperson
It is the contention of the author that the major
events of the past, the wars, the depressions and
the revolutions, have been planned years in ad-
vance by an international conspiracy. This view
is called The Conspiratorial View of History,
and it is definitely not the view held by the ma-
jority of historians today. The more traditional
view is called The Accidental View of History,
and it holds that no one really knows why events
happen--they just do. 1

It is the hope of the author that those who read

this book will discover that the Conspiratorial
View of History is the one best supported by the
evidence. ,
 THE
U N S E E N HAND

An Introduction to the
Conspiratorial View of History

By
A. Ralph Epperson

THE UNSEEN HAND
published by
PUBLIUS PRESS
3100 So. Philamena PI. (Ste. B)
Tucson, Arizona 85730
telephone (520) 886-4380
Copyright«" 1985 by A. Ralph Epperson
(all rights reserved)
write for permission to quote from this book
Library of Congress Card Number
84-06227
International Standard Book Number
0-9614135-06
Printed in the United States of America
printing history
First printing
Sixteenth printing December, 1995
W R I T E TO OR C A L L
T H E PUBLISHER
for a catalog of other books and videos
written and produced by
Ralph Epperson
including his second book entitled
T H E NEW WORLD ORDER
published in 1990
About the Author \
T h e most difficult t h i n g I know to do is to write about myself, but I
think that the reader of this book has the right to know something about me,
the author, and what motivated me to write i t .
I a m a graduate of the University of Arizona, and like the typical
graduate of an institution of higher education, I felt that what I had been
taught was the truth. I thought that the only thing I needed to complete my
education i n the future was additional information to confirm the knowl-
edge to which I had already been exposed. ,^ N
So I faced the future w i t h great anticipation. I
But a close friend of m i n e , sensing that m y knowledge was b o t h
incomplete and one-sided, suggested that I start reading material dealing
w i t h w h a t was called "Revisionist H i s t o r y . " T h i s was the alternative
explanation of history to what I had been taught was the truth.
There are over 300 books on both sides of this issue that I've read that are
part of the research for this book. T h a t figure, I a m certain, is n o t a n
impressive number to those w h o are true "book addicts," but I mention i t
only to illustrate that the ideas i n this book are not mine, but those of the
individuals w h o have taken the time to record their perspective on the events
i n which they were personally involved or which they researched i n depth.
But as I read, I noticed that there was no one volume that covered a
complete history of the Conspiracy, and i t is this void that I hope to f i l l . I t is
my intent to catalog as much of the history of this Conspiracy as is possible
i n a single volume.
I have made extensive use of quotations from the works of others as a
means of c o n v i n c i n g the skeptic that the evidence of the Conspiracy's
existence comes from others than this author.
August, 1985 ' W h a t the reader w i l l see as he progresses t h r o u g h this book, I a m
convinced, is a picture of a giant conspiracy so immense that i t poses the
greatest threat to the freedoms and rights of all human beings, not only i n the
United States, but all over the w o r l d
It is likely that, as the reader completes diis book, despair w i l l replace
curiosity, especially if this explanation of the events being reviewed has never
been explored before. T h a t is an unfortunate consequence of my research,
and the author is sorry that he must be the bearer of such bad tidings.
Despair, however, can reasonably be replaced w i t h cautious optimism.
T h e battle is not yet over, and there is reason to be encouraged.
But you are the final participant.
What happens w i l l largely be dependent o n your action once you've
read this book. ,
V

Introduction
Wars start w h e n one n a t i o n moves i n t o the territory o f another;
depressions occur when markets take unexpected downturns; inflations
occur when prices are driven u p by shortages; revolutions start when the
people, always spontaneously, rise u p to overthrow the existing government
These are the traditional explanations of historical events. Events
happen by accident There do not seem to be any causes.
But this explanation of history leaves gnawing questions i n the minds
of serious students. Is i t possible that government leaders and others planned
these events and then orchestrated them to their desired conclusions? Is i t
possible that even the great catastrophes of history were part of this plan?
There is an explanation of historical events that answers these questions
i n the affirmative. I t is called the Conspiratorial View of History and i t is the
alternative to the Accidental View, the view that is commonly held today. I t
is possible, therefore, to summarize the major events of history i n t o two
alternative schools of thought: . effort to insure that their plans are not made public. T h e first task of a
The Accidental View of History: historical events occur by accident, for no
apparent reason. Rulers are powerless to intervene.
The Conspiratorial View of History: historical events occur by design for
reasons that are not generally made known to the people.
James Warburg i n his book. The West In Crisis, explains die Accidental
6
INTRODUCTION
View thus: "History is written more by accident than design, often by the
wholly irrational acts of madmen."'
Another who has offered the Accidental View as the explanation of the
major events of the world is Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Jimmy Carter's
N a t i o n a l Security Advisor. He has written: " H i s t o r y is m u c h more the
product of chaos than of conspiracy. . . . increasingly, policy makers are
overwhelmed by events and information.
But there are those w h o disagree w i t h the pxjsitions of Warburg and
Brzezinski. One, for instance, was Franklin D. Roosevelt who certainly saw
many monumental events occur d u r i n g his consecutive administrations.
President Roosevelt has been quoted as saying; " I n p o l i t i c s , n o t h i n g
happens by accident I f i t happens, i t was planned that way."
If harmful events are planned, it follows that the people who were about
to suffer through the scheduled event would act to prevent the event from
occurring i f they knew about i t i n advance. The people exjsect government
to protect them from harmful events.
But i f the events still occur after the government officials had been
expected to prevent them, the government officials have failed i n tlieir
assigned duties. There are only two explanations as to why they failed:
1. The events overwhelmed them, and could not have been prevented;
or
2. The events were allowed to occur because the officials wanted them
to occur.
I t is difficult for the casual observer to believe that these incredible events
could not have been prevented, as humane people of conscience do not allow
harmful events to occur.
I f a planned and unwanted event is allowed to happen, those w h o
p l a n n e d the event w o u l d have to have acted i n secret so as to prevent
discovery of their plans by those who would be adversely affected.
Planners working i n secret to plan an event that the people do not wish
to occur are, by definition, members of a conspiracy. Webster's defines
conspiracy as a "combination of people, working i n secret, for an evil or
unlawful purpose."
Not only must the Conspirators work i n secret, they must make every
conspiracy, then, becomes that of convincing the people that the conspiracy
itself does not exist
This makes the task of uncovering the machinations of the conspiracy
all the more difficult
There are three ways of exposing a Conspiracy:
One is for any of the participants i n the conspiracy to break w i t h i t and to
 m
INTRODUCTION ^ INTRODUCTION
expose his or her involvement. T h i s takes an extremely courageous
individual, and that type of exposure is indeed rare.
T h e second group of exposers are those w h o have unknowingly participated
i n a conspiratorial planning of an event but who didn't realize it u n t i l
later. These individuals, and there aren't many i n the history of the
world, have also exposed the inner workings of the conspiracy at great
peril to themselves.
T h e third method of exposing a conspiracy is for researchers to uncover
conspiratorial designs i n the events of the past. Your author is one of
these researchers.
It w i l l be the position of this book that a conspiracy does indeed exist,
and that i t is extremely large, deeply entrenched, and therefore extremely
powerful. I t is working to achieve absolute and brutal rule over the entire
human race by using wars, depressions, inflations and revolutions to further
its aims. T h e Conspiracy's one unchanging purpose has been to destroy a l l
religion, a l l existing governments, and all traditional human institutions,
and to b u i l d a new world order (this phrase w i l l be defined later) upon the
wreckage they have created.
Notice that i f the Conspiracy does exist, i t w i l l do everything i t can to
deny the charges of both those who seek to expose i t and those w h o claim to
have been a part of i t
There are those, perhaps not knowing the importance of their contribu-
tions to the study of the conspiracy, w h o have added estimates of the size of
this r u l i n g group.
One was Walter Rathenau, w h o i n 1909 controlled German General
Electric. He said: "Three hundred men, a l l of w h o m k n o w one another,
direct the economic destiny of Europe and choose their successors from
among themselves."'
Another informed observer, Joseph Kennedy, the father o f the late
president John Kennedy, identified the number of individuals w h o r u n
America. He said: "Fifty men have r u n America and that's a high figure."*
Dr. Carroll Quigley, a professor of History at Georgetown University's
Foreign Service School, and w h o formerly taught at Princeton and Harvard,
has written a diirteen hundred page book entided Tragedy and Hope. T h i s
book, published i n 1966, was, according to the author, the result of twenty
years of research into the Conspiracy. Dr. Quigley concludes:
There does exist, and has existed for a generation, an international
A n g l o p h i l e network w h i c h operates, to some extent, i n the way the
radical Right believes the Communists act I n fact this network, which
we may identify as the R o u n d T a b l e G r o u p s , has n o aversion to
8 9
cooperating w i t h the Communists, or any group, and frequently does
so.
I know of the operations of this network because I have studied i t
for twenty years and was permitted for two years, i n the early 1960's, to
examine its papers and secret records.
But Quigley took a step none of the exposers have publicly taken. He
admits that he is a supjxjrter of the Conspiracy he has written about:
I have no aversion to it or most of its aims, and have, for much of
my life, been close to i t and many of its instruments.
I have objected, b o t h i n the past and recently, to a few of its
p o l i c i e s . . . , but i n general my chief difference of o p i n i o n is that i t
wishes to remain unknown, and I believe its role i n history is significant
enough to be k n o w n . '
The ultimate purpose of this Conspiracy is power. There are some w h o
desire this more than even material goods, although the two frequently go
together. One such i n d i v i d u a l was the previously m e n t i o n e d Joseph
Kennedy. Family admirer and author Pearl Buck wrote the following i n her
book. The Kennedy Women: "Rose Kennedy (the wife of Joseph Kennedy)
knew that the man she loved loved a power beyond the power of money. He
wanted the power of government and he would have i t " '
The Conspiracy that Dr. Quigley and others saw, then, needs conspira-
tors, and i t is logical to ask why illustrious men of wealth and fortune would
j o i n such an enterprise. One who answered this question was author Blair
Coan who wrote i n his book. The Red Web: "The answer is quite the reverse
of the question: These men (involved w i t h the Conspiracy) became illus-
trious primarily because they were part of the Conspiracy."'
So those involved do not become rich and/or illustrious and then j o i n
the Conspiracy; they become rich and illustrious because they are members
of the Conspiracy.
But what is their motive? W h a t p r o m p t s men to seek wealth and
position? Former Congressman J o h n Schmitz explains that there is an
additional goal: Power! Men j o i n the Conspiracy to gain money and then
power. Schmiu wrote: "When a person has a l l the money he needs, his goal
becomes power."'
Benjamin F r a n k l i n explained this connection between money and
power when he said: "There are t w o passions w h i c h have a powerful
influence o n the affairs of men. These are.. .love of power and love of
money When u n i t e d . . . they have the most violent effects."'
However, power itself has a corrupting influence on those who seek i t
I n an oft-quoted truth, L o r d Acton explained power thus: "Power corrupts;
absolute pxjwer corrupts absolutely."
INTRODUCTION

Those w h o seek power w i l l be corrupted by i t They w i l l be w i l l i n g to

intentionally cause depressions, revolutions, and wars i n order to further
their desire for more power. T h i s corrupting nature of the very pursuit of
power explains why the moral m i n d of the individual w h o neither desires l,„i:
power over others nor understands the desire for such power cannot fathom
why power-seekers w o u l d want to create h u m a n misery t h r o u g h wars,
depressions, and revolutions.
I n other words, the conspirators are successful because the moral citizen
cannot accept the conclusion that other individuals w o u l d actually wish to
create incredibly destructive acts against their fellow citizens.
Another power seeker, the Russian anarchist Bakunin, explained that •' ' ' ' ' ' ' •' , '; •'' ',

this process of corruption even affected those dedicated to freedom w h o were

given power to protect the powerless. He wrote that " . . . the possession of
power transformed into a tyrant even the most devoted friend of liberty, ""o
T h e delight i n the possession of power over others was explained by ' , i;:;: '• ' •;>''
another observer of the power-seeking Joseph Kennedy: " I like Joe Kennedy.
H e understands power. Power is the end. What other delight is there but to
enjoy the sheer sense of control? He would say: 'Let me see any other motive
i n the people w h o command.'
So the motive of the Conspuators has been identified:
ItisPowerl God or Government?

T h e Ck)nspiracy that w i l l be examined i n this volume has been i n

existence for many years. Comprehending how i t could survive for such a
long period of time has been difficult
One explanation of its lengthy existence was offered by George Orwell,
the British Socialist w h o wrote Animal Farm and 1984, two books o n the
subject of absolute power i n the hands of a few. He wrote: "The Party is not
concerned w i t h perpetuating its blood but w i t h perpetuating itself. W h o
wields power is not important provided the hierarchical structure remains
always the same."'
The method by which the Conspiracy recruits new members to replace
those w h o retire or die is explained by Norman Dodd, an investigator and
researcher into the existence of the Conspiracy. M r . Dodd explained: "The
careers of men are watched. T h e men w h o indicate that they w o u l d be
especially capable i n terms of the aims of this group are approached quietly
a n d i n v i t e d i n t o the inner circles. T h e y are watched as they carry o u t
assignments and eventually they are drawn i n t o i t under circumstances
w h i c h make i t virtually impossible for them to ever get out of i t " *
What is the ultimate goal of the Conspiracy? I f total power is the final

10 ,11
CHAPTER 1 GOD OR GOVERNMENT?
object, then, any system which maximizes power into the hands of a few is
the system to be desired. I n terms of government, then, the ultimate form of
power is Communism. T h i s is the seat of the m a x i m u m power over the
economy and of the individual. The Conspirators: "want big government
because they understand that Socialism (and Communism as well) is not a
humanitarian system for redistributing wealth, but for concentrating and
c o n t r o l l i n g i t . They also recognize i t as a system for concentrating and
controlling people."'
It is common for detractors of this position to claim that the last thing
that the wealthy of the world want is government control over or ownership
of the factors of production. But, as we shall see, Socialism or Communism
offers the Conspiracy the greatest vehicle for concentrating and controlling
the wealth. T h i s is the ultimate goal of these planners: power over not only
the wealth of the world, but also the producers of that wealth, the people
themselves. So the Conspiracy uses government to get c o n t r o l of the
government, and total government control is their goal.
If government is being used by the Conspiracy to consolidate power into
its hands, i t behooves those who wish to preserve their freedoms to under-
stand the very nature and function of government. Once the character of
government is understood, efforts can be directed against the increase i n
governmental powers over both the national economy and the lives of its
citizens.
A good place to begin such a study is to examine the two sources claimed
to be the source of human rights. There are only two, presuming that i t is
admitted that humans do indeed have rights: either man himself, or someone
or something external to man himself, a Creator.
Many of America's f o u n d i n g fathers were aware of the difference
between these two alternatives. Thomas Jefferson, for instance, stated his
concern and understanding thus: "The God who gave us life gave us liberty.
Can the liberties of a nation be secure when we have removed a conviction
that these liberties are the gift of God?"
However, the corresponding alternative explanation argues that our
rights come from government, the creature of man himself. T h i s contention
holds that man creates government to give man his rights.
A stern warning for those w h o do not distinguish between these two
alternatives came from W i l l i a m Penn. H e wrote: " I f men w i l l n o t be
governed by God, they then must be governed by tyrants."
There are four references to a Creator i n the Declaration of Independ-
ence, but certain of America's leaders are now asking that God must be
separated from the affairs of the government. I f this separation is made, as
Mr. Penn indicated, the people w i l l be governed by tyrants, and future
tyrants w i l l do all that they can to separate a belief i n God from the existence
of government.
12
CHAPTER 1 GOD OR GOVERNMENT?
A good example of the philosophy that governments grant h u m a n
rights to their citizens is found i n the International Covenants on Human
Rights, passed i n 1966 by the United Nations. I t reads, i n part: "The States
parties to the present Covenant recognize that, i n the enjoyment of those
rights provided by the State, i n conformity w i t h the present Covenant, the
State may subject such rights only to such limitations as are determined by
law "*
T h i s document, passed u n a n i m o u s l y by a l l of the parties v o t i n g ,
including the United States, concluded that man's rights are granted by the
government. I t further concluded that these rights could be limited by law; i n
other words, that w h i c h the government grants can be controlled by the
granting body, the government T h a t which the government gives can also
be taken away.
Man's rights under this thought are not very secure. Governments can
change, and w i t h the change, man's rights can disappear. Knowledge of this
fact did not escape America's founding fathers, who wrote i n the Declaration
of Independence: "We hold these truths to be self evident, that a l l men are
created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator w i t h certain inalienable
rights "
Here, then, is the other theory of the source of man's rights: they are
given to man by his Creator. Man's r i g h t s are inalienable (defined as
incapable of being transferred) which means that they can not be taken away
by anyone except the entity that gave the rights i n the first place: i n this case,
the Creator.
So here are the two competing and contradictory theories about the
rights of man: one holds that they are given by the Creator, and therefore can
only be removed by the entity that created them i n the first place; the other
holds that man's rights come from man himself and therefore can be limited
or removed by man or by other men, as "determined by law."
Therefore, the man w h o wishes to protect his rights from those w h o
wish to l i m i t them must protect himself and his human rights by creating an
agency that has the power to exceed that exerted by those who violate human
rights. T h e agency created is called government. But granting power to
government to protect human rights also grants pxjwer to those w h o can
abuse i t as a vehicle to destroy or l i m i t the rights of the people who created
the government
Those who wrote the Constitution realized that this tendency existed
when they wrote the B i l l of Rights, the first ten Amendments to the Consti-
tution. T h e purpose of these amendments is to restrict the power of the
government to violate the rights of the citizens of the nation. The founding
fathers wrote these restrictions w i t h phrases like:
CHAPTER 1 GOD OR GOVERNMENT? CHAPTER 1 GOD OR GOVERNMENT?

"Congress shall pass no law " termination of life because the life has been termed " u n w a n t e d " by its
• i " T h e right of the p e o p l e . . . shall not be infringed." ,i mother. T h i s was the reason offered by Hitler for his decision to terminate
; " N o person shall b e . . . deprived." the lives of countless millions of individuals i n Germany. T h e Jews and
" T h e accused shall enjoy the r i g h t " others were "unwanted" and therefore the government could take away their
right to live.
Notice that these are not restrictions o n h u m a n rights, but are restric-
As w i l l be illustrated later, the Communists wish to abolish "private
tions o n the activities of governments.
property," or the individual's right to keep what he produces.
I f rights are granted by the Creator of those rights, what are rights
One who spoke i n favor of the concept of private property was Abraham
granted by government? I t becomes i m p o r t a n t to distinguish between a
L i n c o l n , w h o said: "Property is the fruit of labor; property is desirable; i t is
Right and a Privilege by defining these two terms.
a positive good i n the world. T h a t some should be rich shows that others may
A Right is a freedom to act moi-ally without asking permission; become rich, and hence is just encouragement to industry and enterprise. Let
!' ' ' A Privilege is a freedom to act morally but only after permission has not h i m w h o is houseless p u l l down the house of another, but let h i m work
\n granted by some governmental entity. ! diligently and b u i l d one for himself, thus by example assuring that his o w n
shall be safe from violence when b u i l t " '
Perhaps a good illustration of the misuse of human rights occurred
d u r i n g W o r l d War I I when the German government, acting through its
leader, Adolf Hider, decided that certain of the people d i d not have the right
to life, and decrees were issued to exterminate those w h o the government felt
had no human rights.
T h e right to life, then, granted to each individual by his Creator, n o
longer was a right i n Germany, i t had become a privilege. M a n lived by
permission of the government, which had the power to l i m i t and even curtail
the human right to life.
T h e human rights that the individual wishes to protect are simple i n
nature, and include the right to Life, Liberty and Property.
These three rights are i n essence only one right: the right to Life.
These rights are i n accord w i t h man's basic nature. M a n (the author w i l l
use the generic term "man" to mean all of humanity, both male and female)
is created hungry and needs to produce food to sustain his life. Without the
right to keep what he has produced (his property) man w i l l surely starve to
death. N o t only must man be allowed to keep the products of his labors, he
must be free to produce the property he needs for his sustenance (the right
k n o w n as Liberty.)
Governments do not need to take man's life to k i l l h i m . Governments
can remove man's right to property or the freedom to produce the property
needed to maintain his life. A government that restricts man's ability to keep
what he produces (his property) has an equal ability to k i l l a man as surely
as a government that takes his life wantonly (such as i n the case of Germany.)
As w i l l be shown i n subsequent chapters, there are government entities that
restrict man's right to property or his right to liberty without terminating his
life directly. But die effect is still die same.
One of the objections of "pro-life" supporters, those opposed to the
government legalizing abortion, is that government is now justifying the

14 15

Chapter 2
Freedom
Liberty is the only thing you cannot have unless you are
willing to give it to others.
Liberty is defined as rights w i t h responsibiUties. Its opposite, License, is
defined as rights w i t h no responsibilities. Another word for License would be
Anarchy, or a situation where there are no rules, rights, or privileges. The
strong devour the weak; the powerful destroy the powerless. I n the animal
world. License is defined as "die L a w of die jungle."
Those w h o love freedom must recognize that others have equal rights to
their freedom as well, and that only by recognizing this fact w i l l a l l be totally
free. T h a t means that a l l individuals must restrict their freedom to harm
others, or none w i l l be free to enjoy their rights to life, liberty, and property.
T h e Creator of man laid d o w n some guidelines about the rights of
others. These guidelines are written i n die negative i n at least six of the T e n
Commandments. T h e guideline is written " T h o u shall not . . . , " w h i c h
means diat all w i l l be free i f all men confine dieir activities to those w h i c h do
not harm others.
America's founding fathers, when they wrote the Constitution and the
B i l l of Rights, also wrote their guidelines i n die negative: "Congress shall
pass no laws " But these restrictions enable man to be freer because man's
life w o u l d be free of governmental restraints.
Those who wrote die Constitution were concerned about the concept of
16
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
equal rights. They were attempting to separate diemselves from a monarchy
as a form of government where certain individuals, die king and his court,
had more rights than the common citizens. These individuals had superior
rights because of dieir positions. Conversely, die common people had litUe
if any rights. America's founding fathers were convinced that they w o u l d not
allow this inequality to occur i n this country as they wrote the founding
documents.
They wrote i t into the Constitution that all men were created equal, that
the lowest had the same rights to Life, Liberty, and Property as d i d the
highest. Modern man, through the misuse of government, passes laws to
make men equal i n all areas of their lives. T h i s obvious misunderstanding of
man's nature has caused much grief as long as man has been attempting to
create government.
The solitary man, alone i n his environment, need not concern himself
w i t h rights and the need to create government to protect those rights. N o one
exists to plunder his goods or take his life. There is no need to protect his
rights. They are secure.
It is only when another individual or groups of individuals j o i n h i m i n
his solitary existence that concerns about rights become important.
Each of the inhabitants has an equal right to life, liberty and property.
That right is protected as long as each inhabitant recognizes the equal right
of the others. N o individual nor any group of individuals has the right to take
the life, liberty or property of another individual or group of individuals.
There is no question that any individual, or group of individuals, has
the ability to violate the rights of any i n d i v i d u a l . T h e question being
discussed here is whether or not the violator has the right to do so.
If each individual has the right to his life, liberty and property, and no
one has the right to take these rights, then i t follows that man must have the
right to protect his r i g h u . T h i s right is called die Right to Self Defense. Each
individual has this right i n equal proportion to any other individual.
If each individual has the right to self-defense and each has i t equally,
then each individual has the right to pool his individual right w i t h others so
that all can protect their rights from those w h o come to violate all of their
r i g h u at the same time.
I n other words, if each has the right individually, then all have the right
collectively. Such collective poolings of individual rights to self defense are
called governments.
Men create governments when they pool dieir individual rights to self
defense to create an agency diat has the collective right to protect both the
individual and die collective body of individuals.
Men can only grant to government those rights they themselves have. I f
an individual does not have a right, i t is not possible for diat individual to
17
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM

grant that right to govemmenL Government can only have those rights that Individual G is w i l l i n g but totally unable to produce. For die sake of this
each individual has. model, all individuals w i l l be presumed to be functioning at their utmost
These Orudis about human rights can best be illusuated by a brief and capacity. There are no slackers. A l l are producing to their fullest extent
simple economic model based upon two assumptions about human nature: possible. Also, there is n o waste i n this model. A l l goods produced are
consumed.
1. A l l people consume equally; and
T h a t means that some individuals produce a Surplus, defined as an
1. A l l people produce unequally.
excess of production over consumption. (This is also defined as Wealth.) A n d
' A s s u m p t i o n #1 is n o t an absolute, obviously, since n o t a l l people some individuals produce a Deficit defined as a shortage of production over
consume exactiy the same, but basically this statement is correct Notice that consumption. T h i s can be illusuated thus:
the particif)ants at a banquet are all given an equal portion, whether they are
Individual Production Surplus Deficit Consumption
large or small, and each serving at a drive-in restaurant is die same size. So,
A. 1,200 700 500
for the sake of this discussion, i t w i l l be assumed that all people pretty well
B. 750 250 500
consume equally.
a 600 100 500
Such is not the case w i t h Assumption #2. Each person, i f given equal
D. 400 100 500
opportunity to produce his sustenance, w o u l d produce unequally. Some
E. 300 200 500
w o u l d produce more than odiers. Generally, die young, the energetic and the
F. 250 ""'tSO- 500
skilled would produce more than the old, the lazy, and die unskilled. The
G. -0- 500
well w o u l d produce more than die infirm. But each w o u l d consume about
the same. T h i s means that some i n d i v i d u a l s produce more t h a n they
TOTALS 3,500 1,050 1,050 3,500
consume, while others consume more than they produce.
The author has consttucted an economic model that w i l l illustrate the The important thing to recognize is that certain individuals, i n this case,
v a l i d i t y of the concept o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y based u p o n these t w o D, E, F and G, are dependent, i n v a r y i n g degrees, u p o n the rest of the
assumptions. individuals i n this model. I n fact individual G is completely dependent
There w i l l be seven individuals i n this economic model w h o have upon the rest of the individuals, because if die others didn't exist individual
grouped themselves togedier o n an island. These individuals w i l l have n o G would surely die.
outside interference from odier individuals. A logical question to ask at this point would be whether individual G
Each individual, herein identified by a letter, produces at an unequal would have the right to prevent the others from leaving the island should
rate, and consumes at an equal rate. Hence: they choose to do so. A similar question that could be asked is whedier G
w o u l d have the r i g h t to force the others to produce what i n d i v i d u a l G
Individual Production Consumption requires to maintain his existence.
A. 1 1,200 m These are real questions for all governments and individuals to ponder,
B. 750 and, as w i l l be shown later, there are governments that have taken the
a 600
400
" ' ' ' position that individual G w o u l d have bodi die right to keep odiers w i t h i n
D. the e n v i r o n m e n t a n d the r i g h t to force the others to produce for G's
E. 300 individual needs.
F. 290 The next question diat needs to be answered is whedier die less produc-
G. 900 bve individuals D, E, F, and G have a right to die surplus of individuals A,
B, and G There are governments and individuals diat believe diat diis is
TOTALS: 3,500 ,! indeed a r i g h t and that governments are created to make certain diat dieir
I n this economic model, individuals A , B, and C produce more than individual needs are m e t by disuibuting die surplus of the productive. These
they consume; D , E, and F consume more than they produce; and G is torms of government w i l l be identified later.
completely dependent o n the rest of the individuals present o n the island. There are, obviously, two positions on die question of to w h o m the

18 19
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
surplus belongs. Those w h o hold that private property rights grant them the
right to keep that surplus are obviously i n disagreement w i t h those who hold 2nd Year:
that the surplus goods belong to those w h o do not produce them. Individual Production Consumption
There are only two methods by which the surplus of individuals A, B, A. 500 350
and C can be divided: either w i t h their consent or w i t h o u t i t . Either the B. 500 350
property belongs to those who produce i t or i t doesn't C 500 350
Presume that the four individuals, D, E, F, and G, ask A, B, and C to D. 400 350
divide their surplus voluntarily, and the latter refuse. Does that refusal grant E. 300 350
the right to D, E, F and G to take the goods from them? F. 250 350
If property rights have any meaning, the answer must surely be i n the G. -0- 350
negative. Does the right to property include the right to protect i t from the
TOTALS: 2,450 2,450
plundering acts of those w h o come to take i t by force? Does an individual
have the right to protect his property against the acts of another individual? The surpluses and deficits become:
Does the individual have the right to protect his property against the acts of
a g r o u p of individuals? Does the g r o u p have the r i g h t to protect their Individual Production Surplus Dejicit Consumption
A. 500 150 350
property against the acts of another group?
B. 500 150 350
Realizing that the property of the productive A, B, and C cannot be
C. 500 150 350
taken from them by force, it behooves the less productive to find another way D. 400 50 S50
to acquire the surplus. Presume that they develop a new strategy. They call E. 300 50 350
a meedng to discuss the question of the surplus, and a l l seven individuals F. 250 100 S50
attend. T h e question of how to handle the surplus is discussed and then acted G. -0- 350 350
upon, allowing the majority to decide how to divide die property. I n this
case, D, E, F, and G vote to divide the property equally, and A, B and C vote TOTALS: 2,450 500 500 2,450
against it.
Notice that the total production dropped from 3,500 units to 2,450 units,
Do D, E, F and G have the right to vote away the property rights of the
a drop of 1,050 units. Each individual's share also decreased as well, from 500
minority. Does i t make i t right because all were given an equal opportunity units per person to 350.
to express their opinion?
Now does the majority have the right to force the minority to produce
Does i t make it right if they call the meeting a government? Does i t make
up to last year's productivity? Even if the majority tried, would the minority
it right i f the majority says that whatever the majority decides w i l l be what
produce up to die standard that the majority expected of them? W i l l die use
the entirety w i l l do? Does the minority have any rights? of force make them produce?
If the majority votes to take the minority's property, what is i t called?
Last, w o u l d the majority have the right to keep A, B, and C i n the
It is called a Democracy!
workplace should they choose to leave it? Would they have the right to b u i l d
Next, presume that the majority is able to create a government to take
a wall around the environment to make certain that they did not leave?
the surplus from the producers, and that the producers decide a m o n g
themselves to only produce what they consume the next year, i n this case 500 Certain socialists i n today's world have taken just diat position. " I r o n "
units apiece. W o u l d the minority have that right? and "Bamboo" Curtains are the results of the majority's realization (or at
T h a t means that A, B, and C w i l l only produce what they consumed the least of die realization of the r u l i n g class claiming to act on behalf of the
previous year, or 500 units apiece. The remainder of the f)eople continue to majority) that diey need die productive talents of die minority, and because
produce what they did the year before. The figures for the second year w i l l be of this needed production, die majority builds walls to keep die minority
inside.
as follows:
What dien, should die incentive be to encourage production? Should i t
die incentive of die government (fear) or die incentive of die market place
(profit)?

20
21
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
T h e key to production is the incenuve of the marketplace, the right to
keep what is produced, the R i g h t to Private Prop)erty! T h e r i g h t of the
individual to better his life by producing more than he consumes and to keep
what he produces.
T h i s economic model has many illustrauons i n the w o r l d today. One is
o c c u r r i n g today i n the Soviet U n i o n , where the basic p h i l o s o p h y that
motivates the government is the proposition that whatever is produced i n the
society belongs to all i n that society. However, even i n Russia, there is a small
percentage of the country where the individual can keep what he produces:
According to the government's o w n f i g u r e s . . . , private plots
w i t h a mere three percent of the nation's own acreage accounted for
30 percent of the gross harvest, other than grains, 40 percent of a l l
cattle-breeding, 60 percent of the country's potato crops, 40 percent
of all vegetables and m i l k , 68 percent of all meat products.
T h e i r fruit y i e l d s . . . are double those of state orchards for
equivalent areas, its potato harvest per hectare two-thirds higher
than on collective farms.
Even i n grain, which is a very m i n o r element i n the private
sector, i t produces one-third more per sown u n i t than an average
. , socialized farm.'
W h y is j u s t a small percentage of cultivated l a n d area able to out-
produce the remainder? I t is because the producers can keep what they
produce! The producer has the right to Private Property! Governments can
not take what has been produced i n this free market environment, for any
reason.
People w h o are allowed to keep what they have produced w i l l always
out-produce those w h o have their production taken from them for the benefit
of society. A n d no one can force the producer to equal his peak production
i n a free market
Even Communist China has discovered the truth of this proposition,
according to an article i n Time magazine on the J u n T a n brigade. I t is here
that China allows the workers to keep for themselves all the produce over the
government set quota.
T h e brigade's leader is quoted as saying: " A l l the f)easants feel happy.
They work twice as hard as they used to because they know that i f they work
harder, they can make more money."
T h e article cited the results of China's experiment w i t h the right to
Private Property: "Its per-person annual revenue of $201 is well above die
national rural average of only $91."2
But even w i t h these glaring examples of the wisdom of the right to
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
Private Property, there are still those who wish to challenge this premise.
One, for instance, is Nicole Salinger, who was quoted as saying: " I n France
and some other countries i t is being proposed that there be a specified
differential between the lowest paid worker and the highest paid executive."'
Another, noted American economist John Kenneth Galbraith, also
wanted to l i m i t man's rewards for his productivity: "Sooner or later there
w i l l probably be some such rule. If a full-time assembly line worker i n the
United States got $12,000 a year, dien a top executive would have a ceiling,
say, five times as much, or $60,000. T h a t is a living wage."<
If the top executives of the nation were earning more than Mr. Galbraith
or some government bureaucrat felt they should be earning, their wages
would be reduced by some governmental edict. One can only wonder what
Mr. Galbraith would do i f any individual having his wages cut wished to
leave his position because he felt he wasn't being rewarded adequately,
especially if he were i n a specialized field where only he had the experience
or ability to perform the job. Perhaps Mr. Galbraith w o u l d use the force of
government to require diat he stay.
Another question unanswered by Mr. Galbraith is the question of what
he would do if no one wanted to perform the job because no one felt the salary
was adequate.
But Salinger and Galbraith and this economic model have not ade-
quately answered the question of just how the society provides for individual
G who is unable to provide for himself.
Basically, there are only two ways for the society to satisfy this individ-
ual's basic needs. Either method takes the surplus produced by the more
productive individuals i n the society and divides it, either:
1. Voluntarily, or
2. Coercively.
I n other words, the society can either steal the surplus or they can ask the
producers to share it voluntarily w i t h the less productive. Sharing a surplus
voluntarily is called Charity; sharing i t through the use of force is called
Welfare.
Just imagine the p u b l i c outcry should one of America's charitable
institutions choose to collect their needed revenues t h r o u g h the use of
coercion: "Our needs are more than what you wish to give voluntarily. We
w i l l take what we need."
Every person so wronged could expect that the force of government
w o u l d be used to require the charitable i n s t i t u t i o n to return the stolen
properly. That is one of the functions of government: to right a wrong such
as the taking of property by force.
wh ^^'""^"'"S ' ° individual Economic Model, what is it called
' ^' ^' G j o i n together to violently take the property of A, B and
23
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
It is called Stealing!
If each group, A, B, and C, and D, E, F, and G, were separate nations,
and the latter came to take the former's property by force, the action would
be called a warl I n either case, the individuals and the nations wronged have
the right to defend themselves against the attack on their property.
Individuals have the right to self-defense, and they can combine these
individual rights to self-defense by forming a government that has the right
to collective self-defense. Once governments have been formed, individual
nations can j o i n together to protect themselves from other nations. These
nations have the right to hire individuals, called soldiers, to assist i n the
defense of die nation, just as individuals have die right to protect their life
and liberty by h i r i n g a "bodyguard."
Should war as a means of acquiring property fail, diose w h o wish to
acquire the property of others must design other strategies. One method that
was devised was the use of the majority vote, already discussed. The use of a
democracy is another method of taking property away from the minority
under the guise of whatever excuse die minority would accept as valid.
Notice that i n such questions as are decided by majority vote, that
whatever the majority decides is what die entirety gets. Notice that there is no
question as to whether or not what the majority wants is right or wrong: the
majority rules!
However, the question should never be who is right, but what is right.
Just because a majority decides what die action to be taken is, i t does not
necessarily follow that die action to be taken is correct
Notice that there are n o m i n o r i t y rights i n a true democracy: the
majority rules. Notice that i f the government (in the name of the majority)
decides to grant privileges just to a minority, then the majority must give up
its rights. "Majorities do not determine right and wrong. R i g h t is right
though everyone votes against i t and wrong is wrong though a l l but God
favor it "5
Next, presume that the majority legitimizes its vote by declaring that
they have created a government and that all are bound to obey the decisions
of the majority. I t is proper to ask the inevitable question: where d i d the
majority get this right?
People can only give to government diose rights that they themselves
have . Does an i n d i v i d u a l have the r i g h t to take from another? D o two
individuals have the right to take from another group of individuals? Do
three individuals have the right? Do a grouping of individuals, when acting
in concert, have the right? Can a group of individuals get together, call
themselves a government and then grant that government a right that they
themselves do not have? Even i f that group is a majority?
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
Can man change die Commandment taken from die T e n Command-
ments, that reads: " T h o u shall not steal" and convert i t to: " T h o u shall not
steal, except by majority vote!" O r to: " T h o u shall not steal, except that
portion of thy neighbor's wealth which exceeds diine ovm!"
T a k i n g the property of another, no matter what the motive, is called
stealing, no matter whether an individual, or a group of individuals acting
through an agency diey call government commits die crime.
Another word for stealing is Plunder, and when governments legitimize
die taking of anodier's property, i t is called Legal Plunder. What happens
when a government legalizes stealing?
I have long been convinced that institutions purely democratic
m u s t sooner or later, destroy liberty or civilization, or both.
How does this happen? , ^ ; ; '
The adoption of democracy... is fatal to good government, to
liberty, to law and order, to respect for authority, and to religion,
and must produce chaos from w h i c h a new w o r l d tyranny w i l l
arise.*
You can never have a revolution i n order to establish a demo-
cracy. You must have a democracy i n order to have a revolution.'
Is there any form of government that protects m i n o r i t y r i g h t s (or
majority rights, for diat matter) i f Democracies are unable to do so?
Those w h o created die American government believed that diere were
indeed ways to accomplish diis vital protection. They wrote i n die Declara-
tion of Independence:
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal, that they are endowed by their Creator w i t h certain inalien-
able rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness, that to secure these rights, governments are instituted
among men . . .
There are, indeed, some "self-evident trudis" i n diat short paragraph,
and Amenca's founding fadiers were quite aware of diem. One of diese was
me proposiuon diat men were created equal, but were not equal. T h i s means
men have equal access to dieir rights to life, liberty, and property, n o
reliiri T ^5^"^ nationality, dieir sex. or dieir
gion. i t did not mean diat all men were equal i n ability or personal merit
property should be divided equally amongst diem,
fathers ^ j ' ^ ' ' ' ' ^ " ' ^ ' ^ position was extremely i m p o r t a n t as the f o u n d i n g
individual ' ^ " " ' l ^ ' " ^ monarchy as a form of government where certain
IS, just because of dieir position or sodal status, had superior rights
25

CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
to those b o m of "common" stock. I t is quite apparent that the founding
fathers were attempting to Hmit this concept of the European nobiUty.
Another "self-evident truth" i n that paragraph was the recognition that
man's r i g h t s were inalienable, w h i c h meant that other men, or other
governments, could not tamper w i t h them.
T h e f o u n d i n g fathers attempted to define what these h u m a n rights
were: the r i g h t to " l i f e , liberty and the p u r s u i t of happiness." (They
recognized that these were not the only rights of man, but that these were
"amongst others.")
And lasdy, that man creates governments to protect these inalienable
rights.
James M a d i s o n has been quoted as saying that: " G o v e r n m e n t is
instituted to protect property of every sort. T h i s being the end of government,
that alone is a just government which impartially secures to every man,
whatever is his o w n T h a t is not a just government where.. .proper-
t y . . . is violated b y . . . seizures . . is violated b y . . . seizures of one class of
citizens for the service of the rest."
T w o other examples of the concern about the rights of man can be
found i n the V i r g i n i a B i l l of Rights, adopted on June 12, 1776, and the
Alabama Constitution.
Article I of the Virginia B i l l of Rights states:
T h a t all men are by nature equally free and independent, and
have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state
of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their
posterity;
Namely the enjoyment of life and liberty, w i t h the means of
acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining
happiness and safety.
Article 1 of the Alabama Constitution reads, i n p a r t
T h a t the sole object and only legitimate end of government is
to protect the citizen i n the enjoyment of life, liberty and property,
and when the government assumes other functions i t is usurpation
and oppression.
Since government is the accumulation of individual rights to use force
i n the p r o t e c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l or collective r i g h t s to life, liberty and
property, great care should be exercized i n the granting of power to the
government. The question is always just how much jxiwer can be granted to
government before it, i n itself, becomes an enemy of human rights.
George Washington addressed this problem when he stated: "Govern-
ment is n o t reason, i t is n o t eloquence. I t is force, a n d l i k e fire, i t is a
26
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
jjangerous servant and a fearful master."*
President Washington likened the power of government to the power of
fiie' both were useful and necessary but both had the power to destroy. Both
were dangerous to die individual.
T h e homeowner, anxious to w a r m his house, brings fire i n t o the
exterior walls, but builds a furnace wall around i t so that i t w i l l not destroy
his home. Obviously, the fire can be both beneficial and dangerous and man
must learn its nature and protect himself against its consequences.
Those w h o create government must design some structure to keep the
government w i t h i n its proper confines for exacdy the same reason: govern-
ment also has the power to destroy not only the individual but the entire
nation as well.
America's f o u n d i n g fathers attempted to contain the government's
power to desu-oy the rights of the individual by use of die containing walls
of the Constitution. T h i s document was not intended to restrain the power
of the people. It was intended to restrain the power of the government Notice
that government is restricted to the fx)wers enumerated i n the first three
Articles of the Constitution: those that define the powers of the Legislative,
the Executive, and the Judicial branches of the government. The purpose
was to properly confine the power of government to those enumerated and
those alone.
A parallel to the l i m i t a t i o n of powers i n the Constitution to those
enumerated specifically can be found i n the Property Insurance field.
There are two methods of insuring real and personal property:
1. The "Named Peril" method; and
2. The " A l l Risk" mediod.
The former covers the property for damage by certain perils enumerated
by the policy. For instance, the property is insured when damaged by a Fire,
a Windstorm, or a Vehicle, etc., because those were included as coverages
under die terms of die policy. For diere to be coverage under die policy, die
property would have to be damaged by a specific peril exacdy described by
the coverage part of die policy. I f die property was damaged by an avalanche.
It would not be covered, because Avalanche damage is not an enumerated
peril.
Under the " A l l Risk" mediod, a l l losses would be covered unless die
speafic peril causing die loss was excluded by die policy. T o see i f a certain
OSS IS covered, the policy holder w o u l d have to read the exclusions. For
wT^^h ^^"^ example, die damage to die property caused by die
of diTSi^*'"''^ ^ ^""^^"^ " "^"^ specifically excluded by die terms
Governments are like die two mediods of insurance: governments can
27
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
either have enumerated jxjwers (diose specifically granted by the people to
the government) or governments can have a l l power unless specifically
prohibited by some document.
T h e former type is the government of free men; the latter is the govern-
ment of slaves. Kings, dictators, and tyrants want a l l power i n dieir hands;
free men attempt to l i m i t government to specifically enumerated powers.
I t w o u l d be difficult to l i m i t the powers of die government i n the " A l l
R i s k " method: every conceivable instance where government was n o t
intended to operate w o u l d have to be enumerated. The task of detailing die
exact conditions where government could not operate w o u l d be impossible,
especially i f the intent was to l i m i t the powers of government
America's founding fathers were aware of the difference between the two
mediods and attempted to l i m i t government to a "Named Peril" form: diey
listed the exact powers they granted government They spelled these out,
specifying the powers exactly. Congress was granted the power "to declare
war," "to coin money," to establish "post offices and post roads," and to
"raise and support armies," amongst others.
As a further evidence that they were concerned about l i m i t i n g the
powers of government, they added the B i l l of Rights to the Constitution.
These were specific limitations on governmental authority. B u t the ultimate
limitation on the power of the federal government was the 10th Amendment
T h i s read: "The powers not delegated to the United States by die Constitu-
tion, nor prohibited by i t to die States, are reserved to die States respectively,
or to the people."
I n odier words, die founding fadiers gave us a "Named Peril" form of
government They limited die powers of government to diose specifically
enumerated i n the Constitution.
Confirmation of this fact comes frequendy from o u r Congressmen,
although less often dian before. One supporter of this limited power position
stood u p i n die House of Representatives i n 1814 and addressed the nation.
H e said:
T h e Government of the U n i t e d States is a Government o f
l i m i t e d powers. Y o u take by grant; your powers are special and
delegated—that must be construed strictly.
A l l powers not delegated are reserved to the States or the
people. Your authority is defined—you take nothing by inference
or application, except what may be "necessary and proper for
carrying into execution" the powers expressly g r a n t e d '
There are those, unfortunately, w h o believe that their power i n the halls
of Congress is nearly unlimited. Most dte the so-called "General Welfare"
clause o f the C o n s t i t u t i o n as the source of their supposed a u t h o r i t y to
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
legislate i n all areas. T h i s clause is contained i n Article I , Section 8 and reads:
"The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and
excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general
welfare of the United States " (emphasis added.)
James Madison, one of the three writers of the Federalist Papers which
were written i n an attempt to explain the new form of government to the
American people, wrote diis about the General Welfare Clause: "The powers
delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few
and defined. Those w h i c h are to r e m a i n i n the State governments are
numerous and indefinite." (Federalist Paper #45)
A n d i n Federalist Paper #41, Madison attempted to reply to a supporter
of the broad interpretation of die General Welfare Clause w h o wrote: "The
p o w e r . . . to provide for t h e . . . general welfare... amounts to an unlimited
commission to exercise every power which may be alleged to be necessary for
t h e . . . general welfare."
Madison wrote that diose w h o felt that the General Welfare Clause gave
an enormous grant of power to Congress were i n "error," and that the
supporter's idea was an "absurdity."
Yet this claim continues to be heard around the nation.
H u g h Williamson of North Carolina, a member of the Constitutional
Convention, also took a position o n the General Welfare Clause, when he
wrote the following i n 1781: , , ,<
I f Congress can a p p l y money i n d e f i n i t e l y to the general
welfare and are die sole and supreme judges of the general welfare,
they may take the care o f r e l i g i o n i n t o their hands; they may
establish teachers i n every state, county and parish, and pay them
out of the p u b l i c treasury; they may take i n t o their hands the
education of children, establishing i n like manner schools through-
out the Union; they may undertake the regulation of all roads other
than post roads.
I n short everydiing from the highest object of state legislation
down to the most minute objects of police, w o u l d be thrown under
die power of Congress.
For every object I have mentioned w o u l d admit die applica-
tion of money, and m i g h t be called, if Congress pleased, provisions
for die General Welfare.
(Mr. Williamson was indeed a prophet before his timel)
So America's founding fathers had concerns about the amoimt of power
should reside i n die federal government They attempted to l i m i t diat
P ^ e r by consmicting a Constitution i n such a manner diat government had
•^^afic, defined, and stricdy limited poweis.
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
Frederic Bastiat, a French economist, statesman, and author, wrote
d u r i n g die years of die second French Revolution of 1848. He saw diat die
taking of one man's property for die use of anodier was an improper activity,
one diat he called Plunder. When government performed die same activity,
they had the power to make i t legal, and Bastiat called diis form of stealing
Legal Plunder. Government i n his day had taken the power to do what die
individual members of his nation couldn't do: take property from one to give
to another.
H e wrote the following i n his classic book The Law:
But how is this legal plunder to be identified?
Quite simply: See i f die law takes from some persons what
belongs to them, and gives i t to persons to w h o m it does not belong.
See i f the law benefits one citizen at the expense of anodier by
doing what the citizen himself cannot do without committing a
crime.
T h e n abolish die law w i d i o u t delay. I f such a law, which is an
isolated case—is not abolished immediately, i t w i l l spread, m u l -
tiply and develop into a system.'*
Bastiat mentioned that Legal Plunder c o u l d manifest itself i n t w o
forms:
1. T h e t a k i n g of property by government from the i n d i v i d u a l i t
belongs to and the giving of it to someone it does not belong to; and
2. The granting of a privilege to one group at the expense of another.
Bastiat further went on to predict what would happen under this system
of government:
As long as i t is admitted that the law may be diverted from its
true purpose, that i t may violate property instead of protecting it,
then everyone w i l l want to participate i n making die law, either to
protect himself against plunder or to use i t for plunder"
A truism about Legal Plunder can be stated thus:
Government cannot give anything i t first doesn't take from
someone else.
So government cannot be the great giver, as i t has n o t h i n g to give.
Governments can only take. But for those w h o demand that government
should provide die people w i d i dieir food, dieir housing, diefr education,
their clodiing, dieir medical care, dieir livelihood, and dieir recreation, diere
is already a governmental agency providing diese services to certain of their
fellow citizens.
CHAPTER 2 FREEDOM
These services are provided by government i n a prison. There are two
classes of citizens i n a prison: those w h o provide the services and those who
i ^ i v e them. The persons who receive the services are not free to provide
these services for themselves. Those w h o provide the services are free to come
and go as they choose. Those for w h o m the services are provided are called
prisoners; those who provide the services are called Wardens.
It is also important to examine whether or not government exists to
protect man from himself. John Stuart M i l l addressed this question when he
wrote:
wi
That the only purpose for which power can be righdy exer-
cised over any member of a civilized community, against his wall,
is to prevent harm to others.
His o w n good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient
warrant.
He cannot rightly be compelled to do or forbear because it w i l l
make h i m happier, because, i n the o p i n i o n of others, to do so
would be wise, or even right
These are good reasons for remonstrating w i t h him, or enu-eat-
ing him, but not for compelling him, or visiting h i m w i d i any evil
i n case he does otherwise.
T o justify t h a t die conduct from which i t is desired to deter
h i m must be calculated to produce evil to someone else.'*
So government does not exist to protect man from himself. I t does not
exist to re-disttibute wealdi from one group of individuals to anodier. It does
not exist to grant privileges to one group over anodier. A n d i t does not exist
to operate i n every situation envisioned by die m i n d of man.
Government simply exists to protect individual rights to Life, Liberty,
and Property. T h a t is its sole function.
Andrew Jackson summarized diese sentiments quite well when he wrote
die following: "There are no necessary evils i n government. Its evils exist
only m Its abuses. I f i t w o u l d confine itself to equal protection, and, as
M«iven does its rains, shower its favors alike on die high and the low, die rich
ana the poor, i t would be an unquahfied blessing.""
SI
 CHAPTERS FORMS OF GOVERNMENT

Anarchy is a form of government i n transition between two other forms

of government. Anarchy is created by diose w h o wish to destroy one form of
government so that i t can be replaced w i t h the form of government the
anarchists wish. I t too w i l l be discarded as a viable altemarive.
It is generally conceded that even a monarchy or a dictatorship is an
oligarchy, or a government r u n by a small, r u l i n g minority. Every monarchy
has its small circle of advisors, w h o allow the k i n g or dictator to rule as l o n g
as he does so i n a manner pleasing to the oligarchy. I t is doubtful that there
has ever been a true dictatorship (rule by one person) anywhere i n the world,
except i n some isolated instances, such as i n a tribe or i n a clan.
Such is also the case w i t h a democracy, for this form of government is
tradidonally controlled at die top by a small r u l i n g oligarchy. The people i n
a democracy are conditioned to believe that they are indeed the decision-
making power i n the government, but i n truth there is almost always a small
circle at die top making die decisions for the entirety. So the only true form
of government t h r o u g h o u t history has been the oligarchy, a rule by a
minority.
As proof of these contentions, one has only to read the 1928 United
Chapter 3 States Army Training Manual, which defined a democracy as:

A government of the masses. Authority derived through mass

Forms of Government meeting or any form of direct expression. Results i n mobocracy,
attitude toward property is c o m m u n i s t i c — n e g a t i n g property
rights.
A t t i t u d e toward law is that the w i l l o f the majority shall
regulate, whether i t be based u p o n deliberation or governed by
I f the democratic form of government (rule by a majority) does not passion, prejudice, and impulse, w i t h o u t restraint or regard to
protect die rights of die minority, is diere a form of government diat does? If consequence.
Democracies protect only the strong, is diere a form of government d i a l Results i n demagogism, license, a g i t a t i o n , discontent,
protects fioth the strong and the weak? anarchy. 1
Various forms of government exist, but basically there are only two:
A democracy, according to diis definition, is actually controlled by a
Rule by God: a theocracy i ;: demagogue, defined as: " A speaker w h o seeks to make capital of social
Rule by man: various forms discontent and gain political influence."
Man has no conttol over whedier or not God wishes to fonm a dieocradc So demagogues are usually hired by diose supporting an oligarchy as a
form of government. T h i s is God's decision. G o d w i l l create one, or not orm of government to create the anarchy or social discontent that the
create one, depending on H i s plans. So diis study of governmental forms w i l l anwT '"''^ ^ oligarchy. Democracies are converted to
not consider this form of government as a viable alternative. There are diem^I' T ""^ '^•^'' oligarchs seek to control die government
various forms of government by man. Some of die more common types art govemm 1 ^ " ' ^ '^''^ ^ dictatorship or a tyrannical form of
briefly defined as: The 1 q98 * ^ oligarchy imposes total conuol over all of die people.

Rule by no one: anarchy v ^ - ^ y ^ ^ ^ Z t : ' ' " " ^ ' ' ^ ' ^ " ^
Rule by one man: a dictatorship; or a monarchy
Guti" ^^"^""^ definition of a democracy i n the Soldier's
Rule by a few men: an oligarchy ,, ;
Rule by the majority: a democracy
CHAPTER 3 FORMS OF GOVERNMENT
Because the United States is a democracy, the majority of die
people decide how our government w i l l be organized and r u n —
and that includes the Army, Navy and A i r Force. T h e people do
this by electing representatives, and these men and women then
carry out the wishes of the people.*
(This is a strange definidon to offer the American fighdng man: that
democratic policies manage die Armed Services. I t is doubdul diat enlisted
men elect their officers or make decisions as to how to conduct the war.)
So i f democracies are i n truth oligarchies, where the minority rules, is
there a form of government that protects both minority and majority rights?
There is, and i t is called a republic, which is defined as:
Rule by law: a republic
I n the republican form of government, the power rests i n a written
constitution, wherein the powers of the government are limited so that the
people retain the m a x i m u m amount of power themselves. I n addition to
l i m i t i n g the power of the government, care is also taken to l i m i t the power
of the people to restrict the rights of both the majority and the minority.
Perhaps the simplest method of illusuating the difference between an
oligarchy, a democracy and a republic would be to discuss die basic plot of
the classic grade B western movie.
I n this plot, one that the moviegoer has probably seen a hundred times,
the brutal v i l l a i n rides i n t o town and guns down the unobtrusive town
merchant by provoking h i m into a gunfight. The sheriff hears the gunshot
and enters the scene. He asks the assembled crowd what had happened, and
they relate the story. T h e sheriff then takes the v i l l a i n i n t o custody and
removes h i m to the city j a i l .
Back at the scene of the shooting, usually i n a tavern, an individual
stands u p o n a table (this individual by definition is a Demagogue) and
exhorts the crowd to take the law into its o w n hands and lynch the villain.
T h e group decides that this is the course of action that they should take
(notice that the group now becomes a democracy where the majority rules)
and down the soreet they (now called a mob) go. They reach the j a i l and
demand that die villain be released to their custody. The mob has spoken by
majority vote: the villain must hang.
The sheriff appears before die democracy and explains diat the villain
has the right to a trial by jury. The demagogue counters by explaining that
the majority has spoken: the villain must hang. The sheriff explains that his
function is to protect the rights of the individual, be he innocent or guilty,
u n t i l that individual has the opportunity to defend himself i n a court of law-
The sheriff continues by explaining that the w i l l of the majority cannot deny
CHAPTER 3 FORMS OF GOVERNMENT
this individual that right. The demagogue continues to exhort the demo-
cracy to lynch the villain, but i f the sheriff is persuasive and convinces the
democracy that he exists to protect dieir rights as well, die scene should end
as the people leave, convinced of die merits of the arguments of the sheriff.
The republican form of government has triumphed over the democratic
form of mob action.
I n summary, the sheriff represents the republic, the demagogue the
c o n t r o l of the democracy, a n d the m o b the democracy. T h e r e p u b l i c
recognizes that man has certain inalienable rights and that government is
aeated to protect those rights, even from the acts of a majority. Notice that
the republic must be persuasive i n front of the democracy and that the
republic w i l l only continue to exist as l o n g as the people recognize the
importance and validity of the concept. Should the people wish to overthrow
the republic and the sheriff, they certainly have the power (but not the right)
to do so.
But the persuasive nature of the republic's arguments should convince
the mob that i t is the preferable form of government.
There is another example of the truths of this assertion. I t is reported i n
die Bible.
The republic, i n the form of the Roman government, "washed its hands
of the matter" after finding the accused Jesus innocent of all charges, and
turned H i m over to the democracy, which later crucified H i m .
It is easy to see how a democracy can turn into anarchy when unscrup-
ulous individuals wish to manipulate it. The popular beliefs of the majority
can be turned i n t o a p o s i t i o n of c o m m i t t i n g some injustice against an
individual or a group of individuals. T h i s then becomes the excuse for the
unscrupulous to grab total power, all i n an effort to "remedy die situation."
Alexander H a m i l t o n was aware of this tendency of a democratic form
of government to be torn apart by itself, and he has been quoted as writing:
"We are now forming a republican government. Real liberty is not found i n
the extremes of democracy, but i n moderate governments. I f we incline too
much to democracy, we shall soon shoot into a monarchy (or some odier
form of dictatorship.)"
Others were led to comment o n the perils of a democratic form o f
government. One was James Madison w h o wrote: " I n a l l cases where a
majority are united by a c o m m o n interest or passion, the rights of the
"Mnonty are i n dangerl"' Anodier was John Adams who wrote: "Unbridled
^ l o n s produce die same effects, whedier i n a king, nobility, or a mob. The
Perience of all mankind has proved die prevalence of a disposition to use
power wantonly. I t is dierefore as necessary to defend an individual against
ajonty (in a democracy) as against die k i n g i n a monarchy. "<
SS
CHAPTERS FORMS OF GOVERNMENT
In a democracy then, M i g h t makes Right. , ; ,
In a repubhc. Right makes Might.
In a democracy, the law resuicts the people.
In a republic, the law restricts the government
When Moses of the Bible carried the Ten Commandments down to the
people, they were written on stone. T h e majority of die people d i d not vote
to accept them. They were offered as the truth, and were i n stone to teach the
people that they couldn't change them by majority vote. But the people
rejected the Commandments anyway, just as they can rejert the principles of
the republican form of government should they choose to do so.
America's founding fathers, while not w r i u n g the laws i n stone, did
attempt to restrict man's ability to tamper w i t h them. The rules for revising
or amending the Constitution are rigidly set out i n the provisions of the
Consdtudon itself.
George Washington, i n his farewell address to die American people as
he was l e a v i n g the presidency, spoke about the a m e n d i n g o f the
Consdtudon:
If i n the o p i n i o n of the people, the distribution or modifica-
tion of the Constitutional power be i n any particular wrong, let i t
be corrected by an amendment i n the way i n which the Constitu-
t i o n designates. But let there be no change by usurpation, for
though diis, i n one instance, may be the instrument of good, i t is
the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed.
I t was about the same time that a British professor named Alexander
Fraser T y l e r wrote: " A democracy cannot exist as a permanent form of
g o v e r n m e n t . I t can exist o n l y u n t i l the voters discover they can vote
diemselves largess (defined as a liberal gift) out of die public treasury. From
that moment on, the majority always votes for the candidate promising the
most benefits from the public treasury, w i t h the result that democracy always
collapses over a loose fiscal policy, always to be followed by a dictatorship "
Here is outlined the procedure by which democratic, or even republican,
forms of government can be turned into a dictatorship.
T h i s technique of subverting a democracy i n t o a dictatorship wa^
spelled out i n a book i n 1957 by Jan Kozak, a member of die Secretariat of d^
C o m m u n i s t Party o f Czechoslovakia. M r . Kozak t i t l e d his book How
Parliament Took a Revolutionary Part in the Transition to Socialism and
the Role of the Popular Masses. The American version of his book is dil'^'
And Not a Shot is Fired, the Communist Strategy for Subverting a Represen-
tative Government. M r . Kozak describes what has been called the "Pinct
M o v e m e n t " the method by which the conspirators can use the pjarliamei"
36
CHAPTERS FORMS OF GOVERNMENT
"Pressure from Above," and the mob, the "Pressure from Below," to
convert a democracy into a dictatorship. M r . Kozak explained his strategy:
A preliminary condition for carrying out fundamental
social changes and for making i t possible that p>arliament be
made use of for the purpwse of transforming a capitalistic
society into a socialistic one, is:
a. to f i g h t for a f i r m p a r l i a m e n t a r y m a j o r i t y
which would ensure and develop a strong 'pres-
sure from above,' and
b. to see to it that this firm parliamentary majority
should rely on the revolutionary activity of the
broad working masses exerting 'pressure from
below.''
What Mr. Kozak proposed was a five part program to seize control of a
government
The first step consisted of having the conspiracy's o w n pjeople infiltrate
the government (the "pressure from above.")
T h e second step was to create a real or alleged grievance, usually
through either an action of government or through some situation where the
government should have acted and d i d n ' t
The third step consisted i n having a mob created by the real or alleged
grievance that the government or the conspiracy caused demand that the
problem be solved by a governmental action (the "pressure from below.")
The fourth step consisted i n having the conspirators i n the government
remedy the real or alleged sitiuation w i t h some oppressive legislation.
The fifth step is a repeat of the last three. T h e legislation that the
government piasses does not solve the problem and the mob demands more
and more legislation u n t i l die government becomes totalitarian i n nature by
possessing all of die power.
And total pxiwer was the goal of those causing the grievance. The plan
is, as Nesta Webster wrote i n her book World Revolution: "the systematic
attempt to create grievances i n order to exploit diem."*
TTiis technique was used, w i d i a slight variation, by Adolf Hitler, w h o
sent his own party loyalists into die streets (the "Pressure from Below") to
Ab^'^ * ^ blamed on the government (the "Pressure from
could^ ' ^ G e ™ a n people, told by Hitler that the government i n power
effort? ' ^^'^ '^"^""^ diough they passed oppressive legislation i n an
He w a ° ''^'^"^'° "»an ^ h o was offering relief: Adolf Hider.
therefore!! ^ '^e terror. He was the one causing i t l A n d
given t h . ^"'^^"'^ promised that he would end it when he was
8'^en die power of government!
37
CHAPTERS FORMS OF GOVERNMENT
The people believed Hider and voted h i m into office. A n d once i n office,
he called i n his party loyalists and the terror ended, just like he promised.
Hitler appeared to be a hero: he d i d what he said he would.
There are some w h o saw this strategy at w o r k i n the passing of the
Eighteenth Amendment ("Prohibition") to the Constitution. I f the creation
of an organized crime syndicate was the reason for the passage of this
Amendment, then what happened makes sense.
Anyone w h o knew human nature realized that the Amendment would
not cause the drinking of liquor to stop: i t w o u l d only make d r i n k i n g illegal.
A n d the American people responded by purchasing their liquor from those
w i l l i n g to risk penalties and fines for selling illegal liquor. T h e more that the
government clamped down on the illegal sale of liquor, the more they played
into the hands of those w h o wished to create a crime syndicate. The more the
pressure on those selling the liquor, the more the price went up. The more
the price went up, the more unscrupulous became the seller of the liquor.
T h e more unscrupulous the seller, the more crime i n the streets. T h e more
crime i n the streets, the more pressure on the sellers of the liquor. Finally,
only the most ruthless survived. A n d the price of l i q u o r was raised even
higher because of the risk involved i n selling i t .
T h e American people thought that the crime syndicate that survived the
government's pressure would cease after Prohibition was repealed. But they
stayed, much to the continued distress of the American people.
Some very well-known Americans benefited from Prohibition. I n fact:
"Frank Costello, the so-called 'Prime Minister of the U n d e r w o r l d ' . . . i n -
formed Peter Maas, author of The Valachi Papers that he and Joseph
Kennedy (the father of the late President, John Kennedy) were partners i n the
liquor business."'
T h i s startling connection between organized crime and the father of the
late President was confirmed i n an eirticle i n Parade Magazine on November
16,1980.
A more current example of this technique was used by those w h o
wanted to prolong the Vietnamese War. T h i s strategy was used throughout
the war w i t h extreme effectiveness.
One of the truths of the economic system under w h i c h America operates
is that the name o n the bottom line of the payroll check is the employer, and
the name on the top line is the employee. As l o n g as the employee continues
to perform as requested by the employer, the employee continues getting
payroll checks. When the employee ceases to perform as requested, the checks
are no longer issued
T h e same principle applies i n the f u n d i n g of the public universities
during the Vietnamese War.
A g o o d percentage of the a n t i - g o v e r n m e n t , anti-Vietnamese War
CHAPTERS FORMS OF GOVERNMENT
nrotestors came from the college campuses i n the U n i t e d States. These
schools were heavily financed by the very government that the college
students were protesting against
Yet the funding from the federal government continued. I n other words,
the employee (the schools) were producing a product (the anti-war protes-
tors) that was pleasing to the employer (the federal government) A n d as l o n g
as the schools kept producing a product pleasing to the employer, the checks
\ continued.
Is i t possible that the government, acting as die "pressure from above,"
intentionally funded schools because i t wanted these schools to produce anti-
government dissidents, die "pressure from below?"
Is i t possible that the government's purpose was to prolong the war? Is
i t possible that this was the method by w h i c h the American people were
conditioned to support the " n o - w i n " strategy of America's involvement i n
the war?
The American people, u n t i l at least the Korean War, believed that our
government should first avoid wars, but once i n one, they believed the
government should w i n and then leave. But the government's strategy
during the Vietnamese War was never to w i n but to find ways to prolong the
war, and the anti-war protestors were created for that purpose.
The strategy was simple. The public was told by the major media that
covered every meeting of three or more anti-war protestors, that to oppose the
war was un-American. The protestors were to do everything to discredit the
American flag, die nation, and the military. T o do this they burned the flag,
used obscenities, and carried the flag of the enemy, the Viet Cong. A l l of these
activities were calculated to tell the American people that there were only two
dioices i n the war:
1. Support your government i n whatever action they m i g h t
take i n the war; or
2. Join die protestors i n objecting to the war by b u r n i n g the ^
flag, using obscenities, and carrying die flag of the enemy.
Another slogan made popular during the war was: "Your country: love
It or leave i t "
There were o n l y t w o o p t i o n s b e i n g offered: either s u p p o r t y o u r
K o a ^ T T " ' " n o - w i n " strategy, or leave die country. The ttaditional
a l t e n m i v r * ^ " ^ ^ strategy i n a war, victory, was not being offered as an
"no-3!'^"'""^' glaring, aldiough not commonly understood, example of die
the first, "^^l "^^^ * e use of die "peace" sign, made by extending
World W i T f " ^ ^ "^^^^ S^''""'^ f'*^^' ^^^^ popular d u r i n g
•'victorv'-^N C h u r c h i l l w h o meant the symbol to mean
y- ^JNo one ever explained what die letter " V " had todo w i d i die word
39
CHAPTERS FORMS OF GOVERNMENT CHAPTERS FORMS OF GOVERNMENT

"peace," but i t didn't matter, as i t was intended to cause the American people
to think of "pjeace" and not "victory" i n the Vietnamese war.)
T h e strategy worked. T h e A m e r i c a n people a l l o w e d the various
administrations involved to wage the war without the goal of a victory, and
the war continued for about ten years.
It is a well known fact that the quickest and surest path to victory i n any
war is to deny the enemy the materials he needs to wage the war. I n 1970, the
world's largest petition drive focused on the fact that America was supplying
Russia w i t h strategic military items while Russia was supplying eighty
percent of North Vietnam's war materials. This petition drive was supported
by the signatures of around four m i l l i o n Americans, yet i t hardly received
any press coverage. As the petitions were assembled, they were sent to U.S.
congressmen and senators, but nothing was done, and the aid and trade to
Russia c o n t i n u e d . There was no question i n the minds of those who
circulated the jaetitions that the war would have been over i n a very short time
if this aid and trade stopped.
The strategy worked. The American people, no longer offered a victory
as an alternative, and turned off by the protestors who urged them to end the
war, supported their government's " n o - w i n " strategy, and the war kept
g r i n d i n g on, k i l l i n g and i n j u r i n g scores of American fighting men and
women, as well as countless Vietnamese on both sides of the war.
Others have become aware of Kozak's strategy and have used i t i n a
beneficial manner. One such individual explained the method i n 1965:
1. Non-violent demonstrators go into the streets;
2. Racists unleash violence against them;
3. Americans demand federal legislation;
4. T h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n initiates measures of immediate
intervention and remedial legislation.
Communists virtually surrounded h i m as he planned his c i v i l rights
activities. T h e Reverend U r i a h J. Fields, the Negro clergyman w h o was
King's seaetary during die early stages of the bus boycott diat made K i n g
famous, wrote this about those associated w i t h h i m : " K i n g helps to advance
^ n j m u n i s m . He is surrounded w i d i Communists. T h i s is die major reason
I severed my r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h h i m d u r i n g the fifties. H e is soft o n
communism."""
Another w h o supported the assertion that the C o m m u n i s t s were
involved i n the activities of Mr. K i n g was Karl Prussion, a former counterspy
for die Federal Bureau of Investigation. Mr. Prussion testified i n 1963 after
attending Communist Party meetings i n California for five years: " I further
swear and attest that at each and every one of the aforementioned meetings,
one Reverend Martin Luther K i n g was always set forth as the individual to
w h o m Communists s h o u l d l o o k and rally a r o u n d i n the C o m m u n i s t
struggle on the many racial issues.""
So Mr. K i n g certainly had the opportunity to read the book by Jan
Kozak, and he was surrounded by those w h o certainly should have been
familiar w i d i die method of this Communist strategist A n d K i n g even put
the suategy on paper for all to see.
The purpose of die Civil Rights movement was best summarized by a
comment made by two of the past presidents of the American Bar Associa-
tion, Loyd Wright and John C. Satterfield. They once wrote die following
about the Civil Rights B i l l , one of the major "accomplishments" of the Civil
Rights movement: " I t is ten percent civil rights and ninety percent extension
of Federal executive power. The 'civil rights' aspect of diis legislation is but
a cloak; uncontrolled Federal Executive power is the body."'*
So King's major purpose was to increase the role of the government i n
die everyday lives of die American people.

T h e author of those words was Martin Luther King, Jr., w h o wrote

them i n an article i n Saturday Review.' I t appears diat Mr. K i n g somehow
had heard of Jan Kozak's book, as die mediods are nearly identical. Those
who have studied Mr. King's background before he became America's Civil
Rights leader are certain that Mr. K i n g was i n a position to have read and
studied Kozak's book itself. The Augusta, Georgia, Courier of July 8, 1963,
printed a picture of Mr. K i n g at the Highlander Folk School i n Monteagle,
Tennessee d u r i n g the Labor Day weekend of 1957. T h i s school had an
interesting history. After K i n g visited there, the school was closed by the
Tennessee Legislature i n 1960 after having conducted hearings into its true
nature. The school was cited as being a "meeting place for known Commu-
nists and fellow travelers," and as a "Communist T r a i n i n g School."'
Mr. King's association w i t h the Communists and the Communist ParO
was not resuicted to just diose he met during die weekend at die Folk School.

40

Chapter 4
Economic Terms
I t w i l l be helpful at this point for certain economic terms to be defined
to assist the reader i n understanding the Conspiratorial View of History.
T w o of these terms are:
Consumption Good: goods acquired for consumpuon purposes
(food, drink, etc.)
Capital Good: goods udlized for producing consumption goods
T h e distinction between these two economic terms can be illustrated by
the use of a simple example, such as a primitive tribesman l i v i n g i n a remote
jungle. H i s diet consists of the rabbit (a Consumption Good) w h i c h firs'
must be caught before it can be consumed. The tribesman quickly learns that
die rabbit is exceptionally quick and that catching it for a daily meal is rather
difficult B u t by using his intelligence, die tribesman fashions a crude blow-
g u n to assist h i m i n acquiring the Consumption Good. T h e moment that
the tribesman builds the blow-gun, he becomes a Capitalist, because the
blow-gun is a Capital Good: i t is created to assist die tribesman i n acquiring
Consumption Goods.
Therefore, i t is possible now to define Capitalism as:
'i,
" / , •, . 42
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS
Capitalism: any economic system that udizes Capital Goods i n
acquiring or producing Consumption Goods
Notice that by this definition even the most primitive economic systems
are Capitalist i f they choose to utilize C a p i t a l Goods i n meeting their
Consumption Good needs.
It follows logically, then, that die blow-gun is only effective when the
tribesman agrees to use i t and that w i t h o u t his efforts the blow-gun is a
meaningless wooden tube. The tribesman gives utiUty to the blow-gun only
by using i t
It follows then, that the acquisition of Consumption Goods is n o t
dependent o n Capital Goods alone, b u t by someone using the C a p i t a l
Goods. H u m a n effort is the key ingredient i n any Capitalistic economy.
Widiout human effort, diere w i l l be no Consumption Goods produced.
Should the tribesman not wish to secure the needed C o n s u m p t i o n
Goods by use of the Capital Goods, he and a l l those dependent on his efforts
w i l l go hungry. Increasing the number of Capital Goods, or blow-guns, w i l l
i n no way alleviate die problem. T h e only way to produce Consumption
Goods is for die individual to decide to utilize the Capital Goods for that
purpose, and that w i t h o u t that h u m a n decision, there w i l l be n o t h i n g
produced.
The ultimate Capitalistic society is one, then, where a l l things become
Capital Goods, i n c l u d i n g the i n d i v i d u a l efforts of a l l of the i n d i v i d u a l
workers w h o comprise the society. T h e i n d i v i d u a l himself becomes the
ultimate Capital Good, for without his efforts, there w i l l be no Consumption
Goods produced.
It follows logically for some, unfortunately, that the society has the r i g h t
to make certain that efforts are made towards the production of Consump-
tion Goods, even i f the individual members of the society do not wish to
produce any.
T h e Soviet U n i o n , for instance, was cited i n 1974 for f o r c i n g the
ultimate Capital Good, man himself, to produce against his w i l l . T h e article
Identifying Russia's use of forced labor stated:
The Soviet U n i o n has been officially dted under die rules of
the International Labor Organization as having failed to meet its
c o m m i t m e n t to observe the o r g a n i z a t i o n ' s ban o n forced
abor. . . . the failure concerns die convention, a b i n d i n g interna-
tional obligation, oudawing "forced or compulsory labor i n a l l of
_^ tonus" diat Moscow ratified i n 1956. T h e panel of experts noted
ye^^ ^11°'^' • • Soviet law permitted "idlers" to be given a one
L i d J . ^ " ""^"'T^^'ive labor" sentence i f diey refused to take a j o b
assigned to diem."
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS
Since each society needs Consumpuon Goods to survive, i t follows diat
the society needs the productive efforts of all members of that society, or i t
w i l l fail.
There are only two ways by which these goods can be produced: either
dirough the use of force against die producing individuals, or through the
creation of an economic environment wherein the individual is encouraged
to produce the maximum quantity of Consumption Goods.
A l l Capitalistic societies soon discover that all Capital Goods tend to
deteriorate dirough time and usage and therefore lose their utility. The blow-
gun i n the primitive society breaks or bends and becomes worthless. When
this occurs, the tribesman must discard the useless C a p i t a l G o o d and
construct a replacement.
But other Capital Goods, humans themselves, also lose their utility.
They grow tired, old or become injured. There are societies today diat also
discard tired, old and injured human Capital Goods as well as old, tired or
broken Capital Goods such as a broken blow-gun. One such society is die
nation of Russia. A Russian native, Igor Gouzenko i n his book The Iron
Curtain, confirmed diis, by writing: "Lishnetzy is the Russian word for die
aged and a i l i n g w h o have become the superfluous ones as an ardent
young Communist I never regarded die Lishneuy as something monsttous.
It seemed practical and just to me then. As Komsonols (young Commu-
nists) . . . we had actually reached die conclusion diat when one became a
lishnetz (an o l d Capital Good), diat is one condemned to diis form of civic
extermination, one should be duty bound to free the country of a useless
consumer by having the courage to c o m m i t suicide. T h a t o p i n i o n was
nationally encouraged to such an extent diat, even today, the suicide rate i n
Russia is higher dian i n any odier counuy i n the world."*
If Capitalism, then, is an economic system that utilizes Capital Goods to
produce Consumption Goods, what is die difference between die Commu-
nist system and die Capitalistic system i n die United States? Bodi systems
utilize die same type of Capital Goods: die factories, die railroads, and die
other factors of production.
The difference is not i n die existence of these Capital Goods, i t is die
ownership of die goods. I n die Communist system, the state owns die Capital
Goods, and i n the Free Enterprise system, a better name for America's
economic system, the individuals o w n the Capital Gcxxls.
I n brief, the difference between die two systems can be summarized dius:
Capital Goods
Economic System Owned By: Controlled By:
Free Enterprise private owners private owners
Communism die state the state
44
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS
Control of die factors of production is equally as important as ovraer-
ship: ownership of an automobile is meaningless i f someone else drives
(controls) i t
But there is an economic system not included i n the above definitions:
fjje system where die individual private owner owns the factors of produc-
tion, but die state conttols diem. T h i s system is called Fascism. I t can be
added to die above summary as follows:
Capital Goods
Economic System Owned By: Conuolled By:
i!
*^ Free Enterprise private owners private owners
Fascism private owners die state
Socialism the state the state
Perhaps die most well-known advocate of the Fascist economic system
was die titular head of die Italian government just prior to and during World
War I I , Benito M u s s o l i n i . I t has been said that Premier M u s s o l i n i , a
dedicated Socialist did not wish to oppose die Roman Catholic Church and
die Pope, bodi housed inside the territory of Italy, and feared that die Church
would officially oppose any economic system not favored by the hierarchy of
the Church. I t was well known that the Church had long opposed any form
of Socialism (the ownership and control of property by the state) so Musso-
l i n i , aware that control is equally as important as ownership, asked the
Catholic population of Italy to support the compromise that he offered:
Fascism, the economic system where the Catholic population could legally
own their property, i n accordance w i t h the wishes of the Pope and the
Church, but where die state would control it. The net effect as Mussolini
knew, was still the same as offered by die SocialisU: die state would own die
factors of production dirough control of die factors of production. " . . . Fas-
asm recognizes die legal right to private ownership Such ownership still
mrans little i n practice, for the state can and does tell the owner what to
produce, what prices to charge, and what to do w i d i die profits."'
Those w h o advocate that the C a p i t a l Goods s h o u l d be owned or
conu^olled by die state frequently justify dieir position by declaring diat diey
min *^ the poor, die workers, the aged, or any odier
posido'^ ^ ^ voiceless i n die society and hence unable to be i n a
God B i " ^ " ^ Capixa\. However, diose who lose sight of man's
right to d " " ^ ^ ' ' ° property also fail to see die connection between die
C o m m u n ? r ' ^ Property and die right to one's o w n life. I t is die Socialists/
addition th "^1 state's right w o w n all Capital Goods. I n
'^'^een d i o ^ ^ ' ^ ' ^ ^"PPort the r i g h t of the state to divide the property
se wtio have varying amounts of goods. Once diis process starts.
45
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS
the state must decide w h o is to receive the society's surplus. I t then logically
follows that the state has the right to terminate the lives of those that the state
feels are not worthy of receiving their share of the surplus.
One w h o took great care i n p o i n t i n g this position out i n detail was
George Bernard Shaw, a leading Socialist of his day. Mr. Shaw wrote a book
entided The Intelligent Woman's Guide to Socialism i n which he detailed
his concern about diis problem: ' i f :•'•/]:'•:' •.•'•''/y:«^r'r::'':'^.f.:}r>
I also made i t quite clear that Socialism means equality of
income or nothing, and under Socialism you would not be allowed
to be poor.
Y o u w o u l d be forcibly fed, clothed, lodged, taught, a n d
employed whether you like i t or not. I f i t were discovered that you
had not the character and industry enough to be w o r t h a l l this
trouble, you might be executed i n a kindly manner, but whilst you
were permitted to live, you w o u l d have to live well.*
T h e Socialist government w o u l d permit a l l to live (their right to life
becomes a privilege) only so long as the government felt each was worth "all
the trouble." But should the government feel that the individual's value had
decreased, the government w o u l d terminate that individual's life i n an
unspecified "kindly manner."
Mr. Shaw also connected the economic philosophy of Socialism with
the t r u t h that h u m a n labor is essential to the production of a l l Capital
Goods, and that those w h o do not produce have no right to life, when he
wrote: "Compulsory labour w i t h death as the final victory is the keystone of
Socialism."'
I n the Socialist scheme of things, the individual is not to be free, and it
is not intended that he be free. Karl Kautsky, to this day one of the leading
theoreticians of the Socialist position, wrote: "Socialist production is not
compatible w i t h liberty of work, that is to say, w i t h the worker's freedom to
work when or how he likes. I n a socialist society, all the means of production
w i l l be concentrated i n the hands of the state, and the latter w i l l be the only
employer; there w i l l be no choice."*
Proof that Kautsky's argument can become official government policy
lies i n what happened i n the Socialist country of Germany, just prior to the
beginning of W o r l d War I I : " N o German worker could change his job
w i t h o u t o b t a i n i n g permission, w h i l e i f he absented himself from work
without proper excuse, he was liable to imprisonment."'
Obviously, diis type of government is not popular w i t h the working
class, the supposed benefactor of die economic philosophy of Socialism, so
die strategy became one of deceiving the worker so diat the Socialism diat die
worker is induced to support i n theory is different from the Sodalism that the
46
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS
yrorker w o u l d experience once the Sodalists came to power. T h e problem
gxists i n how to conceal this truth from the worker. Norman Thomas, the
gocialist Party presidential candidate for about twenty years, and the leading
gocialist i n the United States prior to his death, said: "The American pieople
^11 never knowingly adopt Sodalism, but under the name of Liberalism
they w i l l adopt every fragment of the Socialist p r o g r a m u n t i l one day
^ e r i c a w i l l be a SociaUst nation without k n o w i n g how i t happened."'
Mr. Thomas was never successful i n his quest for the Presidency as an
identified Socialist, but he was extremely pleased w i t h Socialist progress
nevertheless. T h e A m e r i c a n people were b u y i n g his Socialist ideas by
electing others not publicly identified as Sodalists, but w h o supported the
economic and political ideas of the Socialist Party. Thomas w r o t e : " . . . Here
i n America more measures once praised or denounced as sodalist have been
adopted than once I should have thought possible short of a sodalist victory
at the polls."' "The United States is making greater strides towards Sodalism
under Eisenhower than even under Roosevelt."'" Most people w o u l d agree
that President Roosevelt gave the American government more control over
and ownership of the factors of production than any other president, but few
would feel that President Eisenhower d i d more than Roosevelt. Yet the
Socialist candidate for President praised the "non-Socialist, p r o free-
enterprise" Dwight Eisenhower for his support of Sodalist programs. T h i s
means that Sodalism has been concealed from the American people. T h a t
the American people are being lied to by those w h o could be called "doset
Socialists." Someone once described the deception as: "One way they look,
another way they steer." T h e strategy is to promise the American people one
thing and to deliver another. Never make i t appear that you, the candidate,
are supporting sodalism or are a Socialist, even though the pladorms you
w i l l support after your election are indeed sodalist i n nature. A n d you must
never deliver so much sodalism that the American people w i l l discover the
exact nature of the game and remove you from office.
A r t h u r Schlesinger Jr., a noted historian, o u t l i n e d the program of
giving the American people their sodalism i n gradual doses: " I f sodalism is
to preserve democracy, i t must be brought about step by step i n a way which
w i l l not disrupt the fabric of custom, law and mutual confidence There
*ems no inherent obstacle i n the gradual advance of socialism i n the United
States dirough a series of new deals . . . . " "
The reason the socialists must deceive the unsuspecting citizen was
™ade clear by the L o n d o n , E n g l a n d , Sunday Times w h i c h stated that
^OQalism was defined as: "competition without prizes, boredom w i t h o u t
ope, war without victory, and statistics without end."'*
^ I n other words, most people don't want Sodalism and they don't wish
tve under the Sodalist economy, so the Socialists must resort to trickery
47
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS
and deception, by a series of lies offered to the people by l y i n g politicians.
For the sake of die purist, is diere any difference between Socialism and
Communism? T h e absence of any essential differences was explained thus:
"There is no economic difference between socialism and communism. Both
t e r m s . . . denote the same system. . . . public control of the means of produc-
tion as distinct from private control. T h e two terms, sodalism and commu-
nism, are synonyms."
This position was confirmed by no less a Communist luminary than
Marshal T i t o , the now deceased dictator of the Yugoslavian Communist
government, who said: "Communism is simply state capitalism i n which the
state has absolute ownership of everything including a l l the efforts of the
people.""
Notice that Marshal T i t o has confirmed that everything, including the
efforts of the people, becomes a Capital Good under Communism. Perhaps
this is the sole difference between these two economic systems: the Commu-
nists readily admit that the human itself is a Capital Good, and the Sodalist
conceals it. But i n both systems, the individual and a l l he produces belongs
to the state.
Most Communists have made this p o i n t abundantly clear i n their
writings. Karl Marx, the so-called "father of modem Communism," once
wrote: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs."'*
This basic tenet of Communism has become a principle of the Russian
Constitution, which states: "Article 12: I n the U.S.S.R. work is a duty and a
matter o f h o n o r for every able bodied citizen i n accordance w i t h the
principle: 'He who does not work shall not eat.' T h e principle applied i n the
U.S.S.R. is that of Socialism: 'From each according to his ability, to each
according to his w o r k . ' "
It is interesting that the last word of Marx's dictum has been changed
from "need" to "work." Notice that if one doesn't work, one doesn't eat H o w
does this system provide for those unable to work? T h i s question has been
answered by others, one of w h o m has stated that these individuals w o u l d be
"executed i n a kindly manner." Others have suggested that they should
c o m m i t suicide (become a "lishnetzy.") I n other words, to restate the
principle, when a Capital Good becomes unable to produce, i t is discarded,
even i f that Capital Good is a human being.
Once the Socialist/Communist decides that the state exists to divide
Consumption Goods and Capital Goods, then i t behooves h i m to involve
himself w i t h politics. Sam Brown, President J i m m y Carter's director of
A C T I O N , the voluntary agency, is one who has discovered this t m t h . He
said: "Politics is a stmggle to redistribute power and wealdi."'*
Notice that Mr. Brown admitted that this political process of goods
redistribution is a "stmggle," which means that some w i l l not want to give
48
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS
u p their property. Since Mr. Brown didn't say, one can only wonder what Mr.
Brown wished to do w i t h those who resisted.
Another "closet communist" w h o agrees w i t h those w h o feel govern-
ment exists to divide surplus goods, wrote the following: "We are going to try
to take a l l of the money that we think is unnecessarily being spent and take
it from the 'haves' and give i t to the 'have-nots' that need i t so m u c h . " "
Notice that this statement is nearly identical w i t h that of the Commu-
nist Karl Marx w h o wrote: "From each according to his ability, to each
according to his need." Only the words have been changed. T h a t means that
the speaker, the "closet communist," supported the Marxist philosophy that
government exists to take from one to give to another. Those w h o know
President Lyndon Johnson, the sp)eaker of the words above, and his "Great
Sodety," know that this was indeed his goal: to redistribute wealth from the
wealthy to the poor. Few, however, w i l l dare to compare Johnson's govem-
mental p h i l o s o p h y w i t h the w r i t i n g s and teachings o f M a r x . B u t the
comparison is inevitable: the action and its results are the same, no matter
whether i t is called the "Great Society," or Marxist Communism. Both seek
to use government to divide wealth. But i t is not fashionable to favorably
compare the two by noticing the similarity between the "Great Society" and
the teachings of Karl Marx.
Sometimes the suppxirt of this Marxist philosophy about the purpose of
government comes from the "respectable r i g h t , " from those the observer
would never susp)ect of being a "closet communist."
Take, for instance, the thoughts on this subject from two respectable
"right w i n g Conservatives." One has written: "Congress shall appropriate
funds for social welfare only for the benefit of those states whose per capita
income is below the national average."" T h i s writer advocated a newer
brand of Marxism: "From each state according to its ability, to each state
according to its needs." (emphasis added.) T h i s writer advocated that the
national govemment divide the wealth, taking i t from the wealthier states
and giving it to the less productive. Pure Marxism, except the writer involved
both the state and the federal governments rather than j u s t the federal
govemment as Marx envisioned. T h i s is only expanding Marx one step: the
result is the same. Property is distributed by the govemment just as before.
The shock is that this new thought came from the pen of W i l l i a m F. Buckley,
Jr.. hardly a paragon of Marxism. But notice that Buckley's intent is the same
as that of Marx: to use government to redistribute Consumption and Capital
Goods.
Another method of income redistribution by govemment was proposed
y another respected member of the "Conservative Right." His proposal is
^ ' l e d the Negative Income T a x , w h i c h w o u l d use the Income T a x as a
ethod of redisuibuting wealth. Under this proposal, the poverty level
49
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS
individual w o u l d have but to show his non-income on the Income T a x fomti,
and the govemment would take some of die taxes paid by die more prosper-
ous tax-payers, and give i t to the poorer individual i n the form of an income
tax "refund." T h e utilizauon of the income tax as a vehicle to divide wealth
apparently must sadsfy the concem of those w h o wish to use govemment as
an income distributor, but do not wish to become associated w i t h the Marxist
"Left" which openly advocates Marxist theories. I n other words, if i t bothers
the listener to be recognized as a supporter of the preachings of an open
Marxist, he m i g h t find relief by supporting the proposals of a member of the
"Conservative R i g h t , " Professor M i l t o n Friedman, the "Free Enterprise
Economist," w h o proposed the Negative Income Tax.
Sometimes a member of the clergy becomes involved i n die subject of
income distribution. Here is die statement of a Pope, i n diis case Pope Paul
V I , w h o wrote the following at Easter, 1967: "But nowadays, no country can
keep its w e a l t h j u s t for itself alone. I t should be n o r m a l , now, for the
developed nations to help the under-developed w i t h some agreed percentage
of their additional income."" Here the Pope speaks i n favor of a national
income distribution program where one country taxes itself for the benefit of
another n a t i o n i n accordance w i t h the p r i n c i p l e : " F r o m each nation
according to its ability, to each nation according to its need." (emphasis
added.)
But the American people must never fear or despair: the American
govemment w i l l save them from this creeping Sodalism.
"Administration opens battle on socialism" reads the headline of an
article written o n January 26,1975. The article explained: "Concemed about
what i t fears is a national drift toward sodalism, the Ford (President Gerald
Ford) administration is mounting a major campaign to restrain the growth
i n Sodal Security benefits and other income redisuibution programs."*"
T h e writer of the article informed the reader that the purpose of the
Social Security p r o g r a m was " . . . i n c o m e r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . " One must
honesdy admire the clevemess of the administration i n concealing this fact
from those w h o have believed that i t was intended to be a retirement plan for
those of the w o r k i n g population w h o reached retirement age. The article
went on to point out that the concem of the Ford administration was that the
spending for Social Security would rise to where i t would be one-half of the
total Gross National Product. I f this happened, the United States would be
irreversibly on the road toward a controlled economy. (Fascism.)
T h e ultimate purpose of all income redistribution schemes is people
c o n t r o l . T h i s was graphically illustrated by L e o n Trotsky, one of the
founders of the Communist govemment i n Russia i n 1917, who wrote: " I n
a country where the sole employer is the State, opposition (to the State)
means death by slow starvation. The o l d p r i n d p l e . . . 'who does not work
90
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS
shall not eat' has been replaced by a new o n e . . . 'who does not obey shall not
eat'"^'
The ultimate Communism is total control over all mankind. A l l of the
efforts of the people belong to the state and i f the worker does not produce,
jje w i l l be slowly starved unto submission, or unto death. Here the difference
between Socialism and Communism shows itself i n the attitude of what to do
with the u n w i l l i n g worker: the Socialist wishes to execute h i m i n a "kindly
manner," while the Communist wishes to slowly starve h i m to death. I t is
hardly a difference worth debating.
The socialist machine slowly climbs the ladder to total control of the
market place. The next logical step i n the climb is to have the state become
die final employer of all workmen and for that state to issue a "worker's card"
so that the govemment can say who shall have the privilege of working.
W i t h o u t the card, the worker cannot f i n d w o r k . L e o n T r o t s k y d i d n ' t
recommend a card, apparendy, but he certainly would have supported the
concept as being consistent w i t h the principle: "who does not obey shall not
eat."
The profxjsal for a work card issued to the American people was the idea
of Benjamin Civiletti, former President Jimmy Carter's Attomey General,
according to an Associated Press article of June 28, 1980. The article read
"Civiletti urges 'card for a l l U.S. workers.' Attorney General Benjamin R.
Civiletti yesterday said he favored requiring Americans and aliens i n this
country to carry a 'work card' i n order to apply for a job."**
If the American citizen doesn't obtain a card, the American citizen
doesn't work. A n d if the American citizen doesn't work, the American dtizen
starves.
Others have continued the thought that the national government
should issue a worker identification card. The Arizona Daily Star of March
25, 1981 carried an article w i t h the following headline: "(Senator Dennis)
DeConcini (Democrat from Arizona) 'not averse' to national worker I D to
curb alien influx."*'
The article went on to detail that various senators were supporting
legislation that would require an identification card for a l l Americans that
would do away w i t h the "tremendous benefits there are i n coming over here
illegally."
T h e b i l l w o u l d require the possessor of the card to show i t w h e n
applying for a job. The illegal alien would presumably not have the card,
and therefore would not be able to get a job, according to the reasoning of
those who support the legislation. H o w they would handle die problem of
ttiose Americans who did not feel i t was Constitutional for the American
government to issue such a card was not answered by the article. What would
Ppen to those dissenters is apparendy not worthy of an explanation.
51
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS
CHAPTER 4 ECONOMIC TERMS

An article that appeared on March 21,1982, should be of interest to those T h e fallacy i n Jefferson's argument is die assumption diat die
supporters of President Ronald Reagan who are certain drat their "conserva- expansion o f government leads to c u r t a i l m e n t o f i n d i v i d u a l
tive" President would never allow such an unconstitutional abomination as freedoms.
the national I D card. The article was entided: "Reagan 'open' to national I D T h a t just is not true.*' ^ i
card," a n d i n c l u d e d this comment: " I t was the first t i m e the Reagan
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had indicated i t is not opposed to plans for creating a This fxjsition was further expanded by die Ford Foundation, which i n
nationwide identity card to deal with illegal immigration."** 1969 published a " t h i n k piece" entitled Planning and Participation, in
which i t declared: "The w o r l d is too complex for an abatement of govem-
So now the American people can begin to understand why the United
ment powers. I f a n y t h i n g , the role o f g o v e r n m e n t m u s t be
States govemment is not doing more to prohibit the immigration of millions
strengthened "*»
of illegal aliens. The problem of illegal immigration serves to justify the
"solution" which is a national I D card. T h e American people must have an And so we have those w h o wish to extend die govemment's conttol into
identification card and the borders must come down so that there w i l l be a all aspects of human activity and those w h o wish to reduce i t
reason for the issuance of the card. The remaining chapters deal w i d i diis battle.
A n d w i t h those who are w i n n i n g .
T h e Vietnamese C o m m u n i s t s a p p a r e n t l y do n o t have an i l l e g a l
immigration problem so they avoided a l l of the formality of the issuance of
cards to their workers. They just resorted to the use of the radio to broadcast
the following work order: " A l l citizens w h o have the strength and the ability
to work must absolutely carry out the state mobilization orders, and serve i n
any capacity or any mission assigned to them by the state. Those w h o do not
want to work or do not carry out the state's orders w i l l be forced to carry out
work i n order to be useful to our society."*'
One of the North Viemamese generals during the war made i t clear that
the Communists have nothing but disdain for human life. He is quoted as
saying: "Every minute hundreds of thousands of people are dying all over the
world. The life or death of a hundred or a thousand or tens of thousands of
human beings even i f they are our o w n compiatriots really represents very
litde. "*6
Fortunately for those w h o love their freedoms eloquent spokesmen
occasionally arise to oppose the intmsion of govemment into every aspect of
human life, and their words are terse and to the point. One such spokesman
was Thomas Jefferson, who wrote the following: "That govemment is best
that govems least"
And for every such advocate there arises an equally eloquent spokesman
for more and more govemment intmsion. Take for instance, the following
statement of a former U.S. Senator, Joseph Q a r k :

T h e size, range and complexity of govemment increases, and

w i l l likely continue to do so I w o u l d defend the proposition
that this expansion is good not bad.
Surely we have reached the point where we can say, for our
time at least diat Jefferson was wrong: that govemment is not best
which govems least....

IS

Chapter 5
Inflation
/
Inflation:
— allows you to carry money i n a basket, and your goods i n a walletl
— allows you to live i n a more expensive neighborhood without
movingl
— is the price we pay for a l l the govemment benefits we thought
were freel
These rather humorless phrases about infladon do not answer the only
question worth asking about the subject: What causes it?
Everyone agrees that infladon is a drop i n the value of money (any given
amount of money buys less). But that understanding doesn't answer the
question of what causes i t .
T h e traditional definition of Inflation is as follows: " . . . a rise i n the
general level of prices." Its causes are three i n number: 1. When consumers,
businesses and governments spend too heavily o n available goods and
services, this high demand can force prices up. 2. I f costs of production rise
and producers try to maintain profit levels, prices must increase. 3. T h e lack
of competition between producers can also contribute to inflation.'
I t appears by this d e f i n i t i o n that everything causes i n f l a t i o n I Bu'
54
CHAPTERS INFLATION
whatever i t is that causes it, there is little one can do to prevent i t One w h o
felt this way was Federal Reserve Chairman A r t h u r Burns w h o said the
following i n 1974: "Inflation cannot be halted this year."*
One of the reasons no one can supposedly prevent inflation is because
Inflation is part of the Inflation-Deflation cycle. A t least this is the opinion
of one economist: " N i k o l a i Dimitriyevich Kondratyev, Soviet economist-
. . . believes that capitalistic economies naturally follow long term cycles:
first a few decades of prosperity, then a few decades o f s l u m p . " ' ( A n
interesting contemporary example that brought Kondratyev's cyclical theory
into question occurred recendy i n Chile, the South American country that
voted M a r x i s t Salvador A l l e n d e i n t o office i n 1970. U n d e r A l l e n d e ' s
Communist government i n f l a t i o n reached 652 percent a year, a n d the
Wholesale Price Index rose by a staggering 1,147 percent a year. T h a t meant
that wholesale prices were d o u b l i n g every month.* After a coup ousted
Allende i n 1973, and the Pinochet administration changed the govemment's
direction, inflation dropped to less than 12 percent a year and the Wholesale
Price Index actually fell. It is doubdul that Chile's successful reduction i n the
inflation rate can be attributed to a long-term cycle!)
Another economist believes that America's lifestyle is the major cause of
inflation. Alfred E. Kahn " . . . the nation's new chief inflation fighter has
named his foe: every American's desire for economic improvement
desire of each group w i t h power or instmments to improve its economic
The
situation.. .is after a l l what the problem of inflation i s . " ' The solution,
then, is a "Smaller piece of the pie." "The l i v i n g standard of Americans must
decline if inflation is to be controlled, says... Peter Emerson... a key aide to
Alfred Kahn. "6
No matter what the cause of inflation, one thing for certain is that i t is
never caused by govemment, at least according to President Jimmy Carter,
who said: " I t is a myth that govemment itself can stop inflation."'
Congress has a typical solution to the problem: impose wage and price
controls on rising wages and prices. A n d i t seems that these measures never
work. Is i t possible that the reason Congress can't control inflation is that
Congress is not aware of its real cause? Is i t possible diat they are attacking
die effect of inflation, and not the cause? The attempt to end inflation by the
imposition of wage and price controls is not an new idea. (In fact neither is
inflation!) Free market Economist Murray N . Rodibard has gone on record
saying: "From the Roman Emperor Diocletian down to the American and
j^^^"*.^evolutions and to Richard N i x o n from 1971 to 1974, govemments
ve tried to stop inflation by imposing wage and price controls. None of
^ ^ ^ h e m e s have worked."'
forked ^ "^^^^^^ wage and price controls do n o t w o r k , and have never
' lies i n the simple fact that they attack the effect of inflation and not
55
CHAPTERS INFLATION
the cause. T h e proof that this statement is true can he found i n a simple
definition f o u n d i n a dicdonary. Webster's 3rd Unabridged Dictionary
defines inflation thus: " A n increase i n the volume of money and credit
reladve to available goods resuldng i n a substantial and continuing rise i n
the general price level."
Inflation is caused by an increase i n money (credit is a result of increases
i n the supply of money and for the sake of this discussion, money shall be the
sole cause of inflation.)
T h e result of inflation is a price rise.
Another dictionary, this time the Webster's Collegiate, defines inflation
thus: "Relatively sharp and sudden increase i n the quantity of money, or
credit, or both, relative to the amount of exchange business. Inflation always
causes a rise i n the price level." T h e cause of inflation, an increase i n the
money supply, always produces a price rise. Inflating the money supply
always increases prices. T h i s is an economic law: the effert of a money supply
increase w i l l always be the same.
I n summary, then, inflation has both a cause and an effect
Cause: an increase i n money
,;yi'.' Effect: a rise i n prices / ,j ' '•U;,^ /
N o w i t is possible to see w h y wage and price controls do not work:
they attack the effect (the price rise) and not the cause (the increase i n the
money supply.)
A n example of how Inflation is caused could be offered by the use
of a simple model.
Suppose that sea shells are used as money on Island A, and that the
prices o n the island are determined by the number of shells i n circula-
tion. As l o n g as the quantity of shells remains relatively constant and
there is no rapid increase, prices w i l l remain relatively stable. Suppose
that some of the more adventurous islanders row over to a nearby island
and collect a large quantity of sea shells, identically the same as those in
circulation as money on the m a i n island. When these additional sea
shells are brought back to Island A and p u t into circulation as money,
they w i l l cause an increase i n the price level. More sea shells (money)
w i l l enable each islander to b i d u p the price of any given good. I f the
islander has more money, he can afford to pay a higher price for the
product he wishes to purchase.
There are certain elements i n society that w i s h to increase the
money supply for dieir o w n benefit at the expense of die other members.
These pieople are called "counterfeiters," and are punished for their
crime when discovered. They are punished because their counterfeiting
of extta supplies of money decreases the value of die legitimate money
56
CHAPTERS INFLATION
held by the members of that sodety. They have the illegal and immoral
power to cause inflation by increasing the money supply, causing the
value of the other money to drop. T h i s activity, the counterfeiting, is
actually a crime against property, the money of the society, and the
dtizens have the legal and moral right to seek an end to this destruction
of their private property, their money.
H o w is i t possible for inflations to persist i f those w h o have the
ability to counterfeit are punished by the public for their crime? T h e
solution for the counterfeiters lies i n m a k i n g i t legal to counterfeit
money. Those w h o counterfeit can really reap the benefits for their
crime i f they can get control of the govemment and make their crime
legal. T h e govemment has the ability to make even counterfeit money
" l e g a l tender" ( r e q u i r i n g a l l citizens o f the n a t i o n to accept the
counterfeit money along w i t h the legal money.) I f govemment could
make counterfeiting legal, there w o u l d be no crime for counterfeiting,
and this became the goal of the criminals.
Those w h o sought to make govemment all powerful i n the lives of
their dtizens soon learned that inflation could also increase the impact
and scope of govemment as well. T h e marriage between the sodalists
and the counterfeiters was inevitable. Nobel Peace Prize winner and
economist Friederich v o n H a y e k detailed this r e l a t i o n s h i p t h u s :
Inflation is probably the most important single factor i n the v i d o u s
circle wherein one k i n d of govemment action makes more and more
govemment control necessary."
T h e govemment-and-inflation circle could be described also i n
terms of the "Pincers Movement" described by Kozak. The bottom of the
pincer is the price rise, the result of the Inflation (the legal counterfeiting
of the new money,) caused by the top of the pincer, the govemment. T h e
people, sensitive to the rise i n the prices, start demanding that the
govemment take some remedial action to p u t a stop to the inflation, and
govemment, informing the public that more govemment action is the
solution to the inflation problem, passes the legislation. T h e distance
between the two pincer arms shortens, i m t i l the result is total govern-
ment A n d a l l of this activity is i n the name of stopping inflation.
One famous economist, J o h n M a y n a r d Keynes, detailed the
procedure i n his book. The Economic Consequences of the Peace:
Lenin, (the Russian Communist) is said to have dedared that
the best way to destroy the Capitalist system was to debauch the
currency.
By
a c o n t i n u i n g process o f i n f l a t i o n , governments can
confiscate, secredy and unobserved, an important part of the wealth
o dieir dtizens. By this method diey not only confiscate, but diey
57
CHAPTERS INFLATION CHAPTERS INFLATION

confiscate arbitrarily, and while the process impoverishes many, i t , well-reasoned plan to t u m back the inflationcury threat " But a
actually emiches some. 'ew of the editorial and Dr. Bums' proposals indicates that nowhere d i d
There is no subtler, no surer means of overturning the existing pr. Bums mention the money supply, nor stopping the rapid increase of it!
basis of society than to debauch the currency. The past Chairman of the Federal Reserve writes, instead, that the causes of
The process engages all the hidden forces of economic law on Inflation are other than an increase i n the money supply. N o wonder that Dr.
the side of desuuction, and does i t i n a manner not one man i n a Bums is smiling as he accepts the award from the Chamber of Commerce. He
m i l l i o n is able to diagnose. has fooled the American business community.
There are several important thoughts contained i n this quote from Mr. Keynes also went o n to explain why he agreed w i t h Lenin that inflation
Keynes' book. Notice that the purpose of inflation, at least according to the is intended to destroy the business c o m m u n i t y , w h e n he wrote: " T h e
Communist Lenin, was to destroy Capitalism. Lenin realized that inflation decadent intemational but individualistic capitalism, i n the hands of which
had the power to destroy the free market Lenin also realized that the only we found ourselves after the War (World Wair I) is not a success. I t is not
agency that could cause inflation legally was the govemment intelligent; i t is not beautiful; i t is not just; i t is not virtuous—and it does not
Inflation was also to serve as an income redistribution system. I t could deliver the goods. I n short we dislike i t and are beginning to despise i t " '
impoverish those who held their assets i n money, and enrich others w h o held If you "despise capitalism," and wish to replace the system w i t h another
their wealth i n items that increased i n value during periods of inflation. diat you prefer, i t becomes imperative to find a way to destroy i t One of the
most effective methods of destmction is inflation, the "debauching of the
Inflation, to be successful, must be concealed from those w h o stand to
currency." "Lenin was certainly r i g h t "
lose the most: the money holders. Concealment becomes the goal of those
Who is the victim of inflation? James P. Warburg correctly answered
who do the counterfeiting. Never must the tme cause of inflation be properly
that question, when he wrote the following i n his book The West in Crises:
identified. Inflation must be blamed on everything: the market place, the
" I n recent times perhaps the greatest enemy of a middle class society... has
housewife, the greedy merchant, the wage earner, the unions, o i l shortages,
been inflation."'"
the balance of payments, the common houseflyl Anything but inflation's
Why w o u l d the middle class be the target of inflation? John Kenneth
tme cause: the increase i n the money supply.
Galbraith informed the reader that inflation is a method of income redistri-
Keynes (and L e n i n ) a d m i t t e d that the results of i n f l a t i o n w o u l d
bution: "Inflation takes from the old, the unorganized, and the poor and
constantly operate i n a predictable manner. Inflation was an economic law.
gives it to those who are strongly i n control of their o w n incomes. . . . Income
A n d "not one i n a m i l l i o n " would be able to diagnose the correct cause.
is reallocated from the old to the people of middle years and from the poor
I n 1978, the United States Chamber of Commerce at its annual meeting,
to die r i c h . " "
honored Dr. Arthur Bums, the past Chairman of the Federal Reserve System,
So inflation has a purpose. I t is not an accident! I t is the tool of those
for "his contributions to the nation and the enterprise system, d u r i n g his
who have two objectives:
government service." T h e interesting t h i n g about this event was that Dr.
Bums, as the head of the Federal Reserve, conttolled die growdi of die money 1. to destroy the free enterprise system, and
supply. He had the power to increase the money i n circulation. Therefore, he
2. to to take wealth from the poor and the middle class and "re-
was the one w h o was creating inflation I
distribute" i t to the rich.
Yet the major American business organization commended Dr. Bums
for his efforts i n preserving the free enterprise system. The very man who was So i n f l a t i o n can n o w be understood. T h e reader is n o w "one i n a
causing the increase i n the money supply and therefore causing the inflation n i i l l i o n " able to diagnose its mie cause!
that was destroying the free enterprise system was being honored by those i n
the free enterprise system!
Keynes and Lenin were certainly right: not one i n a m i l l i o n would be
able to diagnose the true cause of I n f l a t i o n ! I n c l u d i n g the A m e r i c a n
businessman!
O n page 94 of the Chamber of Commerce's magazine. Nation's Busi-
ness, an editorial informed the reader diat Dr. Burns " . . . has audiored a

58 59

Chapter 6
Money and Gold
T h e Bible teaches that the love of money is the root of all evil. Money by
itself is not the r o o t I t is the love of money, defined as greed, diat motivates
certain members of sodety to acquire large quantities of money.
I t becomes important, then, for the members of the middle class to
understand what money is and how it works. Money is defined as: "anydiing
that people w i l l accept i n exchange for goods or services i n a belief diat diey
may i n t u m exchange i t for other goods and services."
Money becomes a Capital Good. I t is used to acquire Consumption
Goods (and odier Capital Goods as w d l . ) Money also becomes a mediod of
work avoidance. Money can work for its possessor: "When money was p u t to
work, i t worked twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week, three hundred
and sixty five days a year, and stopped for no holidays."'
So the desire to acquire money to reduce a need to work became die
motive of many individuals i n the sodety.
T h e first man was self-sufficient H e produced what he wanted and
stored what he needed for those times when he was unable to produce. He
had no need for money u n t i l odier humans appeared and joined h i m i n die
acquisition of Consumption Goods. As populations grew, spedalization
60
CHAPTER 6 MONEY A^a) GOLD
ofCW, an<^ certain individuals produced Capital Goods instead of Consump-
rion Goods. M a n soon discovered that he needed something as a store of
value to enable h i m to purchase Capital Goods when he was not p r o d u d n g
Consumption Goods.
Durable commodities, those that didn't spoil w i t h the passage of time,
slowly became that store of value, and i n time the most durable, a metal,
became the money of society. T h e ultimate metal, gold, became the final
store of value for a variety of reasons:
1. G o l d was universally accepted; 2. i t was malleable, and had the
capadty to be minted into small quantities; 3. i t was i n short supply and
difficult to locate: the quantity of gold couldn't be increased rapidly, thereby
ledudng its ability to be inflated;, 4. because of its scardty, i t soon acquired
a high value per unit; 5. i t was easily portable; 6. gold also had other uses. I t
could be used i n jewelry, i n art, and i n industry; 7. lasdy, gold was extremely
beautiful.
But as the producer of gold saw the need to set this money aside for
future use, problems arose as to how and where i t should be stored. Since gold
had a h i g h value i n what i t could purchase i n both Capital Goods and
Consumption Goods, i t became a temptation to those who were w i l l i n g to
take i t from the owner by force. T h i s led the owner of gold to take means to
safeguard his holdings. Certain individuals, already experienced i n the
storage of non-durable goods, wheat for instance, soon became the storage
feidlity for gold as well.
These warehouses w o u l d take the gold and issue the g o l d owner a
warehouse receipt, certifying that the owner had a given quantity of gold i n
storage at the warehouse. These gold receipts could be transferred from one
person to another, usually by w r i t i n g o n the back of the receipt that the
owner was transferring his claim on die gold i n the warehouse to another
person. These receipts soon became money themselves as men accepted the
receipts radier dian die gold diey represented.
Since gold is scarce and the quantity is limited, i t was impossible to
make counterfeit money. I t was only when the warehouseman realized that
he could issue more gold receipts than there was gold i n the warehouse that
he could become a counterfeiter. H e had the ability to inflate the money
supply, and the warehouseman frequendy did this. But this activity only
temporarily because as the quantity of gold receipts i n circulation
'^'^^sed, because of the economic law known as inflation, the prices would
The receipt holders w o u l d start to lose confidence i n their receipts and
^ r n to die warehouseman to d a i m dieir gold. When more receipt holders
HO h i ^^^^ ™ warehouse, the warehouseman had to
^ TOnkmpt, and frequendy he was prosecuted for fraud. When more receipt
» s ask for dieir gold dian diere is gold i n die warehouse, i t is called a
61
CHAPTER 6 MONEY AND GOLD
" r u n , " and is caused because die people have lost faith i n their paper money
and have demanded that the sodety return to the gold standard where gold
becomes the money supply.
T h e people's check on the warehouseman, i.e. their ability to keep the
warehouseman honest by constantly being able to redeem their gold receipts,
acted as a restraint to the inflation of the gold supply. T h i s limited the greed
of the counterfeiters and forced them into looking for alternadve methods of
increasing their wealth. The next step was for the counterfeiter to ask the
govemment to make the gold receipts "Legal Tender" and also prohibit the
receipt holder from redeeming the receipt into gold. T h i s made the paper
receipt the only money able to be circulated. Gold could no longer be used as
money.
But this posed an additional problem for the counterfeiter. He now had
to include the govemment i n his scheme to increase his personal wealth. The
greedy leader of the govemment, when approached by the counterfeiter w i t h
this scheme, often decided to eliminate the warehouseman altogether ("off
w i t h his head") and operate the scheme himself. T h i s was the final problem
for the counterfeiter. He had to replace the leader w i t h someone he felt he
could tmst and w h o would not use govemment to remove the counterfeiter
from the plot. T h i s process was cosdy and extremely risky, but the enormity
of the long-term wealth that could be accumulated by this method was worth
all the extra hazards.
A classic example of this entire scheme occurred between the years of
1716 and 1721 i n France. These events were set i n motion w i t h the death of
K i n g Louis X I V i n 1715. France was bankmpt w i t h a large national debt of
over 3 b i l l i o n livres. A seedy character by the name of John Law, a convicted
murderer w h o had escaped from Scodand to the continent, saw the plight of
the French govemment and arranged w i t h the newly crowned K i n g to save
his country. H i s plan was simple. He wanted control of a central bank with
an exclusive monopoly to print money. (France at the time was under the
control of the private bankers who controlled the money supply. However,
France was on the gold standard, and the private bankers were unable to
inflate the money supply through the issuance of more gold receipts than
there was gold.) John L a w was granted his wish by the desperate king. He
was granted the exclusive monopoly and the k i n g decreed that i t was illegal
to o w n gold. John L a w then could proceed w i t h the inflation of the money
supply and the people couldn't redeem their decreasingly worthless paper
money for gold. There was a short term prosperity, and John L a w was hailed
as an economic hero. T h e French debt was being paid off, necessarily with
paper money of decreasing value, but that was the cost of the short terifl
prosperity. A n d die French people probably didn't understand that i t was
John L a w w h o was causing die loss i n the value of dieir money.
62
CHAPTER 6 MONEY AND GOLD
However, the k i n g and John Law got greedy and the number of receipts
sed too rapidly. T h e economy nearly collapsed w i t h the increasing
prices, and the desperate people demanded an economic reform. John L a w
fled for his life, and France stoppled the printing of worthless paper money.
T h i s p r i n t i n g of paper money, unbacked by g o l d , is n o t the o n l y
method utilized by the counterfeiters. Another method is more visible than
the paper method and is therefore less popular w i t h the counterfeiters. I t is
called Coin Clipping. Gold is monetized by the bank's m i n t i n g of the gold
into coins. T h i s process involves the melting of the gold into small, uniform
quantities of the metal. As long as the coins made are pure gold and all gold
in circulation is minted into coins the only method of inflating the gold
coinage is to either locate additional supplies of gold (that is, as discussed
earlier, difficult, especially as the amount of gold available to the miner is
decreasing) or by calling i n a l l of the gold coins, melting them down, and
then increasing their number by adding a less precious metal into each coin.
This enables the counterfeiter to increase the number of coins by adding a
less expensive metal to each coin. Each newly minted coin is then p u t back
into drculation w i t h the same markings as the previous coins. T h e public is
expected to use the coin exactly as before, except that there are now more
coins i n drculation than before, and as surely as economic law, the increase
in the money supply causes inflation, and prices rise.
T h e early Roman Empire practiced this coin c l i p p i n g i n what has
become a classic example of the coin clipping method. Early Roman coins
contained 66 grains of pure silver, but, due to the practice of coin clipping,
in less than sixty years their coins contained only a trace of silver. Coins
clipped of their value by the addition of less predous metals soon drove out
the silver coins that remained, i n keeping w i t h another economic law, called
Gresham's Law, which states: "Bad money drives out good."
As an illustration of this law, the clipped coins minted d u r i n g the
middle 1960's and placed i n circulation by President Lyndon Johnson's
administration have forced the silver coins out of drculation.
America's founding fathers were concemed w i t h the practice of coin
clipping and tried to keep this power out of die hands of die counterfeiters.
Unfortunately, diey d i d not completely restrict the govemment's ability to
c ip the coins when they wrote the following Congressional power into the
institution:
Article 1, Section 8: Congress shall have the p o w e r . . . to coin
money, regulate the value thereof, and fix the standards of weights
*nd measures.
Th
^tence^"^^ several i n t e r e s t i n g thoughts c o n t a i n e d i n that s i m p l e
63
CHAPTER 6 MONEY AND GOLD
First, the only power Congress has i n creating money is i n the coining
of it. Congress has no power to print money, only to coin i t . I n addition
Congress was to set the value of money, and the power to coin money waj
placed together i n the same sentence as the power to set the standard of
weights and measures. It was their intent to set the value of money just as they
set the length of a 12 inch foot, or the capacity of an ounce or a quart. The
purpose of this power was to set constant values so that all dtizens could rely
on the fact that a foot i n California was the same as a foot i n New York.
A third way to inflate the gold standard consists i n calling i n a l l of the
gold or silver coins and replacing them w i t h coins made of a more plentiful
metal, such as copper or aluminum. The most recent example of this activity,
called "coin substitution," occurred during the administration of Lyndon
Johnson when the government replaced silver coins w i t h ones made of
strange combinations of more plentiful, and therefore less expensive, metals.
For the counterfeiter w h o finds such methods less than perfect, the surest
course to the acquisition of great wealth through inflation, is for h i m to get
the govemment off the gold standard altogether. Under this method, the gold
standard (the requirement that the government issue only gold coins, or
paper direcdy issued on a one-for-one basis to gold as money) is eliminated,
and money is printed without any backing, w i t h the offidal sanction of the
govemment making i t legal.
By dictionary definition, such a money is called: Fiat Money: paper
money of government issue which is legal tender by fiat or law, does not
represent nor is i t based upon gold and contains no promise of redemption.
One can see the transformation of America's gold standard into the fiat
standard by reading the p r i n t i n g on a one dollar b i l l .
The early American money carried the simple promise that the govem-
ment would redeem each gold certificate w i t h gold simply by the surrender
of the certificate at the treasury. T h e Series of 1928 dollar had changed this
promise on the front of die b i l l to: "Redeemable i n gold on demand at the
U.S. Treasury or i n good or lawful money at any Federal Reserve Bank.'
There are those who question the tme nature of this dollar i f its holder can
redeem i t for "lawful money" at a Reserve Bank. Does i t mean that what the
holder was trading i n was "unlawful money?" ;. , ; .
I n any event, by 1934, the one-dollar b i l l read:
This note is legal tender for all debts, public and private and
is redeemed i n lawful money at the Treasury or at any Federal
Reserve Bank.
And i n 1963, this wording had again changed to: "This note is legal
tender for all debts, public and private." T h i s b i l l was no longer redeemable
i n "lawful money" so the question of whether the previous money was
CHAPTER 6 MONEY AND GOLD
lawful money" is now moot. But even more importandy, the b i l l was
a "note." T h i s meant that this dollar had been borrowed from those
" h o have an exclusive monopoly on printing paper money, and the ability
^ lend i t to the U.S. government. T h e b i l l identifies the source of the
Arrowed money: The Federal Reserve System (the top line of the b i l l reads
.'Federal Reserve Note.")
America was on the gold standard u n t i l A p r i l , 1933, when President
Franklin Roosevelt ordered all Americans to t u m their gold bullion and gold
coins into the banking system. For their gold, the American people were
eiven irredeemable paper currency (Fiat Money) by the banks w h o tumed the
gold over to the Federal Reserve System. President Roosevelt called i n
America's gold without benefit of a law passed by Congress by using an
unconstitutional Presidential Executive Order. I n other words, he did not
ask Congress to pass a law giving h i m the authority to call i n America's
privately owned gold; he took the law into his o w n hands and ordered the
gold tumed i n . The President, as the Chief of the Executive Branch of the
govemment, does not have the power to make laws, as this power constitu-
tionally belongs to the Legislative Branch. But the American people were
told by the President that this was a step to end the "national emergency"
brought about by the Great Depression of 1929, and they voluntarily tumed
in the majority of the counuy's gold. T h e President included i n his Executive
Order the terms of the punishment i f this order was not complied w i t h . The
American people were told to t u m i n their gold before the end of A p r i l , 1933,
or suffer a penalty of a fine of $10,000 or imprisonment of not more than 10
years, or both.
Once the majority of the gold was tumed i n . President Roosevelt o n
October 22,1933, announced his decision to devalue the dollar by announc-
ing that govemment would buy gold at an increased price. T h i s meant that
the paper money that the Americans had just received for their gold was
worth less per dollar. One dollar was now worth one thirty-fifth of an ounce
of gold rather than approximately one twentieth as i t had been prior to the
devaluation.
Roosevelt, when he announced this move, made the following state-
ment i n an attempt to explain his action: " M y aim i n taking this step is to
establish and maintain continuous c o n t r o l . . . We are thus continuing to
move towards a managed currency." (It is rather ironic, and also extremely
revealing, that Democratic candidate Roosevelt ran on a 1932 Democratic
platform that supported die Gold Standard!)
However, not all of the American gold was tumed i n : "By Febmary 19,
gold withdrawals from banks increased from 5 to 15 m i l l i o n dollars a day. I n
jl^^'^eeks, $114,000,000 of gold was taken from banks for export and anodier
^'000,000 was withdrawn to go into hiding."
65
CHAPTER 6 MONEY AND G O L D
CHAPTER 6 MONEY AND G O L D
T h e gold was being called i n at $20.67 an ounce and anyone w h o could to surrender his gold or face the [lenalties of the judicial system.
h o l d their gold i n a foreign bank only had to wait u n d l the price was raised
B u t the government also has the power to call i n paper money by
by the government to $35.00 an ounce and then sell i t to the govenmient at destroying its value through a rapid increase i n the money supply. T h i s
a rather substantial profit of approximately 75%. process is called "hyper-inflation."
A similar profit was made by a Roosevelt supporter, Bernard Baruch, Perhaps the classic example of this method o f c a l l i n g i n the paper
w h o invested heavily i n silver. I n a book entitled FDR, My Exploited Father- money occurred after W o r l d War I when Germany destroyed the value of the
In-Law,' a u t h o r C u r t i s D a l l , Roosevelt's son-in-law, recalls a chance German mark by p r i n t i n g large quantities of nearly worthless new marks.
meeting w i t h Mr. Baruch i n which Baruch told Mr. Dall that he had options After the end of World War I , the peace treaty signed by the belligerents,
o n 5/16ths of the world's known silver supply. A few months later, to "help called the Treaty of Versailles, required that the defeated German nation pay
the western miners," President Roosevelt doubled the price of silver. A tidy war reparations to the victors. T h e Treaty: "had fixed the a m o u n t that
profit! (It pays to support the right people!) Germany must pay i n reparations at two hundred and sixty nine b i l l i o n gold
There were some, however, who saw the sinister purposes behind these marks, to be paid i n forty-two annual installments *
maneuvers. Congressman L o u i s McFadden, C h a i r m a n o f the House T h e entire process was initially set into motion when the Reichsbank
Banking Comrruttee, charged that the seizure of gold was "an operation r u n suspended the redeemability of its notes i n gold w i t h the outbreak of the war
for the benefit of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l bankers." McFadden was powerful i n 1914. T h i s meant that the German government c o u l d pay for their
enough to r u i n the whole deal "and was preparing to break the whole deal involvement i n the war by p r i n t i n g fiat money, and by 1918, the amount of
when he collapsed at a banquet and died. As two assassination attempts had money i n d r c u l a t i o n increased fourfold. T h e inflation continued through
already been made against h i m , many suspected poisoning."' the end of 1923. By November o f that year, the Reichsbank was issuing
A giant step i n die direction of remedying diis dilemma, of returning to millions of marks each day.
a gold standard, occurred i n May of 1974, when legislation was signed by the
I n fact, by November 15,1923, the bank had issued the incredible sum of
President a l l o w i n g the American people to once again legally o w n gold.
92,800,000,000,000,000,000 ( q u i n t i l l i o n ) paper marks. T h i s astronomical
T h i s legislation d i d not p u t the United States back on the gold standard, but inflation of the money supply had a predictable effect upon prices: they rose
at least i t afforded those concemed about inflation an opportunity to o w n in an equally predictable manner. For instance, prices of three representative
gold should they choose to do so. household commodities rose as follows: ( i n marks):
However, those w h o purchase g o l d have t w o generally u n k n o w n
problems. One is the fact that the price of gold is not set by the free market, Price in ' " "' '
where two parties get together and arrive at a mutually satisfactory price. I t Commodity 1918 November, 1923 '
is s e t : " . . . twice a day o n the L o n d o n gold market by five of Britain's leading
dealers i n bullion. They meet i n the offices of N . M . Rothschild & Sons, the lb. potatoes .12 ^ ; 50,000,000,000
City Bank, and agree upon the price at which all are prepared to trade i n the oneegg .25 80,000,000,000
metal that day." So the price of gold is not set by the free activity of buyer and one pound of butter 3.00 " 6,000,000,000,000
seller but by five b i d l i o n traders.
The value of the German mark fell from a value of twenty to the English
Even though the purchaser of gold still thinks that the gold he pur-
pound to 20,000,000,000 to die pound by December, 1923, nearly desuoying
chased belongs to h i m , the American govemment still may call i t i n . There
trade between die two countries. I t is apparent that Germany dedded to print
is a litde k n o w n provision of the Federal Reserve Act that reads: "Whenever
their way out of the war reparations rather than tax their people for the costs
i n the judgment of the Secretary of the Treasury such action is necessary to
trie war for several reasons. Obviously, taxing the p)eople is a very open and
protect the currency system of the U n i t e d States, the Secretary... i n his
^ 1 le method of paying for the war debt, and certainly is not very popular,
discretion, may require any or a l l i n d i v i d u a l s . . . to pay and deliver to die
told t T " ' ' p r i n t i n g press is not visible i n diat the people can always be
Treasiuer of the United States any or a l l gold coins, gold bulUon, and gold
War ^ result of the shortages of goods caused by the
certificates owned by such individuals." So i f die govemment wants to recall
d a t t t T * ^ ^ than the increase i n the money supply. Secondly, those candi-
the gold of die American citizen, i t has but to use this law and the force of
^hen T ^'^'^ ^ ^ ^ ' " ^ g o v e m m e n t w h o promise to end the inflation if and
govemment, and i t w i l l be called i n . A n d the only options die gold owner has
e ected are capable of doing so because die govemment conttols the

66
67
CHAPTER 6 MONEY AND GOLD CHAPTERS MONEY AND GOLD

p r i n t i n g presses. So the middle class, w h o suffered the greatest d u r i n g this instmment of destmction; i f not stopped very soon, i t desttoys die
inflation, looks for solutions and w i l l frequently seek the nearest candidate market entirely.
w h o promises a s o l u t i o n . One such candidate was A d o l f H i t l e r : " I t is Inflationism cannot last; i f not radically stopped i n time, i t
extremely d o u b t f u l whether H i t l e r c o u l d ever have come to power i n destroys the market entirely.
Germany had not the inflation of the German currency first destroyed the It is an instmment of destmction; i f not stopped very soon, i t
middle class...."5 destroys die market entirely.
Hider certainly was given an issue to attack the German govemment I t is an expedient of people who do not care a w h i t for die
w i t h . He could blame the current govemment for the hyper-inflation and all future of their nation and its civilization.'
German citizens could know what he was saying, because the price rise
affected neeirly all of the German people.
Even more thought provoking is the possibility that there were those
w h o actually wanted Hider, or someone like h i m , to come to power, and
w h o stmctured the Treaty of Versailles i n such a manner as to force Germany
to t u m on the p r i n t i n g presses to pay for the costs of the reparations. Once
these conditions were created and the p r i n t i n g of Ijgrge quantities of paper
money began, i t was possible for a Hitler to promise that he'd never allow
such a travesty to occur under his administration should he be given the
power of govemment.
As J o h n M a y n a r d Keynes p o i n t e d out i n his book The Economic
Consequences of the Peace, there are those who benefit by hyper-inflation,
and these individuals are the ones most likely to benefit by the rise to power
of a H i d e r who attacked the govemment for allowing such a thing to occur
no matter what the cause. Those who controlled the money supply could
purchase Capital Goods at a reduced price (measured i n pre-inflation marks)
because they had unlimited access to unlimited quantities of money. Once
they had acquired as many Capital Goods as they desired, it w o u l d be to their
advantage to have the economic situation return to normal. They could turn
off the p r i n t i n g presses.
Those who sold property prior to the hyper-inflation were the greatest
losers, for they were paid i n marks worth far less than when they created the
mortgage. A mortgagee could not go into the market place and buy a similar
piece of property for the price of the mortgage just paid up. T h e only ones
able to continue buying property were those who controlled the printing
presses.
Is i t possible that the German hyper-inflation was intentionally caused
to eliminate the middle class? T h a t certainly was the result of the printing
press money, according to Dr. Carroll Quigley, the noted historian, who
wrote: " . . . by 1924, die middle classes were largely destroyed.
Some economists understand this damaging process and have taken
pains to point i t out. Professor L u d w i g von Mises, for one, lived i n Germany
during the hyper-inflation and wrote:

I n f l a t i o n i s m is not a variety of economic p o l i c y . I t is an

68
 CHAPTER? ADDITIONAL ECONOMIC TERMS

Coercive Monopoly: Govemment either creates or allows the

monopoly to exist and then uses force to
1 i ; , , ! ; restrict the access o f others i n t o the
market place to compete.

A n example would be a cab company i n a city where i t alone is allowed

to transport passengers for a fee, by the edict of the governmental agency that
created i t N o one else is allowed to compete. The price charged is set by the
government
The advantage of a monopoly is obvious: the seller sets the price of a
good. I t is not set by the interaction of a buyer and a seller, each w i t h the
option of dealing w i t h others. T h e seller can make exorbitant profits i f there
is no competition, especially i f the govemment insures that the seller w i l l
itceive no competition from other sellers.
Natural monopolies enable the greedy profit seeker only a short term to
make an exorbitant p r o f i t Competition tends to reduce the price of the goods
sold, thereby reducing the profit made. I t is when the monopolist realizes that
the secret to long-term wealth is through the utilization of governmental
Chapter 7 power to l i m i t access of other sellers i n t o the market place that extreme
fortunes are made.

Additional Economic Another definition is:

Monopsony: One buyer i n a market place.

Terms '^^K'^^i^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

•
Once again, as i n the case of a monopoly, there are two types: a natural
monopsony
mo and a coerdve monopsony.
As an example, the creation of a coerdve monopsony was the intent of
lee
legislation introduced i n 1977 that w o u l d have made the United States
I t w i l l be instructive at this point to present the definitions which will govemment rather than the privately owned o i l companies the "sole buyer of
assist die reader i n furdier understanding die mediods and motives of diose foreign o i l . " T h e advantages are obvious. I f the seller of foreign o i l wishes to
involved i n die Conspiracy. sell his product i n the United States, he must sell i t at a price set by the
T h e first definition is: govemment and that price might not have any relationship to the price set
by a free market
Monopoly: , : O n e seller o f a p a r t i c u l a r g o o d i n a
The diird definition is: V ;
market place
Cartel: A few sellers i n a market place combine to . . , i
There are two types:
set the price of a good sold.
Natural Monopoly: O n e that exists at the pleasure of the
There is one major disadvantage to the cartel: the monopolist has to
market place; entry to die market is not
Vide bodi the market place and die profits w i d i the other sellers.
restricted except by the wishes of th*^
A simple example should suffice to explain how this system works.
V " : / f ' ' 'i'i ;:!f' ; v ' . •'•N .':y- consumer. i;, ^ The first producer of any product has the option of setting the price of
For instance, die owner of a piet store i n a small town where i t is" | good where the profits are maximum. A product that costs | 1 to produce
profirable for another s i m i l a r store to compete, w o u l d have a Natuia easily be sold for, say, f 15 to enable die seller to make a profit of $14 o n
Monopoly. ^ "em sold.
CHAPTER 7 ADDITIONAL ECONOMIC TERMS
However, i n the hee-enterpnse system, where access to the market place
is not restricted, this type of profit encourages others to enter i n an effort to
acquire all or at least part of the profits being made. The second seller must
reduce the price to induce the buyer to purchase his product. The buyer, to
save a dollar on the purchase price, now shifts his purchases to the second
seller. T h i s price reducdon forces the first seller to reduce his price to match
the new price of |14 or to a new price of |13 to re-capture the market place.
T h i s see-sawing of the price w i l l continue u n t i l the price reaches a level
where one of the sellers w i l l no longer sell his product
It is conceivable that one of the sellers w i l l reduce his price to one below
the cost of producuon (his selling price w i l l become |.50 even though i t costs
| 1 to produce) i n an attempt to bankrupt his competitor. T h i s price has two
obvious disadvantages, though:
1. T h e seller w h o sells his product at $.50 must return the profits
previously made at the higher price to the market place because he must
continue to pay a l l of his costs. This is not popular w i t h aspiring monopo-
lists for obvious reasons.
2. W i t h the reduced price, more product can be purchased, (a buyer can
now buy 30 units at $.50 apiece as compared to one product at $15. This
means that the seller w i l l be forced to return large quantities of his previously
acquired profits back to the market place and the consumer.
A natural monopoly can be broken by competition without the force of
govemment nor the threat of govemmental action.
There is one other o p t i o n that the monopolist has i n his quest of
exorbitant profits. He can j o i n w i t h the another seller and set the price
together by d i v i d i n g the market place. As stated previously, this forms a
cartel, and under this agreement the two sellers can set the price at $15 and
avoid the head-to-head competition that tended to reduce profits for both.
But as px)inted out earlier, this form of agreement is not popular because each
now must divide the market place and share the profits. The only advantage
is that i t curtails the cut-throat competition between the two.
So the cartel raises the price back u p to $15 but this higher price invites
compietition from a third seller, and the competitive process starts all over
again. N o cartel, i n a free market place where access is open to all sellers, can
survive the price-cutting tendencies of competition. The way to break any
cartel is to allow competitors to compete.
This encourages the two cartel members to invite the third seller into the
cartel to avoid the price-cutting war w h i c h w i l l break the strength of the
o r i g i n a l two member cartel. But once again, the market is now divided
between three sellers instead of two, or even one. This market sharing is also
not popular w i t h the monopolists.
The key to monopoly control of the market place lies, then, i n fixing it
72
CHAPTER? ADDITIONAL ECONOMIC TERMS
go that no one can compete w i t h the monopolist T h i s arrangement can be
fliade w i t h the only agency w i t h the force to restrict competition i n the
iiiarket place: the government. T h i s agency has the power to c u r t a i l
competition i f the m o n o p o l i s t can g a i n c o n t r o l of g o v e r n m e n t T h i s
inescapable conclusion soon became apparent to those w h o wished to
control the market place, and the monopolist quickly moved to get control
of governments by influencing the outcome of elections.
This connection between the monopolists and govemment was cor-
^ t l y discemed by Frederick Clemson Howe, PhD., an economist, lawyer,
and a special assistant to Henry Wallace, the Secretary of Agriculture and
Vice-President to Franklin Roosevelt He wrote: "These are the mles of b i g
business: Get a monopolyl Let society work for you, and remember that the
best business is politics, for a legislative grant, franchise, subsidy, or tax
exemption is worth more than a Kimberly or Comstock Lode, since i t does
not require any labor either mental or physical, for its exploitation."'
John D. Rockefeller, one who correcdy assessed the situation as well,
expressed the opinion that "Competition is a sin."*
Another w h o wrote of this connection was Dr. Antony Sutton, w h o
wrote i n his book Wall Street and FDR:
Old John Rockefeller and his 19th century fellow capitalists
were convinced of an absolute tmth: that no great monetary wealth
could be accumulated under the impartial rules of competitive
laissez-faire society (the free-enterprise system) society.
The only sure road to the acquisition of massive wealth was
m o n o p o l y : drive o u t your competitors, reduce c o m p e t i t i o n ,
eliminate laissez-faire and above all get state protection for your
industry through compliant politicians and government
regulation.
The last avenue yields a huge monopoly and a legal monopoly
always leads to wealth.'
And i n his book. Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, Dr. Sutton
furdier amplified his point:
T h e f i n a n c i e r s . . . c o u l d by government c o n t r o l . . . more
easily avoid the rigors of competition.
T h r o u g h political influence they could manipulate the police
power of the state to achieve what they had been unable, or what
was too cosdy, to achieve under the private enterprise system.
I n other words, the police power of the state was a means of
maintaining a private monopoly.*
T h e best k n o w n cartel i n the w o r l d is OPEC, the Organization o f
78
CMAPTER? ADDITIONAL ECONOMIC TERMS CHAPTER? ADDITIONAL ECONOMIC TERMS

Petroleum E x p o r t i n g Countries, w h i c h has recently become extremely
influential i n the o i l markets of the w o r l d . T h i s cartel is thought to be
foreign, primarily Arabian, i n ownership. However, there is ample reason to
believe that the principle ownership of OPEC is not primarily Arabian but
intemauonal, including American.
Dr. Carroll Quigley, i n his massive book endded Tragedy and Hope,
discussed an o i l cartel formed i n 1928:
T h i s w o r l d cartel had developed from a tripMirdte agreement
signed o n September 17, 1920 by R o y a l D u t c h Shell, A n g l o -
Iranian, and Standard O d .
These agreed to manage o i l prices o n the w o r l d market by
c h a r g i n g an agreed fixed price plus freight costs, and to store
surplus o i l which might weaken the fixed price level.
By 1949 the cartel had as members the seven greatest o i l
compjanies i n the world: Anglo-Iranian, Socony-Vacuum, Royal
Dutch Shell, Gulf, Esso, Texaco, and Calso.
E x c l u d i n g the U n i t e d States domestic market, the Soviet
U n i o n and Mexico, i t controlled 92% of the world's reserves of
oil....* , , ^ -
presuming a 10% per year increase i n costs and using the OPEC price
of $20.00 i n 1979, die profit of $16.75 is approximately the same as
that pointed out i n Warburg's book. , !
I n other words, the OPEC countries are increasing o i l prices today i n
Older to maintain their profit percentages of 30 years ago.
I t is interesting to note that both Dr. Quigley and Mr. Warburg wrote
about die years 1949 and 1950. OPEC was formed i n 1951, right after both
authors pointed out that the Arabian o i l reserves were owned by non-Arabian
oil companies.
I t is doubdul that these non-Arabian o i l companies gave u p the ability
to make a 620 percent profit to the OPEC nadons when OPEC was formed.
I n summary, then, these agreements that ardficially set prices, (the
cartels, monopolies, and monopsonies,) lead to the accumuladon of large
quanuties of amassed wealth. These marketplace aberrations exist solely
because die monopolists have formed a partnership w i t h the govemment,
and the result is higher prices for the consumer.

James P. Warburg, w h o should know, further discussed the cartel i n his

book The West in Crisis. Apparently the cartel had grown to include an
addiuonal member:

Eight giant o i l companies—five of them American—control

the non-Communist world's supply of o i l , maintaining adminis-
tered prices w h i c h . . . yield exorbitant profits.
T h e o i l companies extract o i l from the Middle East, w h i c h
contains 90% of the k n o w n reserves of the non-communist world, at
a cost of 20 to 30 cents a barrel and sell i t at a collusive price, varying
over a period of recent years from 11.75 to $2.16 per barrel, f.o.b., the
Persian Gulf.
T h e resuldng profit has, as a mle, been split o n a fifty-fifty
basis w i t h the government of the c o u n t r y i n w h i c h the o i l is
produced.*

Using the following figures, i t is easy to extrapolate price increases to

today's o i l market prices.

Years Cost Price Profit % of Profit

1950 1 -30 1 2.16 $ 1.86 620

1979 $3.25 $20.00 $16.75 515

75

Chapter 8
The Secret Societies
Author Arthur Edward Waite wrote:
Beneath the b r o a d tide of h u m a n h i s t o r y there f l o w the
stealthy undercurrents of the secret societies, w h i c h frequendy
determine i n the depths the changes that take place u p o n the
surface.'
British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli, 1874-1880, confirmed die
above assertion about die control by die secret societies i n die affairs of men
when he wrote:
There is i n Italy a power which we seldom mention i n this
House (the House of Parliament)
I mean the secret societies —
I t is useless to deny, because i t is impossible to conceal, diat a
great part of E u r o p e . . . to say n o t h i n g of other c o u n t r i e s . . . is
covered w i d i a network of diese secret societies.... What are dieir
objects?
They do not want constitutional g o v e m m e n t . . . . They want
to change die tenure of die land, to drive out die present owners of
76
CHAPTERS THE SECRETSOOETIES
the soil and to p u t an end to ecclesiastical establishments.*
Notice that the two goals of the secret societies, according to Disraeli, are
the same as those of what is called organized Communism: the abolition of
private property and the ending of the "ecclesiastical establishments," the
religions of the world.
Is i t possible that so-called Communism is i n reality the tool of the secret
societies? Is i t realistic to believe that Communism is controlled by forces
above i t i n an organized hierarchy?
Today's version of history teaches that Communism is the intended
result of public demands for a change i n the organization of their sodety,
usually through revolutionary action that overthrows the old system. Is i t
possible that these revolutions are i n reality the machinations of the secret
sodeties, seeking to communize the world after the revolution?
There are those who believe so:
Communism is never a spontaneous or even w i l l i n g rising of
downtrodden masses against the bosses w h o exploit them—but
exacdy the opposite.
It is always imposed on a people from the top down by bosses
who are seeking to increase their power.
A l l of the agitation at the b o t t o m is stirred u p , b u i l t u p ,
financed, and controlled by the Insiders, at the top, to give them-
selves the means and the excuse for seizing more power—always
under the guise of stopping or preventing these revolutionary
activities among the masses at the bottom.'
Communism is a front for something deeper. Communism is
not a revolt of the "poor" but a conspiratorial plot of the " r i c h . "
The intemational conspiracy does not originate i n Moscow —
but probably i n New York. I t is not an idealistic cmsade for the
poor and the humble but a disguised power grab of the rich and the
arrogant.
T h e story of modern-day C o m m u n i s m begins w i t h a secret society
called die Order of die I l l u m i n a t i .
I t was about this organization that the 1953 Report oj the Calijomia
Senate Investigating Committee on Education, stated: "So called modem
C o m m u n i s m is apparently the same hypocritical w o r l d conspiracy to
destroy civilization that was founded by the Illuminati, and that raised its
head i n our colonies here at the critical period before the adoption of our
Constitution."*
Another h i s t o r i a n , Oswald Spengler, has taken the i n v e s t i g a t i n g
committee one step further. He has linked Communism w i t h the moneyed
77
CHAPTERS T H E SECRET SOOETIES
interests o f the world. H e has written: "There is no proletarian, not even
Communist, movement that has not operated i n the interests of money, i n
the directions indicated by money, and for the time being permitted by
m o n e y — a n d that w i t h o u t the idealists a m o n g its leaders h a v i n g the
slightest suspicion of the f a c t " '
According to M r . Spengler, even the leaders of C o m m u n i s m are not
aware of the secret workings of their o w n movement Is i t possible that Gus
H a l l and Angela Davis, the 1980 Communist Party candidates for President
and Vice-President of the United States, w h o ran on a pladorm opposing
"the b i g banks and monopoly corporations that control the economy" are
really being used by the very organizations they ostensibly oppose? Is i t
possible that the wealthy banks and m o n o p o l y corporations want and
support the Communist Party because they want the Party to oppose them?
One C o m m u n i s t Party member. Dr. Bella D o d d , a member of the
National Committee of the Communist Party of the United States, appar-
andy dedded that there was indeed a connection between wealthy "capital-
ists" and the Party. She noticed that every time the National Committee
c o u l d n ' t reach a decision, one of their members w o u l d leave, go to the
Waldorf Towers i n New York City, and meet w i t h a particular individual,
later identified as Arthur Goldsmith. Dr. Dodd observed that every time M r .
Goldsmith made a dedsion, i t was later confirmed by the Communist Party
i n Moscow. But what truly amazed Dr. Dodd was that M r . Goldsmith was
not only a member of the C o m m u n i s t Party, but an extremely wealthy
American "capitalist"
So i f the preceding commentators are correct i n their charges that
C o m m u n i s m is a front for secret societies, i n c l u d i n g the I l l u m i n a t i , i t
behooves the student of the conspiratorial view to examine the origins and
history of this organization.
T h e I l l u m i n a t i was founded o n May 1, 1776, by Adam Weishaupt a
Jesuit priest and a professor of Canon L a w at Ingolstadt University i n
Bavaria, today part of Germany. There is some evidence that Professor
Weishaupt had become affiliated w i t h secret sodeties before he founded the
Illuminati.
T h e founding date of May 1 is still celebrated by Communists around
the w o r l d as May Day, aldiough the purists claim that May Day is celebrated
because that was the beginning date for the Russian Revolution of 1905. But
this doesn't change the date of May 1,1905 as an anniversary of the founding
of the I l l u m i n a t i on May 1, 1776.
Weishaupt's organization spread q u i c k l y , especially among fellow
"intellectuals" at his university. I n fact, a l l but two of its professors had
become members of this organization i n the first few years of its existence.
T h e basic philosophy that was being offered to the ^rosective member
78
CHAPTERS T H E SECRET SOOETIES
of the I l l u m i n a t i was a reversal of the 0-aditional philosophy taught by the
church and the educational system. I t has been summarized by Weishaupt
himself as follows: " M a n is not bad except as he is made so by arbitrary
morality. He is bad because religion, the state, and bad examples pervert h i m .
When at last reason becomes the religion of men, then w i l l the problem be
solved."'
TTiere is reason to believe that Weishaupt's contempt of religion started
on July 21, 1773, when Pope Clement X I V "forever annulled and extin-
guished the Jesuit order."
T h e Pope's action was i n response to pressure from France, Spain, and
Portugal, which indejjendently had come to the conclusion that the Jesuits
were meddling i n the affairs of the state and were therefore enemies of the
government.
The response of one ruler. K i n g Joseph of Portugal, was typical. He
"hastened to sign a decree by which the Jesuits were denounced as 'traitors,
rebels and enemies to the realm
So the three nations presented "the categorical request that he (the Pope)
should suppress the Jesuit order throughout the w o r l d . " '
The Pope agreed and banned the order.
Weishaupt, a Jesuit priest, certainly must have been concemed by the
Pope's action, possibly to the pwint where he wished to organize an institu-
tion strong enough to ultimately destroy the Catholic Church itself.
Pope Clement's action was short-lived, though, as Pope Pius V I I i n
A u g u s t , 1814 reinstated the Jesuits to a l l of their former r i g h t s a n d
privileges.'
Pope Pius' reinstatement did not go without notice i n the United States,
as ex-President John Adams wrote to his successor, Thomas Jefferson: " I do
not like the re-appearatKe of the Jesuits. If ever there was a body of men w h o
merited eternal damnation on e a r t h . . . it is this Society
Jefferson replied: " L i k e you, I disapprove of the restoration of the
Jesuits, for it means a step backwards from light into darkness.""
The Jesuits are still i n trouble w i t h the Church just as they were during
die early 1700's. O n February 28,1982, Pope Paul I I told the Jesuits "to keep
clear of politics, and honor Roman Catholic tradition."'*
An article on the Pope's action i n the U.S. News and World Report
stated that the Jesuits had indeed meddled i n the affairs of certain nations.
The article said: "Jesuits have played leading roles i n Nicaragua's Sandinista
revolution. Some Jesuits have joined Communist parties. One priest i n E l
Salvador has claimed that his order is w o r k i n g for the advancement of
Marxism and revolution, not for G o d . " "
The article continued by stating that Jesuits have "joined left-wing rebel
movemenu i n Central America and the Philippines, and have advocated a
79
CHAPTERS T H E SECRET S O a E T I E S
m o l d i n g of Marxism and Roman Catholicism i n what is called 'liberation
theology.'
Weishaupt's contempt for religion manifested itself w i t h his thought
diat man's ability to reason would set the moral tone of the society rather
than the teachings of the Bible.
T h i s thought was not new.
T h e Bible teaches that the first man and woman, Adam and Eve, were
insttucted by God not to eat the fruit of the Tree of the Knowledge of Good
and Evil. Man was not to set his o w n moral precepts; he was to listen to the
laws of God. M a n was tempted by Satan w i t h the ability to "be as Gods,
k n o w i n g good and evil," capable of using his o w n m i n d to decide what was
right and wrong.
So Weishaupt's call to man's reason to determine man's morality was
not new; it was the continuing batde between man's m i n d and the teachings
of God.
One w e l l - k n o w n example of man's r e b e l l i o n to the laws of G o d
occurred when Moses of the O l d Testament of the Bible brought God's laws
i n the form of the T e n Commandments to the people. While Moses was
absent, the people had constructed their o w n god, a mouthless golden calf
incapable of offering any instructions or m o r a l teachings. I t is easy to
worship something that does not require any obedience nor has the ability to
issue laws by which to live.
So man continued his rebellion against God. Weishaupt furthered the
trend by teaching that man could free himself by emancipating himself from
religion. Even the name of his organization, the I l l u m i n a t i , revealed his
concern about man's m i n d . T h e " I l l u m i n a t e d Ones" of the I l l u m i n a t i
w o u l d be those possessing the greatest ability to discern the truths of the
universe gleaned from the workings of the human mind. Once unhindered
by religion, pure reason would lead man out of the spiritual wilderness.
Those w h o believe i n the teachings of God as revealed to man through
the H o l y Bible do not believe that God's laws are restrictions o n man's
freedoms, but are exacdy the opposite. They enable man to enjoy his freedom
by not fearing the plundering of his life, liberty and property by others.
T h e commandment " T h o u shalt not k i l l " restricts man's ability to k d l
his neighbor, thereby increasing man's ability to live. " T h o u shalt not steal"
encourages man to allow his neighbor to accumulate the property he needs
to sustain his o w n life. " T h o u shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife" discour-
ages adultery and encourages fidelity, thus strengthening the sacredness of
God's institution of marriage.
God's laws allow m a x i m u m freedom to those w h o w i l l abide by them.
Man becomes less free when his wife, his property, and his very life belong to
those w h o feel they have the right to take them from h i m . i
CHAPTERS T H E SECRET SOCIETIES
Weishaupt even admitted that he was founding a new religion when he
founded the Illuminati. He wrote: " I never drought that I should become the
founder of a new reUgion.""
So the goal of die new religion became the substitution of the religious
man w i t h the illuminated man: man solving man's problems through the
use of his m i n d . Weishaupt declared: "Reason w i l l be the only code of
m a n . " ' « " W h e n at last reason becomes the religion of man, so w i l l the
problem be solved.""
Weishaupt believed that man was a product of his environment and that
man would be happy i f he could re-structure the environment completely.
Today that teaching is the foundation of the philosophy i n the courts
diat frees criminals even before the victim can file the charges against the
criminal. The rational, illuminated m i n d sees that the society, the environ-
ment, and not the criminal, is at fault for the actions of the individual. T h i s
t h i n k i n g holds that the society must be punished for die acts of the criminal,
and that the criminal must be released back into the society so diat i t can be
punished for the failure to meet the criminal's needs.
So Weishaupt saw religion as the problem because religion taught that
only moral means may be utilized to achieve a moral end. Weishaupt saw this
as an obstacle to his achieving his desired result: the complete alteration of
man's society. He wrote: "Behold our secret. Remember diat the end justifies
the means, and that the wise ought to take all the means to do good w h i c h
the wicked take to do e v i l . " "
Any activity, either moral or immoral, becomes moral or acceptable to
the member of the I l l u m i n a t i as long as that activity promotes die goals of the
organization. Murder, looting, wars, whatever, becomes acceptable behavior
to the real believer of the new religion.
Another major obstacle to man's progress, according to Weishaupt, was
tiationalism. He wrote: " W i t h the origin of nations and peoples die w o r l d
ceased to he a great family N a t i o n a l i s m took the place of human
love "'9
Weishaupt was not an anarchist (one w h o believes i n the absence o f
govemment) but believed that there was a need for world government to
replace what used to be the national governments. T h i s entity was i n tum to
be mled by the members of the I l l u m i n a t i : "The pupils (of the I l l u m i n a t i )
are convinced that the order w i l l rule the world. Every member therefore
becomes a mler. "20
So the ultimate goal of die Illuminati, and hence all of its successors,
"Ccomes power: worldwide power. The power of govemment over a l l the
people of the world.
If Weishaupt wished to so alter man's life i n a manner only his suppor-
ters wanted, than i t becomes imperative that his goals be kept secret from his
CHAPTERS T H E SECRET SOCIETIES
intended victims. He wrote: " T h e great strength of our order lies i n its
concealment: let i t never appear i n any place i n its own name, but always
covered by another name and another occupation."*'
Under the protection of its concealment, the order q u i c k l y grew.
However, as has been the case w i t h a l l of the secret organizations that
controlled the so-called Communist organizations, i t did not attfact, nor was
i t intended to attract, the "downtrodden masses," the " l o w l y " peasant-
worker it was supposedly created to assist. It drew from the near powerful, the
representatives of that layer of society just underneath the power holders. For
instance, a partial listing of the occupations of some of the members of the
I l l u m i n a d revealed this statement was true: marquis, baron, lawyer, abbe,
count, magistrate, prince, major, professor, colonel, priest, and duke.
These were the occupations of the individuals who, w i t h o u t fear of
discovery, could meet secretly and conspire against the government, the
army, the church and the establishment. These were the people who did not
possess the ultimate power of control over their respective fields of endeavor,
but they saw the I l l u m i n a t i as the means of achieving their goals of individ-
ual power.
The members of the I l l u m i n a t i whenever together or i n correspondence
w i t h fellow members assumed aliases to conceal their real identities.
Weishaupt assumed the name of Spartacus, a Roman slave w h o led an
uprising against the Roman govemment centuries before.
What was the goal of these conspirators?
Nesta Webster, one of the major researchers into the I l l u m i n a t i , has
summarized their goals as follows:
1. Abolition of monarchy and all ordered govemment
2. Abolition of private property.
3. Abolition of inheritance.
4. Abolition of patriotism (nationalism).
5. Abolition of the family (i.e. of marriage and a l l morality, and the
institution of communal education of children).
6. Abolition of all religion.**
I n 1777, Weishaupt was initiated into the Masonic Order, the Lodge
Theodore of Good Councel, i n Munich, Germany. His purpxjse i n j o i n i n g
was not to become part of this benevolent order, but to infiltrate it and then
to control it altogether.
I n fact, the Masons held an Intemational Congress at Wilhemsbad in
July, 1782, and "lUuminism was injected into Freemasonry by indoctrinat-
ing the Masonic leaders "*'
However, the secrecy of the I l l u m i n a t i was soon broken i n 1783 when
"four professors of the Marianen Academy... were summoned before the
82
CHAPTERS T H E SECRET SOOETIES
Court of Enquiry and questioned o n . . . the Illuminati."**
The Bavarian govemment had discovered the philosophies and pur-
poses of the I l l u m i n a t i and, more importandy, its desire to overthrow the
Bavarian govemment Hearings were held and the govemment abolished die
order. But discovery of the organization was perhaps a blessing i n disguise:
the members fled the persecution of the Bavarian govemment and they took
the I l l u m i n a t i w i t h them, establishing new societies a l l over Europe and
America.
The Bavarian govemment countered this expansion by w a m i n g other
European govemments about the exact purposes of the Illuminati, but the
rulers of Europe refused to listen. Those decisions would later come back to
haunt these govemments. As Nesta Webster observed: "The extravagence of
the scheme therein propounded rendered i t unbelievable, and the mlers of
Europe, refusing to take I l l u m i n i s m seriously, put i t aside as a chimera (a
foolish fancy)."*'
T h e fact that the rulers of Europe w o u l d n ' t believe the goals of the
I l l u m i n a t i is a problem that is recurring a l l over the w o r l d today. I t is
d i f f i c u l t for the observer to believe that such a g i a n t , w e l l organized
conspiracy does exist and that the goals they envision for the world are real.
This disbelief by the public is what fuels their success and i t behooves the
Conspiracy to plan their events i n such a way that the truth becomes so
incredible and so preposterous that no one w o u l d believe that they were
intentionally created.
A Frenchman named Danton said this i n French, and loosely translated,
what he said means: "Audacity, audacity, always audacityl"
One of the countries to which the Illuminati fled was America, and they
formed their first chapter i n Virginia i n 1786, followed by fourteen others i n
different cities.*' They organized the Callo-Italian Sodety, and w i t h the onset
of die American Revolution, disciples i n America began to call themselves
the Jacobins.*'
Much of what is known about the I l l u m i n a t i today comes from a book
written i n 1798 by Professor John Robison, a professor of Natural Philo-
sophy at Edinburgh University i n Scotland. He entitled his book Proofs of a
Conspiracy Against all the Religions and Governments of Europe Carried
On In the Secret Meetings of the Free Masons, Illuminati, and Reading
Societies. Professor Robison, himself a Mason, had been asked to j o i n the
Dlminati but felt he should investigate die order before he joined. Robison
concluded that the association had been formed "for the express purpose of
"ooting out all the religious establishments and overturning all the existing
governments of Europe."*'
These charges, even today, have fallen on deaf ears among many of
Robison's fellow Masons. One of the more scholarly works supporting the
88
C H A P T E R S T H E SECRET SOCIETIES
Freemasons is a book entitled An Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry by Albert
Mackey, M.D., himself a 33rd degree Mason, die highest level attainable i n
the Masonic Order.
Dr. Mackey makes diese statements about Professor Robison's book:
Many of his statements aie untrue and his arguments illogical, exaggerated,
and some of diem altogedier false. (His) dieory is based on false premises and
his reasonings (are) fallacious and Ulogical.
H e wrote that die founder of die I l l u m i n a d , Professor Weishaupt, was
"a Masonic reformer. Weishaupt could not have been the monster that he has
been painted by his adversaries."'"
I n fact. Dr. Mackey praised the I l l u m i n a t i : " T h e o r i g i n a l design of
I l l u m i n i s m was undoubtedly the elevadon of the human race.""
Dr. Mackey dismissed die I l l u m i n a d as being no direat to civilization
because he apparently felt that die organization had disappeared:"... by the
end of die last century (by 1900) i t had ceased to exist"'*
T h i s m i g h t be true, as far as die name I l l u m i n a t i is concemed, but there
is strong evidence, m a i n l y t h r o u g h the perpetuation of the philosophy
t h r o u g h like-minded organizations, that the Order perpetuated self by
frequendy changing its name and surfacing again.
I n 1798, shortly after die publication of Professor Robison's work o n die
I l l u m i n a t i , American minister Reverend G.W. Snyder sent a copy of die
book to President George Washington, w h o was a very visible member of die
Masonic Order. O n September 25,1798, President Washington wrote a letter
to Rev. Snyder: " I have heard much of die nefarious and dangerous plan and
doctrines of die I l l u m i n a t i , but never saw die book u n t i l you were pleased to
send i t to me. I t was not my intention to doubt that the doctrine of the
I l l u m i n a t i had not spread i n die United States. O n die conttary, no one is
more satisfied of this fact than I am ""
B u t n o t a l l of America's f o u n d i n g fathers agreed w i t h President
Washington. Thomas Jefferson, after reading part diree of die writings of
another exposer of die I l l u m i n a t i , die Abbe Barmel, wrote: "Barmel's own
parts of the book are perfecdy the ravings of a Bedlamite."'* (Webster's
dictionary defines a Bedlamite as an inhabitant of the Bedlam hospital for
lunatics i n London, England.)
Jefferson also wrote the following about the founder of the Illuminati:
"Weishaupt seems to be an enthusiastic phdanthropist Weishaupt believes
that to promote the perfection of the human character was the object of Jesus
Christ. H i s (Weishaupt's) precepts are the love of G o d and love of our
neighbor.""
(It is t m l y amazing that two people could read the works of Weishaupt.
or the writings of diose w h o were out to expose h i m for what he was, and
come away w i t h two such divergent opituons about his purposes. Yet there
CHAPTERS T H E SECRET SOOETIES
are still defenders of the I l l u m i n a t i even today.)
Some of the more vocal critics of the I l l u m i n a t i believe that they were
instrumental i n fomenting the American Revolution itself. But a simple
review of the nature of this revolution w i l l show the difference between a
revolution created by the I l l u m i n a t i and the American Revolution. Life
magazine summarized i t q u i t e w e l l i n its series o n Revolutions: " T h e
American r e v o l u t i o n was strictly a war of independence. I t gave later
revolutions a noble ideal and gave America itself the freedom to pursue its
own destiny, but i t left the structure of American society i n a l l essentials
unchanged.""
I n odier words, the American Revolution did not dissolve the family,
abolish religion, nor eliminate the national borders, the three targets of die
Illuminati. T h e American Revolution was fought to disengage the United
States from the government of England. T h i s fact is confirmed by the
Declaration of Independence. T h e founding fathers wrote: "When i n the
course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the
political bands which have connected them w i t h another "
But the I l l u m i n a t i has had its hands directly i n other revolutions, the
most notable being the French Revolution of 1789.
The facts of their involvement i n this uprising are not well known. T h e
traditional explanation of the French Revolution is that the French people,
tired of being oppressed by K i n g Louis X V I and Marie Antoinette, rose u p i n
opposition to the monarchy and started the revolution by storming the
Bastille prison. T h i s activity, according to the official historical record,
started the revolution that was to culminate i n die replacing of die monarchy
w i d i die so-called "French Republic."
T h e French people commemorate the start of their "revolution" by
making Bastille Day, July 14, an annual holiday. T h i s further supports the
contention that the people of France tmly revolted and overthrew the K i n g
of France.
However, those who have studied the revolution i n depth have disco-
vered the real reason for the storming of the Bastille prison. As Nesta Webster
explained i t " A plan of attack on the Bastille had already been drawn up, i t
only remained now to set the people i n m o t i o n . " "
^ e plan of attack was to storm the Bastille, not to release the hundreds
°f "oppressed political prisoners" supposedly imprisoned there, but to
<^pture die needed weapons to start the revolution. T h i s was confirmed by
me fact t h a t when die mob reached the Bastille, so-called "torturous" prison
° the "oppressive" K i n g L o u i s X V I , there were o n l y seven prisoners
"carcerated there: four forgers, two lunatics, and the Comte de Solages,
icerated for "monstrous crimes against humanity" at the request of his
"y- I n fact "The damp, dark dungeons had fallen into complete disuse;
85
CHAPTERS T H E SECRET SOOETIES
since the first ministry of Necker i n 1776, no one had been imprisoned
diere.""
T h e second erroneous presumption about the causes of the French
Revoludon is diat die revolution was the acuon of the masses of the French
people. T h i s concept of large numbers o f Frenchmen s u p p o r t i n g the
revoludon is erroneous, because, i n trudi "Out of die 800,000 inhabitants of
Paris o n l y a p p r o x i m a t e l y 1,000 took any p a r t i n the siege o f the
Basdlle...""
Those who were direcdy involved i n the storming of die prison were i n
fact paid by those w h o directed die endre affair.
T h a t brigands from the South (of France) were deliberately
enuced to Paris i n 1789, employed and paid by the revolutionary
leaders, is a fact confirmed by authorities too numerous to quote at
length; and the furdier fact that the conspirators felt that such a
measure to be necessary is of immense significance, for it shows that
i n their eyes the people of Paris were not to be depended on to carry
out a revolution. I n other words, the importation of the contingent
of hired brigands conclusively refutes the theory that the Revolu-
tion was an irrepressable rising of the people.*"
I n addition, not only Frenchmen were employed by those directing the
revolution: " . . . the modey crew of ' b r i g a n d s , ' . . . thirsting for violence,
consisting not only of the aforesaid Marsailles (those Frenchmen from the
' S o u t h , ' cited above) a n d I t a l i a n s , b u t a l s o . . . o f large numbers o f
Germans
One who was i n a position to witness the actual siege of the Bastille i n
Paris was a Dr. Rigby, w h o was i n Paris as a tourist d u r i n g the French
Revolution. H i s letters to his wife d u r i n g these days offer an interesting
insight into what actually happened. Nesta Webster, i n her book The French
Revolution, commented on Dr. Rigby's correspondence: "So little commo-
tion did die siege of the Bastille cause i n Paris that Dr. Rigby, unaware that
anything unusual was going on, went off early i n the afternoon to visit the
gardens of Monceaux."**
Another of the observers of the French Revolution was L o r d Acton, who
confirmed that there was a hidden hand at work at fomenting die French
Revolution: " T h e a p p a l l i n g t h i n g i n the French Revolution is not the
t u m u l t but the design. T h r o u g h a l l the fire and smoke, we perceive the
evidence of calculating organization. T h e managers remain studiously
concealed and masked; but diere is no doubt about dieir presence from die
first.""
T h e plan of the conspirators was simple: to create "popular" grievances
i n order to e x p l o i t them to their benefit. T h e y created five p a r t i c u l a r
86
CHAPTERS T H E SECRET SOOETIES
grievances to create die impression that the K i n g himself was responsible. I t
was hoped that the difficult conditions would be sufficient to arouse enough
people to j o i n those already hired so that i t w o u l d appear that the revolution
was indeed one w i t h popular support. The conspirators could then control
the events and bring about their desired results.
T h e first of these contrived grievances was the shortage of grain. Webster
says: "Montjoie asserts that agents employed by the Due d ' Orleans deliber-
ately bought up the grain, and either sent i t out of the country or concealed
it i n order to drive the people to revolt"**
So the Due d' Orleans, a member of the I l l u m i n a t i , purchased large
quantities of grain to cause the people to take their grievances to the K i n g
w h o m they were led to believe had caused the shortage. I t was, of course, the
I l l u m i n a t i that spread the story that the K i n g had intentionally caused the
grain shortage. T h i s tactic is similar to the one detailed by Jan Kozak i n his
book Not A Shot Is Fired, written about 160 years later.
T h e second of these contrived grievances was the enormous debt that
caused the govemment to tax die people to pay for i t The national debt was
estimated to be 4 1/2 b i l l i o n livre, wordi about $800 m i l l i o n i n the dollar of
the day. The money had been borrowed by the French govemment to assist
the United States i n the American Revolution of 1776. (The connection
between the I l l u m i n a t i of France and die founding fathers of the American
Revolution, w i l l be discussed i n a later chapter of this book.) I t has been
estimated that two-thirds of the French debt had been created by those loans.
The third contrived grievance was the false impression that the French
people were starving. Dr. Rigby, previously mentioned, stated diat: " . . . we
have seen few of the lower classes i n rage, idleness and misery."*'
Nesta Webster explained further: " . . . Dr. Rigby continues i n die same
strain of admiration—an admiration that we m i g h t attribute to lack of
discemment were i t not that i t ceases abmptly on his entry into Germany.
Here he finds a 'country to which Nature has been equally kind as to France,
for i t has fertile soil, but as yet the inhabitants live under an oppressive
govemment' A t Cologne, (Germany) he finds that 'tyranny and oppression
have taken u p dieir abode.' "*«
T h e f o u r t h major grievance caused by the I l l u m i n a t i and its fellow
conspirators i n the govemment was massive inflation which was bankmpt-
mg die working classes. 35 m i l l i o n assignats were printed i n a short time and
this was partially die cause of the shortages. The govemment's response was
to impose food rationing, and diis further continued to anger die people.
This tactic is, once again, similar to die strategy detailed by Jan Kozak.
The fifth distortion of the t m t h was the alleged "oppressive" reign of
^ n g Louis X V I . The u n d i is diat France was the most prosperous of all the
'•uropean states prior to die Revolution. France held one-half of the money
87
CHAPTERS T H E SECRETSOQETffiS

i n circulation i n all of Europe, and i n the period of 1720 to 1780, foreign trade ' What, then, was offered to the French people instead of their old sodety?
was multiplied by four. One half of the wealth i n France was i n the liands of ^yrhat was to be the g u i d i n g force behind the new society offered by the
the middle class, and the "serfs" owned more land than anyone else. The Illuminati?
K i n g had abolished forced labor o n p u b l i c w o r k s i n France a n d had T h a t question was answered by an audior w h o has studied the Revolu-
outlawed the use o f torture i n interrogation. I n a d d i t i o n , the k i n g had t i o n : " T h e French R e v o l u t i o n represented the first attempt to use the
founded hospitals, established schools, reformed the laws, b u i l t canals, jeligion of reason... as the foundation of a new order of sodety."*'
d r a i n e d the marshes to increase the q u a n t i t y o f arable l a n d , a n d had I n fact, i n November, 1 7 9 3 : " . . . the multitude assembled i n die Cadied-
constructed numerous bridges to ease the flow of goods inside the country. ral of Notre Dame to worship the Goddess of Reason, personified by an
So i n this, the first of several "revolutions" to be reviewed i n this book, actress.. • placed naked by govemment decree upon the altar
we see the classic example of the Conspiracy at work. The benevolent K i n g So the French Revolution was created to replace God w i t h the "Goddess
was fostering a rise of the middle class by encouraging a better a n d healthier of Reason." T h e conspirators offered the French people the essential
sodety. T h i s situation was intolerable to those w h o were i n the layer just program of the the I l l u m i n a t i : man's m i n d would solve man's problems.
underneath the r u l i n g class, as the rising middle class began to assume pxjwer I n spite of a l l of the evidence of the planning, however, there are still
themselves. T h e conspirators intended to eliminate not only the K i n g and diose who believe die French Revolution was die spontaneous activity of an
the present m l i n g class but the middle class as well. oppressed pxjpulation rising u p against a tyrannical king. Life magazine, i n
T h e enemy of the Conspiracy is always the middle class, and i n the other a series of articles o n the subject o f R e v o l u t i o n , w r o t e : " T h e French
revolutions to be reviewed elsewhere i n this book, i t shall be s h o w n that the Revolution was not planned and instigated by conspirators. I t was the result
Conspiracy foments these contrived "revolutions" for just that purpose. of a spontaneous uprising by die masses of die French pieople
So the French Revolution was a fraud and hoax. T h e people were being There are reasons odier dian historical ignorance that Life magazine
manipulated for reasons not made k n o w n to them.*' takes diis px)sition, and these w i l l be examined later i n a subsequent chapter.
T h e invisible hand that guided the entire French Revolution was the
I l l u m i n a t i , only thirteen years i n existence, yet powerful enough t o cause a
revolution i n one of the major countries of the world.
But the members of the I l l u m i n a t i had l a i d d o w n the p l a n s for the
R e v o l u t i o n years before, and had i n f i l t r a t e d another secret g r o u p , the
Masons: "France's galloping revolution was assisted i n the decades previous
to 1789 by the growth of the Masoruc Brotherhood.""
Freemasonry had come to France i n 1725, but by 1772, the organization
had split into two groups, one of which became known as the G r a n d Orient
Lodge of Freemasonry. T h e first Grand Master, the equivalent of president,
of the Lodge was the Due d ' Orleans, also a member of the I l l u m i n a t i .
T h e Grand Orient Lodge spread quickly throughout the entirety of
France so that by 1789 there were a total of 600 lodges a l l over France as
compared to only 104 i n 1772. Members of the Grand Orient were also active
i n govemment, as 447 of the 605 members of the Estates General, France's
parliament, were members.
The plan of the I l l u m i n a t i was to infiltrate die Masoiuc Order, convert
i t into a branch of die I l l u m i n a t i , and then use its secrecy as the vehicle to
overthrow die monarchy. T h e new head of the govemment w o u l d be the Due
d ' Orleans. T h e sttategy worked for awhile, but later the Due suffered die
ultimate penalty for his oeason against the French govemment: he died on
the guillotine. , ,,,

Chapter 9
Communism
I t has been fairly well established by tradidonal historians that Karl
Marx was the founding father of Communism. T h i s is, i n addition, the
official position offered by the Communists themselves. Their position is
that this previously u n k n o w n young man suddenly rose out of obscurity to
write the Communist Manifesto and thereby launched the Communist
movement.
However, the truth is that this explanation is only partially correct. A n d
die u-uth is far more interesting than the partially correct story.
T o understand why this is so, it becomes important to first examine Karl
Marx, the individual.
Marx, b o m i n 1818, went to Paris, France, i n 1843 to study economics,
and w h i l e at a u n i v e r s i t y met Frederick Engels, the son of a wealthy
Lancashire, E n g l a n d , c o t t o n spinner. M a r x soon learned the joys of
possessing unearned wealth, for Engels constandy assisted Marx, and later
M a r x and his family, w i t h an income from his father's cotton m i l l s i n
England. Marx didn't care for the traditional forms of labor to earn the
necessities of life, relying instead on the largess of his friend Engels to keep
himself alive for nearly a l l of his adult life.
90
CHAPTER 9 COMMUNISM
Marx frequendy made appeals to Engels for more money because he
said his daughters "must have a bourgeois education so they can make
contacts i n life."'
T r a d i t i o n a l historians have not dwelt much ufxin this relationship
between Marx and Engels. Those that do find i t strange that Marx, the
"champion of the oppressed and the downtrodden workers" would spend
nearly a l l of his adult life living off the profits acquired from a "capitalistic"
cotton m i l l i n England. Engels' father, if consistent w i t h the charges against
die "propertied class" of the day, was "exploiting the working class, those
who produce all of the capital of the world." Yet Marx continued living off
the income provided by Engels' share of the cotton m i l l .
If Marx had been true and consistent to his principles, he would have
rejected this money and lived by the earnings of his own labors. Yet the only
official job Marx ever had was as a corresjxindent for a newspaper for a short
time.
In his early youth Marx was a believer i n God. But while at the univer-
sity Marx changed his views. He once wrote that he wished to avenge himself
"against the One who rules above."*
It was no coincidence that his change i n his basic belief came after he
joined the highly secret Satanist Church. As evidence of his membership i n
this sect, Marx grew a heavy beard and let his hair grow long. These outward
manifestations were " . . . characteristic of the disciples of Joana Southcott, a
Satanic priestess who considered herself i n contact w i t h die demon Shiloh."'
By 1841 his conversion was nearly complete as a friend of his had
observed: "Marx calls the Christian religion one of the most i m m o r a l of
religions."*
Not only did Marx attack the Christian religion, but the Jewish religion
as well. I n 1856 Marx wrote i n the New York Tribune: " T h u s do these
loans...become a blessing to the House of Judah. This Jew organization of
loanmongers is as dangerous to the people as the aristocratic organization of
landowners."'
But generally Marx took out his anger against religion itself: " T h e
abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of man is a demand for their
real happiness."'
The reasons for Marx's bitterness against religion are numerous: Marx
saw religion:
1. as the mechanism of the wealthy to keep the poor, downtrodden
worker i n his state of poverty;
2. as the teaching that one man's property did not belong to another;
3. as the teaching that man should not covet another man's propierty;
and
4. as the teaching that each man should be self-sufficient and earn his
o w n sustenance.
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CHAPTER 9 COMMUNISM
Marx saw this unequal distribution of wealth as the cause of man's
unhappiness. I f only property could be equally divided, man w o u l d be
happy. A n d the vehicle that kept man from acquiring his fair share of the
property was organized religion that taught that one man could not take the
property of another by force: " T h o u shalt not steal." Religious teaching also
included the commandment drat i t was w r o n g to desire more property than
you were able to acquire by your o w n efforts: " T h o u shalt not covet thy
neighbor's goods."
Marx reasoned, therefore, i t was the religious system that kept man i n
poverty, as if the ownership of property was the only requirement for human
happiness. I t then followed, according to Marxist logic, that the capitalist
system had to be destroyed because i t encouraged every individual to produce
his o w n necessities through his individual labor.
Therefore, the happiness of man was contingent upon abolishing not
only the religious system but the "Capitalistic" system as well.
One of Marx's friends, M i k h a i l Bakunin, once wrote this about Marx:
"Since Marx rejected the idea of God, he could not explain the 'human
condidon' as the result of sin. He blamed all evil, both moral and psycholog-
ical, o n the economic system w h i c h he said had to be o v e r t h r o w n by
revolution so that the sodety of man could be restructured."'
But even the abolishment of religion and the Capitalisdc System was
not enough for the Marxists. Marx himself wished to abolish " a l l social
conditions," not just the church and the free enterprise system. Marx vwote:
"The C o m m u n i s t s . . . openly declare that their ends can be attained only by
the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions."'
Marx wrote frequendy on these subjects. He wrote the following about
the subject of the f a m i l y : " T h e bourgeois clap trap about f a m i l y and
education, about the co-relation of parent and child, becomes a l l the more
disgusting 9 killing in London.""
A n d o n nationality: "The working men have no country. We cannot
take away from them what they have not got."'"
Marx realized that the main vehicle to be utilized i n the destruction of
these values was the govemment, and he was correct. Take, for instance, the
following newspaper article that appeared i n 1980:
F A M I L Y L I F E H A R M E D BY G O V E R N M E N T , P O L L SAYS
Pollster George Gallup said Friday nearly half of those w h o
responded to his organization's 1980 survey o n the American
family believe that the federal government has an unfavorable
influence o n family life."
Ideas o n how the family u n i t can be further damaged are now being
offered by a variety of people. One, an assistant professor at a college, offered
as
CHAPTER 9 COMMUNISM
this thought on the subject: " . . . the fact that children are raised i n families
0ieans there is no equality. I n order to raise children w i t h equality, we must
take them away from families and communally raise them."'*
T o show their individual contempt for the traditional view of family
life, both Frederick Engels and Marx had affairs: Engels w i t h the wife of a
friend, and Marx w i t h his maid. (When Marx married Jenny von West-
phalen, the daughter of a rich and respected Prussian official, her mother
gave the couple a maid as a wedding present. Marx showed his appreciation
by getting his gift pregnant.) Marx further showed his contempt for his
family by allowing two of his six children to starve to death, because Marx's
contempt for industrious labor frequently failed to provide for his family's
sustenance. I n addition, two of his other children later committed suicide,
perhaps because of their wretched existence as children."
Marx's views on marriage and the family were consistent w i t h the way
he lived his life, but i n other areas his hypocrisy was very evident.
For instance, i n June, 1864, " i n a letter to his uncle, L i o n Phillips, Marx
announced that he had made 400 pounds on the stock exchange."'*
Here M a r x , the great c h a m p i o n of the w o r k i n g m a n against the
" e x p l o i t i n g c a p i t a l i s t s " (those w h o make t h e i r money o n the stock
exchange,) admits that he himself had made a profit on the stock exchange
(in effect admitting that he considered himself a member of this class.) Notice
that this was eighteen years after he urged the proletariat (the working class)
to overthrow the bourgeois (the wealthy class), those who make profits on the
stock exchange.
O n one occasion, he wrote to Engels asking for the final settlement of
the Wolff legacy. He said: " I f I had had the money during the last ten days,
I would have been able to make a good deal on the stock exchange. The time
has now come when w i t h w i t and very litde money, one can really make a
T h e Wolff legacy referred to i n Marx's letter was the remains of an
inheritance left to Marx by Wilhelm Wolff, an obscure German admirer. The
total legacy inherited by Marx was 824 {xjunds, when the annual income of
the "exploited w o r k i n g class" was approximately 4.5 pounds. I n rough
equivalents today, that w o u l d mean that Marx inherited approximately
1365,000 assuming that the average wage of an American workman i n 1980
was 120,000.
It was not as i f Marx could not have earned an adequate l i v i n g by his
own efforts. Mr. Marx was indeed Dr. Marx, as he had earned a doctorate i n
philosophy from the University of Jena. W i t h this degree, he could have been
employed by a European university and made a comfortable living. (Marx
never actually attended the university. He purchased his doctorate through
the mail.)
93
CHAPTER 9 COMMUNISM
I n about 1846, both Marx and Engels joined a group calling itself The
Communist League which "sprang from what was known as the League of
the Just. T h e latter, i n t u m , was an offshoot of the Parisian Outlaws League,
founded by German refugees i n that city. After a turbulent ten-year period,
the League of the Just found its 'center of gravity' as Engels put it, i n London
where, he added, a new feature came to the fore: "from being German' the
League became intemauonal.""
After the I l l u m i n a t i was discovered i n Bavaria, Germany, its members
scattered throughout Europe. The League was an "off-shoot of the Parisian
Outlaws League, founded by German refugees." One can only wonder i f
those refugees were the scattering I l l u m i n a t i .
I n any event, at the Second Congress of the Communist League (the
official dtle of the Manifesto, i n German, is Manifest der Kommunistichen
Partei. (History has translated "Partei" variously as "Party" or "League.")
Marx and Engels were selected to write a party pladorm. Apparendy both
encountered delays i n achieving this result, and the two writers "caused the
Central Committee of the League to serve nodce sharply that if the manifesto
was not ready by Febmary 1, 1848, measures would be taken against Marx
and Engels. Results followed.""
So Marx and Engels were given the task of w r i u n g a party platform for
an already existing intemational group. The Manifesto was not the work of
an inspired nobody by the name of Karl Marx (or Frederick Engels, for that
matter,) w h o suddenly sprang u p from obscurity. Both were hired by an
already existing group that now felt its power was strong enough for them
to come out from the "smoke-filled" rooms and make their organization, and
its platform, known to the people of Europe.
But why was i t so important for the manifesto to be completed by the
first of Febmary? Because the "spontaneous revolutions" that had already
been planned a l l over Europe could "spontaneously" empt on schedule. I n
fact, these "spontaneously planned" revolutions started on March 1,1848 i n
Baden followed by others i n Vienna on March 12; Parma, March 13; Venice,
March 22; London, A p r i l 10; Spain, May 7; and Naples, May 15. Sixty-four
revolutions "spontaneously empted" all over Russia during the year as well.
So the Manifesto of the Communist Party was issued i n L o n d o n ,
England, on Febmary 1, 1848, as an explanation of the cause of die revolu-
tions already planned. Fortunately for die people of Europe, nearly a l l of
these revolutions failed.
Because of these failures, the name of the manifesto was changed to the
Communist Manifesto and the name of Karl Marx was added as its author.
T h i s event occurred i n 1868, twenty years after its original publication.
What, then, did the Communist Party want Marx and Engels to write?
Marx saw the proletariat (the working class) wresting " . . . by degrees,
CHAPTER 9 COMMUNISM
a l l capital from the bourgeoisie (the propertied class).. .by means of
despotic inroads on the rights of property.""
This meant that Marx and his contemfxiraries had to develop a program
that would slowly destroy the rights to private property i n the society u n t i l
one day the working class would o w n all of the property. T h i s w o u l d not
lequire the use of force, just the action of an increasingly powerful govem-
ment which would steadily expand its role i n the affairs of the society.
Marx and Engels wrote the f o l l o w i n g for the Communist Party: "
"These measures w i l l of course be different i n different countries. Neverthe-
less, i n the most advanced countries the following w i l l be pretty generally
applicable:
1. Abolition of property i n land and application of all rents of land
to public purjxjses."
Marx had written elsewhere i n the manifesto: " Y o u are horrified at our
intending to do away w i t h your private property. Precisely so, that is just
what we intend."*"
So the first plank of the Manifesto was i n keeping w i t h the rest of the
philosophy of Marx, although this plank only dealt w i t h property i n the
form of land.
"2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax."
Here Marx adds the income tax as a method of taking property from the
"propertied class" to give i t to the "working class." T h i s plank is i n accord
with Marx's statement about the obligation the wealthy have to the poor:
"From each according to his ability, to each according to his need."
Govemment was to become the great income distributor. I t was to take
from the producers (the "haves,") and give i t to the non-producers, (the
"have-nots.")
"3. Abolition of all right of inheritance." ''
Not only was the producer of capital goods going to find out that, as his
efforts increased his rewards would decrease, but, whatever was left after the
govemment took what i t felt was needed for the poor, could not be left to his
heirs. Property was to become only the temporary possession of the producer.
"4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels."
Those who wished to leave the Communist state would have to forfeit
ibeir property to those who remained, and those who opposed the govem-
ment would have their property confiscated.
"5. Centralization of credit i n the hands of the State by means of a
national bank w i t h State capital and an exclusive monopoly."
The Communists told Marx to make certain that only the Communists
Would have the sole power to create inflation. T h i s power would grant them
the ability to destroy the private property rights of those citizens who kept
* e i r property i n die form of cash. ;,
CHAPTER 9 COMMUNISM
"6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport i n
the hands of the state."
The state w o u l d restrict the citizen's right to speak out against the state
by controlling his access to a mass audience, as well as control the society's
right to freely disburse the goods they produced.
"7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by
the State, the bringing into culdvation of waste lands, and the
improvement of the soil generally i n accordance w i t h a com-
mon plan."
T h e government w o u l d own all of the capital goods and the state would
determine what was to be grown on the land.
"8. E q u a l l i a b i l i t y of a l l to labor. Establishment of i n d u s t r i a l
armies, especially for agriculture."
A l l capital goods, including the labor force itself, were to belong to the
state. A n industrial army would be formed, capable of being moved by its
commander to whatever area the state felt needed workers, especially i n the
agricultural area.
"9. Combination of agriculture w i t h manufacturing industries;
gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country
by a more equable distribution of {xipulation over the country."
T h e u l t i m a t e capital good, man himself, w o u l d lose his u l t i m a t e
freedom: the r i g h t to live where he chose. Possibly Marx envisioned the
g r o w t h of the labor u n i o n as a vehicle to combine " a g r i c u l t u r a l and
manufacturing industries."
"10. Free education for a l l children i n public schools. Abolition of
children's factory labor i n its present form. Combination of
education w i t h industrial production etc., etc."
The State w o u l d assume the responsibility for the education of all of the
children i n the society. I t is presumed that Marx would not have tolerated a
private school where parents could teach their o w n children what they felt
was appropriate. I f the state were the only educator, i t c o u l d teach the
children whatever i t wanted.
The ultimate goal of the state w o u l d be to set the values of the society
through the public school system. I t is also presumed that Marx envisioned
the ultimate abolition of the family itself, as the state assumed not only the
role of the teacher i n the life of the child but the role of the parent as well.
The ten planks of the Communist Manifesto were written i n 1848. It is
interesting to see just how far these programs have advanced i n the American
society since that date.
1. Abolition of private property i n land:
The United States govemment now owns 33.5 percent of the land of the
U.S., completely i n violation of the U.S. Constitution.
96
CHAPTER 9 COMMUNISM
Article I grants pxjwers to the Legislative Branch of the Federal Govem-
ment. Section 8 of A r t i c l e I grants the power: " T o exercise exclusive
legislation i n all cases whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten miles
square) as may, by cession of p a r t i c u l a r States and the acceptance o f
Congress, became the seat of govemment of the United States, and to exercise
like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of
the State i n which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines,
arsenals, dockyards, and other useful buildings."
T h a t means that any l a n d owned by the government i n excess of
Washington D.C. and the necessary military bases is owned i n violation of
the U.S. Constitution.
A n d the government owns over one-third of the land i n the United
States.
I n addition, that land which the govemment does not o w n is controlled
through such controls as land use regulations, govemmental bureaucratic
edicts, zoning laws, etc. Rent controls are not normally impx)sed by the
federal govemment, but by local governments, but the effects upon private
property are the same. The government controls the land and property of its
citizens by controlling the prices the propjerty owners may charge for the
rental of their property. (Fascism was defined as control, but not ownership
of the factors of production.)
2. Progressive or graduated income tax:
The United States govemment passed the Graduated Income T a x i n
1913, after several previous attempts had failed.
3. The Inheritance Tax:
The United States government imposed the Inheritance T a x upon the
American people i n 1916.
4. The confiscation of the property of emigrants and rebels:
I n 1980, Congress took a giant step towards confiscation of property of
emigrants when i t pjassed H.R. 5691, which makes it a crime to transport or
even to attempt to transport "monetary instruments" totalling five thousand
dollars or more into or out of the country without filing the required repwrts
with the government
5. Centralization of credit; a national bank:
The United States set up its national bank, the Federal Reserve, i n 1913.
6. Centralization of communication and transport:
The United States created the Federal Trade Commission i n 1916, and
the Federal Communications Commission i n 1934.
7. Factors of production owned by the state:
Amtrak, the federal govemment's railway system, is a recent example of
mtmsion of the govemment into those areas traditionally operated by the
--enterprise system. However, other governmental intrusions i n t o the
97
CHAPTER 9 COMMUNISM

affairs of the American businessman take the form of govemmental controls

of the factors of production (Fascism) rather than direct ownership. (The
1980 loan to the Chrysler Corporation was a good example.) I n addition,
govemment bureaus of every form and shape issue edicts for the privately
owned business to follow. ; ; v ' /; ^l ; v
8. Equal liability to labon
T h e American govemment has not moved into this area as yet, but has
moved into the position of being die employer of last resort through such
programs as the Comprehensive E m p l o y m e n t a n d T r a i n i n g A c t , the
C i v i l i a n Conservation Corps, the draft, and a proposal k n o w n as the
Universal Military Service, where a l l of military age are obligated to serve
their country i n some capacity.
9. Forced distribution of the population:
Very litde has been done i n this area of Marxist thought except i n rather
isolated instances, such as the call for " U r b a n R e n e w a l . " U n d e r this
proposal, the govemment forces people out of low rent areas i n the name of
renewing urban decay. Few of these people return to the renewal area after
completion of the housing projects.
10. Free education i n public schools:
;[ j : A ,; t y i:'; ; igj j r Chapter 10
T h e U n i t e d States government t o o k a g i a n t step, albeit w i t h o u t
constitutional authority, towards controlling America's system of education, The Russian
by funding colleges and universities after Russia orbited the artificial satellite
called Sputnik i n 1957.
Another step towards this goal occurred i n 1980 when die Deparnnent
Revolution
of Education was established as a separate govemmental department
Students of Marx have noticed that he wanted the Communists to use
both the Graduated Income T a x and the Central Bank as a means of m a k i n g T h e Russian R e v o l u t i o n o f 1917 was started by starving Russian
"inroads into the property of the bourgeoisie." A n understanding of how workers w h o were being oppressed by the tyrannical leader of Russia, Czar
these two insoruments of desmiction work together w i l l follow i n subsequent Nicholas I I .
chapters of this book. T h i s is a one-sentence summary of the official explanation of the cause
T o show how close some of the Marxists are i n everyday life to abolish- of the C o m m u n i s t R e v o l u t i o n . B u t is there another explanation? Is i t
i n g the right to private property, the communists i n the Democratic Party i n possible that the Russian workers were being used by someone else for
Oregon passed a rather revealing pladorm plank at their annual statewide another reason, just as i n the French Revolution of 1789?
convention i n 1972. I t read: " L a n d is a common resource and should be held Perhaps the tme cause of the Russian Revolution can be traced to a war
i n public ownership."*' of competition i n the o i l industry diat started after the American Edward L .
The Communists are getting closer. Drake drilled die first o i l well i n 1859. Drake was not the one, however, w h o
saw the enormous potential i n the o i l business for exorbitant profits.
John D. Rockefeller was one of die early refiners of o i l , as he started i n
1863 w i t h two parmers. Rockefeller's interest was not satisfied w i t h just one
refinery, however. As author W i l l i a m Hoffman observed: "What he wanted
to be the largest refiner i n the world, the only refiner i n the w o r l d . " '
By 1872, Rockefeller c o n t r o l l e d twenty-five percent o f America's
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
refining capacity and by 1879 he connolled ninety-five percent* His goal
shifted now from national control to intemauonal control. His company,
Standard O i l , was supplying ninety percent of America's foreign o i l sales
and America was the sole source of an exportable surplus. But something
was h a p p e n i n g to his i n t e r n a t i o n a l market. " T h e w a l l of Standard's
intemauonal o i l monopwly had been breached w i t h the opening of Russia's
great Baku field on the Caspian Sea. By 1883, a railroad had been built to the
Black Sea, and the Czar had invited the Nobel brothers and the Rodischild
family to help develop these great o i l riches."'
Standard O i l now had an intemauonal competitor i n the o i l business!
T h e Rothschild family was now i n a position to compete favorably w i t h
Standard O i l i n die sale of o i l i n die world market By 1888, this new o i l
source had overtaken Standard O i l as the intemational seller of cmde o i l .
T h e development of Russia's o i l supply to the point where i t could
overtake the United States can be illustrated by the following table:
Petroleum Production:
Year USA Russia
1860 70,000 tons 1,300 tons
1885 3,120,000 tons 2,000,000 tons
1901 9,920,000 tons 12,170,000 tons
T h e rapid growth of the o i l industry led Russia into the industrialized
world. The uaditional explanation of Russia's economy at diis time was diat
the n a t i o n was an agrarian economy, far b e h i n d the other European
economies. However, during die period of 1907 to 1913, Russia's increase i n
its industrial production rate exceeded that of the United States, England,
and Germany, long believed to be the industrialized giants of the day.
The following is typical of the conclusion of many researchers who have
examined diis period i n history: "The Russian revolution of 1917 came not
at the end of period of stagnation and decay, but rather after more dian a half-
century of the most rapid and comprehensive economic progess." A n d w i t h
this progress came the development of a middle class, the enemy of the
conspiracy.
There are historians w h o now believe that the Russian Revolution of
1917 was i n t m t h a revolution instigated by the American and Eurojiean o i l
interests to wrest control of the Russian o i l fields from the Rothschild-Nobel
combination.
But other forces were at work as well i n the Russian Revolution. After
the defeat of Napoleon and the occupation of Paris i n 1814 by Russian
troops, many Russian aristocrats visited France. T h e liberal ideas of the
French Revolution appealed to many of them and resulted i n the formation
100
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSUN REVOLUTION
of two secret Masonic lodges (in Russia), the Northem Star and the Southern
Star. Both lodges enlisted as members many influential and wealthy Russian
nobles.*
The secret society had been brought to Russia. I n a book entided Russia
1917, author George Katkov cited the enormous influence the secret sodeties
had i n the Communist Revolution: "There is no d o u b t . . . that a widespread
net of conspiratorial organizations modeled on freemasons' lodges worked
for revolution i n Russia and played a decisive role i n the formation of the first
Provisional G o v e m m e n t " '
W i t h the arrival of the secret society, the near powerful could conspire
to replace the monarchy as a form of govemment through control over the
Provisional Government that replaced the Czar after he abdicated. T h e
conspirators n o w had t w o of the three essential parts of the "pincers
movement" written about by Jan Kozak.
The third part, the "mob," was organized i n 1895, when Vladimir Ilyich
Lenin and nine odiers, including Leon Trotsky, formed the Social Demo-
cratic Labor Party, the foremnner of the Communist Party.
Perhaps the incident that provoked Lenin's hatred of the Russian
monarchy and the Czar occurred i n 1881, w h e n his older brother was
executed for having taken part i n the assassination of Czar Alexander I I , the
grandfather of Nicholas I I , the Czar at the time of Lenin's revolution.
L e n i n ' s revolutionary career began w h i l e he was a student at the
University of Kazan, where he became a devotee of Karl Marx. Lenin leamed
that Marx had antidpated two revolutionary methods for total control of a
society: the violent and the non-violent
Marx's ten-plank program discussed i n an earlier chapter constituted
Marx's non-violent method of communizing a scKiety.
The Russian Communist Party was torn between the advocates of both
methods. Lenin preferred a violent revolution to gain control of Russia, and
Trotsky preferred the non-violent. T h e supporters of L e n i n became the
majority on the debates on the issue and became known as the Bolsheviks
(translated as "the majority" i n Russian), and the supporters of Trotsky
became the minority and were known as the Mensheviks ("the minority)."
Perhaps the most cmcial event i n the Russian Revolution occurred i n
the spring of 1905, when the British Fabian Sodety, a non-violent revolu-
tionary g r o u p , met the Bolsheviks, a v i o l e n t re volutiona ry g r o u p , i n
London, England. I t was at this meeting that loans were arranged between
the two groups so that the Bolsheviks could start their revolution. Joseph
Fels, a member of the Fabian Sodety and a wealthy American soap manufac-
'tirer, loaned the Bolsheviks large sums of money, as did other members of
* e Fabians.6
Arrangements also were made to finance the Japanese govemment i n a
101
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
war w i t h the Russian govemment i n an attempt to weaken the monarchy so
that i t w o u l d make the task of the Bolsheviks much easier. From New York,
Jacob Schiff, J.P. Morgan, the First Nadonal Bank, and the Nadonal C i t y
Bank loaned Japan a p p r o x i m a t e l y 130,000,000 to attack the Russian
govemment from the east.'
I n 1905, w i t h financing from members of the Fabian Sodety and w i t h
the knowledge that American bankers had loaned Japan money to move
against Russia's eastern front, Lenin started his revoludon o n May 1, the
anniversary of the founding of the I l l u m i n a d .
But L e n i n and his Bolsheviks were not i n i t i a l l y successful i n their
revolution i n spite of all of the assistance of the wealthy banking interests a n d
members of the Fabian Society. T h e Czar exiled L e n i n to Switzerland,
Trotsky to the United States, and Joseph Stalin to Siberia.
T h e Bolsheviks were at least partially successful i n weakening the
monarchy, as the Czar respxjnded to the charges of the R e v o l u t i o n a n d
instituted a series of reforms. For instance, he recognized the p r i n d p l e o f
limited govemment, proclaimed a set of fundamental laws, and established
a national parliament (called the Duma) w i t h a share i n the law-making
process for the people. I n other words, the monarchy was changing i n t o a
democratic republic.
I n an extremely puzzling move, the Czar, possibly the richest man i n the
world, deposited 1400,000,000 i n die Chase Bank (die Rockefeller interests,)
the National City Bank, Guaranty Bank (the Morgan interests,) the Hanover
T r u s t Bank, and the Manufacturers Trust Bank, and $80,000,000 i n the
Rothschild Bank i n Paris. I t is possible that he realized that his govemment
was i n trouble and he was h o p i n g that his deposits would buy toleration
from these interests after their attempt to remove h i m failed i n 1905.
T h e revolution led inexorably o n , and o n March 15, 1917, the Czar
abdicated i n favor of a provisional govemment led ultimately by the Socialist
Alexander Kerensky. One of the first acts of this govemment was to issue
amnesty to the exiled Bolsheviks and back to the Russian Revolution came
Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin.
Many historians feel that the Kerensky govemment was a temporary
front for the Bolsheviks, for three important reasons:
1. Kerensky was allowed to live after L e n i n assumed control of the
government w h i l e v i r t u a l l y a l l the other members of the P r o v i s i o n a l
Govemment were butchered i n the revolution that followed.
2. Kerensky issued a general amnesty not only for the Bolshevik leaders,
but a l l others exiled since the aborted revolution of 1905. I t is estimated that
this act freed over 250,000 dedicated revolutionaries.
3. Kerensky himself a d m i t t e d that the Kerensky government h a d
"received some support privately from industry i n America," possibly from
102
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
the same individuals w h o financed Lenin i n 1905.'
So back came the major Communist revolutionaries to the revolution.
Trotsky left New York City on March 27, 1917, o n the S.S. Christiana
w i t h 275 other followers on his way to Canada. He and his followers were
detained i n Halifax, Nova Scotia, by the Canadian government, w h i c h
found $10,000 o n his person. T h i s large quantity of money held by Trotsky
was indeed a strange amount, as he himself had admitted that the only
money he had received d u r i n g the years of 1916 and 1917 while i n New York
was $310 that he later admitted he had distributed among 5 emigrants w h o
were retuming to Russia.
T h e subject of Trotsky's $10,000 came u p i n 1919 d u r i n g a Senate
investigating committee's hearings into the subject of Bolshevik propaganda
and German money. " I t is quite remarkable that the (Overman) Committee
adjoumed abmptly before the source of Trotsky's funds could be placed into
the record. When questioning resumed the next day, Trotsky and his $10,000
were no longer of interest."'
Some d i d k n o w where the money had come from, however, even i f
officially the United States govemment did not want to know. Congressman
Louis McFadden, the Chairman of the House Banking Committee, went o n
record as saying: "They (the private banking monopolies) financed Trotsky's
mass meetings of discontent and rebellion i n New York. They paid Trotsky's
passage from New York to Russia so that he might assist i n the destmction
of the Russian empire. They fomented and instigated the Russian Revolu-
tion and they placed a large fund of American dollars at Trotsky's disposal
i n one of their branch banks i n Sweden.""*
T h e Canadian government, discovering that T r o t s k y carried an
American piassport, questioned the American govemment as to why they
w o u l d allow Trotsky to return to Russia when not only were Canadian
troops fighting the Germans i n World War I , but American troops as well.
I t followed, according to the Canadian reasoning, that i f the Russian
goverment, led by Trotsky and Lenin, signed a peace treaty w i t h Germany,
because Russia was also at war w i t h Germany at the time, i t w o u l d free
German troops at w a r w i t h Russia to k i l l A m e r i c a n troops as w e l l as
Canadian. I t certainly appeared to the Canadians that i t was i n America's
best interest to keep Russia i n the war against Germany and n o t assist
Trotsky i n his desire to overthrow the Czar.
Canada's efforts failed, as the W i l s o n administration pressured the
Canadian government i n t o releasing Trotsky. Trotsky and his followers
sailed as they had intended.
Perhaps one of the reasons that the Democratic President Woodrow
Wilson permitted Trotsky to leave Nova Scotia was that Charles Crane, of the
Westinghouse Company and Cbainpan of the Democratic Finance Commit-
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSUN REVOLUTION
tee, was accompanying Trotsky."
L e n i n also started his return to Russia along w i t h thirty-two other
Russian revoludonaries. These acdvists left Swiuerland i n an armored train
protected by German troops and they journeyed across war-torn Germany.
T h i s was strange as Germany was at war w i t h Russia, and i t was unusual for
L e n i n and his followers not to be prisoners of war. Their desdnadon was
Sweden, where Lenin received something like 22 m i l l i o n marks held for h i m
i n a Swedish bank.
There are some historians who believe the reason that Lenin and his
fellow Russian revolutionaries received such preferential treatment was
because the German govemment and Lenin had reached an agreement to
end their war when the Bolsheviks took control of the govemment.
Stalin retumed from Siberia, and now the key individuals were i n place
for the continuadon of the revoludon. The Bolsheviks replaced the Kerensky
government on November 7, 1917. T h e provisional government had set
November 25th as the first general election ever held i n Russia. For the first
time i n their history, the Russian people would hold free elections and they
could choose Bolshevism should they choose to do so.
There was some dissension amongst the Bolsheviks as to whether they
should allow the elections to be held as scheduled. Trotsky took the position
that they should and his view ultimately prevailed. The people would get the
opportunity to choose the form of govemment they wanted.
There were nearly 42 m i l l i o n votes cast, and the Bolshevik Communists
only received thirty percent of the vote. T h e Bolsheviks, when the Russian
people had a chance to accept or reject C o m m u n i s t leadership of their
govemment, were rejected by the people by a seventy to thirty margin.
Vet the claim is continuously made that the Russian people rose u p and
overthrew the Czar because they wished to replace the monarchy w i t h a
Communist govemment.
Another of the interesting charges made by the Bolshevik govemment is
that they had captured the seven members of the Imperial family: the Czar,
the Czarina (the Czar's wife,) the Czarevitch (the Czar' only son,) and their
four daughters. The claim was made that all seven had been murdered i n the
basement of the Ipatiev House i n Ekaterinburg, Russia.
The claim continued that the bodies of the Imperial family had been
dumped into an abandoned mine near the small town. Yet when various
investigators attempted to check this story out, "no bodies, bones, skulls, or
dental work of members of the Imperial family were ever found."'*
Rumors that the tamily had survived their captivity at Ekaterinburg and
had not been murdered started to make the rounds of Europe shortly after the
story was told diat they had been murdered, but die Bolsheviks continued to
deny them, holding to their official pxisition that diey were a l l dead.
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CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
These mmors were just mmors u n t i l a colonel (the Polish equivalent of
general) i n the Polish Army Intelligence defected to the United States i n 1961.
He had supplied the Western countries w i t h the names of hundreds of Soviet
spies safely hidden i n Western governments prior to his leaving the Polish
government.
The charges the colonel made while i n Poland had been tested by the
courts of the Western countries, and i n each case, the spies he had named were
found guilty. The American government tested his information as well, and
" . . . former F B I agent J o h n Norpel testified before the Senate Internal
Security Subcommittee that, to his knowledge, no information (die defector)
gave our govemment ever turned out to be w r o n g . " "
The defector, named Michael Goloniewski, brought additional names
of Soviet spies w i t h h i m when he defected. But there was one individual that
the colonel named that was never brought to trial. The colonel contended
d i a t " . . . Secretary of State Henry Kissinger has been a Soviet agent and that
his involvement w i t h Soviet Intelligence was made to agencies of o u r
govemment even before his rise to prominence."'*
T h i s charge was detailed i n a book by Frank Capell, entided Henry
Kissinger, Soviet Agent, that was published i n 1974. Capell reported: "that
under the name of 'Bor,' and described as an agent of ODRA, (a spy group
under the command of a Soviet intelligence general,) was Sergeant Henry
Kissinger, a U.S. Army counter-intelligence interrogator and instmctor at
the Military Intelligence School ""
This is the charge that Goloniewski made that never got a hearing i n an
American court. Those charged i n Europe w i t h being Soviet spies, i n each
case, had been tried and convicted, but for some unexplained reason, his
charges against Kissinger never made i t to court.
But the story about Goloniewski is even more interesting.
He also claimed that the Imperial family, the Czar of Russia and the rest
of his family, had survived the ordeal at Ekaterinburg and had lived i n
Europe since 1918. He claimed that they had been taken out of Russia i n the
back of tmcks, and then taken by ship to friendly pxirts where they could live
in anonymity.
Goloniewski's charge was partially substantiated by an article that
appeared i n die Dettoit Free Press i n 1970 diat claimed: "British govemment
documents recendy made public i n London indicate that President Wood-
row Wilson backed a secret mission to Russia i n 1917 w h i c h may have
resulted i n the rescue of Czar Nicholas and his family the following year. The
documents... state diat the U.S. govemment placed |75,000 at the disposal
of Sir W i l l i a m Wiseman, a partner i n the New York banking house of Kuhn,
Loeb&Co."'«
T h e article went o n to explain why the Russian Communists had
105
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN R E V O L i m O N
agreed to let the Czar and his family escape: " T h e r e is also m o u n t i n g
evidence that the unpublished complete text of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk,
signed March 3,1918, contains a guarantee from the Lenin govemment that
'no harm' w i l l come to the Romanovs, according to researchers.""
T h e n-eaty, named after the city where i t was signed, was a peace meaty
signed between the German and Russian govemments to end their involve-
ment against each other i n World War I . Many historians now believe that
the charge i n the newspaper ardcle about there being such a secret codicil i n
this Treaty is correct.
But Goloniewski makes one more astonishing charge: he claims to be
the Czarevitch, the son of the Czar of Russia. T h e Colonel's c l a i m was
investigated by the American govemment: " A number of skull measure-
ments and comparison of facial features, ears, relative distances between
mouth, nose, eyebrow, forehead, etc., have been made of Goloniewski and
compared w i t h photographs and paintings of the young Czarevitch Alexis.
I n general, they have tumed out to be more affirmidve than n o t " "
One fact that would certainly improve the Colonel's case that he was the
son of the Czar would be some sort of evidence that he had a blood condidon
s i m i l a r to the one that the y o u n g Czarevitch e x h i b i t e d as a boy. T h i s
condidon, which reduces the ability of the blood to coagulate, was called
hemophilia by those who knew the young Czarevitch as a boy, as that was the
state of the medical profession at the dme.
G o l o n i e w s k i "has been tested by D r . Alexander S. W i e n e r , a co-
discoverer of the R h factor i n blood, w h o found that the Colonel does indeed
suffer f r o m a b l o o d disease, the m a i n feature of w h i c h is s l o w b l o o d
coagulation.
Other tests, o n his fingerprints and sole (foot) prints, blood tests, dental
X-rays, and handwriting tests, also suggest that his claim could be tme.
I n fact, the individual w h o had the colonel tested was Herman Kimsey,
the Chief of Research and Analysis of the Central Intelligence Agency, who,
according to swom testimony, claimed that: "Michael Goloniewski (was) i n
r e a l i t y the T s a r e v i c h Aleksei, a fact Kimsey a n d his staff p e r s o n a l l y
confirmed
T h e colonel's charges that the I m p e r i a l family had survived their
capture and reported assassination were i n part confirmed i n 1977 by another
source, when a woman claiming to be Anastasia, the Czarevitch's sister, had
her charges certified by a French ear expert. T h i s expert made ear compari-
sons between her ears and the known pictures of the young Anastasia. These
comparisons, made by one of France's best k n o w n forensic experts, w o u l d be
admissible i n French courts as proof of Anastasia's claims.
But the Colonel has had difficulty i n proving his claims i n an American
court, and few, i f any, i n government w i l l listen any more. Perhaps the
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
reason the Colonel is having difficulty lies i n the fact that the Czar left
millions of dollars i n American and European banks, and that this wealth is
today worth billions of dollars. I f the Colonel is certified to be the heir to the
Czar, he would have a good claim on these deposits, money that he has no
aversion about saying would be used to destroy Communism around the
world. The Colonel is no friend of the international bankers who were the
recipients of these deposits.
(It is interesting that the colonel charges that Herman Kimsey, the C I . A.
official w h o conducted the tests that certified that he was who he claimed to
be, was murdered i n January, 1971, by means of a " w r o n g b l o o d
transfusion.")
The Russian people were being conditioned to the fact that the Czar was
dead and that the revolution had succeeded i n replacing the monarchy w i t h
a Communist form of govemment. The United States, during the revolu-
tion, took little or no direct action against the Bolsheviks, a l t h o u g h i t
appeared to other nations, especially i n Europe, that the American govem-
ment was supporting the Communists. At least that is the gist of a correspon-
dence the American government received from the U.S. legation i n Bern,
Switzerland, which read: " . . . people are asking why the President expresses
support of Bolsheviki, i n view of rapine, murder and anarchy of these
bands.""
(Rapine is defined as the seizing and carrying away of things by force
and plunder.)
Just what was the American govemment supporting?
Lenin had answered that question by w r i t i n g : "Our power does not
know liberty or justice. I t is entirely established on the destmction of the
individual w i l l . We are the masters. Complete indifference to suffering is our
duty. I n the fulfillment of our calling, the greatest cruelty is a merit"**
A n d : " T h o u g h a systematic terror, d u r i n g w h i c h every breach of
contract, every treason, every lie w i l l be lawful, we w i l l find the way to abase
humanity down to the lowest level of existence. That is indispensible to the
establishment of our dominance."*'
Lenin also declared his philosophical kinship w i t h Karl Marx when he
declared o n November 8, 1917, just after the Communists took over the
Russian government: " T h e r i g h t of private property i n land is forever
abolished. A l l land owned by the Church, private persons, by peasants, is
taken away without compensation."**
It is interesting that the peasants of Russia, the supposedly landless class
that the Russian Communists were causing a revolution to assist, lost their
'and as well.
Lenin had lied to the people. He had promised them that the land
^ o u l d be taken away from the landed gentry and given to them, the "poor.
107
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
downtrodden working class." Some of the peasants already owned land that
was taken away by Lenin's decree.
T h e Revolution, w i t h American help, was now complete: the Bolshev-
iks had seized control of the once prosperous Russian govemment
One of the first acts of the Bolshevik govemment i n 1917 was to dissolve
the lodges of the Freemasons.
But the most insidious activity of the new Communist government
occurred w h e n they signed a peace treaty w i t h Germany to end their
involvement i n World War I, just as the Canadian government had feared. As
a result of this peace treaty, the Germans were able to move their troops to the
western front to k i l l American and Canadian soldiers.*'
W i t h the war i n eastern Europe n o w over, the secret C o m m u n i s t
organizations c o u l d start C o m m u n i s t revolutions a l l over Europe. For
instance, the G e r m a n C o m m u n i s t s , c a l l i n g themselves the G e r m a n
"Spartadsts" after the Roman slave Spartacus w h o led an uprising against
the Roman empire, (or was i t because Adam Weishaupt the founder of the
I l l u m i n a t i , had called himself Spartacus i n his dealings w i t h his fellow
I l l u m i n a t i members) revolted against the German govemment
Revolutions were also instigated i n Austria and Hungary, but a l l of
these failed and the traditional method of govemmental m l e prevailed.
Life magazine, i n its article on revolution, correctly identified the enemy
of these revolutions: "Their nemesis was Europe's solid middle class... a
class once weakly represented i n Russia. Chiefly because of i t no Communist
Party has been able to seize power i n Westem Europe to this day."*'
As is the case i n every major Communist revolution, the enemy is the
middle class, and their elimination becomes the reason for the revolution.
But the American support of the Bolshevik govemment d i d not end
w i t h the ending of the fighting between the Germans and the Russians.
President Woodrow Wilson refused Japan's request to enter the revolution
against the Bolsheviks i n 1919.*' T h i s effort w o u l d have p u t enormous
pressure o n the Bolsheviks w h o w o u l d have had trouble raising an army
against die Japanese, just like die Czar had i n 1905.
T h e Fabian Society, non-violent Marxists, also assisted the Bolshevik
govemment later when they pressured the labor unions i n England: "The
sweeping threat by British trade unions to 'down tools' i n 1920 was instigated
by an arch-Fabian Arthur Henderson. T h i s threat effectively ended British
military intervention i n Russia and enabled the Bolsheviks to capture large
stores of British-made m u n i t i o n s — a decisive factor i n the survival of
Bolshevik armed m l e "*«
T h e "non-violent" branch of the Conspiracy was now assisting the
" v i o l e n t " even though Lenin himself was w a m i n g the world that his intent
was to desuoy die free-enterprise system: "As long as Capitalism (the free-
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
enterprise system) and Communism remain. We cannot live i n peace. I n the
end, one or the other w i l l perish."*'
Lenin also received assistance from those who supposedly had the most
to lose i n a C o m m u n i s t Russia: the w e a l t h y A m e r i c a n
"capitalists" themselves.
T h e director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, W i l l i a m B.
Thompson, gave a personal contribution of |1,000,000 to the Bolsheviks. Mr.
Thompson was also a heavy stockholder i n the Chase National Bank, owned
by the Rockefeller interests.'"
The Morgan and Rockefeller interests also contributed cash to the cause,
as d i d Jacob Schiff, the senior partner of K u h n , Loeb and Co., w h o gave
Lenin $20,000,000. Schiff was a parmer of Paul Warburg, die Chairman of
the Federal Reserve, and a partidpant at the Jekyll Island, Georgia, meetings
that wrote the Federal Reserve b i l l that created America's central banking
system.
I n addition to assistance from the Americans, primarily the banking
interests, Lenin also received, according to Alexander Kerensky, the sum of
forty m i l l i o n g o l d marks (about $5,000,000) from the German b a n k i n g
interests."
Whde the banking fraternity was f i n a n d n g the Russian Revolution,
they were also bringing W o r l d War I to a close by causing the Treaty of
Versailles to be signed. President W o o d r o w W i l s o n led the A m e r i c a n
delegation to the signing of the treaty, taking along w i t h h i m , as delegates or
assistants to the delegation, his tmsted assistant Colonel Edward Mandell
House; Thomas L a m o n t a partner of J.P. Morgan; Paul Warburg; and four
young visionaries: Allen Dulles, later the head of die Central Intelligence
Agency; J o h n Foster D u l l e s , later the Secretary o f State i n President
Eisenhower's cabinet; Walter L i p p m a n n , later a na tiona lly syndicated
columnist; and Christian Herter, later the Secretary of State w h o replaced
John Foster Dulles.
T h e G e r m a n delegation to the s i g n i n g i n c l u d e d P a ul Warburg's
brodier. Max, w h o was the president of the M . N . Warburg and Co., intema-
tional bankers, and the individual w h o assisted Lenin i n crossing war-tom
Germany during his retum to Russia from exile i n Switzerland.
But even w i t h a l l of the financial assistance given to L e n i n by the
wealthy "capitalists," the Bolsheviks only controlled a small percentage of
Russia. T h e Communists now had to consolidate their power and expand i t
through the remainder of Russia. The strategy utilized to achieve diis goal
Was forced starvation of the Russian people.
The Bolsheviks, i n keeping w i t h Lenin's dictum to utilize terror i n their
Quest for political power, w o u l d move into an area, grab a l l of the food
supplies and the livestock, and then inform the peasants w h o previously
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
owned diese items diat they were to be placed on a "collective farm" where
the property would be owned by the state i n the name of the people. Those
who resisted die imposition of the collective were either starved or murdered,
or placed into concentration camps so that they could learn about the merits
of collectivism through die teachings of the Bolsheviks.
One of the Bolsheviks c o m m i t t i n g these heinous crimes against the
people was Nikita Khrushchev, later to become the leader of the Russian
government. His crimes were documented i n a seven part study conducted by
the House Committee on Un-American Activities, i n a repxirt entitled The
Crimes of Khrushchev. This report concluded that "Khrushchev... as the
No. 1 Communist official i n the Moscow area... sent thousands to their
death, (and) scores of thousands to hideous slave-labor camps."'*
O b v i o u s l y , food p r o d u c t i o n dropped w h e n the government took
producers off the fields. So the starvation perpetuated itself to the p o i n t
where millions of Russian peasants starved all across the nation.
I t was now important that the Bolshevik government have outside
assistance i f i t was to survive.
The American government again filled a very important void i n the
Russian economy.
T h i s time i t was Herbert Hoover who "saved Lenin's dictatorship from
popular revolt i n the early 1920's. There is further proof diat Hoover, dien
President Harding's Secretary of Commerce, knew U.S. shipments of food,
w h i c h the American people were t o l d were to save starving Russians,
actually were used to strengthen Bolshevik power. I n his book Herbert
Hoover and Famine Relief to Soviet Russia, professor Benjamin Weissman
of Rutgers University revealed that Hoover c o n t i n u e d to send p u b l i c
foodstuffs to Russia long after i t was obvious the Bolsheviks were shipping
their o w n food abroad i n order to purchase machinery.""
Because of this American assistance, Lenin and the Bolsheviks were able
to take power i n the remainder of Russia. They began to b u i l d "the Socialist
Order." T h i s program included the following:
1. Private ownership of land was abolished.
2. Banks were nationalized.
3. Most industrial enterprises were nationalized.
4. The merchant marine was nationalized.
5. T h e stock market was slowly abolished.
6. The right of inheritance was abolished.
7. Gold was declared a state monopoly.
8. A l l govemment debts were declared n u l l and void.
9. The o l d criminal courts were replaced by revolutionary mbunals
i n which any citizen could act as judge or lawyer.
10. T h e o l d strict marriage and divorce laws were replaced by very
lenient civil codes.
no
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
II. T h e c h u r c h was n o t abolished, b u t its lands were seized a n d
religious teaching was forbidden i n the schools.'*
Lenin, i n keeping w i t h Marx's teachings that the state should create a
central bank and have an exclusive monopoly on the issuance of money took
control of the Russian banking system. His first priority i n this move was to
create massive inflation. H e " . . . used the p r i n t i n g press to destroy the
people's savings and redistribute the wealth by sharing die poverty. I n 1921,
Communist economist Eugene Preobrazhensky had even dedicated a book to
the ' p r i n t i n g press of the People's Commissariat of Finance,' w h i c h he
described as that 'machine-gun which attacked the bourgeois regime i n its
rear—its monetary system—by converting the bourgeois economic law of
money circulation into a means of destruction of that same regime and into
a force of financing the r e v o l u t i o n . ' " "
L e n i n used the p r i n t i n g press to increase the number of rubles i n
drculation "nearly 20,000 times from 1921 to 1923."" I n fact the quantity of
rubles issued each m o n t h was so staggering, the Communists weren't even
capable of remembering the exact quantity issued. " I n March, 1922, the
Commissar of Finance.. .announced that the issues of that m o n t h alone
amounted to either twenty-three of twenty-four trillions, he wasn't sure
which.""
The resulting inflation raised the general index of prices to 16,000 times
what i t was i n 1913. I t had its desired effect. The middle class was eliminated
as a class i n Russia.
Now that the local banks had been nationalized, the next step was to
create an intemational bank, which was formed i n the fall of 1922. I t was
based on a "syndicate that involved the former Russian private bankers and
some new investment f r o m G e r m a n , Swedish, A m e r i c a n a n d B r i t i s h
bankers.""
So Lenin now rewarded those who had helped h i m finance the Russian
Revolution by allowing them to become part of the intemational bank he
was creating. I n fact, the Rockefellers were included i n his plans as well. " I n
die 1930's the Chase National was one of four American banks and financial
houses to institute relations w i t h the Soviets (in addition to Equitable Trust,
Guaranty Trust, and Kuhn Loeb.)""
It was i n 1929 that the final piece fell into place. The Russian govem-
ment made it a crime for the Russian pieople to own gold i n any form. The
people had lost their right to check govemment's intrusions into the money
supply by their ability to print increasingly worthless paper money.
Now that the middle class had been destroyed as a class of people
rough inflation, the Soviets focused their attention on the poor. T h e
starvation continued, even after Lenin died and Stalin replaced him. I n 1930
i n began his campaign to confiscate the lands of the peasant farmers and
111
CHAPTER 10 T H E RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

herd diese men and dieir families into 'collecuve' or state farms. T o crush
their spirit, the regime created a man-made famine. Armed squads stripped
vast areas of all grain, cattle, and food. More than 3.5 m i l l i o n more peasants
died i n concentration camps. Prominent Bolshevik N i k o l a i B u k h a r i n
admitted 'we are conducting a mass annihilation of defenseless men together
w i t h their wives and children.'
I n 1970, the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee released a study
entitled The Human Cost of Soviet Communism which asserted that at least
21.5 m i l l i o n persons have been executed or have died i n prison camps i n the
Soviet U n i o n during the past fifty-one years. T h e author of the repwrt stated
that his estimate was conservative and that the real figure may have been as
h i g h as 45 m i l l i o n .
But even this cost i n h u m a n misery is not considered too h i g h by certain
Americans. President H a r r y T r u m a n was quoted by author Eldorous L .
Dayton i n his book Give 'em Hell, Harry as saying: "Moscow emerged from
the dark ages only i n 1917."*'
So, i n summary. Communism was imposed down on the people: the
people d i d not rise u p and demand Communism. But, even w i t h the ample
evidence supporting this statement, others still do not choose to believe that
Chapter 11
this is true. Life magazine, for one, i n its series on Revolutions, concluded
this about the Russian Revolution of 1917: "The Russian Revolution began
spontaneously i n an urban insurrection against a feudal regime
The Cuban Revolution
Another author, Robert Goldston, i n his book The Russian Revolution,
stated his o p i n i o n thus: "Revolutions are not conspiracies—they are vast
social upheavals as inevitable and self-justifying as earthquakes."*' Other countries have shared Russia's "emergence from the dark ages" by
I n fact, four American presidents felt that the price the Russian people changing their govemmental configuration to Communism as well. Cuba is
paid for Bolshevik "progress" was too h i g h and they showed their contempt one of these "fortunate" countries.
for the Bolshevik government by refusing to recognize them as Russia's The typical explanation of the reasons for Cuba's Communist experi-
government. T h i s A m e r i c a n p o l i c y lasted u n t i l 1933 w h e n President ment is that Cuba was a poverty-stricken c o u n t r y beset w i t h i n t e r n a l
F r a n k l i n Roosevelt granted d i p l o m a t i c recognition to the Communist problems so intense that the people were forced to seek a change i n their
govemment, legitimizing the brutal regime, and i n essence approving their govemment "There was a general misconception that the events i n Cuba
methods i n achieving control of the Russian govemment were brought about by low standards of l i v i n g and social inequalities. T h e
facts belie this."'
I n fact, Cuba of a l l of the countries i n L a t i n America, had a r i s i n g
standard of living, and the people were moderately prosperous. Cuba was,
amongst the Latin American countries:
diird i n percentage of literacy; , , i
first i n percentage of education; ; i , i ;
lowest i n mortality-rate; ! ' '
second i n number of doctors per 1,000 people; ' j
third i n die number of dentists per 1,000 people; !
first i n die number of cars per person; ; v ,

113
CHAPTER 11 T H E CUBAN REVOLUTION
first i n the number of T V sets;
third i n the number of telephones;
fourth i n wages per employee; and
second i n per capita income.
Cuba i n 1958, prior to die govemment of the Communist Fidel Castro,
paid its employees an average of |3.00 per hour, w h i c h was higher that year
than B e l g i u m (12.70); Denmark (12.86); France ($1.74); West Germany
($2.73); and comparable to die United States ($4.06).
After the Cuban revoludon, the standard of l i v i n g dropped, as evidenced
by these comments gleaned from four recent American magazine arucles o n
Cuba:
Anyone can observe the streets recalling that once they were
filled w i t h autos and now there are few.*
A l t h o u g h food items are limited, they are available. Other
products are simply not to be had. Such a system of shortages makes
a ripe condition for black marketing.'
No matter how much money a family has, i t finds itself equal
before the Cuban rationing system, which includes practically all
food and consumer goods.
Every C u b a n has a packet o f r a d o n books, one for each
category.*
T h e work hours are long, shortages are real, and the many
activities, freedoms, and possessions that Americans consider
necessary to happiness are either limited or unavailable.'
Since the Revolution, organized religion has markedly lost
power. The greatest change was the takeover of the schools, always
a large part of the Catholic Church's activities.*
A n article i n die U.S. News and World Report, June 26, 1978, furdier
confirmed the scarcities and shortages i n the Cuban "paradise:"
Food shortages are a way of life i n Castro's Cuba. Havana's
best restaurants consistendy r u n short of meat and other staples.
Because almost everything is owned by the state, Cubans are
enmeshed i n endless red tape
Most workers lack motivation because of l o w pay. Often, four
or five persons work on a j o b that requires only one. Nobody does
a good job. Here i n Cuba, you do only what y o u have to do, and
care little about the quality of your work.'
T h e author of die book Inside Cuba Today, Fred Ward, was concerned
about the dismal record of Cuba, especially after Cuba had once been one of
the most prosperous countries i n L a t i n America. H e interviewed many
Cubans and they had difficulty w i t h his simple question: " N o one asked by
114
CHAPTER 11 T H E CUBAN REVOLUTION
the a u t h o r i n Cuba c o u l d answer the basic concern o f any student of
Communism: I f the system is so successful and desirable, why won't i t work
without the massive restrictions on individual liberty?"'
The life is so undesirable i n Cuba that many have voted against i t w i t h
their feet: "About 800,000 Cubans have emigrated to America since Fidel
Castro seized power i n Cuba i n 1959."'
If the Cuban people knew what they know about the dismal record of
Communism i n Cuba, they certainly would not have allowed their country
to go C o m m u n i s t . B u t the Cubans had the i n f o r m a t i o n necessary to
determine i f Communism had worked anywhere i n the world prior to 1959,
but the country went Communist anyway. The question should be asked,
then, just why the country is Communist.
The American Ambassador to Cuba d u r i n g the Communist Revolu-
tion, Earl E. T . Smith, has this to say about the answer to that question: " T o
the contrary, Castro could not have seized power i n Cuba without the aid of
the United States. American govemment agencies and the United States press
played a major role i n bringing Castro to power. As the U.S. Ambassador to
Cuba during the Castro-Communist revolution of 1957-59,1 had first-hand
knowledge of the facts which brought about the rise of Fidel Castro. T h e
State Department consistently intervened—positively, negatively, and by
innuendo—to b r i n g about the downfall of President Fulgencio Batista,
thereby making i t possible for Fidel Castro to take over the government of
Cuba. O n January 1, 1959, the government of Cuba fell. The United States
continued to a i d the Castro regime by m a i n t a i n i n g the long-standing
subsidy for Cuban sugar exports."'"
The question that has long plagued those w h o supported the guerilla
activities of Fidel Castro has been whether or not Castro was a Communist
prior to his becoming the leader of the Cuban Communist government.
The evidence was that Castro was indeed a long-term Communist prior
to the commencement of his guerilla activities against the Batista govem-
ment and this fact was known to those i n the American govemment w h o
supported his revolution. T h i s conclusion is now a matter of fact, as the
evidence of history confirms the fact that Castro had been a Communist since
his early college days. I n 1948 there was an attempted Communist takeover
m Colombia, Soudi America. Fidel Castto led a student group into a radio
station where he grabbed a microphone to announce: "This is Fidel Castto
from Cuba. T h i s is a Communist revolution. The president has been killed.
A l l of the military establishments are now i n our hands. T h e Navy has
capitulated to us, die revolution has been a success.""
T h i s statement was heard by W i l l i a m D. Pawley, former American
'^bassador to Brazil and Peru, w h o heard Castro on his car radio while he
^as i n Bogota, Columbia, d u r i n g the attempted revolution.
115
CHAPTER a T H E CUBAN REVOLUTION
Castro fled Colombia and went to the Cuban mountains, where he
started his revoludon against the Badsta govemment. T h i s was i n December,
1956, and Castro had a total of eighty-two followers. T h i s number soon
dwindled to eleven, and by June of 1957 Castto had only diirty guerillas. T h e
claim is constandy made that Castro's revolution was a popular one, and that
die workers of Cuba flocked to assist h i m . The numbers just aren't diere to
support this conclusion.
One of the early supporters of Fidel Castto was Herbert Matthews, a
reporter for the New York Times, and a member of the Council on Foreign
Relations. 12 O n Febmary 25, 1957, M r . Matthews reported to his readers:
"There is n o communism to speak of i n Fidel Castto's movement.""
I t was about diis time, however, that die U.S. govemment leamed that
M r . Matthews was incorrect: " A complete dossier o n Castro.. . a n d the
Communists surrounding Castro, prepared by the G-2 (Intelligence) of die
Cuban Army, was hand carried to Washington i n 1957 and delivered to Allen
Dulles, head of the C.I.A.">*
Unfortunately for die Cuban people and ultimately for the w o r l d as
well, Allen Dulles, also a member of the Council o n Foreign Relations, did
nothing w i t h this information.
Once again, i n 1958, offidal reports of Castro's Communist connections
were delivered to W i l l i a m Wieland, L a t i n American Spedalist i n the State
Deparunent As a response to diese reports, Mr. Wieland requested diat die
U.S. govemment cancel a l l arms shipments to the Cuban govemment of
Fulgencio Batista.
About this time, Castro gave a written interview to Jules DuBois i n
which he declared: " I have never been nor a m I a Communist ""
Further support for the " n o n - C o m m u n i s t " Castro came from the
American Ambassador to Cuba w h o declared that Batista no longer had die
support of die U.S. govemment and that he should leave Cuba."
T o show diat diis statement was uiie, and diat die U.S. govemment was
s u p p o r t i n g Castro, Roy R u b o t t o m , the Assistant Secretary for L a t i n
American Affairs, declared i n December, 1958: "There was no evidence of any
organized Communist elements w i t h i n the Castro movement or diat Senor
Castto himself was under Communist influence.""
One w h o disagreed was Major Pedro Diaz Lanz, head of Fidel Castto's
A i r Force. H e visited die United States i n July of 1959 to proclaim diat he had
first-hand knowledge that Castto was a C o m m u n i s t He went on a nation-
wide speaking tour proclaiming diis fact but few w h o could do anydiing
about i t were listening.
Ambassador Smith gave credibility to die charges of Major Lanz when
he reported: "From die time Castto landed i n the province of Oriente i n
December, 1956, die State Department received reports of probable Commu-
CHAPTER 11 T H E CUBAN REVOLUTION
nist i n f i l t r a t i o n . . . o f the 26th of J u l y movement (the name of Castro's
guerilla a r m y . ) " "
Smith placed the blame for Castro's assumption of power i n Cuba
where he felt i t should be placed: "The U.S. govemment agendes and the
U.S. press played a major role i n bringing Castto to power."*'
T h e debate as to whether or not Castto was a Communist ended when
Castto himself proclaimed the following on December 2,1961: " I have been
a Communist since my teens."**
Those w h o had been stating diat Castto was not a Communist had been
wrong, but the damage had already been done. Castto assumed power i n
Cuba, and the U n i t e d States government q u i c k l y granted d i p l o m a t i c
recognition to his govemment The State Deparunent added its assurance of
its "good w i l l " towards the new govemment
Castto now had the oppxirtunity to put his Communist ideas to work i n
Cuba. One of die first steps he took was i n May, 1959, when he passed the
Agrarian Reform Law. T h i s Communist program instmcted the farmers i n
what prcxlucts they could grow and what price they could charge for them.
I n addition, Castto passed die Urban Reform Law which cancelled all leases
and mortgages, thereby dealing a staggering blow to the middle and upper
classes i n Cuba.
But die position of die United States govemment was changing, at least
i n die secret confines of the various departments i n charge of such things.
President Eisenhower gave the C.I.A. permission to organize a group of
Cuban exiles i n the United States into an armed force trained to retum to
Cuba and attempt to overthrow the Castto govemment Eisenhower placed
the head of the C.I.A., Allen Dulles, i n charge of the program. Bodi Dulles
and Eisenhower were members of the C o u n d l on Foreign Relations.
The C.I.A. developed die plans for die armed invasion of Cuba, and
selected two preliminary invasion sites i n 1961: the Bay of Pigs, and the town
of Trinidad, Cuba. The latter had several distinct advantages over the Bay of
Pigs: i t was 100 miles fardier from Havana, the seat of Castto's power; i t had
a basically anti-Castto population; i t had an airfield located nearby, suitable
as a site for unloading the ttoops, ammunition and supplies so vital to the
success of the invasion; and the town had one ingredient necessary should the
invasion fail: diere was a range of mountains nearby into which die anti-
Castto Cubans could flee. These mountains could hide the force, enabling
them to rally support of other anti-Castto soldiers i n a guerilla war against
the Castto govemment
The plans for the invasion were discussed and approved by a committee
of various offidals i n the Kennedy administration, even though Mr. Dulles
^as die offidal designee as die chief of die operation. T h e members of diis
"wnmittee were: s.
CHAPTER 11 T H E CUBAN REVOLUTION
Secretary of State Dean Rusk, meml)er of the C.F.R.;
Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, member of the C.F.R.;
General L y m a n Lemnitzer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
member of the C.F.R.;
Admiral Arleigh Burke, Chief of Naval Operadons;
Adolf A. Berle, Jr., Head of the l ^ d n American Task Force, member
of the C.F.R.; and
McGeorge Bundy, Special Assistant to the President for National
Security Affairs, member of the C.F.R.*'
I t is revealing that five of the six members of this committee were
members of die Council o n Foreign Relations, described by one author as
"The Invisible Government" of the United States.
I n a d d i t i o n . President Kennedy, n o w the President after replacing
Eisenhower, called a meeting on A p r i l 4, 1961, of the National Security
Council i n order to have a full-dress debate on the plan. Those attending
included:
Allen Dulles, member of the C.F.R.;
Richard Bissell, member of die C.F.R.;
General Lemnitzer, member of the C.F.R.;
Mr. Rusk, member of die C.F.R.;
Mr. McNamara, member of the C.F.R.;
Adolf Berle, member of die C.F.R.; ^ the soldiers on the beaches ran out of a m m u n i t i o n w i t h i n the first twenty-
Arthur Schlesinger, member of the C.F.R.;
McGeorge Bundy, member of the C.F.R.; ' 3. The C.I.A. armed the 1,443 man invasion force w i t h weajxms requir-
Thomas Mann;
Paul Nitze, member of the C.F.R.;
Douglas D i l l o n , member of the C.F.R.; and
Senator W i l l i a m Fulbright.
The invasion force entered Cuba at the Bay of Pigs, the second choice of
the two locations, and even though there were some early successes, the
invasion failed. I n the first few moments, the invaders held control of
approximately 800 square miles, b u t when Castro's air force suddenly
appeared to control the skies over the invasion site, the invasion was doomed.
There has been m u c h w r i t t e n on b o t h sides about the question of
whether the invading Cubans were promised American air cover.
The anti-Castro Cubans were aware of how essential air cover was to the
success of the mission and they have taken the position since the invasion
that the American government had indeed promised this protection. The
American govemment's position has basically been that no such air cover
was promised.
I n any event, there was no American air cover and the invasion faded.
One of the early signs that the invasion was planned to fail was the
118
CHAPTER 11 T H E CUBAN REVOLUTION
appearance of an article i n the New York Times on January 10, 1961, that
carried this headline about three months prior to the invasion: "U.S. Helps
T r a i n Anti-Castro Force at Secret Guatemalan Air-Ground Base""
The article included a map showing the location of the Uaining base o n
Guatemalan soil. I t went on to report that the Guatemalan govemment was
t r a i n i n g a force to protect Guatemala against a C u b a n i n v a s i o n , b u t
indicated that other Guatemalans were not accepting that explanation:
"Opponents of the Ydigoran A d m i n i s t r a t i o n (the current Guatemalan
president) have insisted that the preparations are for an offensive against the
Cuban regime of Premier Fidel Castro and diat they are being planned and
directed and to a great extent being paid for, by the United States."*'
So all Castro had to do to know about the invasion that was yet to come
was to read the New York Timesl
So the invasion was held on A p r i l 16, 1961, and Castro's armed forces
and air force were victorious. There are several things about the invasion that
are extremely revealing about how pxxirly i t had been planned:
1. The Cuban invasion force was told that there were no reefs i n the
landing area, yet the bottoms of three landing craft were ripped open by the
reefs, hidden by the tide.
2. W i t h o u t any air support, Castro's air force was able to sink t w o
supply ships. Without the needed supplies being brought ashore, many of
four hours.
ing over thirty different types of ammunition. The guns were purchased i n
second-hand stores to "avoid identifying the invading force w i t h the U.S.
(government)."
4. Planned coordination of an underground uprising of anti-Castro
Cubans on Cuba were mismanaged and word to over one hundred under-
ground organizations was never given. They were not told when the invasion
was planned.
5. Radio S W A N , the C.I.A.'s short wave broadcast station gave one
conflicting and false report after another about uprisings all over Cuba, none
of which were tme.
After the Bay of Pigs invasion failed, the Castro govemment could claim
that tiny Communist Cuba had defeated the mighty United States, and U.S.
prestige as a result of this failure sunk to a new low i n L a t i n America. T h e
•esson was clear. The powerful United States could not Uain a force capable
of putting an end to Communism i n Cuba but, by inference, anywhere else
"1 Latin America. A n d any country needing American assistance i n solving
their internal battles w i t h Communism had best not ask the United States
government to assist.
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CHAPTER 11 T H E CUBAN REVOLUTION
One of the American journalists w h o reported on this t u m i n popular
support was Dr. Steuart McBimie, w h o toured the area shordy after the Bay
of Pigs. H e reported that many leaders of the L a t i n American countries he
visited reported that they felt that they couldn't tmst the American govem-
ment any longer as a protector of their govemment against Communism. Dr.
McBimie reported diese attitudes i n America through his extensive radio
broadcasts and y^ritings, but nothing changed.
Cuba retumed to the international spodight once again a year later
d u r i n g what has been called "The Cuban Missile Crisis."
O n October 16, 1962, President John Kennedy called a meeting at die
White House because his intelligence sources were advising h i m diat the
Russian govemment was placing missiles and atomic weapons i n Cuba.
Present at that meeting were nineteen others, all key members of die Kennedy
administtation, including his brother, Attomey General Robert Kennedy.
The Central Intelligence Agency made a formal presentation to those i n
attendance by showing them photographs taken at various missile sites i n
Cuba. Robert Kennedy later wrote a book entided Thirteen Days, i n which
he commented on those pictures. He wrote: " I , for one, had to take their word
for it. I examined the pictures carefully, and what I saw appeared to be no
more than the clearing of a field for a farm or the basement of a house. I was
relieved to hear later that this was the same reaction of virtually everyone at
the meeting including President Kennedy."*'
O f the twenty people at the meeting, fifteen were members of the
Council on Foreign Relations.
President Kennedy, apparendy after being convinced that he should see
missiles i n pictures where there were n o missiles, decided to take stern
measures against die Russian govemment. He went on television and told
the American people that several of the Cuban bases included "ballistic
missiles" capable of reaching a portion of the United States. He then called
on Premier Khrushchev of Russia to withdraw the "missiles" from Cuba.
When The New York Times carried the story of Kennedy's speech the next
day, their article carried no pictures of either a missile or a missile base.
However, the next day, October 24, 1962, they published a picture of a
supposed "missile site" w i t h what they identified as "missiles on launchers."
T h e supposed "missiles" i n the picture were no larger than an actual pencil
dot, but the Times was certain that those dots were "missiles."
Whatever the objects were that the Russians had i n Cuba, they agreed to
remove them o n October 28, subject to "United Nations verification."*' The
American Navy was actually prepared to board the departing Russian ships
to verify that actual missiles were being removed. But n o one actually
boarded any Russian ship supposedly carrying missiles. American photo-
graphers took pictures of the Russian ships as they flew over them while the
' CHAPTER 11 T H E CUBAN REVOLUTION
ships were i n the ocean, but all these photos showed were tarpaulin covered
objects of unknown contents. The media quickly labelled these objects as
"Soviet missiles."*'
The myth that Russia was actually removing missiles has been perpet-
uated for many years. As recently as March 29, 1982, U.S. News and World
Report carried a picture of the stern end of a ship moving through the water
w i t h a tarpaulin covered object on the deck. The caption under the picture
read "Soviet ship removes nuclear missiles from Cuba i n 1962 showdown."*'
I t is not k n o w n , because i t has never been revealed, j u s t h o w the
American government or the American press knew that there were actual
missiles under those tarpaulins, especially since the govemment had stated
that one of the conditions of their removal was that someone other than the
Cubans was to actually inspect the Russian ships for verification purposes.
So only the Russians and the Cubans know for certain. A n d they have
made no known statement to the effect that the objects under the tarpaulins
and the little dots on large photographs were actually missiles. What they
were saying, i n essence, was that i f the American government wanted to
believe that those objects were missiles, they had every right to do so. (It
would certainly be foolish for the Cubans and the Russian to admit that they
had actually lied to the people of the world and had shipped out wooden
crates containing nothing but h u m i d air.)
It was later revealed that President Kennedy, as part of the agreement for
the Russians to remove the alleged missiles, agreed to remove actual missiles
from American bases i n Turkey and Italy.
In addition to the removal of American missiles. President Kennedy
agreed to another c o n d i t i o n . T h e A m e r i c a n government w o u l d give
assurances to the Russian and Cubans governments that they w o u l d
intercede i n any invasion of Cuba by anti-Castro forces.
Anti-Castro Cubans, unaware of this agreement between the Russians
and the Americans, were purchasing weapons and ships i n the United States
at the time and were making preparations for a counter-revolution i n Cuba.
As they moved towards the Cuban shore, they were stoppjed by the U.S. Coast
Guard and their ships and weapons were taken away. The Castro regime was
now being protected from an anti-Castro invasion by the U.S. Coast Guard.
There are many who believe that this was indeed the purpose of the
"Cuban missile crisis;" wooden crates were removed i n exchange for an
agreement on the part of the American govemment to do two things:
1. Remove actual strategic missiles from the borders of Russia, and
2. guarantee that Castro's government w o u l d not be subject to an
anti-Castro invasion.
One of the Americans w h o felt that the American government had
121
CHAPTER 11 T H E CUBAN REVOLUTION

actually created die Castro movement and later imposed the Castto govem-
ment down on die Cuban people was President John Kennedy. According to
the New York Times of December 11, 1963, President Kennedy gave an
interview i n w h i c h he was quoted as saying: " I t h i n k we have spawned,
constructed, e n t i r e l y fabricated w i t h o u t k n o w i n g i t , the Castro
movement."**
For his part i n assisting Castto's rise to power, Herbert Matthews of the
New York Times was elevated to die Editorial Board of that newspaper. A n d
for his efforts, W i l l i a m Wieland was given the important post as Consul
General for Austtalia.'"
Castto was n o w guaranteed the o p p o r t u n i t y to literally destroy the
Cuban economy w i t h his mistaken ideas of the efficiency of Cuban Commu-
nism, and to have the U.S. Coast Guard protect his govemment from off-
shore invasion.
A n d President Kennedy, w h o apparendy figured i t a l l out, was dead
about three weeks before the Times carried die interview.

Chapter 12
The American Revolution

Someone once wrote: "God cannot alter the past, only historians canl"
It is certainly not possible for historians to know about the "smoke-
filled" rooms where the future is planned unless they are made privy to the
future history being planned there. Therefore, most historians report the
historical events without really knowing how the events were created.
I n addition, those w h o plan the wars, depressions and other human
calamities do not want the ttuth about their planning activities known. So
die Revisionist Historians (those w h o seek the tme causes of the historical
events) must pursue the ttudi through die concealed accesses to die events of
the past as seen by those w h o were there and have recorded dieir knowledge
of the event as they remember it. These sources are generally hidden from the
general public, but diey do exist
The version of history contained i n the following chapters is not the
•raditionally accepted one, but i t is neverdieless ttue. I t has taken detailed
[Research to ferret out diis version of history, sifting through the smoke of the
'smoke filled" rooms.
Reginald McKenna, past Chairman of the Board of die Midlands Bank
™ England, has written diis about die power of the banking establishmenf

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" I am afraid die ordinary citizen w i l l not like to be told that banks can and Bankers w h o loan to govemments all over the world are called "intema-
do create money A n d diey w h o control die credit of the nation direct die donal bankers." A n d like a l l bankers, their success i n business depends o n
their ability to have their loans repaid by die borrower. Just like the local
policy of Govemments and hold i n die hollow of their hands die destiny of
banker, w h o must secure his loan w i d i some form of collateral, the interna-
the people."'
tional banker is concemed w i t h the debtor pledging something of value,
A b r a h a m L i n c o l n also w a r n e d about a b a n k i n g establishment,
something diat could be sold to satisfy any outstanding balance owed by the
although he chose to call i t the "money power." He wrote: "The money
defaulting borrower.
power preys upon the nation i n times of peace and conspires against i t i n
A local bank loans money on a house by having the debtor pledge the
times of adversity. I see i n the near future a crisis approaching t h a t . . . causes
home as collateral. The banker can "foredose" on die mortgage and become
me to uemble for die safety of my country. The money power of die counuy
the sole owner should the payments not be made as promised
w i l l endeavor t o . . . w o r k . . . upon the people, u n t i l the wealth is aggregated
T h e international banker faced a more complex problem than the local
i n a few hands, and the republic destroyed."*
banker, diough. What could he secure his loan w i d i when he loaned money
Another who wamed about die powers of a banking establishment was
to the leader of a govemment? T h e head of the govemment had one power
Sir Josiah Stamp, a past President of the Bank of England: " I f you want to
not shared by the homeowner: the right to "repudiate" the loan.
remain the slaves of the bankers, and pay the costs of your o w n slavery, let
Repudiation is defined as: "The refusal of a national or state govem-
diem continue to create money and control die nation's credit."'
ment to pay real or alleged pecuniary obligations."
President James Garfield also voiced a similar o p i n i o n : "Whoever
The bankers had to develop a strategy by which they could make certain
controls the volume of money i n any country is absolute master of a l l
that the government they loaned to d i d not repudiate the loan that the
industry and commerce."*
bankers made to the govemments.
The goals of diese banking establishments was detailed by Dr. Carroll
T h e intemational bankers slowly developed their plan. I t was called
Q u i g l e y i n his book Tragedy and Hope: " . . . the powers of f i n a n c i a l
"Balance of Power Politics." T h i s meant diat die bankers loaned to two
capitalism had another far-reaching aim, nothing less dian to create a world
govemments at the same time, affording them the opportunity to play one
system of financial conorol i n private hands able to dominate die political
against the other as a means of fordng one to pay his debts to die banker. T h e
system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole. The system
most successful tool of insuring compliance w i t h the terms of payment was
was to be controlled i n a feudalist fashion by die central banks of the world
the threat of war: the banker could always threaten the defaulting govem-
acting i n concert, by secret agreements arrived at i n frequent private meetings ment w i t h a war as a means of f o r d n g i t to make dieir payments. T h i s act of
and conferences."' repossessing the nation w o u l d almost always work as the head of govem-
Thomas Jefferson was also aware of the power of the banking establish- ment, anxious to keep his seat of power, w o u l d agree to the terms of die
ment, and he attempted to warn the American people of the money-debt original loan, and continue making his payments.
cycle: " I t is incumbent on every generation to pay its o w n debts as i t goes—
T h e key to using this tool, however, was m a k i n g certain that b o t h
a principle which, if acted on, would save one half of die wars of the world."
kingdoms were nearly the same size, so that one nation w o u l d not become so
And: "The principle of spending money to be paid by posterity, under
powerful diat the threat of a war w i d i a weaker neighboring nation w o u l d
the name of funding, is but swindling futurity on a large scale."'
not be suffident to force i t into making its payments.
Another of our founding fathers who feared the banking establishment
I n other words, both nations had to be approximately the same size and
and its abdity to create money and debt was Benjamin Franklin, who wrote:
to have nearly die same potential to wage war w i d i die odier; i f one nation
"The Borrower is a Slave to the Lender, and die Debtor to the Creditor
had a larger potential than anodier, the larger nation would act as a direat
Preserve your freedom, and maintain your independence. Be industrious and
against the smaller, but the smaller w o u l d not act as a threat against the
free; be fmgal and free."'
'aiger. Both had to have the same potential or one w o u l d no longer be a
These w a r n i n g s are very e x p l i c i t . B a n k i n g establishments create
* J « a t to die odier.
national debt. National debt makes slaves of those w h o owe the debt. I t
W i d i the basic understanding of how intemational bankers operate, i t
becomes important, then, to understand the nature of banking establish-
now possible to t m l y understand the nature of the recent past
ments i f they have the ability to create such h u m a n misery as has been
I n his book. The Real History of the Rosicrucians, the author Arthur
described by the above dted authors.

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Edward Waite makes this statement: "Beneath the broad tide of h u m a n
history, there flow die stealthy undercurrents of die secret societies, which
ftequendy determine i n the depths the changes that take place u p o n the
surface."*
W i t h this explanation i n m i n d , a study of the recent past should start
w i d i die American Revolution of 1776. T h e ttaditional historians of die past
have explained diat the cause of the Revolution was America's resistance to
"taxation without representation." But diis supposed cause doesn't hold u p
when measured against the taxation die English govemment was imposing
u p o n die Colonists. T h e tax was less dian one percent of die nation's Gross
National Product A n d i t w o u l d seem that i t w o u l d take more than that to
inflame die American people into a full-scale revolution against die British
govemment, since the American taxpayers i n 1980 were paying approxi-
mately forty percent of dieir income to die American govemment w i t h Utde
direct representation (for instance, when d i d die American people direcdy
vote for foreign aid, die space race, welfare, etc.) without a revolution against
the American govemment
Perhaps Mr. Waite is correct Possibly die "secret societies" he mentions
were at work i n the American colonies prior to the founding of diis nation,
and the revolution against the English govemment
Perhaps die beginning of the American Revolution can be traced back
to June 24,1717, when four masonic lodges united i n London, England, to
form die Grand Lodge of London. The basic tenet of die new Freemasonry,
w h i c h u p to that time was generally that of a g u i l d of stone masons and other
builders, changed d u r i n g diis u n i t i n g of these four lodges. From a guild.
Freemasonry became a church, a new religion. I t changed from a profes-
sional Masonry, to a philosophical Masonry: "The inherent philosophy of
Freemasonry implied a belief that mystic thought and feeling were bound to
disappear and to be replaced by a strictly logical and rational era."'
Freemasonry:"... tried to cooperate w i t h the Church so as to be able to
work from die inside, rationalize die doctrine of Jesus and empty i t gradually
of its mystic content Freemasonry hoped to become a friendly and legal heir
to Christianity. They considered logic and the mles of scientific d i i n k i n g as
being the only absolute and permanent element of die human m i n d . " "
T h e new Masonry " . . . d i d not defend revelation, dogmas, or faith. Its
conviction was scientific and its morality purely sodal. T h e new Masonry
did not a i m to destroy churches, b u t w i d i the aid of die progress i n ideas, i t
prepared to replace them.""
T h i s new morality spread to France i n 1725, and a few years later, i n die
early 1730's, to the United States, where Lodges of die Freemasons were
formed i n Philadelphia i n 1731, and i n Boston i n 1733." One of die w d l
k n o w n members of die Philadelphia Lodge was Benjamin Franklin, who
CHAPTER 12 T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION
joined i n 1732. M r . Franklin later became Grand Master (the equivalent of
President) of his lodge i n 1734.
I t was this Philadelphia Lodge that started the move to confederate the
various colonies i n America into a u n i o n of states. I n 1731, this S t J o h n
Lodge i n Philadelphia "got i n touch w i d i die Grand Lodge of London, and
the Duke of Norfolk, then Grand Master of English Freemasonry, appointed
a Grand Master for the Genual Colonies. His name was Daniel Coxe. Coxe
was the first public man to advise a federation of the colonies
Other early members of the Masons i n America were George Washing-
ton, Thomas Jefferson, John Hancock, Paul Revere, Alexander H a m i l t o n ,
John Marshall, James Madison and Edian Allen, a l l well k n o w n American
patriots heavily involved w i t h die American Revolution.
More recently, at least twelve other American Presidents have been
members of the Masons: Andrew Jackson, James K. Polk, James Buchanan,
Andrew Johnson, James Garfield, W i l l i a m McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt,
W i l l i a m H o w a r d Taft, Warren O. H a r d i n g , F r a n k l i n Roosevelt, Harry
T m m a n and Gerald Ford.
I n a d d i t i o n to the direct influence o f the Masons i n the American
Revolution, other Masons were also i n f l u e n d n g America i n indirect ways.
One of these influences s u r t e d o n J u l y 4, 1776, w h e n the C o n t i n e n t a l
Congress appointed Benjamin F r a n k l i n , T h o m a s Jefferson, and J o h n
Adams to a comrruttee of three to design the Seal of the Ututed States. T w o
if not all diree were members of the Freemasons, and the seal diey designed,
espedally the reverse side, conceals Masonic symbols and secrets. According
to the Masons: "Being o n the reverse of the Seal, this design reveals the
'Hidden Work,' die 'Lost Word' of A n d e n t Freemasonry. T h e motif used is
the pyranud, for i n andent eras, where Freemasonry originated, the mission
was die same as i t is tcxlay: to do God's w i l l on Earth. T h i s labor is unfin-
ished; therefore the pyramid o n the Seal is not completed. Each Brother must
contribute his portion, knowing that his work is watched over and guided by
die All-seeing Eye of G o d . " "
Whatever the Freemasons are, they have stirred a constant controversy
amongst the various levels of sodety, ever since their founding i n 1717. T h e
first formal declaration against this organization came just twenty-one years
later, i n 1738, when: "the Roman Catholic Church officially condemned
Freemasonry... i n die form of a B u l l issued by Pope Clement X I I . . . ."i»
The condemnations of the Masons have continued since 1738 as: " N o
fewer dian eight Popes have condemned Freemasonry o n 400 occasions since
It was founded i n Britain i n 1717. T h e first p u b l i d y pronounced ban by
Clement X I I called die movement ' u n p r i n d p l e d . ' "
One o f his successors. Pope Leo X X I I I , charged the Masons w i t h
^ " n i n g at die "overthrow of die whole religious, political and social order
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based o n Chrisdan insdtudons and die establishment of a state of things
based o n pure naturalism.
One of the more recent stands against the Freemasons came on March
21,1981, when the Roman Catholic Church again wamed that " a l l Roman
Catholics who belong to Masonic lodges risk excommuiucatton.""
According to the book A New Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry "the L a d n
C h u r c h . . . has agreed to regard Freemasonry a s . . . those forces which are at
work i n the world against the work of the Church i n that w o r l d . " "
I n any event, " I n the tense dmes before the American Revoludon the
secrecy of the Masonic lodges offered the Colonial patriots the opportunity
to meet and plan their strategy.""
One of the pre-American Revolutionary events obviously planned i n
secret was the Boston Tea Party where a group of individuals, disguised as
Indians, dumped boxes of tea into the Boston harbor. The identity of these
patriots has not been generally made k n o w n , u n t i l the Freemasons them-
selves offered this explanation of the event: " T h e Boston Tea Party was
entirely Masonic, carried out by members of the St John's Lodge (in Boston)
d u r i n g an adjoumed meeting.""
T h i s revolutionary act had an almost immediate effect i n the English
Parliament, which passed laws closing the Boston port to all trade by sea and
a l l o w i n g the quartering of British troops i n Massachusetts. These laws
brought a deluge of protests from a l l of the colonies i n America.
There is reason to believe that those w h o caused the event were intend-
i n g to use the English retaliatory activities as the incidents to unify the
A m e r i c a n colonies against the E n g l i s h government. A n d the strategy
worked.
T h e call to unify the states into a federal govemment was strong and the
Masons were the key to that call. They were the ones w h o had a nationwide
membership, many o f w h o m were w e l l k n o w n e n o u g h to expect the
colonists to listen to their message. I n fact fifty-three of the fifty-six signers
of the Declaration of Independence were members of the Masons,*" as were
the majority of the members of the Continental Congress.
Benjamin Franklin, pardy because of his visibility as a member of the
Masons, became a key to opening the doors of some of the European nations,
often led by fellow Masons. H i s membership c o u l d g a i n h i m c r i t i c a l
audiences w i t h other Masons all over Europe and these contacts were to be
used to gain support for the American Revolution.
Franklin also understood the tme cause of the American Revolution. He
was asked i n London once: " H o w do you account for the prosperity i n the
American colonies?"
Mr. Franklin replied: "That is simple. I t is only because i n the colonies
we issue our o w n money. I t is called Colonial Script and we issue i t i n die
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CHAPTER 12 T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION
proper proportion to accommodate trade and commerce."*'
I n other words, the colonies didn't use their power to create money to
create i n f l a t i o n , a n d as a result the A m e r i c a n n a t i o n was b e c o m i n g
prosperous.
T h i s situation waS to change, however, during the 1760's when the Bardc
of England introduced a b i l l i n Parliament that no colony could issue its o w n
script The colonies, according to this legislation, w o u l d have to issue bonds
and sell them to the Bank, who would then loan them the money they were
to use i n their colonies. America's money was to be based upon borrowed
debt T h e colonies w o u l d have to pay interest for the privilege of carrying
their o w n money.
T h i s action caused great unemployment when put i n t o effect as the
Bank o f E n g l a n d o n l y allowed the colonies to b o r r o w one-half of the
quantity of money previously i n circulation.** Franklin and others realized
this, and Franklin is on record as saying: "The colonies would gladly have
home the litde tax on tea and other matters had it not been that England tcxjk
away from the colonies their money, w h i c h created unemployment and
dissatisfaction."*'
A n d i n a quote attributed to h i m , he said: "The refusal of K i n g George
i n to allow the colonies to operate an honest colonial money system, which
freed the ordinary man from the clutches of the money manipulators, was
probably the prime cause of the revolution."
F r a n k l i n acknowledged that the cause o f the R e v o l u t i o n was the
resistance of the colonies to the idea of borrowed money, resulting i n debt
and i n f l a t i o n as w e l l as interest payments, and not " t a x a t i o n w i t h o u t
representation," as is commonly believed.
One of the countries visited by the Mason Benjamin F r a n k l i n was
France. I n January of 1774, F r a n k l i n was dealing w i t h certain Masonic
leaders to buy guns for the American colonies. This transaction was made
w i t h the knowledge and support of the French Foreign Minister Vergennes,
a fellow Mason.
I n addition, the French govemment again w i t h the support of Ver-
gennes, was loaning the American colonies a total of three m i l l i o n livres.
Another nation was also involving itself, although indirectly, i n the
American Revolution: " A t the b i r t h of the American nation, d u r i n g the
Revolutionary War, Empress Catherine the Great of Russia, refused the plea
of K i n g George I I I of England to send 20,000 Russian Cossacks to cmsh the
rebellion of the colonies... w h i c h . . . helped the colonies to survive."**
Russia, without a central bank controlling its decisions, had assisted the
United States by refusing to send troops against the stmggling colonies.
Russia was exhibiting her friendship for the United States for the first time
and w o u l d assist die United States once again i n the Civil War, as w i l l be
shown i n a later chapter.
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I t is interesting to discover w h y the two major leaders i n the American
Revoludon of England were fellow Masons Benjamin Franklin and George
W a s h i n g t o n . " W h e n America needed a n a t i o n a l army and a n a t i o n a l
diplomat, i t tumed to Brother George Washington as the only officer w h o
not only had nadonal fame but who, due to his Masonic applicadon, had
friends i n a l l parts of die CondnenL A t the cmcial moment when America,
o n the verge o f defeat, needed f o r e i g n alliances, i t t u r n e d to B r o t h e r
Franklin — the only American w h o had world-wide fame and who, due to
Masonry, had friends a l l over the world."**
Washington i n t u m surrounded himself w i t h fellow Masons: " A l l the
staff officers Washington tmsted were Masons, and a l l the leading generals
of the A r m y were Masons."**
These decisions by Washington paid an addidonal bonus, as i t is likely
that Washington himself had decided to staff his armies w i t h fellow Masons
for this reason: " I t seems even likely that die unforgettable and mysterious
laxness of certain English military campaigns i n America, particularly those
of die Howe brodiers, (one an admiral and the other a general) was deliberate
and due to the Masonic desire of the English General to reach a peaceful
setdement and shed as litde blood as possible."*'
I n other words, Washington selected fellow Masons as his general staff
because he knew diat die commanding general of the English troops was also
a Mason. T h e fact that a Mason is duty bound not to k i l l a fellow Mason i f
he knows that his opponent is also a Mason, has made i t extremely difficult
for many non-Mason generals to get dieir troops to perform well i n batde.
T o show his public support for the Masons, after die American army
retook die d t y of Philadelphia from die British army o n December 27,1778,
General George Washington "his sword at his side, i n full Masonic attire,
and insignia of the Brotherhood, marched at the head of a solenm procession
of three hundred brethren through die streets of Philadelphia T h i s was
the greatest Masoiuc parade diat had ever been seen i n die New World."**
But even w i d i the popular support of the Masotis, Washington and die
American people had to pay for die costs of die War against die British. I n
1775, the Continental Congress voted to issue paper currency (Fiat Money) to
finance the war. T h i s money was not borrowed from any banking establish-
m e n t I t was simply printed as a means of paying the govemment's expenses
i n the war. Therefore, i t contained no provision for the paying of interest to
a group of bankers w h o had created i t out of nodung.
Most of the independent state legislatures, as a sign of good faidi and as
a recognition diat the central govemment had saved the American people
countless millions of dollars i n interest payments, passed laws r e q u i r i n g
dtizens to accept the Continental currency as legal tender.
But by die end of 1776 die "Continental," as i t was called, commanded
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CHAPTER 12 T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION
tMily forty cents o n the dollar when exchanged for silver coin. T h e federal
p r i n t i n g presses continued p r i n t i n g these dollars, however, so that by 1776,
there were $241.6 m i l l i o n of "Continentals" i n circulation.
T h e merchants of America were accepting these dollars at a rate of 2.5
cents o n the dollar, and for less than half a penny j u s t t w o years later.
Inflation had taken its toll i n die value of the currency. I t had become nearly
worthless when measured against real money, a hard metal. T h e lowest
trading price of the "Continental" occurred at the end of the war, when i t
took 500 paper dollars i n exchange for one silver dollar.
I t is now apparent why the American people coined the phrase "not
worth a Continental." Inflation had cxrurred once again, i n accordance w i t h
the economic law that works i n every case where die quantity of money,
unbacked by gold or silver, is increased rapidly.
I t was d u r i n g this time that a vital disagreement amongst the leading
American patriots was coming to the surface.
T h e issue was whether or n o t the A m e r i c a n government s h o u l d
establish a central bank. Thomas Jefferson was opposed to the establishment
of any such bank and Alexander H a m i l t o n was i n favor. Jefferson supported
his position by stating: " I f the American people ever allow private banks to
control die issue of currency, first by inflation, then by deflation, the banks
and corporations that w i l l grow u p around them w i l l deprive the people of
their property u n d l their children w i l l wake u p homeless o n the continent
their fathers conquered."**
It was Hamilton's proposal that the United States create the Bank of the
United States, a profit making institution to be privately ovmed and to enjoy
special access to the public funds. T h e bank w o u l d have the legal power to
create money out of nothing, and loan it, at interest, to the govemment
H a m i l t o n felt that die majority of die people couldn't handle their o w n
money. He proposed that these matters w o u l d be best left u p to die wealthy.
He wrote: " N o sodety could succeed which d i d not unite the interest and
credit of rich individuals w i t h those of the state. A l l communities divide
themselves into the few and the many. T h e first are rich and well-bom, the
odier the mass of the pieople. T h e people are tiurbulent and changing; they
seldom judge or determine right
Jefferson responded w i t h his charge diat banking establishments, when
given the abiUty to inflate and deflate die quantity of money at w i l l , lend
diemselves to a continuing series of oppressions of the people. He wrote:
"Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the acddental o p i n i o n of a day; but
a series o f oppressions, begun at a distinguished period, a n d pursued
unalterably through every change of ministry, too plainly prove a deliberate,
systematical p l a n of redudng us to slavery, " ' i
T h e conspiracy that Jefferson saw forming i n the United States vras a
CHAPTER 12 T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION
group called die Jacobins, created by the French Branch of the I l l u m i n a t i . "
Today's dictionary defines the Jacobins as "one of a society of radiod
democrats i n France d u r i n g the revolution of 1789; hence a plotter against an
existing govemment."
John Robison i n his classic work on the I l l u m i n a t i , tided Proofs of a
Conspiracy, said this about the Jacobins: "The intelligent saw i n the open
system of the Jacobins the hidden system of the I l l u m i n a t i . " "
(This group w i l l play an important part i n the Civil War of 1861-65 as
w i l l be covered i n a later chapter.)
Unfortunately for the United States, President George Washington
appointed Alexander H a m i l t o n as the Secretary of the Treasury i n 1788.
Three years later, i n 1791, the United States govemment granted a twenty-
year charter to its first national bank, called the First Bank of the United
States. T h i s charter was to expire i n 1811, and then the American citizens
were to have a chance to discuss the Bank and its merits before i t could be re-
chartered.
Jefferson quiedy joined i n the discussion about the First Bank, stating
that Congress d i d not have any Constitutional authority to charter such an
i n s t i t u t i o n and that the Bank was therefore a non-entity. H e based his
arguments o n Article I , Section 8, of the Constitution. T h i s section reads:
" T h e Congress shall have the power to coin money, regulate the value
diereof...."
Jefferson argued that Congress had no authority to delegate the money
power to anodier agency, certainly not to an agency that was privately owned
and had not only the power to coin money but to p r i n t i t and then loan i t
back to the govemment However, such questions about the constitutional-
ity of the Bank were, unfortunately, just questions, and the Bank survived
u n t i l 1811, when President James Momoe let the charter lapse.
Even w i t h the pressure on the govemment from the Bank to borrow to
pay off the debts of the American r e v o l u t i o n . Presidents Jefferson and
Monroe paid off a l l of die debts of the United States Govemment w i d i o u t
their assistance.
But the pressure to re-charter the Bank started the next year when.
England started the War of 1812 against die United States. T h i s war was
intended to force the United States into a position of needing a central bank
to pay for the costs of the war, thus creating interest payments and debt I t was
hoped by the English bankers that the Americans would re-charter the First
National Bank, or create another under a different name.
T w o Americans, Henry Q a y and John C Calhoun, were early suppor-
ters of the American govemment's entry into the War of 1812. They were also
the m a i n supporters of creating another bank under another name: T h e
Second Bank of the United States.
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CHAPTER 12 T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION
T h e war w i t h England proved expensive, and raised the debt of the
United States from |45 m i l l i o n to 1127 m i l l i o n .
Some Americans saw the war as the workings of a conspiracy. One, for
instance, was the president of Harvard, Joseph Willard, w h o made what is
now a famous speech declaring the involvement of the secret I l l u m i n a t i i n
the events of the day. H e said, on July 4,1812: "There is sufficient evidence
diat a number of societies of the I l l u m i n a t i have been established i n this land.
They are doubtless striving to secredy undermine a l l our andent institu-
tions, d v i l and sacred. These sodeties are clearly leagued w i t h those of the
same order i n Europe. The enemies of all order are seeking our r u i n . Should
infidelity generally prevail, our independence w o u l d fall of course. O u r
republican govemment would be annihialated "
Unfortunately, the American people d i d not heed his warnings and the
conspiracy continued its deadly work i n the United States.
The pressure to find a way to pay the costs of the War of 1812 through
the re-chartering of a national bank continued, and i n 1816, the Second Bank
of the United States was chartered w i t h a twenty-year charter. T h i s bank was
given the ability to loan the govemment $60 m i l l i o n The money was created
out of nothing, evidenced by bonds, and loaned to die federal govemment
The Second Bank now had the ability, as one writer p u t it, "to control
the entire fiscal stmcture of the country "
I n 1816, Thomas Jefferson once again tried to w a r n the American
people, this time i n a letter to John Taylor:
I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our
liberties than standing armies.
Already they have raised u p a money aristocracy that has set
the Govemment at defiance.
T h e i s s u i n g p o w e r s h o u l d be taken f r o m the banks a n d
restored to the Govemment, to w h o m i t properly belongs."
It didn't take long for the Bank to exerdse its powers. "The inflationary
polides of the Second United States Bank i n the first few years after 1812
caused banks to spread fairly discriminately through Kentucky, Teimessee,
and other Westem States. Then, w i t h die depression of 1819, die b i g Bank,
reversing its policy, began a peremptory contraction. Spede flowed out of the
West, leaving i n its wake a trail of bankmptdes and a large debtor popula-
tion unable to meet its obligations.""
T h e Bank was using its powers to increase and decrease the money
supply to cause, first inflation, and then deflation. T h i s cyde was of benefit
to the bankers who were able to repossess large quantities of property at a
fraction of its real value.
But die debt of die War of 1812 was paid u p by die end of 1834, an action
188
CHAPTER 12 T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION
that was not certain to please the owners of the Second Bank.
But one t h i n g that happened was pleasing to the bankers. The Bank was
declared constitutional i n 1819 by Supreme Court Justice John Marshall, a
member of the Masons, i n the case of McCuUoch vs. Maryland."
He deaeed that Congress had the implied power to create the Bank of
the United States.
There was n o specific power granted to Congress to create the Bank, so
the Constitution was stretched to fit the circumstances by declaring that the
Constitution had some mysterious " i m p l i e d power" that enabled i t to do
whatever the "stretchers" wanted. The arguments of Jefferson had not been
heeded. H a m i l t o n had w o n .
T h e next relevant step i n America's history occurred i n 1826 when a
member of the Freemasons, Captain W i l l i a m Morgan, published a book
entided: Illustrations of Masonry By One of the Fraternity Who Has Devoted
Thirty Years to the Subject; Captain W. Morgan's Exposition of
Freemasony.
T h i s rather t h i n book of only 110 pages contained the "secrets" of the
Freemasons, or as Captain Morgan p u t i t : " . . . die L o d g e — r o o m Signs,
Grips, and Masonic Emblems."
Less than a m o n t h after the book appeared. Captain M o r g a n was:
"carried a w a y . . . by a number of F r e e m a s o n s . . . a n d murdered.
I t was alleged, according to a book entided The Revolutionary Age of
Andrew Jackson, by Robert R e m i n i , that: " . . . the Masonic Order had
arranged his abduction and probable murder.""
T h e charge that Morgan was killed because he had broken his pledge of
secrecy i n all Masonic affairs by publishing a book detailing all of the secrets
of the Order was certainly i n keeping vwth an understanding of the Masonic
ritual. Captain Morgan detailed the procedures of die ritual of becoming a
Mason wherein the prospective Mason is caused a slight p a i n and then
wamed: "As this is a torture to your flesh, so may i t ever be to your m i n d and
conscience i f ever y o u s h o u l d attempt to reveal the secrets of Masonry
unlawfully."**
T h i s single act by Captain Morgan was to have major ramifications i n
the years to come, especially i n die Presidential election of 1832. T h i s election
was die second one for Andrew Jackson w h o had been elected first i n 1828,
primarily because he vras i n opposition to die Second Bank of the United
States. Jackson was o n record as saying: " I was one of those w h o do not
believe diat a national Ijank is a national blessing, but rather a curse to a
republic; inasmuch as i t is calculated to raise around die administration a
moneyed aristocracy dangerous to the liberties of die country."*'
T h e election of 1832 was a cmcial one to the Bank, because the charter
was to be renewed during the term of the president elected that year.
CHAPTER 12 T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION
Jackson promised the American people: " T h e Federal Constitution
must be obeyed, state rights preserved, our national debt must be paid, direct
taxes and loans avoided, and the Federal U n i o n preserved."
(Is is revealing that even then, i n 1832, Jackson was concemed about the
preservation of the U n i o n , the issue that would supposedly cause the Civil
War several years away.)
He continued: "These are the objects I have i n view, and regardless of all
consequences, w i l l carry into effect"**
I t was prior to this election, i n 1830, that a new political party was
formed, called the Anti-Mason party, primarily as a w a m i n g to the American
people about the menace of the Masons i n the country and as a response to
the murdering of Captain Morgan.*' According to Mackey's Encyclopaedia,
the new party was organized: " . . . to put down the Masonic Institution as
subversive of gocxl govemment "**
The Anti-Masons met on September 11 i n Philadelphia, where dele-
gates from eleven states met to "denounce the Freemasonic Order and to call
upon their countrymen to j o i n a political cmsade to save the nation from
subversion and tyranny at the hands of the Masons."*'
(One of the delegates to that convention was W i l l i a m Seward from New
Y o r k , w h o later became Secretary of State under President A b r a h a m
Lincoln.)
Another of those who became concemed about the Masons was John
Quincy Adams, president from 1825 to 1829. He published a series of letters
"abusive of Freemasonry, directed to leading politicians, and published i n
die public joumals from 1831 to 1833."**
But the main issue of the 1832 election was the renewal of the charter of
the Second Bank of the United States. The President of this organization,
Nicholas Biddle, "decided to ask Congress for a renewal of the Bank's charter
i n 1832, four years before its current charter expfred."*'
The Sttategy behind Biddle's move was simple: " . . . since Jackson was
seeking re-election, he might see i t to his advantage not to allow die matter
to become an issue and thus permit the Bank to have its recharter."*'
Henry Clay, later to become the Republican candidate for the presid-
ency against Jackson, and his colleague Daniel Webster took the lead i n
guiding the re-chartering b i l l through the Congress. They were not to be
disappointed as die b i l l piassed the Senate by a vote of 28 to 20 and the House
by a vote of 107 to 85. But President Jackson had die last opportunity to act
on the B i l l and he vetoed i t o n July 10, 1832. I n his veto, Jackson again
wamed the American people by saying:
I t is regretted diat the rich and powerful too often bend die acts
of govemments to dieir selfish purposes. Distinctions i n society
w i l l always exist under every just govemment
135
CHAPTER 12 T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION
Equality of talents, of education, of wealth, cannot be pro-
duced by human insdmdons.
I n the full enjoyment of the gifts of heaven, and the fruits of
superior industry, economy and virtue, every m a n is equally
entided to protection by law, but when the law undertakes to these
natural and just advantages artificial distinctions, to grant tides,
gratuities and exclusive privileges, to make the rich richer, and the
p o t e n t more p o w e r f u l , the h u m b l e members o f society—the
farmers, mechanics, and laborers—who have neither the time nor
the means of securing like favors to themselves, have a right to
complain of their injustice to their government"
He continued by stating diat he held "the belief that some of the powers
a n d privileges possessed by the existing bank are unauthorized by the
Constitution, subversive of the rights of the States, and dangerous to the
liberties of the people
However, even though he had vetoed the re-chartering b i l l , theieby
risking the wradi of the American people had they decided diey had wanted
the Bank, Jackson dedded to let die 1832 election dedde its fate. Jackson,
who ran o n the basic p l a d o r m of "Bank and no Jackson or N o Bank and
Jackson," faced great opposition, especially i n the press of the United States,
"largely because of advertising pressure."'*
T h i s meant that there were elements inside the business community
w h i c h had something to gain by the re-chartering of the Bank.
T h e only ones, apparendy, w h o did not favor the re-chartering were die
American people, w h o responded by re-electing Andrew Jackson by the
following vote:
Candidate Percentage of total votes cast
' Jackson 55 percent
Clay • 37 percent
the Anti-Masons ' Spercent t, ' ii
T h a t meant diat approximately 2 out of every 3 voters, diose w h o voted
for either Jackson or the Anti-Masons, voted against die rechartering of die
Second Bank of the United States. (An interesting foomote to history is the
fact diat the Anti-Masons actually carried the state of Vermont and thereby
received its votes i n die Electoral College.)
After the election. President Jackson ordered Biddle to w i t h d r a w
govermnent funds on deposit i n die Bank, and Biddle refused. A n d to show
his displeasure at Jackson's directive, Biddle called for a' 'general curtailment
136
CHAPTER 12 T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION
of loans throughout his entire banking system. Biddle's order was so sudden
and its financial effect so devasting, that i t pitched the country i n t o a n
economic panic W h i c h was predsely what Biddle wanted.""
The awesome power of the Bank to desuoy i n the market place was n o w
being utilized against the American people, even diough tfiey voted against
i t i n the 1832 election. T h e people were r i g h t They wanted no part o f a
banking establishment and they were being punished for their votes against
it
Biddle reduced the amount of loans outstanding between August 1,
1833, and November 1,1834, by $18,000,000 and for the next five mondis, diey
were reduced by almost $14,500,000. T h e n Biddle reversed himself and forced
the banks to increase the quantity of money from $52,000,000 o n January 1,
1833, to $108,000,000 a year later, and to $120,000,000 a year after d i a t
Biddle was " i n fact embarked o n the campaign the radicals above a l l
feared: the deliberate creation of a paruc i n order to blackmail die govem-
ment into re-chartering the Bank." He was quoted as saying " N o d i i n g b u t
the evidence of suffering abroad w i l l produce any effect i n Congress — M y
own course is dedded—all other Banks and all the merchants may break, but
the Bank of the United States shall not break."'*
A n d of course, the contraction and expansion cyde caused the types of
economic problems that Biddle had antidpated. "Businesses failed, men
were thrown out of work, money was unobtainable."'*
President Jackson saw t h r o u g h Biddle's activities and once a g a i n
wamed the American people: ' T h e bold effort the present bank had made to
control the Govemment, the distress i t had wantonly produced... are b u t
premoiutions of the fate diat awaits the American people should they be
deluded i n t o a perpetuation of this i n s t i t u t i o n , or the establishment of
another like i t " "
Jackson not oidy saw that Biddle's efforts w o u l d destroy the economy of
the United States, he also felt that Europe w o u l d suffer as well. But his real
fears were diat die Bank constituted a threat to his very existence. He told his
Vice President Martin Van Buren, 'TTie Bank, Mr. Van Biuen, is trying to
k i l l me. But I w i l l k i l l i t " * *
I t is not certain whether Jackson meant that the Bank was trying to
destroy his political career o r to murder h i m , but o n January 30, 1835, a
would-be assassin named Richard Lawrence stepped into his path and fired
two pistols at close range at h i m . B o t h pistols misfired, and President
Jackson was not h u r t Lawrence later claimed that he had been " i n touch
w i t h die powers i n Europe, w h i c h had promised to intervene i f any attempt
was made to punish h i m . " "
I n addition to being the subject of die first presidential assassination
attempt i n die Uiuted States, President Jackson was made the subject of the
U7
CHAPTER 12 T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION

first censure of a President The Senate, i n March, 1834, "agreed by a vote of

26 to 20 to officially censure Andrew Jackson for removing the govemment's
deposits from the Bank of the United States without the express authoriza-
tion of the United States Congress.""
Jackson apparently blamed the Bank. H e said: "So glaring were the
abuses and cormptions of the B a n k . . . so palpable its design by its money
a n d power to c o n t r o l the government and change its character ""
Someone had attempted to connrol the govemment by removing h i m from
the presidency.
The Senate of 1837 later reversed this action by voting to expunge the
censure by a vote of 24 to 19.
Even w i t h all of the toils and tribulations of the period, Jackson was able
to completely liquidate the national debt during his eight years i n office.
As Jackson was leaving the presidency, he once again warned the
American people i n his Farewell Address: "The Constitution of the United
States unquestionably intended to secure to the people a circulating medium
of gold and silver. But the establishment of a national bank by Congress,
w i t h the privilege of issuing paper money receivable i n the payment of
public d u e s . . . drove from general d r c u l a t i o n die constitutional currency
Chapter 13
and substituted one of paper i n its place."*"
But all of these defeats at die hands of Jackson and die American people
didn't deter the bankers from attempting to re-charter the Bank. President
The Rothschild Family
John Tyler vetoed two bills i n 1841 to revive the Second Bank of the United
States.
So the Bank's charter expired i n 1836 and, for the next 24 years, u n t i l the I n his book The History of the Great American Fortunes, author
Civil War started i n 1861, the United States had no centtal bank. So for the Gustavus Myers had identified the major power behind die Second Bank of
years u p u n t i l 1841, at least the bankers had been foiled i n their attempts to die United States as being the Rodischild family.'
completely enmesh die United States i n the web of a permanent banking T h i s European b a n k i n g family was started by the father, Amschel
establishment Moses Bauer (diey were later to change their last name to Rothschild) w h o
started i n the banking business i n a meager way. After some early success i n
the loaning of money to local govemments, Amschel dedded to expand his
banking establishment by loaning to national govemments. He set u p his
five sons i n banking houses, each i n a different country.
Meyer Rothschild was sent to Frankfort Germany; Solomon to Vienna,
Austria; Nadian to London, England; Carl to Naples, Italy; and James to
Paris^ France.
W i t h die Rodischild sons scattered all over Europe, each operating a
banking house, the family could easily convince any government that i t
should continue to pay its debts, or the force of the "balance of power"
politics w o u l d be used against the debtor's nation. I n other words, the
Rothschild family would play one govemment against another by the threat
of war. Each govemment would feel comered into paying its debts by the

138 139
CHAPTER IS T H E ROTHSCHHJ5 FAMILY CHAPTER 13 T H E ROTHSCHILD FAMILY

threat of a war w h i c h w o u l d take away its kingdom. T h e brothers could and announced tfiat die English had defeated die French and tfiat all had not
finance both sides of the conflict thereby insuring not only that the debtor been lost, Nathan was nowhere to be f o u n d
w o u l d pay its debts b u t that enormous fortunes w o u l d be made i n the T h e exact p r o f i t made o n this ruse m i g h t never be k n o w n , as the
f i n a n d n g of the war. Rothschild banks are always parmerships and never corporations. Because
T h i s power was visualized by Meyer Rothschild when he summarized there are no stockholders, the brothers and their successive heirs have only to
the strategy thus: "Permit me to control the money of a nadon, and I care not share die knowledge of die size of all profits made by die bank w i d i the odier
who makes its laws."* brodiers and whatever parmers they might take i n , and not the stockholders
One of the early events that solidified the Rothschild control of the of the coijwration.
English govemment was the batde of Waterloo i n June, 1815.
T h e Rothschilds had created a system of Rothschild couriers i n Europe
so that i m p o r t a n t i n f o r m a t i o n c o u l d be exchanged amongst the five
brothers. T h e sign that identified the messengers as being couriers for the
Rodischild family was a red pouch diat they carried T h i s pouch enabled
them to cross national borders w i t h impunity, as most Eiu^opean nations had
instmcted their guards diat die pouch carrier was not to be detained, even i f
that nation was at war w i t h the nation represented by die pouch carrier.
T h i s m e t h o d ensured that the R o t h s c h i l d f a m i l y h a d i m m e d i a t e
information about the major events i n Europe, even before the mlers of the
countries involved T h i s device was also k n o w n to the other banking families
i n Europe and the Rothschild access to qiuck information often gave them
an early advantage i n the market place.
England was at war w i t h France, and the batde of Waterloo was to be the
d e d d i n g batde i n this war. I f Napoleon, the commanding general of the
French forces, defeated Wellington, the commanding general of the English
forces, there was litde left to deter h i m from controlling a l l of Europe. T h e
other bankers around L o n d o n knew of the significance of this batde and
looked to Nathan Rothschild for advance information as to the outcome,
because the bankers knew of the prompmess of Rothschild's courier system.
Nathan was seen i n the comer of the L o n d o n bond market l o o k i n g
exceedingly g l u m , and this was interpreted by the bankers as meaning that
Nathan knew w h o had w o n the Batde of Waterloo: France and Napoleon
had defeated Wellington and England A t least that was what the English
bankers thought, and because they felt that their nation had lost, they started
selling the govemment bonds that they o w n e d
A n d as always, when large quantities of bonds are sold at the same time,
their price drops. A n d the more that the price fell, the more gloomy Nathan '1:1'
looked. ; f
But unknownst to the English b o n d holders, Nathan's agents were
b u y i n g English bonds, and he was able by this method to acquire large
<iuantities of these bonds at a small percentage of their tme value, i, ;
Nathan Rothschild had purchased the English govemmenL
When the offidal English courier finally appeared at the bond market

141

Chapter 14
The Monroe Doctrine
O n December 2, 1823, President James Monroe issued what has been
called T h e Monroe Doctrine. H i s statement was b l u n t and to the point,
declaring " t h a t the American continents, by the free and independent
condidon which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be
considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers."'
President Monroe added an explanation, declaring that the political
systems i n European countries were different from those i n the Americas:
"We owe i t , therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing
between the U n i t e d States and those powers to declare that we should
consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of
this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety."*
Monroe's action came as the result of a treaty, called the Treaty of
Verona, signed by the govemment leaders of Austria, France, Pmssia, and
Russia who, according to a then current observer, American Senator Robert
Owen, had:
well-laid plans also to destroy popular government i n the
American colonies which had revolted from Spain and Portugal i n
Central and South America under the influence of the successful
example of the United States.
142
CHAPTER 14 T H E MONROE DOCTRINE
I t was because of this conspiracy against the American repub-
lics by the European monarchies that the great English statesman.
Canning, called the attention of our government to i t , and our
statesmen then, including Thomas Jefferson, took an active part to
bring about the declaration by President Monroe i n his next annual
message to the Congress of the United States that the United States
w o u l d regard i t as an act of hostility to the Government of the
United States and an unfriendly act if this coalition or if any power
of Europe ever undertook to establish upon the American Conti-
nent any c o n t r o l of any American r e p u b l i c or to acquire any
territorial rights.'
Senator Owen entered the Treaty i n the Congressional Record i n 1916.
I t reads, i n part:
The undersigned... have agreed as follows:
Article 1: The high contracting powers being convinced that
the system of representative govemment is equally as incompatible
w i t h the monarchial principles as the maxim of the sovereignty of
the pjeople w i t h the divine right, engage m u t u a l l y . . . to sue a l l
their efforts to p u t an end to the system of representative govem-
ments, i n whatever country i t may exist i n Europe, and to prevent
its being introduced i n those countries where i t is not yet known.
Article 2: As i t can not be doubted that the liberty of the press
is the most powerful means used by the pretended supporters of the
rights of nations to the detriment of those of the princes, the high
c o n t r a c t i n g parties promise reciprocally to adopt a l l proper
measures to suppress it, not only i n their o w n states but also i n the
rest of Europe.
Article 3: Convinced that the principles of religion contribute
most powerfully to keep nations i n the state of passive obedience
they owe to their princes, the high contracting parties declare i t to
be their intention to sustain i n their respjective states those measures
which the clergy may a d o p t . . . so intimately connected w i t h the
preservation of the authority of the princes *
Monroe's bold declaration stmck the Europjean govemments a rather
severe blow. Many Europ)ean diplomats spoke out against i t , but i t was
popular w i t h the dtizens of the South American nations i t protected
Monroe's Secretary of State was John Quincy Adams, and he was largely
'fespwnsible for w r i t i n g the Doctrine. T h e American pjeople, pleased w i t h
what he had written, responded by electing h i m President of the United
States i n 1824.
But more impwrtandy, another move by the Europjean powers into the
*^airs of die American people had been repulsed
143
 Karl Marx Oeft), the Communist,
wrote "From each according to his
ability, to each according to his
need."
Lyndon Johnson (below), not a Communist, wrote "We (in
govemment) are going to try to u k e all of the money that we (in
government) think is unnecessarily being spent and take it from
the 'haves' and give it to the 'have nots' that need it so much."
144
Oswald Spengler, right, (1880-1936), a German historian and
author, came to the realization that "Communist" movements
were controlled by wealthy interests, supposedly the "enemy" of
the Communists. He wrote "There is no proletarian, not even
Communist, movement that has not operated in the interests of
money . . .and without the idealists among its leaders having the
slightest suspicion of the fact."
Adam Weishaupt, left, a former Jesuit priest, founded the
Illuminati on May 1, 1776. His organization was dedicated to the
destruction of Christianity and all religion. There is evidence that
the Iluminad is still in existence, but under other names.
145
Dr. Bella Dodd, a former member of the Communist Party felt
that "the Communist Conspiracy (was) merely a branch of a
much bigger conspiracy." She discovered that any one of three
wealthy American "capitalists" could make decisions for the
Party. These decisions were always ratified later by the
Communist Party in Russia.

T h i s cartoon by Robert Minor in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch

appeared in 1911. It depicted the accepUnce of Marxist
Communism by the "wealthy capitalists," supposedly the
enemies of Marx and his followers. The financiers depicted are:
John D. Rockefeller, J . P. Morgan, John D. Ryan of National
City Bank, and Morgan partner George W. Perkins. Immediately
behind Karl Marx is Teddy Roosevelt.

146 147
 Thomas Jefferson, left, warned the American people about
creating a national debt. He wrote: " T o preserve our
independence, we must not let our leaders load us w i t h perpetual
debt. We must make our election between economy and liberty, or
profusion and servitude. It is incumbent on every generation to
pay its o w n debts as i t goes—a principle w h i c h , i f acted on,
w o u l d save one half of the wars of the w o r l d . " I n 1984, America's
Alexis, the son of Nicholas I I , Czar national debt was approximately $1,600,000,000,000 ($1.6
of Russia, i n 1914, and Colonel trillion).
Michal Goloniewski, w h o claims to Andrew Jackson, right, as President of the United States, fought a
be the adult Alexis, i n 1964. The battle w i t h the federally chartered Second Bank of the United
Communist government sup- States. He later claimed that i t was responsible for the
posedly murdered the entire family assassination attempt made against h i m i n 1835.
of the Czar i n 1918, but the Colonel
charges that they were spirited out
of Russia to safely i n Europe. The
colonel's claim to be the son of the
Czar was confirmed by the Ameri-
can government, yet few outside of
those who investigated this claim
w i l l agree that the family survived
the alleged massacre. Perhaps the
reason this is so is that any legally
certified heir to the Romanov for-
tune w o u l d inherit several billions
of dollars deposited i n American
and European banks by the Czar
p r i o r to the revolution.

149
C i v i l War General W i l l i a m Tecum-
seh Sherman wrote i n his book
Memoirs / : " T h e t r u t h is not
always palatable, and should not
always be t o l d . " Historians are still
uncovering evidences of the Euro-
pean and American conspiracy that
split the United States i n t o a N o r t h
and a South so that they could
finance both sides i n the ensuing
conflict.

President Abraham L i n c o l n wrote
that a "money power" was at work
i n the C i v i l War and that i t assisted
i n the pasnige of the National
Banking Act of 1863. T h i s b i l l
created a national bank w i t h the
ability to create money and loan i t ,
at interest, to the United States
government. It was this same
"power" that was involved i n his
assassination i n 1865.
Chapter 15
The Civil War
General W i l l i a m Tecumseh Sherman, one of the parucipants i n the
Civil War, made this rather crypdc comment i n his book Memoirs I: "...the
truth is not always palatable and should not always be told."'
A similar comment was made by the author of the biography of Senator
Zachariah Chandler of Michigan, a Senator d u r i n g the C i v i l War: " T h e
secret history of these d a y s . . . concealing many starding revelations, has yet
been sparingly vmtten; i t is doubdul if the veil w i l l ever be more than slightly
hfted."2
Those w h o have attempted to lift the veil have discovered that there are
indeed many hidden truths about this fateful period i n American history.
One w h o only hinted at the t r u t h about the real causes of the War was
Colonel Edward Mandell House, w h o wrote his book entitled Philip Dru,
Administrator, i n 1912. I n it, he has one of his characters make this statement:
"Cynical Europe said that the North w o u l d have i t appear that a war had
been fought for human freedom, whereas i t was fought for money."'
Is i t possible that the C i v i l War was fought for reasons other than those
traditionally offered? Is i t possible that the real reasons for the war are among
the secrets that some wish not to be revealed? Is i t possible that slavery and

150
CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
states rights were not the real causes of the War?
After the demise of die Second Bank of die United States, die state banks,
those chartered by the various states i n the U n i o n , operated die banking
system of die United States and issued all of die money. Almost exclusively,
this money was backed by gold, not by debt and paper money.
However, the financial position of the federal govemment had been
slowly deteriorating: " A t the outbreak of the war die United States Treasury
was i n greater shambles than Fort Sumter. Southem banks had been quiedy
withdrawing large amounts of funds on deposit i n the North. When Lincoln
took office, he found his Treasury almost empty."*
T h e Civil War started i n 1837, die year after die charter of die Second
Bank had expired, when die Rothschild family sent one of dieir representa-
tives to die United States. His name was August Belmont, and he arrived
d u r i n g the panic of 1837. He q u i c k l y made his presence felt by b u y i n g
govemment bonds. His success and prosperity soon led h i m to the White
House, where he became the "financial advisor to die President of the United
States."'
Anodier of the pieces of this enormous puzzle fell into place i n 1854
when a secret organization known as the Knights of the Golden Circle was
formed by George W. L . Bickley,« w h o "declared that he had created the
fateful war of 1861 w i t h an organization that had engineered and spread
secession."'
Anodier of die leading characters i n the story of die Civil War was J.P.
Morgan, later to become one of America's most wealthy and influential
industrialists and bankers. Mr. Morgan went to Europe i n 1856 to study at the
University of Gottingen i n Germany. I t is not inconceivable that one of the
people he met wViile i n college was Karl Marx, w h o was active during this
time w r i t i n g and publicizing his ideas about Communism, since Marx was
i n and out of Germany on a regular basis.
I n any event, i t was d u r i n g this time that die European bankers began
p l o t t i n g the C i v i l War. " A c c o r d i n g to J o h n Reeves, i n an authorized
biography entitled The Rothschilds, the Financial Rulers of Nations, a
pivotal meeting took place i n London, i n 1857. It was at diis meeting diat die
Intemational Banking Syndicate decided that (in America) the North was to
be pitted against the South under the old principle of 'divide and conquer.'
This amazing agreement was corroborated by MacKenzie i n his historical
research entided The Nineteenth Century."'
The plotters realized diat once again die American people w o u l d not
accept a national bank without a reason for having one, and once again the
plotters decided upon a war. Wars are cosdy, and they force govemments into
a position where they must borrow money to pay for them, and the decision
was made once again to force the United States into a war so that i t would
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CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
have to deal w i t h the iss'ue of how to pay for its costs.
But the plotters had a difficult problem: what nation could they induce
to fight against die United States govemment? The United States was too
powerful, and no counuy, or combinations of countries, could match them
i n a "balance of power" showdown. Canada to the nordi and Mexico to the
south were not strong enough and couldn't raise an army adequate for the
antidpated conflict, so they were discounted. England and France were 3,000
miles away and across a huge ocean diat made die supplying of an invading
army nearly impossible. A n d Russia had no central bank so die bankers had
no conttol over that nation.
So the bankers made die decision to divide the United States into two
parts, diereby creating an enemy for the govemment of the United States to
war against
The bankers first had to locate an issue to use i n causing the southem
states to secede from the United States.
The issue of slavery was ideal.
Next the bankers had to create an organization that could promote
secession amongst die southem states so diat they would divide themselves
away from die federal govemment
The Knights of the Golden Q r c l e was created for that purpose. Abra-
ham L i n c o l n began to see the drama unfold as he was campaigning for the
Presidency i n 1860. He saw the war as an attempt to split the U n i o n , not over
die issue of slavery, but just for die pure sake of splitting the U n i o n . H e
wrote: " I have never had a feeling politically diat d i d not spring from die
sentiments embodied i n die Declaration of Independence. I f i t (die Union)
cannot be saved widiout giving u p that prindple, I was about to say I w o u l d
radier be assassinated on diis spot than surrender i t " '
So many of his fellow Americans also saw the war as an attempt to split
the U n i o n that " i t was not uncommon for men to declare that they w o u l d
resign dieir officer's commission i f die war for the U n i o n was perverted into
an attack on slavery."'"
Curiously, Mr. Lincoln started having thoughts about his o w n assassi-
nation during die 1860 convention.
He went upstairs and, exhausted by repressed exdtement, he
lay down on the couch i n Mrs. Lincoln's sitting room.
While lying diere he was disturbed to see i n the mirror two
images of himself which were alike, except that one was not so clear
as the odier. The double reflection awakened the primitive vein i n
die superstition always present i n h i m . He rose and lay down again
to see i f the paler shadow w o u l d v a n i s h , b u t he saw i t once
more
The next m o r n i n g . . . he went home and redined on die couch
IBS
CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
to see i f there was not something w r o n g w i t h the mirror itself. H e
was reassured to find i t played the same trick. When he tried to
show i t to Mrs. Lincoln, however, the second reflection failed to
appear.
Mrs. L i n c o l n took i t as a sign that he was to have two terms i n
the Presidency, but she feared the paleness of one of the figures
signified that he w o u l d not live through the second term.
' I am sure,' he said to his partner once, ' I shall meet w i t h some
terrible end '"
T h e Knights of the Golden Circle were successful i n spreading the
message of secession amongst the various Southern states. As each state
withdrew from the United States, i t left independently of the others. T h e
withdrawing states then formed a Confederation of States, as separate and
independent entities. The independence of each state was written into the
Southem Constitution: "We, the people of the Confederate States, each state
acting for itself, and i n its sovereign and independent character
T h i s action was significant because, should the South w i n the war, each
state c o u l d w i t h d r a w from the confederation, re-establish its sovereign
nature and set u p its o w n central bank. The southem states could then have
a series of European-conurolled banks, the Bank of Georgia, the Bank of
South Carolina, etc., and then any two could have a series of wars, such as i n
Europe for centuries, i n a perpetual game of Balance of Power politics. I t
w o u l d be a successful method of insuring that large profits could be made o n
the loaning of money to the states involved.
President L i n c o l n saw the problem developing, and was fortunate that
the govemment of Russia was w i l l i n g to assist his govemment i n the event
of a war w i t h England and France. "While still President-elect, he (Lincoln)
had been informed by the Russian minister to the United States that his
c o u n t r y was w i l l i n g to a i d the W a s h i n g t o n government s h o u l d i t be
menaced by England and France.""
Eleven southem states seceded from the U n i o n to form the Confederacy.
But i n a rather enigmatic move, the flag adopted by the Confederacy had
thirteen stars o n i t . As mentioned before, the number thirteen has signifi-
cance to the Freemasons.
T h e South started the Civil War o n A p r i l 12,1861, when diey fired upon
Fort Sumter, a Northem fort i n South Carolina.
One of the members of the Knights of the Golden Circle was the well
k n o w n bandit Jesse James, and it was Jesse's father, George James, a Captain
i n the Southem Army, w h o fired the first shot at the fort.
Abraham L i n c o l n , now President of the N o r d i e m States, once again
reported to die American people that the war was a result of conspiratorial
forces at w o r k i n the South. H e told the N o r t h diat: "combinations too
m
CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary machinery of peacetime govern-
ment had assumed control of various Southem states."'*
L i n c o l n , and later the Russian government, saw that England a n d
France were aligning themselves against the N o r d i o n die side of die South,
and immediately issued orders for a sea blockade of die Soudiem states to
prevent these two nations from using the seas to send supplies to the South.
T h e Russian minister to the United States also saw this alignment and
he advised his govemment i n A p r i l , 1861, that: "England w i l l take advantage
of the first opportunity to recognize the seceded states and that France w i l l
follow her."" (It is interesting that two of the Rothschild brothers had banks
i n England and France.)
T h e Russian foreign minister instructed his American minister i n
Washington i n July, 1861,, " t o assure die American nation that i t could
assume 'the most cordial sympadiy on the part of our August Master (the
Czar of Russia) d u r i n g the serious crisis w h i c h i t is passing through at die
present'""
L i n c o l n was receiving great pressure from certain of the b a n k i n g
establishment to float interest-bearing loans to pay the costs of the war.
Salmon P. Chase, after w h o m the Chase Manhatten Bank, owned by the
Rockefeller interests, is named, and L i n c o l n ' s Secretary of the Treasury
d u r i n g the Civil War, "threatened the (rest of the) bankers that, i f diey did not
accept the bonds he was issuing, he w o u l d flood the country w i t h circulating
notes, even i f i t should take a thousand dollars of such currency to buy a
breakfast""
So Abraham L i n c o l n decided not to borrow money from the bankers
nor to create interest bearing money by creating a national bank that w o u l d
loan the govemment the needed money by p r i n t i n g large quantities of paper
money. L i n c o l n issued die "Greenback" i n Febmary, 1862. T h i s money was
not only unbacked by gold, but was debt free.
L i n c o l n was playing a deadly game. He had crossed the intemational
bankers. T h e war was being fought to force the United States into a position
of having to create a national bank, r u n independently by the European
bankers, and L i n c o l n had turned his back on them by issuing his o w n Fiat
Money.
T h e intemational bankers also out-manuevered L i n c o l n , at least to a
degree, when on August 5,1861, diey induced Congress, mostly at the urging
of Secretary of the Treasury Chase, to pass an income tax. They imposed "a
diree-percent federal income tax. T h i s was superseded almost at once by an
a a of March, 1862, signed i n July, while maintaining a three-percent tax o n
income below $10,(XK), increased the rate to five percent above diat level.""
I t was a graduated income tax, just as proposed by K a r l M a r x j u s t
diirteen years before. v, i<':--:r'.,..>:.':i'j':\/M:.,:.i "'•,|,iv;,,v;,';'».,,':-: ,!>•
CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
England and France now moved to increase the pressure o n Lincoln's
govemment. O n November 8, 1861, England "dispatched 8,000 ttoops to
Canada as tangible proof that she meant business"'' i n supporting the
South. France marched ttoops into Mexico after landing them on the coast
and imposing their choice of mlers, die emperor Maximillian, as the head of
Mexico. L i n c o l n c o u l d see that he was being flanked by the European
govemments.
I n 1938, Jerry V o o r h i s , a Congressman f r o m C a l i f o r n i a , wrote a
pamphlet entitled Dollars and Sense, i n which he shared a little bit of history
w i d i the American people about the events of die Q v i l War:
I n July 1862, an agent of die London bankers sent the follow-
i n g letter to leading financiers and bankers i n the United States
soon after Lincoln's first issue of greenbacks: "The great debt
that capitalists wUl see to i t is made out of the war must be used to
conttol the volume of money. T o accomplish this the bonds must
be used as a banking basis.
We are not waiting for the Secretary of the Treasury (Salmon
P. Chased to make this recommendation to Congress.
I t w i l l not do to allow the greenback, as i t is called, to circulate
as money any lengdi of time, for we cannot conttol diem. But we
can conttol the bonds and through them die bank issues."**
I n order to curtail die flow of the military equipment die largely n u a l
Soudi needed to wage die war, Lincoln, on A p r i l 19,1861, imposed die naval
blockade previously mentioned. The Confederacy needed "to go abroad and
replace privateers w i d i powerful warships which (they were) to buy o r have
b u i l t to order. T h e first of these vessels, the Sumter, was commissioned i n the
spring of 1861, and was followed i n 1862 by die Florida and die Alabama."^^
T h e South was purchasing these ships from England and France to
break the blockade, and Secretary of State W i l l i a m Seward saw die impor-
tance of keeping diese two nations out of die war. He "wamed the British
govemment: 'If any European power provokes war, we shall not shrink from
i t . ' S i m i l a r l y Seward advised Mercier that French r e c o g n i t i o n of the
Confederacy would result i n war w i d i die United States."**
L i n c o l n continued to see die danger from the European bankers and die
two European countties of France and England. He saw the main issue of die
war as being the preservation of the union. H e repeated his statement that
preserving the U n i o n was his m a i n task: " M y paramount object i n this
sttuggle is to save die U n i o n . I f I could save die U n i o n w i d i o u t freeing any
slaves, I w o u l d do i t " * '
But even though L i n c o l n was not conducting die war over die issue of
slavery, he issued the Emancipation Proclamation freeing the slaves on
September 22,1862, clainung the right to do so as die Commander-in-Chief
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CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
of the Army and Navy. There was no act of Congress, just the solitary act of
die President of die United States. But his act had die force of law, and the
American people accepted i t as such.
I n addition to the extemal threat from England and France, L i n c o l n
also had an intemal threat to contend with: the central bank. O n Febmary 25,
1863, Congress passed the National Banking Act. This act created a federally
chartered national bank that had die power to issue U.S. Bank Notes, money
created to be loaned to the government supported not by gold but by debt.
The money was loaned to the govemment at interest, and became Legal
Tender. T h i s b i l l was supported and urged by the Secretary of die Treasury,
Salmon P. Chase.
L i n c o l n , after die passage of diis act, once again wamed the American
people. He said: "The money power preys upon the nation i n times of peace
and conspires against i t i n times of adversity. I t is more despotic than
monarchy, more insolent than autocracy, more selfish than bureaucracy. I
see i n the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me, and causes me
to ttemble for die safety of my countty. Corporations have been endironed,
an era of cormption w i l l follow, and the money power of the country w i l l
endeavor to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of the people,
u n d l the w e a l t h is aggregated i n a few hands, a n d the r e p u b l i c is
desttoyed."**
A few months after the passage of the act, the Rothschild bank i n
England wrote a letter to a New York firm of bankers:
The few w h o understand the system (interest-bearing money)
w i l l either be so interested i n its profits, or so dependent on its
favors that there w i l l be no opposition from that class, while on the
other h a n d , the great body of people, m e n t a l l y incapable o f
comprehending the ttemendous advantages that capital derives
from the system, w i l l bear its burdens w i t h o u t complaint, and
perhaps without even suspecting the system is inimical to their
interests.*'
L i n c o l n was betting on the blockade he had imposed around the South
as a means of keeping England and France out of die war. The blockade was
effectively doing this, at least on die surface, but others were using i t as a
means of making enormous profits. Private individuals were " m n n i n g " the
blockade by equipping several ships w i d i essential provisions for die Soudi,
and dien hoping diat a percentage of diese ships w o u l d make i t dirough die
blockade, so that the blockade mnner could charge exorbitant prices for the
SPods i n Soudiem cities. One of diese individuals was Thomas W. House,
reportedly a Rodischild agent, w h o amassed a fortune during die Civil War.
House was die fadier of Colonel Edward Mandell House, die key to die
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CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
election o f President W o o d r o w W i l s o n and the passage of the Federal
Reserve b i l l i n 1913.
L i n c o l n realized that the North needed an ally to keep the European
countries out of the war direcdy, as both nadons were b u i l d i n g ships cajDable
of r u n n i n g the blockade, and the entry of England and France directly into
the war could spell the end of the N o r t h . H e looked to other European
countries for assistance and found none w i l l i n g to provide the support for his
government There was one country, however, that had no central bank and
therefore no i n t e r n a l force preventing its support of the U n i t e d States
govemment
T h a t country was Russia. i danger to be expected? I answer, i f i t ever reaches us i t must s p r i n g u p
Russia had a large navy and had already pledged its support to L i n c o l n
p r i o r to the b e g i n n i n g of the war. I t could n o w involve itself and keep
England and France out of the war because these two nadons feared a war
w i t h the Russian govemment
L i n c o l n needed something that he could use as a means of encouraging
the Russian people to send their navy to the defense of the United States
govemment. L i n c o l n issued the Emancipadon Proclamation to free the
slaves as a gesture to the Russian people w h o had their Czar free the serfs w i t h
a similar proclamation i n 1861. L i n c o l n anticipated that this one act w o u l d
encourage the Russian people to support their government when i t lent
support to Lincoln's govemment
T h e Czar of Russia, Alexander I I , issued orders to his imperial navy to
sail for the American ports of New York City and San Francisco as a sign of
support for L i n c o l n and his govemment I t also served as a dramatic means
of indicating to France and England they w o u l d have to contend w i t h the
Russian govemment as well should they enter the war o n the side of the
South. These ships began arriving i n the United States i n September, 1863.
It was commonly understood why these ships were entering the Amer-
ican waters. "The average Northemer (understood)... diat the Russian Czar
was taking this means of w a m i n g England and France that if they made war
i n support of the Soudi, he would help die North *«
I n October, 1863, the d t y of Baltimore issued a proclamation i n v i t i n g
die:
officers of the Russian ships of war now i n or shordy to arrive
at that Port (New York) to visit the city of B a l t i m o r e . . . a n d to
accept of its hospitalities, as a testimonial of the high respect of the
authorities and dtizens of Baltimore for the Sovereign and people
of Russia, who, when other powers and people strongly bound to
us by ties of interest or common descent (England and France?)
have lent material and support to the Rebels of the South, have
honorably abstained from a l l attempts to assist the rebellion, and
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CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
have given our govemment reliable assurances of their sympathy
and gocxl w i l l . * '
T h e Czar issued orders to his Admirals that they were to be ready to fight
any power and to take their orders only from Abraham Lincoln.
A n d i n the event of war, the Russian Navy was ordered to "attack the
enemy's commerdal shipping and their colonies, so as to cause them the
greatest possible damage."*'
I n a d d i t i o n to a l l o f these problems, L i n c o l n faced one more: the
machinations of an i n t e m a l conspiracy. L i n c o l n had antidpated such a
conspiracy i n 1837 when he stated: " A t what point then is the approach of
amongst us; i t cannot come from abroad. I f destmction be our l o t we must
ourselves be its author and finisher. As a nation of free men, we must live
through a l l time, or die by suidde."**
So L i n c o l n feared that the ultimate death of his nation would be caused
by her o w n sons, his fellow Americans.
Early i n 1863, Lincoln wrote a letter to Major General Joseph Hooker,
i n which he said: " I have placed you at the head of the Army of the Potomac
I have heard, i n such a way as to believe it, of your recendy saying that b o d i
the army and the govemment needed a dictator.""
Apparendy what L i n c o l n had heard about General Hooker was tme, as
Hooker had "once been feared as the potential leader of a Radical coup
d'etat""
T h e Radicals referred to i n Lincoln's letter to General Hooker were a
group of Republicans, amongst others, w h o saw that the N o r t h w o u l d
ultimately w i n the war w i t h the South, and they wanted L i n c o l n to make the
South pay for its rebellion after the victory. L i n c o l n favored the softer
approach of allowing the Southem states to retum to the U n i o n after the war
ended, without reprisals against them or their fighting men. T h e Radicals
were frequendy called the "Jacobins" after the group that fomented the
French Revolution of 1789. As mentioned earlier, they were an offshoot of the
Illuminati.
But Lincoln's biggest batde was yet to be f o u g h t die batde for his life.
The visions of Lincoln's earlier years about not serving two complete terms,
and his fears about intemal conspirades, were about to come tme.
O n A p r i l 14, 1865, the conspiracy that L i n c o l n both feared and had
knowledge of assassinated h i m . Eight people were ttied for the crime, and
four were later hung. I n addition to the conspiracy's successful attempt o n
Lincoln's life, the plan was to also assassinate Andrew Johnson, Lincoln's
Vice President, and Secretary of State Seward. Bodi of diese other attempts
failed, but i f they had been successful, there is litde doubt who w o u l d have
been die one to reap a l l of die benefits: Secretary of War Edwin Stanton.
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 CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
I n fact, after the successful assassination of Lincoln, Stanton "became i n
that moment the functioning govemment of the United States, when he
assumed control of the d t y of Wsishington D.C. i n an attempt to capture
Lincoln's killer."
T h e man w h o killed L i n c o l n , John Wilkes Booth, had several links
w i t h societies of the day, one of w h i c h was the Carbonari o f Italy, an
Illuminati-like secret organizadon acdve i n Italian intrigue.
One of the many evidences of Stanton's complidty i n the assassinauon
attempts is the fact that he failed to block off the road that Booth took as he
left Washington D.C. after the assassination, even though Stanton had
ordered military blockades on all of the other roads.
I t is now believed that Stanton also arranged for anodier man, similar i n
b u i l d and appearance to Booth, to be captured and then murdered by troops
under the command of Stanton. I t is further believed that Stanton certified
that the murdered man was Booth, thereby allowing Booth to escape.
But perhaps the most incriminating evidence diat Stanton was involved
i n the assassination of L i n c o l n lies i n the missing pages of the diary kept by
Mr. Booth. Stanton testified before Congressional investigating committees
"that die pages were missing when the diary was given to h i m i n A p r i l of
1865. The missing pages contain die names of some seventy high govem-
ment officials and prominent businessmen who were involved i n a conspi-
racy to eliminate L i n c o l n . T h e purported eighteen missing pages were
recendy discovered i n the attic of Stanton's descendants."'* A n d Boodi was
even linked to diose involved w i t h die conspiracy i n the Soudi: " A coded
message was found i n die t m n k of Booth, die key to which was discovered i n
Judah P. Benjamin's possession. B e n j a m i n . . . was the Civil War campaign
strategist of the House of R o t h s c h i l d . " " ( M r . Benjamin held many key
positions i n die Confederacy during the Civil War.)
So i t appears that L i n c o l n was the subject of a major conspiracy to
assassinate h i m , a conspiracy so important that even die European bankers
were involved. L i n c o l n had to be eliminated because he dared to oppose the
attempt to force a central bank onto the American people, and as an example
to those w h o would later oppose such machinations i n high places.
(One of the early books on die subject of diis conspiracy was published
just months after die assassination of President Lincoln. I t was entided The
Assassination and History of the Conspiracy, and i t clearly identified die
Knights of the Golden Circle as the fountainhead of the assassination plot.
T h e back cover of the book carried an advertisement for another book that
offered the reader "an inside view of the modus of the infamous organization,
its connection w i t h the rebellion and the Copperhead movement at the
N o r t h . " The second book was written by Edmund Wright, w h o claimed to
be a member of the Knights.) After die attempt on his life failed, and after
Lincoln's deadi, Vice-President Johnson became die President of die United
CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
States. H e continued Lincoln's policy of amnesty to the defeated South after
the war was over. He issued an Amnesty Proclamation o n May 29, 1865,
welcoming the South back into the U n i o n w i t h only a few requirements:
1. The South must repudiate the debt of the war;
2. Repeal a l l secession ordinances and laws; and
3. Abolish slavery forever.
The first requirement did not endear President Johnson to those w h o
wished the South to redeem its contractual obligations to those who loaned
i t the money i t needed to f i g h t the war. One of these debtors was the
Rothschild family, who had heavily funded die South's efforts i n the war.
Johnson also had to face anodier problem.
The Czar of Russia, for his part i n saving the United States govemment
during the war by sending his fleet to American waters, and apparently
because of an agreement he made w i d i Lincoln, asked to be paid for die use
of his fleet. Johnson had no constitutional authority to give American
dollars to the head of a foreign government. A n d the cost of the fleet was
radier high: |7.2 m i l l i o n .
So Johnson had Secretary of State W i l l i a m Seward arrange for the
purchase of Alaska from the Russians i n A p r i l , 1867.
This act has unfairly been called "Seward's folly" by diose historians
unfamiliar w i t h the actual reasons for Alaska's purchase, and to this day,
Seaetary of State Seward has been criticized for the purchase of what was
then a piece of worthless land. But Seward was only purchasing the land as
a method by which he could pay the Czar of Russia for the use of his fleet, an
action that probably saved this nation from a more serious war w i t h England
and France.
But the real problem Johnson was to have during his tenure as President
of die United States was still to occur.
He asked for the resignation of Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, and
Stanton refused.
The Radical Republicans, also called die Jacobins, i n the Senate started
impeachment proceedings against President Johnson. These efforts failed by
the slim margin of only one vote, and Johnson continued i n office. I n an
interesting quirk of fate, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court at the time
was Salmon P. Chase, and i t was his task to preside over die impeachment
trial of President Johnson. Chase had resigned as Secretary of die Treasury to
become the Chief Justice. I t was almost as i f the conspiracy had anticipated
I I die impeachment proceedings and had wanted a man diey felt they could
* trust i n diat key position.
Senator Benjamin F. Wade, President Pro-Tempore of the Senate, and
next i n line of succession to the Chief Executive's position, had been so
confident that Johnson would be found guilty of die charges against h i m
and removed from office that he had already informally named his new
CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
cabinet Ironically, Stanton was to become the Secretary of the Treasury.^
Chief Justice Chase's role i n these events w o u l d be recognized years later
by John Thompson, founder of the Chase National Bank (later to be called
the Chase Manhattan Bank, after its merger w i t h the Manhattan Bank
owned by the Warburgs,) w h o named his bank after h i m . I n addition, other
honors came to the Chief Justice. His picture now is found o n the $10,000 b i l l
printed by the U.S. Treasury. T h i s b i l l is the highest existing denomination
currency i n the United States.
After the C i v i l War ended. President Johnson "had no doubt there was
a conspiracy afoot a m o n g the Radicals (the Jacobins) to incite another
revolution.""
I t was the intent of the Jacobins to stir u p the newly freed slaves and then
use this dissatisfaction as the reason for starting another Civil War. A n d i n
fact there was a large riot i n Memphis, Tennessee, i n A p r i l , 1866, where a
group of whites attacked negroes and forty-six o f the Negroes were killed.
Later, i n July, 1866, there was a r i o t i n New Orleans where a g r o u p of
marching negroes were fired upon and many of them were killed.
The Radicals blamed Johnson for these killings, but some knew that the
r i o t i n g was the work of others. Gideon Wells, the Secretary of the Navy, was
one and he wrote i n his diary: "There is litde doubt that the New Orleans
riots had their origin w i t h the Radical members of Congress i n Washington.
I t is part of a deliberate conspiracy and was to be the commencement of a
series of bloody affrays through the States lately i n the rebellion (the South.)
There is a determination to involve the country i n d v i l war, i f necessary, to
secure negro suffrage i n the States and Radical ascendancy i n the general
government""
Even President Johnson was aware o f the attempts to incite another
C i v i l War as he o n c e . . .
told Orville Browning that "he had no doubt that there was a
conspiracy afoot among the Radicals to i n d t e another revolution,
, and espedally to arm and exasperate the negroes."
The President himself was coming to believe that Stevens and
Sumner (the leaders o f the Radicals, also k n o w n as die Jacobins)
and their followers intended to take the govemment into their o w n
hands.
I t was an "unmistakable design," he once told Welles. They
w o u l d declare Tennessee out of the U n i o n and so get r i d of h i m ,
and then set u p a Directory based o n the French Revolution's
, • model." ,^ , ,^ ,. , 1879.
One o f the groups a c t i n g to i n d t e the riots was the Knights of the
Golden Circle, whose war-time members included John Wilkes Booth and
Jefferson Davis, die head of the Confederacy. Another member, Jesse James,
m
CHAPTER 15 THEOVILWAR
was secretly hoarding large quantities of gold stolen from banks and m i n i n g
companies i n an attempt to buy a second Civil War. I t has been estimated
diat Jesse and the odier members of the Knights had buried over $7 b i l l i o n
i n gold a l l over the westem states.
Jesse James, a 33rd degree Mason, lived to be 107 years old. He claimed
diat his secret to his long life was that he changed his name frequently after
first locating a cowboy w i t h approximately his same physical characteristics.
He then would k i l l or have h i m killed by shooting h i m i n the face. He would
then plant some items k n o w n to be his o n the body, such as jewelry or
dothing. His next step would be to have a known relative or a close friend
identify the body as being that of Jesse James. Since there were no other
means of identifying the body such as pictures or fingerprints, the public
assumed that the relative or friend knew what they were saying when they
identified the body. Grateful townspeople were happy to t h i n k that the
notorious bankrobber, or any or his dangerous aliases, was dead, so they
tended to believe that the identification was correct Jesse claimed that i t was
by this method that he assumed the identities or aliases of some seventy-three
individuals. I n fact, he claimed that one of his aliases he used i n later years
was that of W i l l i a m A. Clark, the copper k i n g and later a U.S. Senator from
the Las Vegas area of Nevada. I t is after Senator Clark that Clark County,
Nevada is named.
Another group that was formed i n 1867 to spread terror amongst the
Negroes was a group known as the K u Klux Klan, named after the Greek
word Kuklos, which meant "band" or "circle."
Someone suggested that the name should be changed to K u Klux, and
this is the name that has existed to this very day. T h i s organization was
"brother to those secret organizations made up of other victims of despotism:
the Confrereries of medieval France, the Carbonari of Italy, the Vehmgerict
of Germany, (and) the Nihilists of Russia.""
It was the Nihilists who were credited w i t h the assassination of the Czar
of Russia, Alexander I I , i n 1881. T h i s was the same Czar who sent the fleet
to America during the Civil War. So he, like Lincoln, had to pay the price for
outwitting the intemational bankers who had caused the Civil War. T h e
connection between die K u Klux Klan and die Knights of die Golden Circle
has now become known. One author has written that "the K u Klux Klan was
die military arm of die Knights of die Golden Circle.""
The final important act of die Civil War came i n 1875, when Congress
passed die Specie Redemption A c t declaring i t die policy of die govemment
to redeem President Lincoln's "greenbacks" at par i n gold o n January 1,
Lincoln had outwitted the intemational bankers.
The United States still did not have a cenual bank.
I t was time for the conspiracy to change die suategy.
163

Chapter 16
The Federal Reserve
After their sutxessive failures at convincing the American people that
they needed a Central Bank by f o r c i n g them i n t o a series of wars, the
intemational bankers connected w i t h the conspiracy dedded to change their
methods. Instead of utilizing wars for this purpose, they w o u l d convince the
unsuspecting American dtizen that they needed a central bank through the
use of artifidally created depressions, recessions, and panics.
It was easy for the intemational bankers to create a banking p a n i c
Because of the nature of the banking business, the bankers knew that
only a small percentage of the deposits stored i n a bank by the depositors is
ever called for o n any given day. Because of this, only a small percentage, say
twenty percent, is kept at the bank at any one time. T h e other eighty is loaned
out, at interest, to borrowers w h o i n t u m reinvest i t i n Capital Goods or
Consumption Goods.
Therefore, i t would be easy for the bankers to cause a bank panic, called
a " m n , " by c o n v i n d n g the depositors of any particular bank that the bank
was insolvent and didn't have the money to pay the depositors should they
withdraw their cash. T h i s was of course a tme staternent, and i f a l l of the
depositors went to the bank at the same time to wididraw dieir deposits, the
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
individual w h o had made the statement w o u l d prove to be rather prophetic
i n his analysis of the situation.
The news that a particular bank didn't have the deposits belonging to
die depositors w o u l d cause other depositors at other banks to withdraw their
funds as well to make certain that their deposits were safe. What w o u l d start
as a "bank m n " o n a particular bank w o u l d end i n a full-fledged national
panic
A n d the individual w h o made the assessment of the bank's insolvency
would be recognized as a prophet of the first order.
T h e banks w h o w o u l d experience a m n on their deposits w o u l d ask
those to w h o m they loaned the money to retum i t and there would be a m s h
to sell properties to pay off the mortgages. When this happened a l l at once,
pioperty values w o u l d drop, allowing those w i t h extra cash to buy properties
at a reduced price. The pre-planned panic could work two ways: the bankers
who knew i t was coming could withdraw their cash prior to the beginning
of the panic, and then go back into the market to buy Capital Goods at a
reduced price.
T h i s became, then, a powerful tool i n the hands of diose w h o wished to
change our banking system from one where individual bankers functioned
to one where a small group of bankers operated a national bank. T h e bankers
w o u l d then blame the current b a n k i n g system for the troubles i n the
economy.
But more i m p o r t a n t l y , the i n t e r n a t i o n a l bankers w h o caused the
problem could offer their desired solution: a central bank.
So the tactic changed from one of creating wars to one of creating bank
panics to influence the American people i n t o the creation of a permanent
central bank.
One of the prime movers i n this movement was J.P. Morgan, whose
father was one of the Rothschild agents w h o made a huge fortune i n m n n i n g
President Lincoln's blockade d u r i n g the Civil War.
(It is interesting to note that the J.P. Morgan, the supporter of America's
need for a central bank, is related to Alexander H a m i l t o n , the supporter of
America's need for a central bank i n the days of America's revolutionary war
against the English Govemment. T h i s connection was revealed i n 1982,
when Time magazine announced that Pierpont M o r g a n H a m i l t o n , the
great-great grandson of Alexander H a m i l t o n and nephew of J.P. Morgan,
had passed away.)'
I n 1869, J.P. Morgan went to London and reached an agreement to form
a company k n o w n as Northem Securities that was intended to act as an agent
for the N . M . Rodischild Company i n the United States.
The first major panic created by the intemational bankers occurred i n
1893 when local bankers around the nation were told to call i n their loans.
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
Senator Robert Owen " . . . testified before a Congressional Committee that
the bank he owned received from die National Bankers' Associadon what
came to be known as the 'Panic Circular of 1893.' I t stated: 'You w i l l at once
redre one-third of your circuladon and call i n one-half of your loans
Congressman Charles A. Lindbergh, the father of the famous aviator,
saw the circular that Senator Owen reported on, and said that i t was intended
to cause a "stringency" (a tightness) to cause "business men to appeal to
Congress for legislation that w o u l d favor the bankers."'
(The bankers didn't create the panic by advising die American people
that the banks were insolvent. They issued a circular to have die bankers
cause i t diemselves. They w o u l d hold the former strategy for later panics.)
T h i s tactic, of course, is exactly the same as that explained by Jan Kozak
i n his book Not a Shot is Fired: create die problem, and dien encourage the
people affected to ask Congress for laws favorable to those w h o created the
problem.
Congress also took diis opportunity to pass an income tax, including i t
i n what was called die Tariff Act of 1894. So the two planks of The Manifesto
created to destroy die middle class were being offered to the American people
at the same time: the central bank and the income tax.
One courageous Congressman, Robert Adams, went o n record as
opposing the income tax. He is quoted as saying: "The imposition of the tax
w i l l corrupt the people. I t w i l l b r i n g . . . the spy and die informer. I t w i l l be
a step toward centralization I t is expensive i n its collection and cannot be
fairly imposed."*
But i n spite of the actions of the conspirators, the income tax as a law
passed by Congress was declared to be unconstitutional by the Supreme
Court. So the decision was made to add the income tax to the Constitution
as a Constitutional Amendment
It was now 1900, and die administration of President W i l l i a m McKinley
was prosecuting die N o r d i e m Securities Company under die anti-tmst laws.
McKinley changed his vice-presidents for his second term, and less than a
year later he was assassinated. His second vice-president, Theodore Roose-
v e l t became president, and the prosecution of N o r d i e m Securities stopped.
Roosevelt was later elected i n his o w n right i n 1904.
Another agent of the British Rothschild banking interests. Colonel
Edward Mandell House, wrote an extremely important book i n 1912. I t was
entided Philip Dru, Administrator, and contained the personal beliefs of the
author i n the form of a novel. Even though the book was written i n 1912, it
contained predictions about future events the author hoped w o u l d come
ttue.
T h e plot of the novel concems a meeting i n 1925 between John Thor,
described as the " h i g h priest of finance," a n d Senator Selwyn, a very
important Senator.
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CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
Selwyn had discovered "that the govemment was m n by a few men, that
outside of diis litde circle, no one was of much importance. I t was (Sclwyn's)
intention to break into i t i f possible and (his) ambition now leaned so far as
"* to w a n t not only to be of i t but later, to be I T . " '
Senator Selwyn was not content w i d i just electing die President of die
United States, he also "planned to b r i n g under his conttol both the Senate
and die Supreme Court"* " I t was a fascinating game to Selwyn. He wanted
to govem the Nation w i t h an absolute hand, and yet not be k n o w n as die
directing power."'
The nation came to know of this conspiracy between these two impor-
tant individuals by a fluke, when Mr. Thor's secretary played back a tape
recording made o n a dictagraph that had been inadvertently turned o n
during die meeting. The secretary gave the recording to die Associated Press
which spread the story of the conspiracy across the nation. America read the
story and knew that "revolution was i m m i n e n t "
The hero of die story, P h i l i p D m , w h o is not direcdy involved i n the
plot, organizes an army of 500,000 men and leads them o n a march to
Washington. He actually clashes w i t h govemment ttoops prior to his arrival
i n Washington, and he scores a decisive victory over the Army. T h e Presi-
dent, named R o c k l a n d i n the n o v e l , flees the c o u n t r y , and Selwyn is
appointed acting President i n his absence. One of his first acts as President
is to surrender to P h i l i p D m .
D m moves i n , keeps Selwyn as die President but assumes "the power of
a dictator" as he allows Selwyn to continue f u n c t i o n i n g as President,
although D r u himself w o u l d make a l l of the decisions. He is n o w i n a
position to give the United States a new form of govemment. D m describes
it as " . . . Sodalism as dreamed of by Karl Marx.")
He arranges for several key Marxist programs, such as a graduated
income tax, and a graduated inheritance tax. He also prohibits the "selling
o f . . . anything of value," abolishing, at least i n p a r t the right of private
property, just as spelled out by Marx i n his writings.
D m starts making the laws of the nation, as " . . . there were no legisla-
j tive bodies sitting, and the function of law-making was confined to one
individual, die administtation (Philip D m ) himself."'
D m also re-wrote the "obsolete... and grotesque" Constitution of die
United States.
D m also meddled i n the intemal affairs of other nations, i n c l u d i n g
ngland, and concemed himself w i d i die nation of Russia as he: " . . . won-
ered when her deliverance w o u l d come. There was, he knew, great work for
someone to do i n diat despotic land."'
^ (In other words. Colonel House, die audior of Philip Dru, was h o p i n g
at there w o u l d be a revolution i n Russia. He was u r g i n g the Russian
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CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
Revolution upon the Russian people, an event that was still five years away,
as the so-called "despodc" Czar of Russia was replaced hy "Sodalism as
dreamed of by Karl Marx.")
After the publicadon of the novel, it became known that Colonel House
admitted that the book formulated "his ethical and political faith." House
saw himself " i n his hero. P h i l i p D r u is what he himself w o u l d like to have
been. Every art i n his career, every letter, every word of advice that passed
from h i m to (President) Woodrow Wilson was consistent w i t h the ideas
enundated by P h i l i p D m . " ' "
Colonel House had arranged to elect the next president of the United
States, Woodrow Wilson, i n the election of 1912. Wilson became the student
of Colonel House, and as he began to learn die thoughts of his mentor, he
became so close that Wilson later said that House's "thoughts and mine are
one."
W i l s o n is confusing, a sort of enigma i n the events of that day. H e
admitted that there was a giant conspiracy, yet he became involved w i t h i t
He wrote: "There is a power somewhere so organized, so subde, so watchful,
so interlocked, so complete, so pervasive that they better not speak above their
breath when they speak i n condemnation of i t " "
Mr. Wilson didn't identify the power he had become aware of as being
that of the Masons, but he was, i n fact, a member.'*
One of the many people that House gave a copy of his book to was
another member of die Masons, Franklin Delano Roosevelt w h o is reported
to have read the book w i t h great interest. One evidence that Roosevelt
enjoyed the book was that he called his meetings w i t h the American public
over the radio his "fireside chats," possibly because of die fact that i n House's
book, D r u , the hero, "sat contentedly smoking by a great l o g fire i n the
Ubrary...."
House was an extremely important person during the Wilson years, as
he once told biographer Charles Seymour: " D u r i n g the last fifteen years 1
have been close to the center of things, although few people suspert i t N o
important foreigner has come to America without talking to me. I was dose
to the movement that nominated Roosevelt""
So not only d i d House create Woodrow Wilson, he also was involved i n
making Franklin Roosevelt die President of the United States.
So House became the "secret power" behind both Wilson and Roose-
velt, exacdy like his fictional character Senator Selwyn had hoped to become.
Another representative of the Rothschild interests, J.P. Morgan, was
preparing for the next scheduled event i n the creation of America's central
bank. M o r g a n d u r i n g the early months of 1907 was i n Europe for five
months, shutding back and forth between L o n d o n and Paris, homes of two
branches of the Rodischild banking family. ; sion and charged "to make a thorough study of financial practices before
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
Apparently the reason Morgan was i n Europe was because the dedsion
was being made to have Morgan predpitate a bank panic i n America. When
he retumed, he started mmors that the Knickerbocker Bank i n New York was
insolvent T h e bank's depositors became frightened because they thought
that Morgan, being the best known banker of the day, m i g h t very well be
right Their pjanic started a m n o n the bank. Morgan was right and the panic
at the Knickerbocker also caused mns on other banks, and the Panic of 1907
was complete.
T h e propaganda started almost immediately that the state-chartered
bankers couldn't be tmsted anymore w i t h the banking affairs of the nation.
The need for a central bank had become apparent by the Panic of 1907, or at
least this is how the conspiracy argued.
Historian Frederick Lewis A l l e n , w r i t i n g i n Life magazine, became
aware of the plot. H e wrote: " . . . certain chroniclers have arrived at the
ingenious conclusion that the Morgan interests took advantage of the u n -
settled conditions d u r i n g the a u t u m n o f 1907 to precipitate the Panic,
guiding i t shrewdly as i t progressed, so that i t would k i l l off rival banks, and
consolidate the pre-eminence of the banks w i t h i n the Morgan o r b i t " ' *
Woodrow Wilson, w h o was president of Princeton University i n 1907,
spoke to die American people, attempting to remove whatever blame might
be placed upon the Morgan shoulders. He said: " A l l diis trouble could be
averted i f we appointed a committee of six or seven public-spirited men like
J.P. Morgan to handle the affairs of our country.""
So Wilson wanted to hand over the affairs of the nation to the very
person w h o had caused a l l of the concem: J.P. Morgan!
But the m a i n thmst of the explanations about the causes of the 1907
Panic was that the American people needed a strong central bank to prevent
die abuses of die " W a l l Street" bankers: "What finally convinced Congress of
die need for better control over the nation's banking was one stark event the
Panic of 1907. T h e panic subsided. Agitation grew for an effective national
banking system.""
So the American people, w h o had suffered t h r o u g h the A m e r i c a n
Revolution, the War of 1812, the batdes between Andrew Jackson and the
Second Bank of die United States, die Civil War, die previous panics of 1873
and 1893, and now the Panic of 1907, were finally conditioned to the p o i n t
of accepting the solution offered by diose w h o had caused all of these events:
the intemational bankers.
T h a t solution was a central bank.
T h e invididual the bankers used to introduce die legislation diat created
the central bank was a Senator f r o m Rhode Island, a Mason, a n d the
•maternal grandfadier of die Rockefdler brodiers, David, Ndson, et al., by die
name of Nelson Aldrich. He was appointed to a National Monetary Comnu-
169
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
formulating banking and currency reform legislation."
So for two years, this Commission toured the banking houses of Europe,
learning (supposedly) the secrets of the central banking systems of Europe,
(there are those w h o believe that they already knew the secrets of the central
banking systems of Europel)
U p o n Senator Aldrich's retum, i n November, 1910, he boarded a train
i n Hoboken, New Jersey, for a ride to Jekyll Island, Georgia. H i s destination
was the Jekyll Island H u n t Club, owned by Mr. Morgan. I t was here that the
legislation that would give America its central bank was written.
Aboard the train, and w i t h Senator Aldrich later i n Georgia, were the
following individuals:
A. Piatt Andrew, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury;
Senator Nelson Aldrich, National Monetary Commission;
Frank Vanderlip, President of Kuhn-Loeb's National City Bank of New
York;
Henry Davidson, Senior Parmer of J.P. Morgan;
Charles Norton, President of Morgan's First National Bank of New York;
Paul Warburg, Parmer i n the banking house of Kuhn-Loeb fe Company;
and
Benjamin Strong, President of Morgan's Banker's T m s t Company.
T h e railroad car that these gentlemen travelled i n belonged to Senator
Aldrich, and while they were aboard, they were swom to secrecy and asked to
refer to each other by first names only.
One of those, M r . Vanderlip, later went o n to reveal his role i n the
w r i t i n g of the b i l l that created the Federal Reserve System. He wrote i n the
Saturday Evening Post: i re-elected to a second term i n 1912.
. . . i n 1910, when I was as secretive, indeed as furtive, as any
conspirator. I do not feel it is any exaggeration to speak of our secret
expedition to Jekyll Island as the occasion of the actual conception
of what eventually became the Federal Reserve System.
We were told to leave our last names behind us. We were told
further that we should avoid d i n i n g together o n the night of our
departure. We were instmcted to come one at a time and as unob-
tmsively as possible to the terminal of the New Jersey littoral of the
Hudson, where Senator Aldrich's private car would be i n readiness,
attached to the rear end of the train for the South.
Once aboard the private car, we began to observe the taboo that
had been fixed on last names.
Discovery, we knew, simply must not happen, or else a l l our
time and effort would be wasted."
Notice that the conspirators d i d not want the American people to know
170
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
what they had i n store for them: a central bank. T h e legislation was to be
written not by a group of legislators, but by a group of bankers, mostly
connected w i t h the man responsible for the Panic of 1907: J.P. Morgan.
T h e conspiracy also had one additional problem. They had "to avoid
the name Central Bank, and for that reason (they) had come u p o n the
designation of Federal Reserve System. I t w o u l d be owned by private
individuals w h o w o u l d draw profit from ownership of shares and w h o
would control the nation's issue of money; i t would have at its command the
nation's entire financial resources; and i t w o u l d be able to mobilize and
mortgage the United States by involving (the United States) i n major foreign
wars.""
The method the conspirators used to defraud the American people was
to divide the Federal Reserve System into twelve districts so that the American
people could not call the bank a "central bank." The fact that the twelve
districts had one director, called the Federal Reserve Chairman, apparendy
was not to be considered relevant.
The one non-banker at Jekyll Island was Senator Nelson Aldrich, but he
certainly could have qualified as a wealthy man, capable of starting his ovm
bank. When he entered die Senate i n 1881, he was worth J50,000. When he
left die Senate i n 1911, he was wordi 130,000,000.
Now that the legislation creating the central bank was written, i t w o u l d
need a president w h o would not veto the b i l l after it passed the House and the
Senate. The President i n 1910 and 1911 was W i l l i a m Howard Taft, elected i n
1908, and he was on record as saying that he would veto the b i l l should i t
come to his desk for h i m to sign. He was a Republican and was surely to be
The conspiracy needed to defeat him, so i t supported first the campaign
of ex-President Teddy Roosevelt, a fellow Republican, to defeat Taft i n the
Republican primaries. T h i s activity failed as Taft was re-nominated, so the
conspiracy planned o n defeating h i m w i t h the Democratic candidate,
Woodrow Wilson.
However, the supporters of Wilson soon found that their candidate
would not draw enough votes to defeat Taft i n the general election. I t was
discovered that Taft would defeat Wilson by a 55 to 45 margin.
T h i s obviously caused a problem for the supporters of the Federal
Reserve B i l l , which would be defeated if Taft were to be re-elected. What they
had fought wars for and had caused depressions for, was now w i t h i n their
grasp, and i t all could be prevented by one man: President W i l l i a m Howard
Taft
The supporters needed someone to draw votes away from Taft i n the
general election, so they urged Teddy Roosevelt to m n against both Wilson
and T a f t I t was theorized that Roosevelt a fellow Republican, would draw
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CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
votes from the other Republican i n the race, Taft, and enable Wilson to w i n
without a majority of the votes cast. (Wilson, of course, had agreed to sign the
Federal Reserve B i l l should i t get to his desk for h i m jis President to sign.)
T h i s strategy was confirmed i n a book by Ferdinand Lundberg, entided
America's 60 Families. Lundberg wrote:
I n view of the vast sums subsequently spent by h i m (Frank
Munsey) and Perkins, (two Roosevelt supporters, both of w h o m
were closely allied w i t h the J.P. Morgan interests) to forward the
Progressive campaign (of Roosevelt) and insure Taft's defeat, the
suspicion seems justified that the two were not over-anxious to
have Roosevelt w i n .
T h e notion that Perkins and Munsey may have wanted W i l -
son to w i n , or any Democratic candidate other than ( W i l l i a m
Jennings) Bryan, is pardy substantiated by the fart that Perkins p u t
a gocxl deal of cash behind the Wilson campaign.
I n short, most of Roosevelt's campaign fund was supplied by
the two Morgan hatchet men w h o were seeking Taft's scalp. 19
T h e tactic o f d i v i d i n g the votes o f the apparent w i n n e r so that a
candidate w i t h a m i n o r i t y o f the votes c o u l d be elected has been used
frequendy i n the United States, most notably i n the nomination of George
McGovem i n 1972, and also i n the election of 1980 which w i l l be discussed
i n another chapter.
I n the case of the McGovem election, i t was established prior to the
Democratic primaries that he apparently w o u l d not be able to gamer more
than thirty to thirty-five percent of the primary election votes against Hubert
H u m p h r e y , the party's favorite, and their nominee i n 1968. Yet i t was
important for McGovern to get the n o m i n a t i o n (for reasons that w i l l be
covered later i n another context.) T o implement this decision, the Democrats
offered the Democratic voters a candidate of every p o l i t i c a l stripe and
persuasion i n the primaries. These candidates were to divide Humphrey's
vote so that McGovem w o u l d w i n the primaries w i t h thfrty to thirty-five
percent of the vote. T h i s w o u l d enable McGovern, w i t h his hard-core
following, to w i n the Democratic nomination w i t h but a small percentage of
the vote.
T h e strategy worked. -^'^ r'''.''' l i d • i,,''«i-',w-'V',;,::. :.Mi',
McGovern w o n the n o m i n a t i o n against the party favorite, Hubert
Humphrey.
So the election of 1912 became history. T h e three candidates, Taft,
Wilson and Roosevelt, waited for die results.
When the votes were counted, Wilson w o n the election w i t h but forty-
five percent of die vote, Roosevelt received more votes dian did Taft, and Taft
172
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
lan third. But die interesting t h i n g is that the total of die votes cast for Taft
and Roosevelt, when added together, w o u l d have been enough to defeat
Wilson, fifty-five percent to forty-five piercent I t was extremely likely that i n
a two-man race, Taft w o u l d have defeated Wilson radier handily.
The plot worked. Wilson was elerted and then inaugurated i n January,
1913. Wilson could now sign the Federal Reserve B i l l i n December, 1913,
after i t had passed die House and the Senate. A n d he did.
What d i d the American people get from the Federal Reserve System?
The System itself publishes a paperback textbook entitled The Federal
Reserve System, Purposes and Functions, that is used i n colleges to explain
die activities of die System to college students, especially i n a class entided
Money and Banking.
T h i s booklet explains die functions of the Federal Reserve: " A n efficient
monetary mechanism is indispensible t o . . . the nation — T h e function of
the Federal Reserve is to foster a flow of money and credit that w i l l facilitate
orderly economic g r o w t h , a stable dollar, and l o n g - r u n balance i n o u r
intemational payments."*"
(It is a fair question to ask die Federal Reserve System, i f the Americans
haven't had an "orderly economic growth, a stable dollar and a l o n g - m n
balance i n our intemational payments" which has been America's history
since the aeation of the System, why is i t allowed to continue?
It w o u l d seem diat such a system w i d i such a dismal record for about
seventy years w o u l d be abolished without delay.
Could i t be that die system was created to ensure that America didn't
have an "orderly economic growth, a stable dollar, and a long-mn balance i n
our intemational payments?"
I n other words, die System was created to do exactly the opposite of what
it tells the American peoplel The System is working!)
There were those who opposed the aeation of the System at the time and
made that o p p o s i t i o n p u b l i c . One such i n d i v i d u a l was Congressman
Charles Lindbergh, Sr.
Congressman Lindbergh wamed the American people diat die Federal
Reserve Act " . . . established the most gigantic trust o n earth. When the
President signs this act, the invisible government by the money power-
. . . w i l l be legitimized. The new law w i l l create inflation whenever the trasts
want inflation. From now on, depressions w d l be scientifically rteated."*'
The Congressman had put his finger on the pulse of the problem: the
Federal Reserve System was created to foster economic emergencies.
T h i s i n s t r u m e n t of economic destruction was n o w i n place. T h e
staffing of die System's key positions w i d i diose w h o created and supported
itfoUowed.
 CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
T h e first governor o f the New Y o r k Federal Reserve b r a n c h was
Benjamin Strong of Morgan's Bankers Trust Company, a pardcipant i n die
Jekyll Island w r i u n g of die b i l l . The first Governor of die Board of Directors
was Paul Warburg, a partner i n the b a n k i n g house of K u h n , Loeb and
Company, also a participant at the Jekyll Island Meeting.
What had diose w h o called die system "Federal" created? Was i t really
a "Federal" Reserve System?
I t is "a private organization, since the member banks o w n a l l of the
stock, o n which they receive tax-free dividends; i t must pay postage, like any
other private corporation; its employees are not on civil service; i t may spend
whatever i t wishes;... and its physical property, held under private deeds, is
subject to local taxation."**
I n fact, America's elected officials k n o w that the "Federal" Reserve
System isn't federal. I n speeches to the American people, recent Presidents
Richard N i x o n , Gerald Ford, and J i m m y Carter have joined Dr. Arthur
Burns, former head of the System, the Associated Press, the House of
Representatives i n a primer on the System, and others, i n stating that the
System is "independent," (or words to that effect.)
I n other words, these individuals and entities know that the system is not
"Federal." I t is privately owned and operated.
Other Congressmen, more recent dian Congressman Lindbergh, have
also warned the American people about the dangers of the non-federal
Federal Reserve System. Congressman Wright Patman, the Chairman of the
House Banking and Currency Committee, said: " I n the United States tcxlay,
we have i n effect two govemments. We have the duly constituted govem-
ment. T h e n we have an independea}, uncontrolled and un-coordinated
government i n the Federal Reserve System, operating the money powers
*''*wfiich are reserved to Congress by the Constitution."*'
L u d w i g von Mises, a free-market economist, has spoken somewhat
humorously on the subject of the govemments that create national banking
systems like die Federal Reserve: "Govemment is the only agency that can
take a perfecdy useful commodity like paper, smear i t w i t h ink, and render
i t absolutely useless."
The privately owned Federal Reserve System is i n control of the money
supply and dierefore has the ability to create inflation and deflation at w i l l .
The money supply per capita i n 1913, when die Reserve System was
created was around f 148. By 1978, i t stood at $3,691.
T h e value of the 1913 dollar, taken as a base of 1.00, had s h m n k to
approximately 12 cents by 1978.
(This must be what die Federal Reserve System calls a "stable dollar.")
The quantity of money i n January, 1968, stood at $351 b i l l i o n , and i n
February, 1980, i t was $976 b i l l i o n , a 278 percent increase. I n fact, the
174
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
quantity of money doubles approximately every ten years. But strangely, this
increase i n the money supply, or so die American people are told, does not
cause inflation. Even though the dictionary definition of inflation states that
an increase i n the money supply always causes inflation.
The Federal Reserve System admits that the ability to create inflation
rests w i t h their agency: "Thus, the ultimate capability for expanding or
reducing the economy's supply of money rests w i t h the Federal Reserve."**
Not all of the banks i n America, however, were interested i n the creation
of inflation. Some were concemed about their membership i n the System and
were withdrawing. I n fact, W i l l i a m Miller, then the Chairman of the Federal
Reserve, i n 1978 wamed that the flight of the member banks out of die System
was "weakening the financial system of the United States."
A total of 430 members banks had left the Federal Reserve i n an eight-
year span, including 15 major banks i n 1977, w i d i deposits of more than $100
billion, and anodier 39 banks left i n 1978. As a result of this attrition, twenty-
five percent of all commercial bank deposits and sixty percent of a l l banks
were now outside of the system.
Miller continued: "The ability of the system to influence the nation's
money and credit (became) weaker."*'
The ttend away from the Federal Reserve System continued, and i n
December, 1979, Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker informed the
House Banking Committee d i a t " . . . some 300 banks w i t h deposits of $18.4
billion have quit the Fed (die Federal Reserve System) w i t h i n die past 4\i
years.' He said another 575 of the remaining 5,480 member banks, w i t h
deposits of more dian $70 b i l l i o n , 'have given us some indication of their
intent to withdraw.' "**
A n d i n February, 1980, i t was reported diat: " I n the last four months, 69
banks (had) withdrawn from the Federal Reserve System, taking w i t h diem
seven billion dollars i n deposits. Anodier 670 banks, holding $71 billion i n
deposits, have expressed a desire to leave the system."*'
This exodus from the System could not be allowed to continue, so i n
1980, Congress passed the Monetary Conorol Act which gave the Federal
Reserve System conuol of all depository institutions, whether or not the
banks were previously members of die System itself.
But i n any event, die System after its creation i n 1913 was i n a position
to loan the federal government large sums of money. T h e i r first real
opportunity to do diis occurred just a few years later d u r i n g World War I .
The following table illusuates just how much money die System loaned
e United States government d u r i n g the War: ( i n m i l l i o n s of dollars,
tounded).
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE

Rounded Rounded Surplus or t h r o u g h a period of years, the Federal Reserve Board met i n a
Receipts Outlays Deficit meeting which was not disclosed to the p u b l i c
They met on the 16th of May, 1920, and i t was a secret meeting.
me $ 761 731 1^ 48 O n l y the b i g bankers were there, and the work of that day
1917 1,101 1,954 - 853 resulted i n a contraction of credit (by ordering banks to call i n
1918 3,645 12,677 - 9,032 outstanding loans) which had the effect the next year of reducing
1919 5,139 18,493 -13,363 the national income fifteen b i l l i o n dollars, throwing millions of
i9a» 6,649 6,358 291 people out of employment and reducing the value of lands and
ranches by twenty-billion dollars.'"
T h e table shows how the size of the govemment grew from 1916 to 1920, Not only d i d the bankers transfer large quantities of land from the
and how enormous quantities of debt were accumulated. T h i s money, i n farmers to the bcmkers by this contraction, but the process also transferred
large part, was borrowed from the Federal Reserve System, America's central large numbers of banks from the hands of those bankers who could not meet
bank, which " . . . hath benefit of interest on a l l moneys which i t creates out the demands of the Federal Reserve and had to sell their banking assets for a
of nothing."*'
reduced price to those who had the money to buy bankmpt banks (the Panic
I n addidon to the ability to create interest-bearing debt, the Federal
of 1920 bankmpted 5,400 banks.)
Reserve System also has the ability to create economic cycles through the
One of the major non-banking targets of this panic was Heiuy Ford, the
expansion and conoacdon of the quandty of money and credit Their first
automobile manufactiuer.
major opportunity to create a depression by this method occurred i n 1920,
when the Federal Reserve created what has become known as the Panic of Despite inflation. Ford ordered a price cut for his automobiles,
1920. but demand was still insufficient and a number of Ford plants had
One o f those w h o saw h o w this was the result o f p r i o r economic to be shut down.
p l a n n i n g was Congressman Lindbergh, w h o i n 1921 wrote i n his book Rumor had i t that a huge loan was being negotiated. But Ford,
Economic Pinch, the following: "Under the Federal Reserve A c t panics are who thought New York bankers were nothing short of vultures,
sciendfically created; the present panic is the first sciendfically created one,
was determined not to fall into their hands
worked out as we figure a mathemadcal problem."**
B a n k e r s . . . lined u p to offer their " h e l p " i n return for his
T h e process works i n the following manner: the System increases the
surrender of independence.
money supply (from 1914 to 1919, the quandty of money i n the United States
The game was clear to Mr. Ford.
nearly doubled.) The media then encourages the American people to borrow
One representative of a Morgan-controlled bank i n New York
large quanddes of money on credit
Once the money is out on loan, the bankers contract the money supply came forward w i t h a plan to "save" Ford
by calling i n their outstanding loans. T h e endre process was laid out by Ford saved his company by t i u n i n g to his dealers, to w h o m he
Senator Robert L . Owen, Chairman of the Senate Banking and Currency now s h i p p e d his cars collect i n spite o f the slowness o f the
Committee, and a banker himself. He wrote: market
Demand g r e w . . . and the plants were re-opened.""
I n the early p a r t o f 1920, the farmers were exceedingly
prosperous. Ford, had out-smarted the bankers who had planned the Panic, i n p a r t
They were paying off their mortgages and buying a lot of land, to destroy h i m . He d i d not need to borrow large quantities of money and
at the insistence of the govemment—had borrowed money to do surrender control of his company to the bankers who would certainly wish
i t — a n d then they were bankmpted by a sudden contraction o f to conttol diat which diey subsidized.
credit which took place i n 1920. The Panic of 1920 was a success, and this success led the bankers to plan
What took place i n 1920 was just the reverse of what should anodier: die Crash of 1929.
have been taking place. The first step was, once again, to increase the money supply, and this
Instead of liquidating the excess of credits created by the war ^ done from 1921 to 1929, as is dlustrated by die following table:

177
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE

I n addition, J.P. Morgan and Company had nearly $110,000,000 i n the

Quantity of money call-loan m a r k e t "
Years (in billions) T h i s expansion i n the money supply brought prosperity to the country,
and the American people were encouraged by the media to buy into the stock
June 1920 i 34.2 market They were told diat those w h o d i d were making large quantities of
June, 1921 (low) S1.7 money.
The stock brokers w h o were handling the new influx of buyers coming
June, 1922 SS.0 to make a fortune i n die stock market were using a new tool to induce diem
June, 1923 into buying more shares of stock than they had anticipated. T h i s new tool
June, 1924 was called "buying on margin," and i t enabled die stock buyer to borrow
June, 1925 money and to use i t to buy stock.
June, 1926 The buyer was encouraged to buy stock w i t h only ten percent down,
1 June, 1927 borrowing the remaining ninety percent from the stock broker, w h o had
arranged for the buyer to borrow from eidier a bank or a large corporation.
The following example w i l l illustrate how this method worked:
June, 1928 (high) • • "45.7^'
June, 1929 45.7 A share of stock sells for $100, but because of the ability of the
purchaser to buy o n margin, w i t h only ten percent down, ten shares
T h e figures reveal that the Federal Reserve expanded the money supply could be b o u g h t w i t h the same $100 instead of only one:
from a l o w of |31.7 b d l i o n i n 1921, to a h i g h of $45.7 b i l l i o n i n 1929, an
One share Ten shares !! '
increase of approximately 144 percent
T o move this increase i n the money supply into the economy, individ-
Buyer's cash: $100 , s | 100
ual banks could borrow money from the Federal Reserve and re-loan i t to the
Borrowed cash: -0- 900
b u y i n g p u b l i c The money was borrowed at 5 percent interest, and was re-
loaned at 12 percent
Contribudng to the increase i n the money supply, or the money being Total: -$100 $1,000
made available by die Federal Reserve, was die money being made available Therefore for the same investment, $100, a purchaser could
by the large corporations, which were loaning their surplus funds to buyers borrow $900, using the stock as collateral for the loan, and therefore
o n W a l l Street These loans from these non-banking sources were approxi- buy ten shares for the same investment of $100.
mately equal to those from the banking system. For instance, call loans to Now, for this example, presume that one share of stock went
brokers i n 1929 made by some leading corporations were as follows: u p ten percent i n the stock market, or to $110. T h i s w o u l d increase
die profits made by the stock buyer

' • Lender : [.y''':';. Peak amounts Value of one share: $110 T e n shares: $1,100
Buyers investment $100 $ 100

American and Foreign Power $ 30,321,000

(J.P. Morgan) Profit: $ 10 I 100
Electric Bond and Share 157,579,000 Profit o n investment 10% 100%
(J.P.Morgan)
Standard O i l of New Jersey 97.824,000 T h e investor could now sell the shares of stock, and make a
, (die Rockefellers) one-hundred percent profit w i t h only a ten-percent increase i n the
stock's value (the buyer could double his investment) after paying
off die loan to die lender.

178
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
There was one catch, however, as the money was lojmed to the buyer on
what was called a "24 hour broker call loan." T h i s meant that the broker
could exercise his o p d o n and require that the borrower sell his stock and
return the loan amount 24 hours after the lender had asked for i t T h e buyer
had 24 hours to rep)ay the loan and had to either sell the stock or come u p w i t h
the loan amount to pay off the lender of the money.
This meant t h a t whenever the brokers wanted to, they could require all
of the sttxdc buyers to sell at the same dme by calling a l l of the loans at the
same dme. T h i s acdvity would precipitate a panic on the stock market when
all of the stock owners went to sell their stock. A n d when a l l the sellers offer
stock at the same time, the price drops rapidly. T h e whole process was
detailed by one author who wrote:
When everything was ready, the New York financiers started
calling 24-hour broker call-loans.
This meant that the stock brokers and the customers had to
d u m p their stock on the market i n order to pay the loans.
T h i s n a t u r a l l y collapsed the stock market and b r o u g h t a
banking collapse all over the country, because the banks not owned
by the oligarchy were heavily involved i n broker call-loans at this
dme, and bank runs soon exhausted their coin and ciurency, and
they had to close.
T h e Federal Reserve System w o u l d n o t come to their aid,
although they were instructed under the law to maintain an elasdc
ciurency."
T h e Federal Reserve " w o u l d not come to their aid," even though they
were required by law to do so, and many banks (and individuals) went
bankrupt Nodce diat diose banks owned by die oligarchy had already gotten
out of the broker call-loan business, without any damage, and those who
didn't went bankrupt
Is i t possible that the Federal Reserve planned i t exactly as i t happened?
Is i t possible that those banks that knew the game plan had gotten out while
the prices were h i g h and then came back into the market when they were
low? Is i t possible that some banks knew when the crash was coming and all
that they had to do to buy bankrupt banks was to wait u n d l after the crash,
and then buy u p the troubled banks at only a percentage of die ttue value?
After the Stock Market Crash of 1929, even a casual observer had to
nodce that die ownership of the banking system had changed. I n fact today
"100 out of 14,100 banks (less than 1%) conttol 50% of die nation's banking
assets. Fourteen b i g banks have 25% of the deposits."'*
I n any event, die stock market crashed. The stock market index shows
the effects of this manipulation:
180
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
1919 1138.12
1921 66.24
1922 469.49
1932 57.62
One of the sjjectators of the stock market crash was Winston Churchill
who was brought to the stock market exchange o n October 24, 1929, by
Bernard Baruch. Some rare historians are convinced that C h u r c h i l l was
brought to wimess the crash firsthand because i t was desired that he see the
power of the banking system at w o r k . "
Even t h o u g h many stockholders had to sell their stock, i t is n o t
commonly questioned as to who bought all of the stock that was being sold.
The history books generally discuss all of the selling that went on during the
crash, but fail to discuss a l l of die buying.
John Kennedi Galbraidi ' n his book The Great Crash 1929, wrote dus
about die buyers:
Nothing could have been more ingeniously designed to maximize the
suffering, and also to insure that as few as possible escaped the common
misfortune.
The fortunate speculator w h o had funds to answer the first margin call
presendy got another and equally urgent one, and i f he met that there w o u l d
still be another.
I n the end, a l l the money he had was exttacted from h i m and lost
The man w i t h the smart money, w h o was safely out of the market when
the first crash came, naturally went back i n to pick u p bargains."
Naturally!
One of those "fortunate speculators" w h o got out early was Bernard
Baruch, the individual who brought Winston Churchill to wimess the crash.
He has said: " I had begun to liquidate my stock holdings and to p u t my
money into bonds and into a cash reserve. I also bought g o l d . " "
Another w h o got o u t early was Joseph P. Kennedy, the father o f
President John Kennedy, w h o i n the winter of 1928-29 got out of the market
"The profits he took from the sale of h i s . . . holdings were not reinvested, but
kept i n cash.""
Odiers w h o sold their stock before the crash included international
bankers and financiers Henry Morgenthau and Douglas D i l l o n . "
T h e selling o n credit d u r i n g the crash had another effect already
mentioned. About sixteen-diousand banks, or fifty-two percent of die total,
wem out of business.
Some of die stockholders went to their banks to withdraw whatever cash
^ had i n the bank to pay whatever diey could of theu- stock call i n cash,
s caused a nearly nation-wide bank run. T o end diis panic. President
181
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE

Franklin D . Roosevelt, two days after his inauguration i n March of 1938, attempted to k i l l McFadden w i t h gunfire; later he died, a few horns after
shut down a l l the banks for a "holiday."** attending a banquet, and there is litde doubt that he was poisoned."**
There weren't many w h o saw what was happening to the American N o w that the stock market had crashedi the Federal Reserve took steps
people by these machinations of die bankers, but one w h o d i d was Congress- to reduce the nation's quantity of money:
man Louis McFadden, w h o was quoted as saying: , i 1:, ;
Dates Q^ntity of money (in bilbons)
When the Federal Reserve Act was passed, the people of these
') United States d i d not perceive that a w o r l d banking system was
being set u p here. June, 1929 (high) $45.7
A super-state controlled by intemational bankers and intema-
December, 1929 45.6
tional industtialists acting together to enslave the w o r l d for their
December, 1930 43.6
o w n pleasure.
December, 1931 87.7
Every effort has been made by the Fed to conceal its powers b u t
December, 1932 34.0
the t m d i is—the Fed has usurped the GovemmenL
I t controls everything here and i t controls a l l o u r foreign
relations. June, 1983 (low) 30.0
I t makes and breaks govemments at w i l l . * '
The quantity of money went from a h i g h of nearly $46 b i l l i o n to a l o w
After the stock market crash had m n its course. Congressman McFadden of $30 b i l l i o n i n just four years. T h i s action of the Federal Reserve rippled
charged that: "The money and credit resources of the United States were now throughout the entire business w o r l d to the p o i n t where "production at the
i n the complete control of the banker's alliance between J.P. Morgan's First country's factories, mines, and utilities fell by more than one-half. T h e total
National Bank group, and Kuhn, Loeb's National City Bank." output of goods and services dropped by one-diird. "**
O n May 23,1933, McFadden brought impeachment charges against the I n spite of a l l of the evidence to the contrary, there are still those w h o
Federal Reserve Board, the agency he thought had caused the Stock Market don't know who, or what, caused the Stock Market Crash of 1929. One of
Crash of 1929, w i t h these charges, amongst others: these is economist John Kenneth Galbraith, who, i n his book The Great
I charge d i e m . . . w i d i h a v i n g . . . taken over $80,000,000,000 Crash, 1929, wrote that: "The causes of the Great Depression are still far from
(eighty b i l l i o n dollars) bom the United States Govemment i n die certain."
year 1 9 2 8 . . . . I n fact, Galbraith knows that people d i d not cause the crash and the
^ I charge t h e m . . . w i t h h a v i n g a r b i t r a r i l y and u n l a w f u l l y resulting depression:
; r a i s e d and lowered the rates on m o n e y , . . . increased and d i m i n -
N o one was responsible for die great W a l l Soeet Crash. N o one
I' ished the volume of currency i n circulation for the benefit of private
engineered the speculation that preceded i t
interests...."
Hundreds of thousands of i n d i v i d u a l s . . . were not led to the
A n d then McFadden expanded his understanding of those w h o benefit- slaughter. T h e y were i m p e l l e d . . . b y t h e . . . lunacy w h i c h has
ted i n the crash to include the intemational bankers: " I charge t h e m . . . with- always seized people w h o are seized i n t u m w i t h the notion that
. . . h a v i n g conspired to transfer to foreigners and i n t e m a t i o n a l money they can become very rich.
lenders tide to and control of the financial resources of the United States " There were many W a l l Streeters w h o helped to foster this
H e then ended w i t h this statement that the cause of the depression was insanity
not acddental: " I t was a carefully contrived occurrence T h e intema- There was none .who caused iL*' ' '
tional bankers sought to bring about a condition of despair here so that they
The media now entered the fray, by proclaiming that the free-enterprise
m i g h t emerge as the mlers of us all."**
system had failed, and that govemment was needed to solve the economic
McFadden had a price to pay for his attempts to explain the causes of the
problems caused by die lack of wisdom inherent i n the system. T h e solution
depression a n d the stock market crash: " O n t w o occassions assassins
^ " . . . new govemment measures and controls. The powers of die Federal

188 183
CHAPTER 16 T H E FEDERAL RESERVE

Reserve Board—have been strengdiened."**

More recendy, i t has been illustrated just how much power the Federal
Reserve has. Take, for instance, the two articles i n the Pordand Oregonian of
Saturday, February 24,1972. The two articles are o n top of one another on the
same page.
T h e top article is captioned: "Reserve Board Raises Lending Rate for
Banks" and the bottom article is entided: " W a l l Street Values Plunge."
Anyone could protect a fortune i n the stock market by k n o w i n g i n
advance when the Board was going to take an action that would force the
market down. Conversely, a fortune could be made i f the advance informa-
tion foretold a rise i n the market.
I n fact, the Federal Reserve System doesn't even have to do anything as
even a rumored action w i l l cause the stock market to operate i n a downward
direction. For instance, a r u m o r spread o n December 16, 1978, that the
Federal Reserve System was anticipating a certain action, and the market
went down I
Later another Congressman attempted to investigate the Federal
Reserve. Congressman Wright Patman introduced a b i l l which w o u l d have
authorized a f u l l and independent a u d i t of the System by the General
Chapter 17
Accounting Office. Patman claimed that the audit was essential to give the
public's elected representatives complete and accurate information on the Graduated Income Taxes
intemal operations of the System, since they had not been audited since their
inception i n 1913.
Patman was frankly astonished by the opposition to his b i l l . He wrote:
" A l t h o u g h I had anticipated that officials of the Federal Reserve System Author and economist Henry Hazlitt observed i n his book Man vs. the
w o u l d vigorously oppose my b i l l , I am frankly amazed by the massive Welfare State:
lobbying campaign now underway, to prevent enactment of this measure.
I n the C o m m u n i s t Manifesto o f 1848, M a r x a n d Engels
T h i s itself is furdier proof, if any is needed, that a thorough and independent
frankly proposed a "heavy progressive or graduated income tax" as
a u d i t . . . is an absolute necessity i n the public interest"*'
an i n s t r u m e n t by w h i c h the p r o l e t a r i a t w i l l use its p o l i t i c a l
Congressman Patman d i d score a " s m a l l v i c t o r y , " however. T h e
supremacy to wrest, by degrees, a l l capital from the bourgeois, to
Congress passed his b i l l but attached an amendment that w i l l l i m i t the audit
centralize all instmments of production i n the hands of the State,
to administrative expenditures only, presumably the expense accounts of the
and to make despotic inroads on the right of property •
executives of the System, the numbers of pencils purchased per employee,
etc., hardly what Patman had i n mind. How does the graduated income tax wrest property from the "bour-
Later Congressman Patman, Chairman of the House Banking Com- geois" (die propertied class?)
mittee, was removed from his Chairmanship after the elections of 1974, The graduated income tax inaeases the percentage of tax withdrawn
because, as one Congressman voting to remove h i m told one of his constit- "Om the taxpayer's income as his income increases. (A cartoon recently
uents, Patman was "too old." l^^eared i n a newspaper that showed a husband explaining to his wife:
Or maybe "too smard" he 8 percent raise we got raises us even w i t h inflation, but i n a higher tax
bracket We lose 110. a weekl")
^ ^ K a r l Marx was the visible author of the plan of using the graduated
"le tax and the central bank together to destroy the wage eaming middle

184 185
CHAPTER 17 GRADUATED INCOME TAXES
dass. A n d Senator Nelson Aldrich was the individual w h o introduced the
legisladon i n the Congress of the United States that gave America both the
graduated income tax and the central banki
A n example verifying the simple cartoon can be taken from the income
tax tables prepared by the Intemal Revenue Service:
Income: Tax: Percent of income:
% 5,000 I 810 16%
10,000 1,820
20,000 4,380
Notice that as the income doubles, taxes go u p as a percentage of that
income because of the graduated features of the Personal Income Tax. I n
other words, diose w h o belong to unions diat d a i m that they have assisted
their member-workers by obtaining a "cost of l i v i n g increase," pegged to
inflation rate increases, have i n t m d i been hurt by diefr unions w h o d i d not
include an increase to provide for the graduated income tax. What the unions
should insist upon is a "cost of l i v i n g increase, plus a graduated income tax
increase" for d i d r members. Notice that diis generally doesn't happen. I n
fact, the unions are frequently blamed as being the cause of inflation, a
charge not often refuted by die unions.
W h e n the Graduated I n c o m e T a x was f i n a l l y passed as the 16th
Amendment to the Constitution, there were those w h o were i n support of the
Amendment that claimed that the tax imposed was not significant They
argued:
N o one w h o had taxable income under five thousand dollars
had to pay any income tax at all.
When (the wage eamer) reached that sum all he had to pay was
four-tenths of one percent—a tax of twenty dollars per year.
If he had an income of ten thousand dollars, his tax was oidy
seventy dollars per year.
O n an income of one hundred thousand dollars, the tax was
two and one-half percent or twenty-five hundred dollars.
A n d o n incomes of half a irullion dollars the tax was twenty-
five thousand dollars or five percent*
But even diis m i n i m a l tax could not fool diose w h o felt that die tax
w o u l d become an oppressive burden o n the American taxpayer i n the near
future. D u r i n g discussion of the Amendment i n the V i r g i n i a House of
Delegates, i n 1910, Speaker Richard R. Byrd expressed his opposition to the
income tax, by w a m i n g : 'f ' /'fbt,-':'^;.';
I t w i l l extend the federal power so as to reach the dtizen i n the
186
CHAPTER 17 GRADUATED INCOME TAXES
ordinary business of life.
A hand from Washington w i l l be stretched out and placed
upon every man's business; the eye of a federal inspector w i l l be i n
every man's counting house.
T h e law w i l l of necessity have inquisitorial features; i t w i l l
provide penalties.
It w i l l create a complicated machinery. Under i t business w i l l
be hauled into court distant from their business.
Heavy fines imposed b y . . . unfamiliar tribunals w i l l con-
standy menace the taxpayer.
They w i l l compel men of business to show their books and
disclose the secrets of their affairs
They w i l l require statements and a f f i d a v i t s . . . ' :!
D u r i n g the debate on the Amendment i n the Senate, several Senators
expressed the fear that the low tax rate w o u l d only be a beginning of higher
taxes. One Senator suggested that the rate w o u l d increase to perhaps a rate as
high as twenty percent of a taxpayer's income.
Senator W i l l i a m Borah of Idaho felt that such speculation was outrage-
ous, declaring: " W h o could ever impose such a confiscatory rate?"*
But even w i t h opposition and concem such as this, the Graduated
Income T a x became the 16di Amendment to the Constitution on February
25,1913.
What has happened to the taxpayer since the 16th Amendment has
passed can be illustrated by die following table:
Year Income tax per capita
1913 ' approximately: | 4
1980 ' approximately: | 2,275
(That 1980 per capita tax amounts to about 40 percent of total personal
income.)
A monitor of the impact on these income taxes upon the average wage
earner is a group called the T a x Foundation, and they have coined a name for
the day o n which the taxpayer actually begins eaming for himself. They call
Ihis day T a x Freedom Day, and that day has been occurring later each year
i n the following way:
187
CHAPTER 17 GRADUATED INCOME TAXES CHAPTER 17 GRADUATED INCOME TAXES

Year Tax freedom day Percent of year completed Year President Proposed the first
1930 Februarys 11.8 1962 John Kennedy $100 b i l l i o n budget
1940 March 8 lai 1970 Richard N i x o n $200 bUlion budget
1950 April 4 HA 1974 Nixon-Gerald Ford $300 b i l l i o n budget
1960 A p r i l 18 29.S
1970 A p r i l 30 82.6 Jimmy Carter $400 b i l l i o n budget
1978
1980 May 11 S5.6 Jimmy Carter $500 b i l l i o n budget
1979
1981 Carter/Ronald Reagan $700 b i l l i o n budget
That means that, i n 1980, the average wage eamer worked 35.6 percent 1984 Reagan $800 b i l l i o n budget
of the year, u n d l May 11, for the govemment From that day on, what the 1986 projected $900 b i l l i o n budget
wage-eamer eamed belonged to die individual. 1988 projected $1,000 b i l l i o n budget
Even though the tax was sold to the American people as a "soak the
rich" scheme (making the rich pay the most taxes as a percentage of their I t is certainly a tmism that the larger the budget die more possibilides
income) i t is the middle class income wage-eamers who pay the majority of
there are for waste to creep into the spending by the govemment I n fact as
the taxes. T h i s p o i n t was made clear by an Associated Press article o n
w i l l be discussed i n a later chapter of diis book, govemment is intendonally
September 13, 1980, headlined: "Middle-incomers may be a minority, but
wasdng money by finding wasteful ways to spend i t If govemment spending
diey pay 60.1% of all taxes."'
is a goal, then govemment waste is one easy mediod to increase govemment
The ardcle went on to report diat tax retums w i d i incomes:
spending.
a. under |10,000 accounting for 43.9 percent of nearly 91 m i l l i o n This would, at least pardally, explain why such ardcles as these appear
retums paid only 4.4 percent of the total. i n America's newspapers and magazines, often without further acdon by the
b. incomesof from 115,000 to 150,000 were 38.2 percent of die retums govemment
processed and this group paid 60.1 percent of die tax; and "Welfare overpayments pass $1 b i l l i o n mark."*
c incomes of more dian $50,000 made 2.4 percent of the tax retums "Billions down die Pentagon drain."'
but paid 27.5 percent of the tax. One other indication that the federal government was intentionally
wasdng money came from an ardcle authored by Dr. Susan L . M . H u c k w h o
N o w that the income tax and the central bank were i n place, the
discovered that for the eighteen years since its incepdon i n 1954 (undl 1972)
planners could more rapidly increase the size of govemment For instance.
die budget for die Deparunent of Healdi, Education and Welfare, (die H E W )
Franklin Roosevelt was President i n 1945 when the Federal Govemment
had grown from $5.4 b i l l i o n to $80 billion. But the most starding discovery
spent a total of $95 billion. 1945 was obviously during World War I I and die
of all was that "the Establishment Insiders set a 27.5 percent annual increase
people expected a govemment to increase spending to pay the costs of die
as dieir goal for die budget
war. But since that dme, government spending has truly escalated, as is
I n other words, the budget increases were set according to a pre-
illustrated by the following:
determined percentage: die budgets were not set on need, but o n spending
money. H E W was obligated to spend a certain amount of money each year,
whether or not there was a need to spend itl The H E W had to find ways to
spend money! Spend, even i f you must waste!
The spending continued after Dr. Huck's article. For instance, H E W
spent over $200 b i l l i o n i n die 1979-80 fiscal year.
But this agency is riot alone i n increasing the spending of govemment
I n fact seminars are now being promoted which instmct the attendee o n
"How to get More Grants" from die federal govemment
Such spending proposals have been home by the tax-paying American
ciuzen as per capita spending by the Federal Govemment has grown from

188 189
CHAPTER 17 GRADUATED INCOME TAXES CHAPTER 17 GRADUATED INCOME TAXES

$6.90 per-capita i n 1900 to over $3,000 i n 1980. have no choice i n handling their o w n problems, but would have to submit
T h i s increase i n spending enables the government to increase the to the orders of the new intemational agency which would force the nation
deficits each year, thereby causing the national debt to increase. T h e increase to change the value of its currency.
i n diis national debt enables diose w h o loan the money to the govemment, The American people would t m l y lose control over their o w n money.
the central bank, i n the United States the Federal Reserve, to charge interest
payments to be paid for by the taxpayer.
T h e connection between govemment spending and the national debt
and its annual interest payments can be illustrated i n the following table:

Year National debt Per capita Annual interest

1845 15 m i l l i o n $ .74 $ 1 million
1917 3 billion 28.77 24 m i l l i o n
1920 24 b i l l i o n 228.23 1 billion
1945 258 b i l l i o n 1,853.00 4 billion
1973 493 b i l l i o n 2,345.00 23 b i l l i o n
1979 830 b i l l i o n 3,600.00 45 b i l l i o n
1980 1,000 b i l l i o n 4,500.00 95 b i l l i o n

These unbalanced budgets since 1978 become all the more ludricrous
when i t is realized that i t is against the law to not balance the budget Public
L a w 95-435, adopted i n 1978, states unequivocally: "Beginning w i t h the
fiscal year 1981, the total budget oudays of the Federal govemment shall not
exceed its receipts."'
A n even more dramatic set of statistics is the figure of how much the
various Presidents of the United States spent each day while they were i n
office. For instance, George Washington spent on the average, $14,000 each
day while i n office. T h a t daily figure is compared to $1,325,000,000 spent by
J i m m y Carter.'" But President Ronald Reagan w i l l become the unquesti-
oned champion i n daily spending. I t is anticipated by his projected 1988
budget if he is re-elected i n 1984, diat he w i l l be spending $3,087,000,000 each
day i n 1988 (diat is over $3 b i l l i o n dollars every day.)
Just what is the end of all of this debt creation?
Perhaps the answer appeared i n an Associated Press article that
appeared i n the Pordand Oregonian on May 22,1973. It was entitled: ' T a l k s
begin o n c h a n g i n g money setup." T h e article included the f o l l o w i n g
comments: " W i t h the dollar under pressure i n Europe, a panel of intema-
tional financial officials opened debate Monday o n a draft of a new world
monetary system. According to I M F sources (the I M F is the Intemational
Monetary Fund, the agency which met to draft the new oudine) the draft
o u t l i n e . . . w o u l d provide more leeway i n determining when a country w i t h
surpluses i n its balance of payments w o u l d be forced to change the value of
its currency.""
Notice that the country w i t h problems i n their monetary system would

190 191

Chapter 18
Non-Violent
Organizations
Karl Marx, the mis-named "Father o f Communism," formulated two
methods of achieving the Communist state he wrote about
The Violent Mediod, and
T h e Non-Violent Mediod.
T h e Violent Method was tried i n the French Revoludon of 1789, the
Communist Revolutions i n Europe i n 1848, and i n the Russian Revolutions
of 1905 and 1917.
T h e Non-Violent M e t h o d has succeeded i n socializing the English
nation, and is the mediod being utilized i n socializing the United States.
Both of these methods frequendy work together to achieve the goal of
b o t h : a C o m m u n i s t state. A n d o n other occasions, they are placed i n
opposition to each odier. But die end result is always die same: an inaease
i n the number of Communist nations i n the world.
Perhaps the Non-Violent Method could be better understood i f the
various organizations promoting the Marxist ploy were to be exposed to the
observer.
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
T h e secret ingredient for the success of this method is the ability to
induce non-Communists into supporting Communist objectives and goals,
by h a v i n g them j o i n organizations set u p by the C o m m u n i s t s under
i n n o c u o u s s o u n d i n g names. Frequently those w h o j o i n do n o t t r u l y
understand the nature and purpose of the organizations they associate w i t h .
This strategy was laid down i n 19S8 by Georgi Dimittov, a leader of die
Comintern, i n Russia, w h o said: "Let our friends do the work. We must
always remember that one sympathizer is generally worth more than a dozen
militant communists. O u r friends must confuse the adversary for us, carry
out our main directives, mobilize i n favor of our campaigns people w h o do
not think as we do, and w h o m we could never reach."'
T H E RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS
Cecil Rhodes, who amassed a fortune i n the gold and diamond mines i n
South Africa i n the late 1800's w i t h the financial support of the Rothschilds,
had a vision (odier than making large sums of money) which motivated h i m
during his lifetime. His purpose " . . . centered on his desire to federate the
English-speaking peoples and to b r i n g a l l the habitable portions of the
world under their control."*
Mr. Rhodes' biographer explained w h o Rhodes thought m i g h t be the
leader of this world govemment rather sucdncdy: "The govemment of the
world was Rhodes' simple desire."'
After the death of Mr. Rhodes, his w i l l set u p a scholarship program
where certain very intelligent y o u n g men w o u l d be allowed to study i n
England. Between two and three thousand men i n the prime of life from a l l
over the world w o u l d be the recipients of his scholarships so that each one
would have "impressed upon his m i n d i n the most susceptible period of his
Ufe die dream of the Founder
The "dream of the Founder" was, of course, a one world govemment
' Some well known American Rhodes Scholars i n public life are: Dean
Rusk, former Secretary of State; Walt W h i t m a n Rostow, govemment official;
J . W i l l i a m F u l b r i g h t , former Senator; N i c h o l a s Katzenbach, former
Attorney General; Frank C h u r c h , former Senator; H o w a r d K . S m i t h ,
newscaster; Supreme Court Justice Byron White; and Senator B i l l Bradley.
Jnose w h o have studied the voting records and public proclamations of
these individuals agree that not one is a so-called "conservative."
T H E F A B I A N SOCIETY
The Fabian Society is an English organization founded i n 1884. I t is
named after a diird-century Roman General, Quintus Fabius Maximus w h o
•nccessfuUy defeated Hannibal.
T h e Fabians discovered the secret o f the general's strategy: never
™nfront die enemy direcdy i n die open batdefield, but defeat h i m gradually
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
through a series of small battles, r u n n i n g after each successful foray. Fabius
was a successful g u e r r i l l a fighter u s i n g the simple strategy of patient
gradualism. He knew that he couldn't defeat the mighty armies of Hannibal
w i t h an open confrontadon because his armies were outnumbered. He never
confronted his enemy directly.
T h i s is the sttategy adopted by the Fabian Society. They decided that the
forces of the free-enterprise system have a superior philosophy and that their
strategy must never be to confront the free-enterprise system head on. They
must be content w i t h a series of small victories, the l u m p sum of which w i l l
be a rather stunning victory and the uldmate triumph of Socialism.
T h e i r original symbol was a tortoise, symbolizing the slow, gradual
progress of diat animal, but diis symbol was later changed to that of a wolf
i n sheep's c l o t h i n g " . . . w h i c h George Bernard Shaw (a member of the
Fabian Society) long ago suggested was more appropriate dian the tortoise
as a heraldic device for die Fabian Society."'
T h e philosophy of the Society was simply written i n 1887 and each
member is obliged to support i t I t reads:
It (The Fabian Sodety) therefore aims at die reorganizadon of
sodety by the emandpadon of land and Industrial Capital from
individual and class ownership
T h e Society accordingly works for the exdncdon of private
property i n l a n d — *
The Fabian Society acknowledges the principal tenet of Marxism: die
abolidon of private property, i n this case the right to own land. They then
align themselves w i t h the non-violent arm of the Marxist Conspiracy by
accepting die non-violent road of patient gradualism to total govemment.
The entire sttategy was detailed by H.G. Wells, die noted sdence fiction
writer, also a member of the Fabian Sodety, who wrote:
I t (will be) left chiefly to die litde group of English people w h o
founded Fabian Sodalism to supply a third system of ideas to die
a m p l i f y i n g conception of Socialism, to convert revolutionary
Sodalism to Administrative Sodalism.
Socialism ( w i l l cease) to be an open r e v o l u t i o n and w i l l
become a p l o t
George O r w e l l , also a member of the Fabian Society, i n his novel
entided 1984, had his character O'Brien say: "We know diat no one seizes
power w i t h the intention of relinquishing i t Power is not a means; i t is an
end. One does not establish a dictatorship i n order to safeguard a revolution;
one makes a revolution i n order to establish a dictatorship."
A l l of diese efforts of all of diese Fabian Sodalists were brought to a head
194
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
when, i n 1905, the Fabian Sodety hosted a branch of the Violent Mediod of
Marxist ascendancy to power, the Bolshevik C o m m u n i s t s . T h e m a i n
purpose of this meeting i n London was for members of the Fabian Sodety to
loan money to the Bolsheviks for the 1905 r e v o l u t i o n i n Russia. J o h n
Maynard Keynes, also a member of the Fabian Sodety, was present at these
meetings and later confided to his mother i n a letter after meeting the
Bolsheviks, that "The only course open to me is to be buoyandy Bolshevik."'
Keynes was later to boast diat he shared the Bolsheviks' desire to desttoy
die free-enterprise system by stating that his economic ideas were going to be
"the euthanasia (a merdful killing) of capitalism."
Benito Mussolini, the Italian Fascist, read some of die works of Keynes
and personally set his approval o n one of the books he read. H e said:
"Fascism entirely agrees w i t h M r . Maynard Keynes, despite the latter's
prominent position as a Liberal. I n fact M r . Keynes' excellent litde book.
The End of Laissez-faire (1926) might, so far as i t goes, serve as a useful
inttoduction to fasdst economics. There is scarcely anything to object to i n
it and there is much to applaud."'
Keynes' ideas have made h i m "by wide agreement the most influential
economist of this century,"' according to John Kenneth Galbraith, another
economist
But there are other economists w h o are familiar w i t h the ideas of Keynes
who do not agree. One is Dr. Friederich A. Hayek who advised die world diat:
"The responsibility for current world-wide inflation, I am sorry to say, rests
wholly and squarely w i t h the economists w h o have embraced the teachings
of L o r d Keynes. I t was o n the advice and even u r g i n g of his pupils that
govemments everywhere have financed increasing parts of their expenditure
by creating money on a scale which every reputable economist before Keynes
would have predicted would cause precisely the sort of inflation we have
got"
Unfortunately for the w o r l d , they do not listen to Dr. Hayek, even
I diough he was a co-redpient of die 1974 Nobel Memorial Prize i n Economic
Sdence, and the world gets inflation whenever diey listen to die economists
who have listened to Keynes.
T H E L O N D O N S C H O O L OF ECONOMICS
Sidney Webb, a founder of the Fabian Society, created an economic
school intended to teach die ideas of die Socialists to die sons of die very
wealdiy. I t was called The London School of Economics.
Its early funding came from the very wealthy: from the Rockefeller
oundation, the Carnegie United K i n g d o m Trust Fund, and from Mrs.
nest E l m h i r s t the w i d o w of J.P. M o r g a n partner W i l l i a r d Straight,
Jpongstodien.
Some of die Ulusttous students w h o attended die School were: Joseph
195
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
Kennedy Jr., die son his fadier Joseph Kennedy Sr. wanted to became die first
Cadiolic President of die United States; John Kennedy, w h o later became
President; D a v i d Rockefeller; Robert Kennedy, Jr., the son o f Robert
Kennedy; Senator Daniel Moynihan; Jomo Kenyatta, w h o was later to form
die African terrorist group k n o w n as the Mau-Maus w h o w o u l d butcher
thousands of their fellow Africans; and Eric Sevareied, CBS broadcaster.
T H E C O U N Q L O N FOREIGN RELATIONS
T h o m a s Jefferson attempted to w a r n the A m e r i c a n people about
intemal conspirades when he stated: "Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed
to die acddental o p i n i o n of a day; but a series of oppressions, begun at a
disdnguished period and pursued unalterably t h r o u g h every change of
ministers, too plainly prove a deliberate, systemadcal plan of redudng us to
slavery."'"
Jefferson attempted to answer the quesdon of diose w h o wonder why
n o d i i n g changes when they vote i n a change i n die American govemment by
vodng for the opposidon party. He says, i n essence, that i f n o d i i n g changes,
i t is fair to presume diat there is a conspiracy.
There are many w h o believe that the major reason n o t h i n g changes
d u r i n g changes i n administradons is die C o u n d l o n Foreign Relations, (die
CFR) formed on July 29,1921, i n New York Q t y .
Although the organization today has about 2,000 members representing
the most elite i n govemment, labor, business, finance, communications and
the academy, i t is not well known to die American people.
T h e major reason i t is basically u n k n o w n is because of A r d d e 11 of the
CFR by-laws. T h i s article requires diat die meetings of the membership
remain secret, and anyone releasing the contents of diese meetings is subject
to instant dismissal.
The CFR was founded by a group of "intellectuals" w h o felt diat diere
was a need for w o r l d govemment and diat die people of America were not
leady for it. After die League of Nations ueaty failed to pass die Senate, the
founders of die CFR organized diis association for the spedfic purpose of
conditioning die people to accept a world govemment as being a desirable
solution to the problems of die w o r l d
The founders included many of diose w h o had been at die signing of die
Treaty of Versailles after the end of W o r l d War I and included: Colonel
Edward Mandell House, die audior of die book Philip Dm, Administrator;
Walter L i p p m a n n , later to become one of the Liberal Establishment's
favorite syndicated columnist; John Foster Dulles, later to become President
Eisenhower's Secretary of State; Allen Dulles, later to become die director of
the Central Intelligence Agency; and Christian Herter, later to become
Dulles' successor as Secretary of State.
Money for the founding of the CFR came from J.P. Morgan; John D.
196
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
Rockefeller; Bernard Bamch; Paul Warburg; Otto Kahn; and Jacob Schiff,
amongst odiers.
The CFR has repeatedly told die American people what their goals are
through their publications, one of w h i c h is a magazine called Foreign
Affairs. I n addition, diey frequendy print position papers, one of which was
called Study No. 7, published on November 25,1959. T h i s documentdetailed
the exact purpose o f the C F R as advocating the " b u i l d i n g (of) a new
international order (which) may be responsible to w o r l d aspirations for
peace (and) for sodal and econonuc change A n intemational oider-
, . . i n d u d i n g states labelling diemselves as Socialist (Communist).""
The words "a new intemational order" are the catch words for a w o r l d
govemment
A former member of the CFR, Rear Admiral Chester Ward (USN, r e t ) ,
told die American people the following about die intentions of die organi-
zation. He wrote:
T h e most powerful clique i n these elitist groups have one
objective i n common—they want to bring about the surrender of
die sovereignty and die national independence of the United States.
A second clique of intemational members i n the C F R . . . com-
prises die W a l l Street intemational bankers and their key agents.
P r i m a r i l y , they w a n t the w o r l d b a n k i n g m o n o p o l y from
M
whatever power ends u p i n the control of global govemment
T h e y w o u l d probably prefer that this be an all-powerful
United Nations organization; but they are also prepared to deal
w i t h and for a one-world govemment controlled by the Soviet
Communists i f U.S. soverrignty is ever surrendered to them.'*
T h e Reece Committee of Congress, while studying foundations, chided
die CFR for not being "objective." I t said die CFR's "productions are not
objective but are directed overwhelmingly at p r o m o t i n g the globalism
concept""
Dan Smoot one of die earliest researchers into the CFR, summarized the
CFR's purpose as follows: ' T h e ultimate a i m of die C o u n d l on Foreign
Relations... i s . . . to create a one-world socialist system and make the United
States an official part of i t " ' <
Rear Admiral Ward told die American people diat dieir overall influ-
^ o e IS used for the purpose of "promoting disarmament and submergence
of U.S. sovereignty and national independence into an a l l - powerful one-
World government""
It is now clear diat many of die founders of die CFR, for instance, Walter
Jjppmann, Allen Dulles, and Christian Herter, also wrote die League of
auons charter, which, i t was hoped would become die world govemment
197
 CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS

that the war was fought for (see a later chapter for the discussion of the Richard Allen, not a member of die CFR. Mr. Allen was fired by President
connecdon between World War I and the one-world government) Reagan shortly after his appointment
I n fact, Point Fourteen of President Woodrow Wilson's famous "Foiu-- Even the Legislative Branch of die govemment has its share of CFR
teen P o i n t " speech, given o n January 8, 1918, stated that: "a general niembers. I n fact, i n 1978 there were fifteen Senators w h o were members, and,
associadon of nadons must be formed " i n the crucial v o t i n g to give the Panama Canal away to the n a t i o n o f
T h e CFR was well represented at the founding of the second prospective Panama, fourteen voted i n favor of the b i l l . I t would be fair to presume that
world govemment, the United Nations, i n 1945, after the League failed to die CFR was i n favor of giving the Canal to the Panamanian govemment
establish a one-world govemment I n fact forty-seven members of the CFR But the major impact of the C F R has come i n the election of the
were members of the United States delegation, including Edward Stettinius, President and Vice President of die United States. The CFR has been very
the Secretary o f State; J o h n Foster D u l l e s ; Nelson Rockefeller; A d l a i active i n both parties, exactly as Dr. Carroll Quigley indicated i n his book.
Stevenson; and the first Chairman of the U N , Alger Hiss. Tragedy and Hope. Dr. Quigley wrote " . . . the business interests, some of
The CFR has made its presence k n o w n i n Washington D . C , as well: diem intended to conuibute to both and allow an alternation of die two
"Its roster of members has, for a generation iinder Republican and Demo- parties i n public office i n order to conceal their o w n influence, inhibit any
cratic administrations alike, been the chief recruiting ground for cabinet- exhibition of independence by politicians and allow the electorate to believe
level officials i n Washington."" that they were exercising their o w n free choice.""
A typical comment about how the CFR is utilized came from John The CFR controlled some of die past elections by g i v i n g die voting
M c C l o y , a member of the C F R , w h o became Secretary o f War H e n r y public die following members of die CFR to choose from:
Stimson's Assistant Secretary i n charge of personnel. McCloy has recalled:
Democratic Republican
"Whenever we needed a man we thumbed through the r o l l of the Council
Year Candidate Candidate
members and p u t t h r o u g h a call to New Y o r k (the headquarters of the
CFR.)""
1952 Adlai Stevenson Dwight Eisenhower
Mr. McCloy's recollections about how the CFR has filled important
1956 Adlai Stevenson Dwight Eisenhower
govemmental positions is indeed correct O f the eighteen Secretaries of the
Treasury since 1921, twelve have been members of the CFR. 1960 John Kennedy Richard N i x o n
1964 none none
Another twelve of the sixteen Secretaries of State have been members.
T h e Department of Defense, created i n 1947, has had fifteen Secretaries, 1968 Hubert Humphrey Richard N i x o n
including nine CFR members. A n d the Central Intelligence Agency, also 1972 George McGovem • Richard N i x o n
created i n 1947, has had eleven directors, seven of w h o m belonged to the 1976 Jimmy Carter Gerald Ford • • •
CFR. 1980 Jimmy Carter Ronald Reagan • • • •
1984 Walter Mondale • • • • • Ronald Reagan • • • •
Six of the seven Superintendents of West Point, every Supreme Allied
Commander i n Europe, and every U.S. Ambassador to N . A . T . O . have been
members of die CFR. George McGovern later j o i n e d the C F R b u t was not a
Other positions i n the executive branch of govemment have not gone member when he ran.
without notice by the CFR as well. There are four key positions i n every Jimmy Carter was not a member of the CFR when he ran,
administration, both Democratic and Republican, that have almost always but did become a member i n 1983. He was a member of the
been filled by members of the CFR. They are: National Security Advisor, Trilateral Commission, the CFR's sister organization.
Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, and Secretary of the Treasury. G e r a l d F o r d was n o t a member o f the C F R , b u t has
As a recent c o n f i r m a t i o n o f t h i s fact. President R o n a l d Reagan attended meetings of the Bilderberg organization, closely
appointed three members of the CFR to these four positions: Alexander related to die CFR.
H a i g , Secretary of State; Casper Weinberger, Secretary o f Defense; and •••• Ronald Reagan is not a member of the CFR, but George
Donald Regan, Secretary of the Treasury. Bush, his Vice President, was a member of the Trilateral
T h e fourth position, that of National Security Advisor, was given to Commission and the CFR.

198 199
 CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS

••••• Walter M o n d a l e is a former member o f the T r i l a t e r a l ABC: 5

Commission and a current CFR member Wire Services: ' i i, -
Assodated Press: 5
(A little pamphlet published by the Adverdsing Council endded "The
United Press: . , 1
American Economic System," defined C o m m u n i s m as: " . . .a socialist
Newspapers:
economy ruled by a single polidcal p a r t y . T h e r e are those w h o believe that
America is " r u l e d by a single p o l i t i c a l party:" the C o u n d l o n Foreign New York Times: 8
Relations.) The Washington Post: 8
Pogo, the cartoon character, once mused: "How's I s'posed to know Dow Jones & Co.: 5 v
what to say less'n you tells me how to t h i n k . " {includes the Wall Street Journal) ' '
It is one of the purposes of the major media today to tell the American Times Mirror: 8
people how to think and what to say, exacdy as noted by Pogo. T h e CFR has (includes the L o 5 / 4 n g W « Times) v
played a major role i n this i n d o c t r i n a t i o n by h a v i n g owners, writers, Field Enterprises: i8 ' '
columnists and broadcasters j o i n the CFR. (indudes the Chicago Sun-Times) (
T h i s c o n t r o l over America's media started i n 1915, according to a New York £)ai/y A^«t)s: :1 i
Congressman i n office at the time, Oscar Callaway, w h o placed these Magazines:
conunents i n the Congressional Record:

I n March, 1915, die J.P. Morgan interests... got together 12

• Time, Inc:
{includes Fortune, Life, Money,
People, Sports Illustrated,
8
!>

men h i g h u p i n the newspaper world and employed them to select and Time i — ' • • ;'•'''•'/','

the most influential newspapers i n the United States and suffident Newsweek: i $ '
: i number of them to control generally the policy of the daily press of Reader's Digest: 2
the United States. Atlantic Monthly: 1
These 12 men worked the problem out by selecting 179 news- Harper's Magazine: 1
papers, and then began by an elimination process to retain only National Review: 1
those necessary for the purpose of controlling. Columnists: ' ' '
They found i t was necessary to purchase control of 25 of the Marquis Childs ' I
greatest papers. Joseph Kraft
An editor was furnished for each paper to properly supervise B i l l Moyers
and edit information regarding the questions o f preparedness,
(Is it possible that Life magazine, i n their articles o n Revolution already
militarism, finandal polides, and other things of national and
dted i n the chapters o n the revolutions of the past, intentionally fabricated
i n t e r n a t i o n a l nature considered v i t a l to the interests o f the
dieir conclusions that there were no conspiracies at w o r k i n the various
' purchasers.**
revolutions already studied elsewhere i n this book? Is there really a conspi-
Morgan's early control of the newspapers has been continued dirough racy that Life magazine is aware of but is attempting to conceal from the
the fact that most of all of die various forms of the media are either owned by public? These questions w i l l have to be answered by the reader.)
members of the CFR, or employ members. For instance, the following major Many of America's magazine editors and newspaper publishers and
news media had the following number of CFR members, o n their payroll i n « i t o r s have attended the two most prestigious journalism schools i n the
key positions as of October, 1980: United States, Columbia and Harvard. Presidents of these institutions have
Television Networks: !•;(H';,/^-i;''^'V•'''^;M members of die CFR. Their function is to make certain diat die students
attending classes learn what the CFR wants diem to learn, so diat diey can
\- CBS: 'rk'^^^^^^^^
turn teach the American public through their particular form of media
• ' NBC: l l ' ' ' ' ^ ' : : ; . ; ^ ; - ' ' - ' ' ' ' ; ' ' ' ^ ' . :';;^'';^vp..'/ t
*hat die CFR wants.
,: RCA Corp.: -t^r'-'^'^'ry' f"
One who has testified diat one of die CFR-controUed media has indeed

100 . .'aoi ,.
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS

slanted its news intendonally was Herman Dinsmore, editor of the foreign has used the mass media to r i d i c u l e a n d denigrate the a n t i -
edidon of the New York Times from 1951 to 1960. Mr. Dinsmore has charged Communist movement should open its door to those w h o think
diat die: "New York Times... is deliberately pitched to die so-called liberal diey are the Establishment's enemy?**
point of view." And: "Posidvely and negadvely, the weight of die Times has
The connection between the music and the purpose of the music was
generally been on die side of die Communists since die end of World War
discussed by Dr. T i m o d i y Leary, the self-proclaimed k i n g of the drug LSD:
n."2i
The person w h o says " . . . rock 'n roll music encourages kids to take drugs is
T h e New York Times has a motto that is used as its philosophy for
absolutely r i g h t It's part of Our plot Drugs are die most effident way to
determining what i t w i l l print: " A l l the news that's fit to p r i n t "
revolution...."**
Mr. Dinsmore dded his book: All the News that Fits.
A musidan, Frank Zappa, die leader of the rock group called Modiers of
The fact diat Mr. Dinsmore discovered diat the New York Times has
Invention, added this incredible statement: "The loud sounds and bright
been supporting the Communist point of view was no new revelation, as
lights of today are tremendous indoctrination tools. Is i t possible to modify
there were other voices saying nearly the same thing. I n his book. Witness,
die human chemical structure w i d i the right combination of frequendes? I f
Whittaker Chambers, an ex-member of die Communist Party of die United
die right kind of beat makes you tap your f o o t what k i n d of beat makes you
States, wrote that: "There is probably no important magazine or newspaper
curl your fist and strike?"**
i n the country that is not Communist-penetrated to some degree."**
The thought that music was created for the express purpose of control-
The important thing to realize is that most of die important magazines
ling young people is an alien idea to the parents of diose who listen to the
and newspapers i n the United States are owned by or controlled by CFR
music, so the message i n the music had to be concealed i n a special language
members. T h e question as to why the CFR controlled media allows the
so that only the y o u n g people w o u l d understand i t . I t takes very gifted
Communist Party to infiltrate its newspapers and magazines is generally not
musidans and song writers to write the music i n such a way that the parents
answered by those i n the media.
interpret i t one way and die young people i n another, but this has been the
Anodier major way diat die people of America, especially die young
case i n the modem music of today.
people, are indocuinated towards a particular point of view is through die
This concealed message was accomplished by many groups, but one of
music of the nation.
the most successful was a rock ' n roll group k n o w n as the Beatles. Their
Someone once wrote: " I know a very wise man who believes d i a t if a
particular message was intended to teach young people the merits of d m g use
man were permitted to make a l l the ballads, he need not care w h o should
through such songs as:
make the laws of a nation."
A n n Landers, nationally syndicated adviser, apparently was reluctant to Yellow Submarine" A "submarine" is a "downer" drag, one
admit that die music the young people were listening to was dangerous to that slows the user down.
dieir minds, but i n October, 1979, she concluded: "I've been hearing about "Lucy i n die Sky The first initials of die main words i n die
die fildiy rock and roll lyrics for a long time and dedded to tune i n and listen. widi Diamonds" title, " L , " "S" and " D " represent the d m g
Twenty-three years of diis column have made me virtually shock-proof, but LSD.
some of the lyrics were incredibly crude." T h e filth of the lyrics was not "Heyjude" The term is widely interpreted as being a
unintentional. The young people were being used by the recording industry song about the d m g known as methadrine.
for some very important reasons. One w h o attempted to make some sense of "Strawberry Fields" O p i u m poppies are often planted i n straw-
die reasons for die crudity of die music was the author Gary Allen, who berry fields to avoid detection.
wrote: "Norwegian Wood" A Britisher's term for marijuana
Y o u d i believes i t is rebelling against the Establishment Yet
A more recent phenomenon i n die music industry is the preparation of
the Establishment owns and operates the radio and T V stations, the
young people for a Satanic experience through a group of musidans
mass magazines, and the record companies that have made rock
KISS. The name conceals dieir mie purpose:
music and its performing artists into a powerful force i n American
hfe.
Does i t not seem strange that die same Establishment which ATnights In Service to Satan (KISS)

202
208
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS

There are even groups w h o are using their recordings to subliminally Jt isn't hard to do The attack on religion
place thoughts i n the minds of the listener through the use of certain phrases Nodiing to kill or die for
placed backwards o n the record. T h e Tucson Citizen of A p r i l 30, 1982, and no religion too
carried an ardcle that asked and then answered the quesdon:

Records T u n i n g Subconscious i n to Satan?

Members of the ( C a l i f o r n i a ) state Assembly's Consumer Imagine all the people
Protection... Committee listened intendy to a Led Zeppelin rock L i v i n g life i n peace
music tape—played backward.
Perceptible i n the cacaphony of the backward tape of (the Imagine no possessions The abolition of private property
song) "Stairway to Heaven" were mumbled words such as "Here's
to my sweet Satan," and " I live for Satan."
W i l l i a m Yarroll of Aurora, Colorado, w h o said he studies die I wonder i f you can The "new intemational order"
,I b r a i n , t o l d members the subconscious m i n d can decipher the No need for greed or
messages even when the record is played forward. hunger
Yarroll contended that the messages, placed there by rock stars A brotherhood of man
i n league w i d i the Church of Satan, are accepted by the brain as Imagine all the people
Sharing all the world
T h e connection between the rock ' n r o l l music and M a r x i s m was
illustrated by a song entitled "Imagine" written by John Lennon, a member
of the Beades. A careful reading of the lyrics to the song reveals that Lennon You may say I ' m a dreamer A one world govemment
was aware of the teachings of Karl Marx: But I ' m not the only one
I hope someday you'll j o i n
Marx's teachings
us
And the world w i l l be as
Imagine there's no heaven The attack on religion one.
It's easy i f you try
No hell below us
Above us only sky
The establishment either owns the major record companies outright, or
controls them through the ability to make or refuse loans to those record
companies that request them. Those record companies that do not promote
Imagine a l l the people The "do your o w n t h i n g " today the songs the establishment considers important to their goals do not get the
L i v i n g for today philosophy; do not worry about loans and thereby do not operate at all. For those w h o question why the
tomorrow ,v y:,:..;;;i-!;,v,,, banks make die loans i n the first place, die banks can always claim that they
are only making loans to those companies diat have given die indication that
Imagine diere's no The attack on nationalism they w i l l meet the needs of the music-buying public. I t is the old question of
countries which came first: die chicken or die egg?
And the young people continue to listen to music their parents don't
understand.

T H E S K U L L A N D BONES
I n the September 1977 issue of Esquire magazine, author Ron Rosen-
baum wrote an article entided "The Last Secret of Skull and Bones," i n

205
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
w h i c h Mr. Rosenbaum discussed a secret sodety at Yale.
He reported that an organizadon had existed for nearly a century and a
half (since the 1820's or 1830's) that he called "the most influential secret
sodety i n the nadon."
There are some who might disagree w i t h this evaluadon, but i t is hard
to disagree w i t h some of his other conclusions. One, for instance, is rather
starding. He wrote: " I do seem to have come across definite, if skeletal, links
between the origins of Bones rituals and those of die notorious Bavarian
Illuminists, (die Illuminad.)*'
Mr. Rosenbaum also mendons the names of some of this group's more
illustrious members. Included i n this list are two names of particular interest
to those w h o study conspirades today: W i l l i a m F. Buckley, Jr., the "conser-
vative" w h o frequently states that there is "no conspiracy," and George
Bush, R o n a l d Reagan's Vice President and a member of the Trilateral
Commission and die C o u n d l o n Foreign Relations.
T H E BILDERBERGERS
T h i s group has no k n o w n formal name but has been called the Bilder-
bergers by the conspiratorialists w h o first discovered them at their 1954
meeting at die Bilderberg Hotel i n Oosterbeek, Holland.
T h e first Chairman of this group was Prince Bemhard, the husband of
ex-Queen Juliana of the Netherlands (Queen Juliana recently abdicated in
favor of her daughter.) T h i s family, k n o w n as the House of Orange, is
extremely wealthy. Dutch joumalist W i m Klingenberg estimated diat Queen
Juliana owned 5 percent of die stock of Royal Dutch Shell, which was wordi
approximately $425,000,000 i n 1978.
I t has been reported that she also holds stock i n Exxon, the world's
largest o i l company.
Her total wealth has been estimated to be around $2 billion.*'
Her husband. Prince Bemhard, carefully explained his philosophy a
few years ago when he wrote: "Here comes our greatest difficulty. For the
govemments of die free nations are elected by the people, and i f they do
somediing the people don't like diey are thrown out. I t is difficult to re-
educate the people w h o have been brought u p on nationalism to the idea of
relinquishing part of their sovereignty to a supemational body This is
die tragedy."*"
T h e Bilderberg organization has been described as being: "like the CFR.
another of the formal conspirades dedicated to creating a 'new world order.
T h e Bilderbergers meet once or twice a year at some obscure but plush resort
around the world. Their secret conferences are attended by leading interna-
tionalists i n finance, academics, govemment, business, labor from Westem
Europe and the United States."'"
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
The meetings are secret, and very little information is available to the
blic about the exact nature of their discussions. However, they frequendy
^ t k e known at least the broad subject matter prior to their meetings. I t is
| l v s interesting to see j u s t h o w l o n g i t takes for the various nations
* resented at die meetings to change their govemment's direction after a
! ^ t i n g on a particular subject
One researcher into this organization reported: "But even the fragmen-
tary reports available indicate that decisions made at these affairs soon
become the offidal polides of govemments around the world."
The importance of this organization can be at least partially exhibited
by studying the 1966 meeting when a group of relatively u n k n o w n individ-
uals were among the partidpants. These individuals were: Henry Kissinger
of die United States; Palme of Sweden; Bieusheuval of T h e Nedierlands;
Gerald Ford of the United States; Helmut Schmidt of West Germany; Rumor
of Italy; and Giscard d'Estaing of France; (Mr. d'Estaing d i d not attend the
1966 meeting but was present at the 1968 meeting.)
These men were then comparatively u n k n o w n , but eight years later
eadi was die chief executive of his respective coimtty or involved i n top-level
govemment positions."
Gerald Ford not only attended the 1966 meetings, he also attended the
1962,1964,1965 and 1970 meetings. A n d i n fact Prince Bemhard came to die
United States i n 1952 to c a m p a i g n for M r . F o r d w h e n he first r a n for
Congress.
A review of the membership lists of other meetings is very revealing, and
shows the connection between the very wealthy of America and those of other
countries:
1971: Henry Kissinger; George Ball; Cyms Vance; David Rocke-
feller; Robert Anderson, president of A R C O ; and Baron
Edmond de Rothschild, from France.
1975: Garreu Fitzgerald, Irish Foreign Minister; Denis Healey,
British Chancellor of the Exchequer; Robert McNamara,
W o r l d Bank; David Rockefeller; Edmond de Rothschild;
Margaret Thatcher, dien die leader of die British Conserva-
tive Party, and later the Prime Minister of England; Fadier
Theodore Hesburgh, President of Notte Dame University;
and W i l l i a m T. Buckley, Jr. i ,
fcee j ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ' ^ h e r s into diis organization have found diat certain of the tax-
meetin " ^^^^ funding diese meetings. For instance, at die 1971
the t w ^ ^ o « l s t o c k . Vermont: " . . . a l l expenses... (were) picked u p by
o fax-exempt (Ford and Rockefeller) Foundations."'*
207

CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
T H E TAX-FREE FOUNDATIONS
When the Sixteenth Amendment, the Graduated Income T a x , was
added to the Constituuon, one of the provisions i t contained under the
legislation diat created i t was the ability to create tax-free foundations. By
this method, certain wealthy individuals could avoid the graduated features
of the income tax.
Certain Americans had already set u p foundations that w o u l d become
tax-free under the acts of Congress after the imposition of the Graduated
Income Tax. Andrew Carnegie, the steel magnate, and John D. Rockefeller,
for instance, set u p their tax-free foundations prior to the income tax laws of
1913.
Other foundations have been created by the govemment under these
laws to the point where i t is estimated that there are over 100,000 of these
organizations now operating i n the United States.
Dr. Martin Larson, a researcher into the income tax laws and the tax-free
foundations, tells the reader of his books that there are advantages i n
establishing a foundation:
1. The property conveyed to the foundation is a deductible contribu-
tion to charity;
2. U p o n the death of the donor, i t is immune to inheritance and estate
taxes;
3. The fortune or business remains intact;
4. If the donor is a parent-company, this continues i n business exacdy
as before;
5. The foundation is exempt from a l l taxation i n perpetuity;
6. T h e individuals w h o comprise the i n t e r l o c k i n g directorate or
management are i n a strategic position to enrich themselves by
transactions w h i c h , t h o u g h neither charitable nor ethical, are
nevertheless quite legal; and even i f not, may be practiced with
virtual i m m u n i t y . "
I n 1952, the 82nd Congress passed House Resolution 561 to set up a
"Select C o m m i t t e e to Investigate F o u n d a t i o n s a n d Comparable
Organizations."
T h i s Committee was instmcted to determine whedier or not any of the
foundations had been: "using their resources for un-American and subver-
sive activities or for purposes not i n the interests of the United States."'*
Congressman B. Carrol Reece, a member of that Committee, has stated:
"The evidence that has been gathered by the staff pointed to one simple
underlying situation, namely that the major foundations by subsidizing
coUectivistic-minded educators, had financed a socialist trend i n American
govemment.""
The reason that the foundations are operated i n this manner is i n pa^'
208
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
^pjajned by former Communist official Maurice M a l k i n w h o testified that,
j n 1919' a Soviet agent named L u d w i g Martens ordered us " . . . to try to
oenetrate diese organizations, i f necessary take conu-ol of them and their
treasuries; . . • that they should be able to finance the Communist Party
propaganda i n die United States... ."'s
The importance of the collectivistic-minded foundations is measured by
the endowment f u n d i n g that they provide for universities a r o u n d the
country, as together they stimulate about two-thirds of the total. Is this the
reason that the large universities usually do n o t have a "free m a r k e t "
H economist on the staff teaching economics, or a "conspiratorialist" teaching
history?
The purpose of at least one of these foundations was illustrated i n a
conversation that N o r m a n Dodd, the chief investigator and director o f
research for the committee, had w i t h H . Rowan Gaidier, the dien President
of the Ford Foundation. M r . Gaither had asked M r . Dodd to come to the
foundation to ask h i m about the investigation. D u r i n g the conversation, M r .
Gaidier told Mr. Dodd: " a l l of us here at die policy-making level have had
experience, either i n the OSS, or the European Economic Administration,
w i d i directives from the White House. We operate under those directives
here. Would you like to know what those directives are?"
Mr. Dodd indicated that he w o u l d , so M r . Gaither t o l d h i m : " T h e
substance of them is that we shall use our grant-making power so as to alter
our life i n the United States that we can be comfortably merged w i t h the
Soviet U n i o n . " "
What Mr. Gaither presumably meant was that the American economy,
its military power, its maritime power, etc., a l l had to be lowered so that
America could be merged w i t h the Soviet U n i o n i n a one-world govemment.
Economically, the dien expressed desires of the Ford Foundation are
coming urue.
An Associated Press article of August 11, 1981, headlined: "Faltering
U.S. now no. 8 i n income per person."
One of the methods the foundations are promoting to reduce America's
standard of l i v i n g is sodalism. One researcher, Gary Allen, has been studying
the several Rockefeller foundations for some time and has concluded that he
has been: "unable to find a single project i n the history of the Rockefeller
foundations which promotes free-enterprise.""
That is quite a revelation for a foundation that derives its funds from the
nee-enterprise system.
As a demonstration that this statement is correct i n the case of another
^ n d a t i o n , i n diis case die Ford Foundation, Henry Ford I I , a member of its
is a directors, resigned his position because he felt diat "the foundation
* ^ t u r e of Capitalism. I t is hard to discem recognition of this fact i n
209
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS

anything the foundation does. I t is even more difficult to find an understand- Members of the small core of offidals and staff members w h o
i n g of this i n many of the insdtudons, psirdcularly the universides, that are controlled the I P R were either Communist or pro-Communist
the beneficiaries of the foundadon's grant programs. (He was) suggesting to T h e I P R was a vehide used by the Communists to orientate
the trustees and the staff that the system that makes the foundation possible American far eastem polides toward Communist objectives **
very probably is worth preserving."" Witnesses before the McCarren Committee (have) identified
One of the universities that has been funded by both the many Rocke- forty-seven persons connected w i t h the Institute of Padfic Rela-
feller foundations and the Rockefeller family is the University of Chicago. tions as having been Communists or Soviet agents.**
One of the instructors at this school is Dr. M i l t o n Friedman, the supposed
The I P R sought to change the minds of die American people about the
"conservative" free-market economist Dr. Friedman is on record as saying:
American goverment's Padfic relations, namely its interest i n die Chinese
"Over 40 percent of die income of the American people is now spent o n their
government One of the ways they accomplished this was to change the
behalf by d v i l servants We talk about how we avoid Sodalism. Yet 48
dioughts of the American student. For this purpose: "American schools
percent of every corporation is owned by the U.S. govemment We are 48
bought a m i l l i o n copies of IPR-prepared textfxxiks. T h e U.S. Govemment
percent Socialist . . . What produced the s h i f t . . . to our present 48 percent
disnibuted some 750,000 copies of I P R pamphlets to American G.I.'s i n the
Sodalist sodety? I t was not produced by evil people for evil purposes. There
Padfic dieater."*'
was no conspiracy."**
Some of the IPR's members, however, d i d not completely support what
One of the more famous graduates of the University of Chicago is David
the IPR was doing, and attempted to let others know of die particular slant
Rockefeller w h o received his doctorate i p economics there.*' Dr. Rockefeller
of die IPR. Mr. Alfred Kohlberg, an American businessman and a member
shares the view of Dr. Friedman that there is no conspiracy.
of the I P R , testified before the Cox Committee that was discussing the
T H E I N S T I T U T E OF PACIHC RELATIONS Foundations, that he: ..i:
" I n 1925, the Institute of Padfic Relations (die IPR) was established as
. . . had never paid much attention to what i t was p r o d u d n g
an association of national coundls T h e United States c o u n d l was called
u n t i l 1943 w h e n he saw some m a t e r i a l w h i c h he f o u n d
the American Institute of Pacific Relations (the AIPR.) From 1925 u n t i l
questionable.
1950, the I P R received 77 percent of its finances from American foundations
He then studied an accumulation of I P R material and made a
and the AIPR. I n t u m , the A I P R recdved 50 percent of its finandal support
lengthy report which he sent i n 1944 to Mr. Carter, the Secretary of
f r o m the Rockefeller F o u n d a t i o n , the Carnegie C o r p o r a t i o n a n d the
the IPR, and to the tmstees and odiers.
Carnegie Endowment. . . . T h e major i n s t i t u t i o n a l contributions to the
As a result he came i n t o communication w i t h M r . Willets, a
A I P R included: Standard-Vacuum O i l (Rockefeller controlled); Intema-
Vice-President of the Rockefeller Foundation. I n the summer of
tional General Electric; National City Bank; Chase National Bank (now
1945, an arrangement was made, apparendy d i r o u ^ Mr. Wdlets,
called the Chase Manhattan Bank, and controlled by the Rockefellers);
for a committee of diree persons to hear Mr. Kohlberg's charges and
Intemational Business Machines; Intemational Telephone and Telegraph;
his evidence of Communist infiltration and propaganda, and to
T i m e , Inc.; J.P. Morgan and Company; Bank of America; and Shell Oil."**
make a report to I P R and to die Rockefeller Foundation.
What d i d the very wealthy get for their investments i n the A I P R and the
Later, apparendy at the insistence of Mr. Carter, M r . Willets
IPR?
withdrew as mediator. Mr. Carter had indicated that he would take
I n 1951 and 1952, the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee held
die matter u p himself
hearings o n die A I P R and die I P R and concluded diau
N o investigation was held. T h e Rockefeller F o u n d a t i o n
T h e I P R has been considered by the American Communist nevertheless went right on supporting the Institute.
Party a n d by Soviet officials as an instrument of C o m m u n i s t According to Mr. Willet's statement great reliance was placed
policy, propaganda, and military intelligence. upon a special committee of I P R tmstees w h o "reported that the
T h e I P R disseminated and sought to popularize false infor- Executive Committee had investigated Mr. Kohlberg's charges and
m a t i o n i n c l u d i n g i n f o r m a t i o n o r i g i n a t i n g f r o m Soviet a n d found them inaccurate and irresponsible."**
Communist sources, 'M;r>\h'['y,':" '•'„!" •-•,r.' •,
The overall purpose of die Institute of Pacific Relations d i d not surface

211
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
u n t i l after the Chinese Revolution which ended when the Chinese Commu-
nists grabbed control of the govemment after a very bloody and lengthy
revolution.
T h e story of the IPR's role i n these events started i n 1923, when Dr. Sun-
Yat-Sen, China's mler, became enchanted w i t h the idea of Communism for
the whole of China. He began relations w i t h the Russian Communists and
accepted their advice, " . . . since he was a friend and admirer of Lenin, a
devotee of the economic philosophies of Karl Marx *">
Sun-Yat-Sen sent his heir apparent, Chiang Kai Shek, to Moscow to
leam the merits of the Communist philosophy. But someone else had other
advice for h i m , and sent h i m a copy o f a book " . . .called The Social
Interpretation of History by a New York dentist named Maurice W i l l i -
a m . . . a charter member of the Socialist Party. But intimate association with
the Socialist hierarchy led h i m (William) to the conclusion that such radicals
are escapists and frauds. He broke w i t h the Sodalist Party and set down his
reasons i n this book
The book had an enormous impact on Dr. Sun-Yat-Sen, who: "read and
re-read William's book. W i t h i n months he had repudiated the Communists
and was w o r k i n g to establish a Republic like that outlined by our o w n
Founding Fathers i n the Constitution of the United States."*'
Sun-Yat-Sun mled for two more years liefore his death i n 1925 made
Chiang the mler of China. I t was about this time that Chiang was undergo-
i n g a religious experience after meeting May L i n Soong, the daughter of a
Christian missionary. After Chiang went to her family asking for her hand
i n marriage, he became a Christian himself. T h i s occurred i n 1927, after
Chiang expressed a l i k i n g for the quality and dedication of those w h o he
knew were Christians. One w h o knew Chiang during this period was Dr.
Walter Judd, a Christian missionary and later an American Congressman,
who testified that this was the main reason Chiang had forsaken his religion
to become a Christian.
I t was no coinddence, then, that the Chinese Communist Revolution
began i n 1927 as well, started by Chou En L a i and Mao Tse T u n g , amongst
others.
Chiang began a change i n the basic direction of the Chinese govemment
when on May 5,1931, he convened a People's Convention of 447 delegates,
elected by the farmers' assodations, labor unions. Chambers of Commerce
and other businessmen's associations, educational and professional assoda-
tions, and the Kuomintang, Sun-Yat-Sen's political paity. These delegates
were not direcdy elected by the people, but were elected by die members of die
various assodations and organizations.
Chiang was attempting to do two things w i t h this convention:
1. He wanted the delegates to adopt a Provisional Constitution,
the first ever for China, and
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CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
2. He was h o p i n g that he could t u m over some of the authority
he possessed to the people themselves, through their elected
representatives.
The Convention did indeed adopt a Provisional Contitution, and i t was
jjoped and antidpated that the jaeople could elect their o w n convention
direcdy by popular vote four years later, i n 1935.
I n addition to the Constitution, the convention promised the Chinese
people diat the govemment would:
1. develop all natural resources along modem lines;
2. modemize agricultural methods;
3. increase the production of raw materials;
4. establish new industries to manufacture and process the nation's
raw materials;
5. extend the nation's communications, i n c l u d i n g railways, h i g h -
ways, and airlines;
6. undertake vigorously forestation and river control;
7. guarantee protection to a l l who invest their money i n productive
enterprises;
8. provide measures for the harmonious cooperation of capital and
labor;
9. simplify the currency;
10. encourage investment of hoarded capital; and
11. place taxation on a sdentific basis." "
Chiang's govemment was called the Nationalist govemment of China
and many have praised i t for the dramatic changes i t was m a k i n g i n the
method of goveming the Chinese pieople, and for the important benefits i t
was offering them.
One such supporter was Dr. Arthur Young, the finandal advisor to the
Chinese govemment from 1929 to 1946. He wrote: "When die Nationalist
govemment took over, they set out on a program of finandal rehabilitation.
D u r i n g the period from 1928 to 1937, they succeeded i n u n i f y i n g and
stabilizing the currency. They developied quite prompdy very large revenues
from the customs and intemal revenue w i t h the result that the Govemment
had a large degree of finandal" stability by 1937.""
I n other words, Chaing's government was benefiting the Chinese
P ^ p l e by protecting the value of their money by ending the destructive
Wfluences of inflation. Also, when government functions to protect the
^ghts of the people, and their money is stable, a middle class develops.
Professor J o h n Fairbank, certainly no supporter of Chiang, had to
' o m i t i n his book The United States and China that: " T h e N a t i o n a l
213
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
govemment of China at N a n k i n g i n the decade from 1927 to 1937 was the
most modem and effective that China had known."'*
However, China's experiment w i t h democracy started to experience
exterior problems when Japan attacked Shanghai, China, on August 13,
1937. Suddenly Chiang had a two-front war: o n one front he was repelling
the Japanese invaders, and o n the other his troops were fighting the Chinese
Communists.
T h e attack by Japan caused the most problems, however, as " . . . the
Japanese rapidly overran the principal cities and destroyed the soiu^oes of
revenue. T h e Chinese govemment, therefore, was forced to rely o n paper
money as their main financial resource available for the purpose of fighting
the w a r . " "
T h e Chinese government was i n need of allies, and they turned to
America after Japan attacked at Pearl Harbor. Chiang sent the following
telegram to President Roosevelt o n December 8,1941: " T o our new common
battle, we offer all we are and all we have to stand w i t h you u n t i l the Pacific
and the world are freed from the curse of bmte force and endless perfidy, " M
America, i n addition to fighting Japan after Pearl Harbor, was also at
war w i t h Italy and Germany and became die ally of Russia, also fighting die
Germans i n Europe.
America's solution to the war, espedally d u r i n g the early stages, was
what i t called Lend Lease: the equipping of the military forces of its allies.
However, America's priorities seemed a bit out of order, as i n some cases i t
chose to equip its soldiers after its allies.
America dedded to equip its soldiers i n the European theater first; its
ally Russia second; General Douglas MacArthur's military forces i n the
Pacific theater third, and China last. A i d to Russia's military forces had
higher priority than America's fighting forces i n the Padfic. A n d Chiang
never received more than five percent of America's war material d u r i n g die
course of the war.
Chiang, desperate for assistance " . . . arranged for a loan of f250 m i l l i o n
i n gold from the United States to stabilize his money. T h e man i n charge of
delivering the gold to China was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury Harry
Dexter White (a) Soviet agent (and a member of the CFR.) Over a period of
three and a half years. White shipped only $27 m i l l i o n of the $250 m i l l i o n
that had been promised C h i a n g . " "
Notice that M r . White broke the law by not delivering the a i d that
Congress had voted. But the story does not end there, as: " I n 1945, Congress
voted a second loan, diis one of $500 m i l l i o n — b u t not one cent of this ever
reached China. Again, Soviet agent Harry Dexter White was the culprit-
China's currency collapsed.""
Even w i t h a l l of diese problems, Chiang continued the fight against
214
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
j ^ d i the Communists and the armies of Japan. After die war ended i n 1945,
Chiang called a National Assembly o n November 15, 1946, to approve a
^ r m a n e n t constitution, which was approved o n December 25, 1946. T h e
I j a n was for this constitution to go into effect one year later, i n 1947.
The new constitution provided for a social insurance system and for
government management of the public utilities, but also contained a " B i l l of
^ g h t s " to guarantee personal liberty and rights for the dtizens of China. I t
also provided for the first nationwide election held i n China (there had never
1 ^ an election i n China) o n November 21 through 23,1947.
The constitution also planned the convening of a National Assembly o n
March 29,1948, where 1,744 delegates were to select the president and vice
president of C h i n a
Chiang repeatedly refused to m n for the presidency of China, but the
delegates to the Convention elected h i m for a six-year term by a vote of about
seven to one.
But the Communists w o u l d not accept the popular mandate of the
Convention and they continued their aggressive attack against Chiang's
newly elected govemment
But Chiang's enemy was not the Japanese government, nor even the
Communists under the leadership of Chou En L a i and Mao Tse T u n g . I t
was the American govemment and Secretary of State George Marshall, a
member of the CFR.
Secretary Marshall took measures i n 1946 to impose "an embargo o n the
sale and shipment of arms from the United States
Using Marshall's o w n boastful language: "As Chief of Staff I armed 39
anti-Communist divisions, now w i t h a stroke of the pen I disarm t h e m . " "
Chiang's elected govemment was doomed to failure and the Commu-
nists under Mao and C h o u finally succeeded i n forcing Chiang and his
govemment to leave the mainland of China and to move his armies onto the
offshore Chinese islands of Formosa.
The pressure mounted o n the American govemment to recognize the
Communists as the legitimate govemment of China. T h i s pressure was i n
part assisted by the appiearance of twenty-nine books published d u r i n g the
period of 1943 to 1949. John T . Flynn, i n his book While You Slept, reviewed
these books and classified twenty-two of them as being "pro-Communist"
and the other seven as being "anti-Communist" The twenty-two books were
• ^ e w e d w i t h what Flynn called " g l o w i n g approval" i n literary reviews
^ P e a r i n g i n die New York Times, die Herald Tribune, The Nation, The
New Republic, and die Saturday Review of Literature.
Nine authors wrote twelve of these books and these same nine authors
Ubmitted forty-three reviews. I n other words, the same pro-Communist
authors were reviewing the pro-Communist books, either neglecting the
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
anti-Communist books or ridiculing them.
The general line of the pro-Communist books was that Chou and Mao
were "agrarian reformers" seeking to change the tenure of the land from the
large landowners to the poor peasants. For instance, even George Marshall
i n 1946 said this about the Communism of Mao and his followers: "Don't be
ridiculous. These fellows are just old-fashioed agrarian reformers.""
Chiang and his supporters were now safely ensconced on the islands of
Formosa, a n d i t is n o w possible, w i t h h i n d s i g h t , to see w h a t type of
govemment Chiang gave die Taiwanese, the people who were on the islands
before Chiang and his followers appeared.
T a i w a n developed a true agrarian reform where today seventy-five
percent of the farm land is owner-culuvated. T h i s reform was achieved
without a bloody revoludon.
I n addidon, Chiang Kai Shek and his successors, have been elected by
die people of Formosa, and Mao and his successors on mainland China have
never allowed the Chinese the opportunity to freely elect their mlers.
Congressman Eldon Rudd i n 1979 issued a message furdier detailing die
differences between die mainland Chinese govemment of the Communists
and the Taiwanese govemment of Chiang and his successors: " W i t h 270
dmes the land area and 53 dmes the populadon, the Gross Nadonal Product
of Mainland China is only 10 dmes the G.N.P. of Taiwan The figures I
have cited illustrate beyond contradicdon the material abundance created by
freedom's climate. I n my view, this is the smallest and least important of the
remarkable differences between the People's Republic of China and the free
govemment of Taiwan. The tme difference is spuit—the human condidon,
die absence of compulsion and regimentation, the presence of individual
opportunity."*"
What was the cost of the Chinese Revolution spawned by Secretary of
State George Marshall, Harry Dexter White, and the Communists Mao Tse
T u n g and Chou En Lai?
I n 1971, the Senate Committee on the Judiciary issued a twenty-eight
page document entided "The H u m a n Cost of Communism i n China" that
concluded that Chou and Mao, were "responsible for the deaths of as many
as 64 m i l l i o n people."*'
I n addition to the deaths of as many as 64 m i l l i o n Chinese, the Commu-
nist govemment has other areas of progress to be proud of. Valentin Chu is
a professional joumalist who was b o m and raised i n China but w h o escaped
from die Communist regime. He wrote a book i n 1963 called Ta Ta, Tan
Tan, the Inside Story of Communist China. M r . Chu devotes a chapter to
Communist efforts to destroy the family, from w h i c h die f o l l o w i n g was
taken:
216
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
The family everywhere is man's source of strength and cour-
age as well as his emotional harbor at times of natural disaster and
personal misfortune.
I n China i t was even more so. I t was society itself
T h e Chinese C o m m u n i s t s were acutely aware that their
control of the people could never be effective unless the monolithic
family system was destroyed, along w i t h religion and conventional
morals.
This they set out to do as soon as they came to power.**
Another move of the Chinese Communists to destroy the family was to
move the Chinese mothers away from the home and into the fields as farm
workers. As the Boston Globe put i t on January 31,1973: "Ninety percent of
die women work i n factories and on farms and then attend school,"** which
obviously leaves little time to function as wives, mothers and homemakers.
A related move, according to Chu, was the commune system, which
summarily p u t men, women, children and the aged i n segregated labor
camps, destroyed ancestral graves, and reduced marital relations to brief.
Party-rationed sex-breaks.**
But there are some who feel that all of these costs, the sixty-four m i l l i o n
dead, the destmction of the family, and the establishment of the commune,
was worth the price.
David Rockefeller said this about the cost of the Revolution after his
retum from a visit to China i n 1973:
Whatever the price of the Chinese Revolution, i t hjis obviously
succeeded not only i n producing a more efficient and dedicated
administration but also i n fostering high morale and community
of interest
T h e social experiment of C h i n a under C h a i r m a n Mao's
leadership is one of the most important and successful i n human
history.*'
This statement by Rockefeller was a little more than three years after
Chairman Mao urged die "World to defeat U.S." by appealing to the peoples
of the world to: "Unite and defeat the U.S. aggressors and a l l their m n n i n g
dogs. "66
The American pxDlicy towards Communist China wsis now due for a
™ange. I t was now time for the American government to recognize the
J-^^mmunists as the legitimate government of the Chinese people and to
all diplomatic relations w i t h the Taiwanese govemment of Chiang
^ o his successors. O n July 15,1971, Premier Chou En Lai, on behalf of die
^ P l e ' s Republic of China, according to a press release issued by President
™ard Nucon's staff: "extended an invitation to President N i x o n to visit
217
 CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
China at an appropriate date before May, 1972. N i x o n accepted the invita-
tion w i t h pleasure.""
It was no coinddence that President N i x o n accepted diat invitation on
July 15,1971, die very day that Radio Peking, China's offidal radio station,
issued the following statement: "People of the World, unite and defeat die
U.S. aggressors and a l l dieir r u n n i n g dogs."**
T h e American press and President N i x o n refused to acknowledge the
hypocrisy of the Chinese govemment and accepted the invitation the same
day they were calling for a world wide revolution against the United States.
Nixon's support of Red China was strange, indeed. As a Presidential
candidate i n 1968, N i x o n said: " I would not recognize Red China now, and
I w o u l d not agree to admitting i t to the United Nations "«« A n d i n his
book. Six Crises, he wrote: "admitting Red China to the United Nations
w o u l d be a mockery of the provision of die Charter which limits its member-
ship to 'peace-loving nations.' A n d what was most disturbing was that it
w o u l d give respectability to the Communist regime which would immensely
increase its power and prestige i n Asia, and probably irreparably weaken die
non-Communist govemments i n that area."™
So President N i x o n went to China and opened die doors to the Chinese
Communist govemment of Mao and Chou.
The next step i n America's betrayal of the Chinese people came i n 1976
when first Chou E n L a i and later Mao Tse T u n g passed away. T h e tributes
diat flowed from the mouths of the world's leaders about these two bloody
butchers was amazing.
These comments were made about C h o u E n L a i by the f o l l o w i n g
individuals: (.;//••';',.' '••::]'.•:''::t]i:'r]r,:~•;; :
Gerald Ford: "Chou w i l l be long remembered as a remarkable
leader."
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger: " I admired Chou En L a i
very much."
Former President Richard N i x o n : "Chou's legacy w i l l be that
he helped end die darkness. O n l y a handful of men i n die 20di
century w i l l match Premier Chou's impact on w o r l d history."
These comments were made about Mao Tse T u n g :
* Premier Pierre Tmdeau of Canada: "The People's Republic
of China stands as a monument to die spirit and political philo-
sophy of Chairman Mao. Canadians recognize the path-breaking
spirit of community diat, under Chairman Mao's guidance, had
contributed to the modemization of China."
President Gerald Ford: "Mao was a very remarkable and a very
great man." i ,
m 219
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger: Mao was "one of the titans
of die age."
Former President Richard N i x o n : " A visionary poet, deeply
steeped i n the history of the Chinese people."
T h e New York Times: "a m o r a l i s t w h o deeply believed-
. . . that man's goodness must come ahead of his mere economic
progress."
Boston Globe: "the symbol of m i l l i o n s of h u m a n beings
around the world for the possibility of sodal change, of economic
and political progress, of dignity for the exploited."
These efforts came to a head i n December, 1978, when die American
government recognized die Chinese Communists as the official and legiti-
mate govemment of China, after fifty-five years of accepting die govemments
of Sun-Yat-Sen and Chiang Kai Shek as die representatives of die Chinese
people.
Others did not approve of the move of the American govemment One,
a former Chinese dtizen. Dr. Chiu-Yuan H u , told a Congressional Commit-
tee i n Washington: " T o recognize die Chinese Red Regime is to discourage
die people i n die whole world It w i l l make the world know that the great
nation of the United States is unworthy to be a friend, diat i t sometimes
betrays its most loyal allies.""
Senator Barry Goldwater was one who felt diat the move was improper.
He told a news conference: " I have no idea what motivated h i m other than
(that) the Trilateral Commission, composed of bankers i n this country and
odiers, want to expand b i g business. This is a dangerous thing because i t
puts fear i n our allies, especially our small allies, as to how the U.S. w i l l keep
its word." Arizona Daily Star (Tucson), Dec. 17, 1978, p. A-11.
But die final bettayal to die Chinese people occurred on January 1,1979,
when President Jimmy Carter severed diplomatic relations w i t h the only
elected govemment China has ever had, the govemment on Taiwan, and
went so far as to state that the United States position was that: "there is but
one China, and Taiwan is part of China." Arizona Daily Star (Tucson), Dec
16,1978, p A-1.
The Nationalist govemment on Taiwan took die beoayal rather bitterly
but stated that diey would "neither negotiate w i t h the Chinese Communist
regime nor compromise w i t h Communism."
Bodi moves caused Senator Barry Goldwater to charge that President
Carter's motives were economic, saying diat "he did i t for the big banks of the
world—Chase Manhattan and the French bankers—and for companies like
Coca-Cola. "'2
Ronald Reagan called the break w i d i Taiwan a "beoayal."
The hypocrisy of die entire China scenario was dramatically illusuated
m May, 1979, when die New York Times ran a picture showing Commerce
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
Secretary Juanita Kreps i n China touring the Great Wall of China, and she
was smiling and apparendy enjoying herself. T h i s picture was attached to
and just underneath the m a i n article o n the same page that headlined:
"(Chinese) Poster says p o l i t i c a l prisoners tortured, starved i n Chinese
•Eden.'""
T h e ardcle doesn't say whether the smiling Secretary visited any of the
"tortured" and "starving" Chinese prisoners, but i t is doubted.
The quesdon as to why the visidng American journalists and dignitar-
ies w h o toured China i n the '70's failed to mendon the tortured existence of
many of the Chinese people was partially answered by Edward N . Luttwak,
associate director of the Washington Center of Foreign Policy Research at
John Hopkins University, w h o also visited Mainland China.
Mr. L u t t w a k wrote an ardcle for the A p r i l , 1977, Reader's Digest i n
w h i c h he asked a series of quesdons:
Why have Amirican journalists failed to convey to us such
fundamental Chinese realides? After all, the miserable poverty of
the country is everywhere i n evidence,
i1 Why, moreover, have previous visitors not been revolted by the
schoolrooms where children are taught from booklets replete w i t h
the brutal images of harsh class-war propaganda?
Why have our "Asia scholars" failed to denounce the milita-
rism of a system where the cheapest suit of clothing for little boys
is a mini-uniform complete w i t h rifle?
, A n d above all, how could they have missed the central pheno-
m e n o n o f (Red) Chinese life: its u n i q u e , a l m o s t p u r e
totalitarianism? , ,
But i t was too late. Secretary of State George Marshall, the Institute of
Pacific Relations, and modern politicians had betrayed the only elected
government of C h i n a and replaced i t w i t h the most b r u t a l and bloody
govemment on the face of the earth.
China was now tmly C o m m u i u s t ' ,' ;
T H E N A T I O N A L COUNCIL OF CHURCHES , '
I n 1831, Alexis de Tocqueville, a young Frenchman, was sent to the
United States by the French govemment to study America's prisons and
penetendaries.
U p o n his r e t u r n to France, he w r o t e a b o o k t i t l e d Democracy in
America, an examination into the reasons why America had been successful
i n its experiment w i t h a republican form of government
He summarized his findings drus:
I sought for the greamess and genius of America i n her fertile
fields and boundless forests; i t was not there.
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
I sought for i t i n her free schools and her i n s t i t u t i o n s o f
learning; i t was not there.
I sought for i t i n her matchless constitution and democratic
Congress; i t was not there.
Not u n t i l I went to die churches of America and found them
aflame for righteousness d i d I understand the greamess and genius
of America.
America is great because America is good.
When America ceases to be good, America w i l l ce<ise to be
great
O n December 2,1908, Walter Rauschenbusch and Harry Ward formed
the Federal Council of Churches of Christ i n America, commonly called the
Federal Council of Churches, (die FCC.)
Dr. Rauschenbusch was a theologian w h o wrote: " I f ever Sodalism is to
succeed, i t cannot succeed i n an irreligious countty.""
Dr. Harry Ward, a teacher at the U n i o n Theological Seminary, was
identified under oadi as a member of the Communist Party by M a n i u n g
Johnson, also a member. M r . Johnson referred to Dr. Ward as "the chief
aichitect for Communist infiltration and subversion i n the religious field."'*
The organization that these two created received a percentage of their
income from a rather unusual, but not unexpected, source: " . . . John D .
Rockefeller Jr. (who) had, from 1926 to 1929, conttibuted over $137,000 to die
Federal C o u n d l of Churches—a sum equal to about ten percent of its total
annual income from a l l sources."'*
Odiers became aware of the FCC as well. I n 1927, Congressman Arthur
M . Free inttoduced a resolution i n the House of Representatives describing
the Federal Council of Churches as a "Commurust organization aimed at the
establishment of a state-church ""
The FCC partially repaid the support of the wealthy when, i n 1942, i t
issued a pladorm calUng for "a world govemment, intemational control of
all armies and navies, a universal system of money, and a democratically
conuolled intemational bank."'*
The pressure against the FCC became too intense as the knowledge of its
acUvides grew. So, the FCC decided to change its name but not its direction.
On November 29, 1950, the FCC became the N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l of the
Churches of die Church of C h r i s t (die NCC.)
The direction of the N C C was no different from that of the F C C T h i s
*[as revealed i n an interview w i t h Gus H a l l , the General Secretary of die
Communist Party, USA, that appeared i n the J u l y 15, 1968, Approach
'J'agazine. Mr. H a l l declared that Communism and the Church (appiarendy
^ NCC) share so many goals that "they ought to exist for one another."
'1 continued by d t i n g "current Red goals for America as being 'almost
821

CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
identical to those espoused by the Liberal Church. We can and we should
work together for the same things.'
Whatever the N C C was o f f e r i n g , m a n y f o u n d i t attractive. One
"church," the Church of Satan, led by "high priest" Anton LaVey of San
Francisco, recendy became a member of the N C C "
T H E W O R L D COUNCIL OF CHURCHES
T h i s world-wide organization was formed on August 23, 1948, and
follows much the same course as the Nadonal Council of Churches.
One example of this similarity is the fact that the secretary-General of
die World Council (die WCC) i n 1975, P h i l i p Potter, said he "may some-
times be more radical than most Marxists."'"
Another official i n the W C C has echoed M r . Potter's sendments. In
1982, E m i l i o Castro, the head of the Council's Commission o n W o r l d
Mission and Evangelism, said: "The philosophical basis of capitalism is evil,
totally contrary to the Gospel."'*
These expressions of support for Marxism and against the free enter-
prise system are shared by those who attended their global conferences. I n the
meedng i n November, 1975, the Jamaican Prime Minister, Michael Manley,
told the assemblage of delegates: "that Christendom must help destroy the
capitalist system and create a new world economic order. His speech... re-
ceived prolonged applause ""
The W C C puts its money where its convicdons are. The organization
has created a Program to Combat Racism, (the PGR.) Since 1970, this
organizadon has given over 15,000,000 to more than 130 organizations diat
are ostensibly fighting racism i n thirty countries.
But nearly half of that money has gone to guerillas seeking the violent
overthrow of white regimes i n Soudiem Africa.'*
But the W C C is rather selective i n that "not a cent of PCR money goes
to dissident groups i n the Soviet U n i o n
T h i s is curious since i t is estimated that there are nearly 5,000,000
Russians i n 3,000 forced labor concenuation camps i n Russia. One who
should know is Avraham Shifrin, a Russian w h o was exiled by the Russian
govemment i n 1970 and w h o is executive director of the Research Center for
Prisons, Psychprisons and Forced Labor Concentration Camps of the
U.S.S.R. He has stated that "die largest group of individuals i n the concen-
uation camps is made up of faithful Christians" w h o are diere suicdy and
solely because they are Christians."
FREEMASONRY
I n 1871, a Freemason named Albert Pike copyrighted an 861 page book
titled Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of
Freemasonry prepared for the Supreme Council of the Thirty-Third DegrC
222
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
the outhern Jurisdiction of the United States and Published by its
Authority- Many historians believe that Mr. Pike wrote the book himself.
He had an interesting background. Many historians claim that he was
selected by Guiseppe Mazzini to head the I l l u m i n a t i i n the United States. I n
addition, he became a brigadier general i n the Confederate Army during the
Civil War.
Mazzini wrote Pike i n January, 1870, about the need to create a "super-
jite" inside the traditional Masonic order:
We must allow all of the federations (the Masons) to continue
just as they are —
We must create a super-rite, which w i l l remain unknown to
which we w i l l call those Masons of high degree w h o m we shall
select
These men must be pledged to the strictest secrecy.
T h r o u g h this supreme rite, we w i l l govem a l l Freemasonry
which w i l l become the one intemational center, the more powerful
because its direction w i l l be u n k n o w n . "
Mazzini's letter was written before Pike wrote his study of the thirty-two
degrees of Masonry titled Morals and Dogma so i t is conceivable that his
book, which Pike states is not "intended for the world at large," is intended
for this "super-rite" inside the Masons. I n any event, its contents are
extremely revealing as can be illusuated from the following gleaning of some
of its more salient points.
T h e book makes the statement that Masonry is a r e l i g i o n : "Every
Masonic Lodge is a temple of religion, and its teachings are instmctions i n
religion." "Masonry is a worship " H e later identified what i t was that
Masonry worshiped: "Behold the object, the end, the ultimate annihilation
of evil and restoration of M a n to his first estate by Reason " " I n the
beginning w a s . . . the w o r d . . . the Reason that speaks." "The Ancient and
Accepted Scottish Rite of Masonry has become... a teacher of great tmths,
inspired by an upright and enlightened reason." "Reason is the absolute, for
it is i n i t we must believe."
Pike stated what the greatest delight of his "religion of reason" would be
when " H u m a n reason leaps into the throne of God and waves her torch over
Ae mins of die universe."
He ridiculed Christianity: "The teachers, even of Christianity, are i n
general die most ignorant of die mie meaning of that which they teach."
• • • Jesus of Nazareth was but a man like us " ( M a s o n r y ) . . . sees i n Jesus
great teacher of morality."
A n d a belief i n God: "Self,... the ttue m l e r of the Universe." " T h e
"inception of an Absolute Deity outside of or independent of Reason is the
za
CHAPTER 18 NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS

idol of Black Magic."

Pike's r e l i g i o n has many o f the objects a n d beliefs of t r a d i t i o n a l
Chrisdanity: an altar ("Masonry, around whose altars " ) ; a " b o m again
experience: ( I n i d a d o n [into the Mysteries] was considered to be a mysdcal
d e a d i . . . and the [inidate] was then said to be regenerated, new b o m ")
and a bapdsm: ( . . . b a p d s m . . . [is a symbol] of purificadon necessary to
make us perfect Masons.")
Pike identifies the subject of Masonic worship: " L u d f e r , the Light-
Bearer! Ludfer, the Son of the M o m i n g ! I t is he who bears the L i g h t — "
He limits the individual's God-given right to life: " I t is not tme to say
that 'one man, however litde, must not be sacrificed to another, to a majority
or to a l l men.' T h a t is not only a fallacy, but a most dangerous one. Often,
one man and many men must be sacrificed, i n the ordinary sense of the word,
to the interests of die many."
A n d finally, M r . Pike states what the uldmate goal of the Masons was:
" . . . the w o r l d w i l l soon come to us for its sovereigns (polidcal leaders) and
pontiffs (religious leaders.) We shall constitute the e q u i l i b r i u m of the
universe and be mlers over the masters of the w o r l d . "
The goal of the Masons, according to Mr. Pike, is to become the "mlers
Chapter 19
over die masters of the w o r l d . "
T h e secret power behind die power! i i, /' Population Control

Dr. Paul Ehrlich wrote a book endded The Population Bomb i n w h i c h

he prophesied: " I t is already too late to avoid famines that w i l l k i l l millions,
possibly by 1975."
Ehrlich also predicted: "the total p o l l u t i o n and death of the world's
oceans by 1979."'
Harper's magazine for January, 1970, carried a full-page advertisement
tided: "Whatever your cause, i t ' j a lost cause unless we control population."
The article urged the American govemment to: " C o n u o l the flood of
humanity diat direatens to engulf die earth."
Kenneth Boulding, a University of Colorado economist, wamed the
world i n February, 1973, that the human population must stop growing: "or
W sevieral hundred years there w i l l be standing room only."*
The belief that the w o r l d was suffering from a "population explosion"
and was i n danger of having only enough room o n the earth for people to
siand o n each other's heads i n a few centuries can be quickly illusuated as a
Riant fraud by the use of simple mathematics.
Oregon, a rather small state by comparison to others i n the tJnited
'^tes. has a total of 95,607 square miles inside its borders. T h e w o r l d has

225
CHAPTER 19 POPULATION CONTROL
a p p r o x i m a t e l y 4,000,000,000 (four b i l l i o n ) i n h a b i t a n t s . I f the entire
p o p u l a t i o n of the w o r l d moved to Oregon, a l l four b i l l i o n , and left the
remainder of die world completely devoid of human life, a family of four
would have a piece of Oregon approximately 50' by 53'. T h i s is about half the
size of a typical residential lot i n a subdivision.
T h e people of die world have been told that the reason there is starvation
i n India is because their population is too large for theu food production.
But a d i o u g h d u l review of that nation's history w i l l reveal that India has
been starving for many centuries, even diough their population was much
smaller i n die past and the size of dieir counoy has remained constant
Could there be another explanation for India's starving population
odier dian diat diere are just too many people?
Could the reason be that India has a Sodahst govemment that believes
diat whatever an individual produces belongs to die state? Could i t be diat
diis Sodalist govemment has desuoyed die incentive to produce? A n d has
done so for centuries?
India has approximately 500 people per square mile l i v i n g w i d i i n its
borders, Japan has approximately 700, and H o l l a n d approximately 800. But
notice that Japan and Holland have far more prosperous economies dian
does India, because H o l l a n d and Japan basically allow their producers to
keep what they prcxluce.
T h e "population explosion" was, dien, a giant fraud. But i t is interest-
ing to see what solutions were being offered to this imaginary problem.
One came from a Washington psychologist and sex therapist who
suggested: "diat the world's nations remove 'the right to reproduce' from
their people as the only solution to the global population e x p l o s i o n . . . by
such means as placing temporary sterdizing chemicals i n food and water
s u p p l i e s . . .whether or n o t i t was w i t h the i n d i v i d u a l ' s approval and
consent"'
Anodier individual said that the United States had too many people. He
saw die problem and offered a solution: " I t is necessary diat die United States
cut its p o p u l a t i o n by two-thirds w i t h i n the next 50 years, according to
Howard Odum, a marine biologist at die University of Florida. Odum said
that the nation w i l l be unable to support the present p o p u l a t i o n of 225
m i l l i o n . Once the p o p u l a t i o n is cut to 75 m i l l i o n . . . i t c o u l d be stably
employed i n subsistence agriculture."*
H o w O d u m intended to cut die population was not mentioned by tlie
article. Perhaps he planned on "executing diem i n a kindly manner."
John Maynard Keynes, the Fabian Sodalist-Communist also had sorne
comments to make about the population explosion: "The time has alrea Y
come when each counuy needs a considered national policy about what siz^
of population, whether larger or smaller dian at present or die same, is m " '
226
CHAPTER 19 POPULATION CONTROL
expedient A n d having setded diis policy, we must take steps to carry i t into
operation. The time may arrive a litde later when the community as a whole
must pay attention to the innate quality as well as the mere number of its
future members."'
As far as die article reported, Mr. Keynes d i d not explain just how he
planned on l i m i t i n g die size of the population. I t must be fmsttating for
people like Keynes to see a problem and not be able to explain to the people
(hat their solution is the mass k i l l i n g of those they consider to be excess
population. I t must be difficult for Keynes and die others to explain to diose
they wish to see murdered that i t is important that they die so that others
might live.
India has taken steps to conuol its population growth by the use of
forced sterilization of its dtizens. I n the Indian states of Maharashtta, for
instance, where Bombay is located, a l l men u p to age 55 and women to age
45 must be sterilized w i d i i n six mondis after die birdi of dieir diird child.
Couples w i t h 3 children w h o have no child under the age of 5 are exempt—
but diey must have an abortion i f pregnancy occurs.* I n fart, during one
period of a "spiedal emergency," the Indian govemment performed some 10
million forced sterilizations.'
China is still die leading nation i n population conuol, however. They
are currendy l i m i t i n g each family to one child. "Those w h o have more w i l l
not get rations for them."'
The dedsion about birth, as well as deadi, has become a "collective
dedsion," according to a Chinese physician, wherein: "die residents i n each
-sueet get together and decide how many babies w i l l be b o m d u r i n g the
y e a r — Those who are obliged by collective dedsion to forego pregnancy
are not permitted die excuse diat diey forgot to take die p i l l . A volunteer-
• . . disuibutes pills each m o m i n g when die women anive at dieir place of
work."'
One of die lingering Chinese customs, even w i d i all of die Communist
attacks on the family suucture, is the ttadition that male children must
provide for d i d r parents i n d i d r old age. Now diat China is l i m i t i n g die
™iiiy to only one child, many Chinese couples are concemed d i a t i f dieir
child is a female, diey w i l l not be provided for i n dieir older years, and
leaw"^ '""'•d^rwg t h d r female offspring. I n fact, many of die parents are
headquarter ' ^ ^ ^ ^^"^^^^ '^^^'^ ^ ' * ^ doorstep of die local Communist Party
c o n t ^ ' l h " ° ' . ° " ' ^ *^ conuolling die b i r d i of its dtizens as a means of
elderly population size, but i t is also c o n u o l l i n g die death of its
^^turch inR 5^^^'^"'"^"' report entitled Communist Persecution of the
" A l l th ""^ Korea, dated March 26,1959, i t is reported
elderly people 60 years of age and above w h o cannot work are
227
CHAPTER 19 POPULATION CONTROL
put i n the old people's 'Happy Home.' After they are placed i n the home they
are given shots. They are told these shots are for their health. But after the
shots are taken, they die w i t h i n two weeks.""
I n addition, the solutions to the imaginary population explosion are
affecting those of the middle age as well. I n an essay entided " A n Intema-
tional Mortality Lottery," students i n America read about a l o t t e r y : " . . . that
w o u l d solve the w o r l d over-population crisis. Each year, 5 percent of the
earth's i n h a b i t a n t s between the ages o f 30 a n d 40 w o u l d be
exterminated
But, i n summary, there is another purpose for the m y t h o f over-
p o p u l a t i o n . I t was summed u p i n a Reader's Digest article, w r i t t e n by
Laurence Rockefeller, die brother of David Rockefeller, entided "The Case
for a Simple Life-Style." The article read, i n part,: " I n total, this a l l adds up
to a new pattem of l i v i n g I f we do not follow i t voluntarily and demo-
cratically, i t may be forced upon us. Some economists and analysts argue
that, i f we continue consuming resources as we are now, the only way to
b r i n g about a balance between demand and supply w i l l be through author-
i t a r i a n controls. Robert H e i l b r o n e r , the d i s t i n g u i s h e d economist, is
particularly pessimistic about the capacity of a democratic and capitalist
state to impose the discipline necessary to survive i n a world of scarcity.""
So the reason for the " p o p u l a t i o n e x p l o s i o n " is total government
control of not only die citizen but his environment as well. T h i s transfer of
authority from the individual to the state is fiuther supported by another
individual, Zbigniew Brzezinski, w h o wrote: " I think we accept the idea of a
vast expansion i n social regulation. I t may take such forms as legislation for
the number of children, perhaps even legislation determining the sex of
children once we have choice, the regulation of the weather, the regulation
of leisure, and so f o r t h . " "
Once again, as i n the case of die organizations discussed i n the previous
chapter, i t becomes i m p o r t a n t to ask just w h o has been p a y i n g for the
" p o p u l a t i o n explosion" campaign. Once again, the inquisitive find the
money of the tax-free foundation: "die first large foundations to make grants
i n the population field were the Rockefeller Foundation and the Camegif
Foundation. These foundations were joined by the Ford F o u n d a t i o n —
A n d the "Rockefellers p u t money into the population-control move-
ment by financing the Population Council, Planned Parenthood and The
Population Reference Bureau."'*
But those i n China w h o murder female babies because they are the
w r o n g sex, are n o t alone. Others emulate t h e i r behavior i n America:
"Dortors around die country (the United States) have begun helping some
pregnant women k i l l their u n b o m babies because the parents wanted a chiW
of the opposite sex, according to an article i n the Washington P o s t " "
:••'/• ; 228 :: ,
CHAPTER 19 POPULATION CONTROL
But are such extreme measures necessary? Must we control the popula-
tion of the world, no matter how many people there are, because they are
starving i n a w o r l d soon to be so crowded that there w i l l be no room for food
production? Are the people of the world starving?
One w h o believed that food supplies are increasing was Bob Berglund,
Secretary of Agriculture i n President Jimmy Carter's administration, w h o is
quoted as saying: " I n fact die four b i l l i o n people who inhabited the earth i n
1978 had available about one-fifth more food per person to eat than the
world's 2.7 bUlion had twenty five years ago."
A n d A m e r i c a n farmers are t a k i n g fertile l a n d o u t o f p r o d u c t i o n .
Agriculture Secrerary John Block i n 1983 reported that these farmers had
agreed to idle about one-third of their land, a total of eighty-two m i l l i o n
acres, i n exchange for certain subsidy programs.
And i n the United States, there is concem that our population growth
late is declining too rapidly: "By die year 2000, die federal govemment may
have to subsidize c h i l d b e a r i n g i f the birthrate continues to p l u m m e t ,
according to a Temple University sociologist""
Someone w h o believes that there are sinister forces at work behind the
"population explosion" is researcher Gary A l l e n , w h o has written that
" . . . by playing upon forces of impending social and environmental chaos,
the Left is h o p i n g to convert sincere and legitimate concern over o u r
environment (and the number of people i n it) into acceptance of govemment
control of that environment T h e object is federal control of the environment
i n which we a l l must l i v e . " "
The federal control Mr. Allen is discussing must manifest itself i n every
aspect of the lives of every citizen. T h e new phrases to describe the a l l -
encompassing changes are: " T h e New Economic Order," or " T h e New
Intemational Economic Order," or "The New World Order."
These phrases a l l mean die same t h i n g and are used interchangeably.
The United Nations' World Population Conference at Bucharest called for
a "new economic order by eradicating the cause o f w o r l d poverty, by
ensuring die equitable distribution of the w o r l d resources "
T h i s is simple Marxism carried only one step further: " F r o m each
(nadon) according to its abihty, to each (nation) according to its needs."
If govemments are going to create a New Economic Order, and they are
Komg to divide die wealdi between the wealthy nations and the poor nations,
ey w i l l njetijod jjy which to accomplish this. One method proposed
^ |ne United Nations i n 1969 and 1970. "The General Assembly adopted
^ o u t dissension Thursday a declaration calling for: (die use of) die w o r l d
system and govemment spending for a more equitable distribution of
The United Nations later considered a proposal where: "everybody i n
CHAPTER 19 POPULATION CONTROL

the world would pay a sales tax on certain home appliances and some luxury
items to help poor nadons."*'
(It is readily apparent just which nadons have "home appliances and
some luxury items:" the wealthier nadons, those which protect the right to
private property.)
Further discussions about this problem of p r o v i d i n g for the poor,
overpopulated nadons of the world continued i n 1979 when the representa-
tives of 156 nations met " . . . to debate the best way to divide the world's
d w i n d l i n g resources. A bloc of 80 poor nations w i l l call for $25 b i l l i o n i n new
aid from (the) rich nations."
T h e caption over the article read: "Haves, have-nots meet," and pictured
then U N Secretary-General K u r t W a l d h e i m and P h i l l i p p i n e President
Ferdinand E. Marcos.**
A similar caption was on top of another article discussing the Cancun,
M e x i c o , meetings h e l d i n October, 1981. I t read: "Haves, Have-nots
gathering to debate new economic order."*'
If there is going to be a world-wide tax collected to provide for the poor
nations, there wUl have to be a world-wide tax collector, and diis is coming
i n the near future. For instance, James Warburg told a Senate Subcommittee
Chapter 20
on February 17, 1950: " W e shall have w o r l d government (a w o r l d tax
collector) whether or not you like it, by conquest or by consent"**
Even one of the Popes of the Catholic Church, i n this case Pope Paul V I ,
The Trilateral
i n his Encyclical entitled. This is Progress, also went o n record of supporting
a w o r l d govemment He wrote "The need is clear to have i n course of time
Commission
w o r l d govemment by a world authority."*'
T h e world tax collector is very nearly i n place.
On December 13,1973, a litde known governor of a small Southem state
appeared o n a television panel program called "What's M y L i n e " and
stumped the panel w h o attempted to guess who he was. N o one knew h i m .
Yet i n November, 1976, less than three years later, diat same gendeman
was elected President of die United States.
His name was Jimmy Carter.
The story of how Mr. Carter rose from the govemorship of one of the
^•aller states to die highest elected office i n America so quickly is the story
* an organization that was created around h i m k n o w n as the Trilateral
Commission.
^ I n his book entided / ' / / Never Lie to You, candidate Jimmy Carter told
^ ^ A m e r i c a n people: " T h e people of this c o u n t r y k n o w from b i t t e r
^ e n e n c e diat we are not going to get diese changes merely by shifting
^ the same group of insiders. The insiders have had their chance and
^ nave not delivered. A n d their time has m n o u t T h e time has come for
P'eat majority of Americans... to have a president w h o w i l l t u m the

230 2S1
CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
govemment of this country inside out."'
Candidate Carter was teUing the American people that he w o u l d not
allow the C o u n d l o n Foreign Relations and the Bilderbergers to continue to
m n this country, or so one could presume by his statement. I f he was elected,
he w o u l d select those w h o were not identified as insiders, men and women
w h o have never had the chance to m n this country.
A n d tme to his word, he selected members of a new group not previously
k n o w n called the Trilateral Comtrussion to f i l l important positions.
Apparently some of the minions beneath h i m had not read the script.
Before Carter's election, his advisor H a m i l t o n Jordan said: " I f , after the
inauguration (of J i m m y Carter) you find Cy Vance as Secretary of State, and
Zbigniew Brzezinski as head of National Security, then I w o u l d say that we
failed, and I ' d q u i t " '
But strangely enough, after the i n a u g u r a t i o n , we f o u n d these two
gendemen i n exacdy the positions Mr. Jordan predicted. But Mr. Jordan did
not q u i t I t appears that Mr. Jordan was told to read the script after he made
his statement Apparendy, M r . Carter d i d not consider these two gendemen
to have been "insiders" w h o had been m n n i n g the previous govemment,
even t h o u g h b o t h were members of the C o u n c i l o n Foreign Relations,
heavily involved i n American government since its creation i n 1921.
T h e organizational meetings of the Trilateral Commission were held
on July 23 and 24,1972, at the estate of David Rockefeller, chairman of die
CFR. I n fact a l l eight American representatives to the founding meeting of
the Commission were members of the CFR.'
T h e other individuals present were dtizens of either Japan or-westem
Eimjpean countries, (the three areas represented the " T r i - " i n the Trilateral.)
T h e Trilateral Commission tells the curious what their purpose is.
T h e y e x p l a i n : "Close T r i l a t e r a l cooperation i n keeping the peace, in
managing the world economy, i n fostering economic re-development and
alleviating world poverty w i l l improve the chances of a smooth and peaceful
evolution of the global system."*
But there are others w h o disagree w i t h this stated purpose and have tried
to detail what they diink dieir exact purpose is. One of these is Senator Barry
Goldwater w h o wrote the following i n his book With No Apologies: "What
the T r i l a t e r a l t m l y intend is the creation of a worldwide economic power
superior to the p o l i t i c a l government of the nation-states involved. As
managers and creators of the system they w i l l m l e the w o r l d . " '
Shordy after the founding of the Commission, i n the fall of 1973, the
Utde-known Govemor of Georgia was i n London, England, having dinner
w i d i David Rockefeller. Exacdy what the Govemor of Georgia was doing m
L o n d o n w i d i Rockefeller has never been told, at least satisfactorily, but diere
are only two alternatives. Either: j ,., , ;
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CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
1. J i m m y Carter asked David Rockefeller to have dinner w i t h him; or
2. David Rockefeller asked Jimmy Carter.
(It w i l l be presumed that die third altemative, of these men meeting by
chance, should not be considered seriously.)
A careful e x a m i n a t i o n of the first alternative w i l l reveal that i t is
possible, but not very probable.
It is possible that Mr. Carter, desiring to become president of the United
States, discovered that Mr. Rockefeller, because of his closeness w i t h the
Council o n Foreign Relations and their ancillary organizations, had the
power to make any one of their choosing President, and he arranged the
meeting.
This is quite possible, as M r . Rockefeller is an extremely important
individual. I n fact, during 1973: "David Rockefeller met w i t h 27 heads of
state, including the rulers of Russia and Red China."'
T h i s is truly incredible because David Rockefeller has neither been
elected or appointed to any govemmental position where he could offidally
represent the United States govemment
A u t h o r Ferdinand Lundberg, author of the book The Rockefeller
Syndrome, wrote this about the Rockefeller power:
One of the little-noticed features of the (Rockefeller) brothers
is the ready entree they have to a l l high-level quarters, foreign and
domestic.
A telephone call from David at Chase (Manhattan Bank) can
unlock practically as many tighdy shut top-level doors a l l over the
world as a call from the President of the United States, perhaps
more.
T h i s is power.'
Three examples of the power that Rockefeller has might illustrate the
power that Jimmy Carter might have seen prior to their London meeting.
It is k n o w n that i n January, 1974, David Rockefeller, w h o is not a
Catholic, had an audience w i t h Pope Paul V I , the same Pope w h o wrote the
Encyclical urging the nations of the world to form a world govemment T h i s
has l o n g been a goal of D a v i d Rockefeller and the C o u n c i l o n Foreign
Relations, the organization of which Mr. Rockefeller was then Chairman.
Less than a month later, i n Febmary, 1974, Pope Paul recalled Josef
Cardinal Mindszenty, the Catholic Primate of Hungary and a l o n g time
enemy of the Communist regime i n Hungary. When the Cardinal reached
^oxnt, the Pope asked h i m to remain silent and no longer speak out against
*^mmunism.
Were the two events connected?
Possibly the reason for these strange actions of the Pope occurred i n
 CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
November, 1977, when the State Department of the United States returned
the Crown of St Stephen to the Communist govemment of Hungary.
T h e Crown has an interesting history. I t was given to K i n g Stephen, the
K i n g of Hungary, i n die year 1,000 by Pope Sylvester 11, after die K i n g had
converted to Catholicism. I t has become a national treasure of immense
historic and symlwlic significance to the Hungarian people.
T h e Hungarian people believe that the authority to m l e Hungary is
inherent i n the crown itself ("he w h o holds the Crown mles Hungary.")
T h e Crown was kept i n Hungary u n t i l die Russians overran the country
near the end of W o r l d War I I . Before the Soviets could seize the Crown,
Hungarian pattiots delivered i t to General George Patton, die commander of
the American army near Hungary.
T h e Crown, along w i t h other items of v ^ u e to the Hungarian people,
was brought to the United States and safeguarded by die State Department
I t was understood that diis symbol of freedom w o u l d remain i n the
United States u n t i l Hungary could once again function as a constitutional
govemment established by the Hungarian people through choice.
T h e Hungarian people's desire to keep die Crown out of the hands of
the C o m m u n i s t govemment was betrayed by President Carter when he
announced that die Crown w o u l d be retumed to the Communist govem-
m e n t i n H u n g a r y , r u l e d by the C o m m u n i s t dictator Janos Kadar, i n
December, 1977;
(It was Janos Kadar who, as Minister of the Interior, gave the orders for
Cardinal Mindszenty's arrest and subsequent t o r t i l e many years before.)
A n d i t was C a r d i n a l Mindszenty w h o fervently pleaded w i t h the
American govemment not to release die Crown to the Kadar govemment
I t is not a coincidence that i t was on the twenty-first anniversary of the
anti-Communist revolt i n Hungary i n 1956 that President Carter announced
that the C r o w n w o u l d be returned to H u n g a r y and given to the Kadar
govemment It certainly appeared as a way of expressing to die w o r l d that die
U n i t e d States was n o w g i v i n g its official blessing to the C o m m u n i s t
govemment i n Hungary. I n addition, the timing of the announcement was
intended to broadcast to the w o r l d that the American govemment was no
longer supporting die aspuations of oppressed people around the w o r l d to
be faee from tyrannical Communist govemments.
This action, of course, came as no shock to Cardinal Mindszenty who
once charged that "the late President Eisenhower was responsible for the
defeat of the Hungarian Freedom Fighters revolution i n 1956."'
So die Cardinal was used to America's beoayal of just causes.
T h e second example of an unusual door opening u p to David Rocke-
feller occurred i n July, 1964, when David visited die Soviet U n i o n and met
w i d i Russian Premier Nikita Khmshchev for two and a half hours.'
CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
The meeting of these two individuals, when one is not the elected or
opointed representative of his government is indeed odd. Especially when
communists teach diat any wealdiy Capitalist is to be hated.
I n any event less than four months later, i n October, 1964, Premier
gjirushchev lost his job for no apparent reason (or at least to those w h o are
not aware of die Conspiratorial View of History). D i d the "Chairman of the
Board" fire a "Branch Manager?" T h i s is the unanswered question that
jjertainly leads to speculation about why Khmshchev resigned.
The third example of Rockefeller's enormous pxiwer was reflected i n
August, 1976, when visiting Austtalian Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser met
w i t h M r . Rockefeller before he met w i t h President of the U n i t e d States
Gerald F o r d . "
The second altemative about the London meeting of Rockefeller and
Carter, that Rockefeller discovered Carter, is more plausible and much more
consistent w i t h die facts.
The Trilateral Commission was die idea of Zbigniew Brzezinski, or so
the p u b l i c is told, w h o went to D a v i d Rockefeller for his assistance i n
creating the organization. There is some indication that Brzezinski liked
Carter even before the forming of die Commission.
According to die New York Times of March 21,1978, Brzezinski "enjoys
his public role. The key to his confidence is his close relationship w i t h M r .
Carter. The two men met for the first time four years ago [ i n 1974, w h i c h
appears to be incorrect] when M r . Brzezinski was executive director of the
Trilateral Commission, an organization favoring closer cooperation among
Western Europe, Japan and the United States, and had the foresight to ask the
then obscure former Govemor to j o i n its distinguished ranks. Their i n i t i a l
teacher-student relationship blossomed during the campaign and appears to
have grown closer s t i l l . " "
A n d again, i n die New York Times Magazine of May 23,1976, die reader
is informed that "Zbig was the first guy i n die Community to pay attention
to Carter, talked to h i m , sent h i m his books and articles. For the better part
of diree years (from 1973, not 1974 as was reported above i n the other New
York Times article) Brzezinski (along) w i t h Professor Richard N . Gardner of
Columbia had Carter virtually to himself
Mr. Carter himself commented o n diis leaming experience as a member
of the Trilateral Commission when he wrote the following i n his election-
year book entitled Why Not the Best?: "Membership o n the corrunission has
provided me w i t h a splendid leaming opportunity, and many of the other
niembers have helped me i n my study of foreign affairs.""
It is interesting diat Mr. Carter admitted that he was being taught by
members of the Trilateral Commission, and that he received his greatest
understanding from Mr. Brzezinski, especially from his "books."
CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
It appears that one of the things that Zbigniew taught Mr. Carter was his
desire to increase the scope of government i n the lives of the American
people. Brzezinski had once written: " I should like to address myself to die
problem of polidcal change. I think we accept the idea of a vast expansion i n
sodal regulation. I t may take such forms as legislation for the number of
children, perhaps even legislation determining the sex of children once we
have choice, the regulation of weather, the regulation of leisure, and so
fordi.""
One of the "books" written by Mr. Brzezinski diat Mr. Carter might have
read was a book entitled Between Two Ages, written i n 1970.
A careful reading of diis book reveals diat Mr. Brzezinski has some rather
shocking things to say about America and the rest of the world.
O n page 300, for instance, Zbigniew reveals diat die American people
w i l l be introduced to two new concepts i n their economic life:
1. A new monetary system repladng the American dollar; and
2. A reduced standard of l i v i n g i n order to achieve i t
He wrote: " I n the economic-technological field some international
cooperation has already been achieved, but further progress w i l l require
greater American sacrifices. More intensive efforts to shape a new world
monetary structure w i l l have to be undertaken, w i t h some consequent risk to
the present relatively favorable American position.""
Brzezinski also revealed his views about the economic philosophies of
Karl Marx:
page 72: Marxism represents a further vital and creative stage
i n the maturing of man's universal vision. Marxism is simultane-
ously a victory of the extemal man over the inner, passive man, and
a victory of reason over belief.
page 73: M a r x i s m has served as a mechanism o f h u m a n
progress even i f its practice has often fallen short of its ideals.
Teilhard de Chardin notes at one point diat 'monsttous as i t is, is
not modern totalitarianism really the distortion of something
magnificent, and thus quite near to the tmth?'
page 83: Marxism, disseminated on the popular level i n the
form of communism, represented a major advance i n man's ability
to conceptualize his relationship to his world,
page 123: Marxism provided a unique intellectual tool for under-
standing and harnessing the fundamental forces of our time. I t
supplied die best available insight into contemporary reality.
Brzezinski theorizes diat die liberal, democratic sodeties w o u l d support
an authoritarian form of govemment i f they were given a choice between a
dictatorship and sodal and intellectual disorder:
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CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
page 118: I n the absence of scxnal consensus, sodety's emo-
tional and rational needs may be fused—mass media makes this
easier to achieve—in the person of an individual w h o is seen as
both preserving and making the necessary iimovations i n the social
order.
Given the choice between sodal and intellectual disorder—
and by this is not meant anydiing that even approaches a revolu-
tionary situation—and authoritarian personal leadership [a
dictator] i t is very probable that even some present constitutional
and liberal democratic sodeties w o u l d opt for the latter.
He also sees a threat to liberal democracy involving:
page 252: the gradual appearance of a more conttolled and
directed sodety.
Such a sodety w o u l d be dominated by an elite whose d a i m to
political power w o u l d rest o n allegedly superior sdentific know-
how.
Unhindered by the restraints of traditional liberal values, this
elite w o u l d not hesitate to achieve its political ends by the latest
modem techtuques for influendng public behavior and keeping
sodety under dose surveillance and c o n t r o l
A n d then Brzezinski details his desires to move towards a w o r l d
govemment
page 296: Movement toward a larger community of die deve-
loped n a t i o n s . . . cannot be achieved by fusing existing states into
one larger entity.
I t makes m u c h more sense to attempt to associate existing
states through a variety of indirect ties and already developing
limitations on national sovereignty.
Then he detailed the reasons for founding the Trilateral Commission:
page 296: Movement toward such a community w i l l i n a l l
probability require two broad and overlapping phrases.
T h e first of these w o u l d involve the forging of community
links among die United States, Westem Europe and Japan.
Such a loose-knit c o m m u n i t y w o u l d need a t a x a t i o n power a n d
onezinski has already predicted diis:
page 304:... i t might also eventually lead to the possibility of
something along the lines of a global taxation system.
And dien he sums i t a l l u p by declaring:
237
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page 308: T h o u g h the objective of shaping a community of (be world, you are going to love the administtation of President-elect J i m m y
the developed nauons is less ambidous than the goal of w o r l d Carter. A t last count 13 Trilateralists had gone i n t o top positions i n the
govemment, i t is more attainable. .,; " '.'^i^y^iP:^''-':': administration. T h i s is extraordinary when you consider that the Trilateral
Commission only has about 65 American members.""
Brzezinski doesn't completely discount the p o s s i b i l i t y o f a w o r l d
We have been told that, at the Democratic convention, after Carter
govemment; he just theorizes diat i t w o u l d be easier to achieve conuol of die
received the Presidential nomination, he had not as yet made u p his m i n d o n
developed nadons du-ough an associadon of these nadons.
whom he was going to select as his vice-president T h e American people
But Brzezinski just doesn't stop w i t h getdng the United States strangled
were told that he had narrowed his list of possible candidates down to seven
w i t h des to other nadons, he has also suggested diat the American govem-
men.
ment should become dependent o n the Soviet U n i o n and Red China for our
H e selected a fellow member of the T r i l a t e r a l Commission: Walter
o i l needs.
Mondale.
While M r . Brzezinski was director of the Trilateral Comnussion, they
But even w i d i the support of die wealdiy establishment members of the
p u b l i s h e d a report i n 1977 e n t i t l e d " C o l l a b o r a t i o n W i t h C o m m u n i s t
CFR and some support of the media from CFR members, J i m m y Carter still
Counnies i n Managing Global Problems: A n Examinadon of the Opdons."
spoke o u t against the liberal establishment: "Accepting the Democratic
It read: "Bodi the U.S.S.R. and [Communist] China are exporters of energy
presidential n o m i n a t i o n i n New York, Carter denounced those 'unholy
and apparendy possess substandal o i l reserves. T h e Trilateral counuies
alliances that have formed between money and poUtics.'"
import energy, of which very Utde now comes from die U.S.S.R. or China.
One of die interesting connections i n die Trilateral Commission is the
T h e global situation appears likely to tighten i n die coming years. There are
fact that the: "Majority of the important Frenchmen [ w h o are members of
immediate advantages for the T r i l a t e r a l countries i n diversifying their
the Commission], perhaps all of them, belong to die Grand Orient Lodge of
sources of supply. Trilateral-Communist cooperation i n energy may dius be
Free Masonry.""
feasible and desirable. T h i s cooperation m i g h t take the form of invesunent
But the Commission needs financial support, and i t gets i t from "the
by Trilateral countries i n Soviet or Chinese energy production to secure
Ford Foundation, [which] has been its largest contributor."*"
energy exports from these countries.""
But are those w h o are concemed about the influence and direction of the
And lasdy, Brzezinski, die teacher of President Carter, does not believe i n
Trilateral Commission just exaggerating die danger? Should we agree w i t h
die Conspiratorial View of History: "History is much more die product of
those w h o say that "There's certainly nothing sinister about the group."?
chaos than of conspiracy increasingly, policy makers are overwhelmed
One w h o is concemed is Senator Barry Goldwater w h o o n national
by events and information.""
television at the 1980 Republican Convention wamed the nation that " T h i s
But the support of die presidential campaign of J i m m y Carter did not
m i g h t be the last R e p u b l i c a n c o n v e n t i o n and, i n t w o weeks, the last
come just from members of die Trilateral Commission. He received financial
Democratic convention. There are forces w o r k i n g against o u r country.
support from die following, amongst odiers: Dean Rusk, CFR member; C.
There are selfish forces working for their o w n interest i n our countty."*'
Douglas D i l l o n , CFR member; and H e n r y Luce, Time magazine's Vice
(Was i t just an inadvertent omission that CFR member Dan Rather
President and CFR member.
failed to ask Senator Goldwater o n nationwide television, shortly after
I n addition. Carter surrounded himself w i t h die following members of
Goldwater made his charges, just what he meant by his statement?)
the CFR before his election: Theodore Sorenson, W . A v e r i l l H a r r i m a n ,
Goldwater went o n to describe just w h o he thought, at least i n part,
Cyrus Vance, Richard Gardner, Paul Nitze, and Paul Wamke.
diese forces were. I n his chapter entided "The Non-Elected Rulers," i n his
A n d candidate Jimmy Carter even spoke before the Chicago branch of
book With No Apologies, the Senator wrote: " I n my view, the Trilateral
die CFR i n May, 1976, wherein he called for "a just and stable intemational
Commission represents a skillful, coordinated effort to seize conttol and
order," the phrase of those w h o understand the nature of the future. I t was
consolidate the four centers of power: political, monetary, intellectual and
almost as i f M r . Carter was paraded before the CFR to reveal that he was
ecclesiastical."**
indeed one of them.
There are even critics residing outside the U n i t e d States. Take this
But the major support after die election came from the T r i l a t e r a l
comment by England's Weekly Review, about die Trilateral Commission for
Commission. As die Washington Post revealed after the election of President
•nstance. They wrote: "Intemational Communism of the Moscow order has
J i m m y Carter: " I f you like Conspiracy theories about secret plots to take over

239
 CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
many features i n c o m m o n w i t h David Rockefeller's Trilateral Commis-
sion —such as undermining the nadonal sovereignty of the United States. I t
is for this reason, plus others, that one finds known Marxists supporting the
goals o f the new w o r l d economic order sought by the T r i l a t e r a l
Commission
T h e economic intent of the Trilateral Corrunission was pointed out by
Jeremiah Novak i n 1977: "The Trilateral Commission's most immediate
concem is the creadon of a new w o r l d monetary system to replace gold and
the dollar as the intemadonal exchange w i t h a new currency called Special
Drawing Rights (SDR's.)""
T h e purpose of a c o m m o n money was spelled o u t by J o h n Foster
Dulles, a CFR founder, years before. He wrote: " . . . the establishment of a
common money might be vested i n a bcxiy created by and responsible to the
principal trading and investing peoples. T h i s w o u l d deprive our govem-
ment of exclusive control over a national money ^
A precursor of this common money revealed itself when six Conunon
Market nations i n Eiu^ope agreed to j o i n i n a monetary system.**
So the process marches on.
N o w that the Trilateral Commission was i n place, and their selected
candidate was installed as the President of the United States, they could have
the A m e r i c a n government act i n a manner that was i m p o r t a n t to the
Commission. A brief review of some of the major accomplishments of the
Carter administration informs the student of just what the Commission
wanted from President Carter:
1. T h e Betrayal and Expulsion of die Shah of Iran:
A senior Iranian d i p l o m a t i n Washington stated: "President Carter
betrayed the Shah and helped create the vacuum that w i l l soon be filled by
Soviet-trained agents and religious fanatics w h o hate America.""
A possible motive as to why Carter did this is answered by a review of the
record of the Shah i n the years prior to his leaving Iran. His record as head
of the Iranian govemment was summarized i n an article that stated that:
Under the direction of its able monarch, Iran had been trans-
ferred i n a single generation from a near-feudal agricultural sodety
to an urbanized, burgeoning, industrial, and modem country.
H i s p l a n was to make I r a n a t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y advanced,
economically diversified, and self-sustaining nation so that, i n the
next century when the o i l r a n l o w , I r a n w o u l d n o t g o i n t o a n
econonuc dedine and retum to the dark ages.*'
T h e Shah "had written into law i n I r a n . . . the prindples of religious
toleration, separation of church a n d stale,... and an advisory parliament
240
CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
was set u p to which, over the years, additional powers were granted."**
I n other words, the Shah had intended to stmcture the govemment i n
such a way that a middle class would develop i n his country. A n d once again,
just as i n the economies of China, Russia and Cuba, this was not acceptable
to the master planners of the world.
He had to be replaced.
One clue that this statement is correct is this comment, made i n the book
entided Trilaterals Over Washington, Volume II, written by Antony Sutton
and Patrick M . Wood. They have written "The Shah was induced to invest
his funds (estimates range from | H b i l l i o n to | 2 5 b i l l i o n , ) w i t h Chase
Manhattan. "M
The method Carter used has been p>artially revealed i n various news-
paper articles. He sent General Robert E. Huyser, Deputy Commander of
U.S. Forces i n Europe, to Iran. His purpose was to tell the Iranian Generals
not to stage a "coup" against the impending govemment of the Khomeini.
The Generals, loyal to the Shah, d i d nothing. A few hours after Khomeini
took over, the Generals were shot
These charges against President Carter were confirmed by the memoirs
of the deposed Shah of Iran who wrote that "the Americans wanted me o u t
Certainly this is what the human rights champions i n the State Department
wanted."
The Shah then revealed why, i n his opinion, the Carter administration
tmly wanted to replace h i m . The Shah "repeatedly argued i n the memoirs
that for years the great multinational o i l companies, possibly i n league w i t h
the U.S. govemment had been subverting his m l e because of his insistence
that Iran get a greater share of o i l revenues.""
(That is a strange comment i n view of the fact that the American people
were told that OPEC member Iran's o i l prices were set by the govemment of
Iran, not by the multinational o i l companies.)
According to a book entided The Energy Cartel, by Norman Medvin,'*
written i n 1974, Iran has three major o i l companies, the Iranian Offshore
Petroleum Co., the Iranian O i l Consortium, and the Lavaan Petroleum Co.
Each company is a j o i n t venture involving the following companies:
Name Companies involved
Iranian Offshore CFP, Adantic Richfield, Cities Ser-
Petroleum Co. vice, Superior, Kerr-McGee, Sun,
National Iranian O i l Co.
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 CMAPTER20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
Iranian O i l BP, Shell, Gulf, M o b i l , Exxon, Tex-
Consortium aco, Standard of California, CFP,
A m . Independent v ii
Lavaan Petroleum Adandc Richfield, Murphy O i l ,
Co. U n i o n O i l , Nadonal Iranian O i l
Comjjany
So now i t is possible, i f the Shah was right, to see which o i l companies
wanted to replace die Shah of Iran w i d i die Ayatollah Khomeini.
Carter's strategy worked. T h e Shah of Iran left and was replaced by the
Ayatollah.
Anodier interesting revelation about the whole Khomeiiu affair is the
charge that die Khomeini i n Iran today is not die same Khomeini that was
exiled by the Shah i n 1965, even though he is supposed to be. A memoran-
d u m w r i t t e n by an i n d i v i d u a l considered to be one of the world's best-
informed intemational intelligence sources states:
I n its edition of June 11,1979, o n page A-2. die Los Angeles
Herald Examiner carried a story which questioned the authenticity
of the A y a t o l l a h K h o m e i n i . T h e article q u o t e d a c o l u m n by
W i l l i a m Hickey i n die London Express w h i c h included photo-
graphs of die Ayatollah Khomeini, which were taken while he was
i n France, showing diat he had only 9 fingers. T h e middle digit of
his right hand was missing.
Recent photographs show that the present "Ayatollah Kho-
m e i n i " has 10 fingers.
I n addition, Iranian Premier A m i r Hoveida testified: " I know h i m and
I can assure you he had only nine fingers. T h i s Khomeini is an imposter."
Shortly after making that statement, Hoveida was shouted down i n the
court he was testifying i n and pulled out of the b u i l d i n g and s h o t "
Just w h o the new Khomeini is and why the previous one had to be
replaced, was not explained. One clue to the mystery was offered by the
Polish A r m y Intelligence Colonel, Michael Goloniewski, an expert o n
Soviet intelligence. He charged diat die Soviets had penettated the Shiite
Moslem sect of which die Ayatollah is a member, and diat die Ayatollah was
a Soviet agent
2. Support of Communist Terrorists i n Soudiem Africa:
When Senator Barry Goldwater retumed to die Uruted States from a trip
to Soudiem Africa, he charged the Carter Administration w i d i basing its
A f r i c a n policies o n a '"deliberate scheme w i t h pro-Soviet overtones.'
Goldwater said diat 'everything die Carter Administtation has done i n Africa
CHAPTER 20 T H E TTULATERAL COMMISSION
played direcdy into the hands of the Soviet U n i o n . These actions are so
obviously subverting the strategic interests of the United States that i t almost
jjems that someone must be following a deliberate scheme w i t h pro-Soviet
overtones.' H e says that die Administtation is 'meddling i n a dangerous way
Jn many African situations which are beyond its conttol. T h e effect is the
Qcation of the k i n d of fear and confusion upon w h i c h Commutusm thrives
and Soviet objectives are advanced.'
3. Delivery of the Panama Canal to a Marxist Dictator:
D u r i n g die televised debates i n 1976 between President Gerald Ford and
candidate J i m m y Carter, M r . Carter explained: " I w o u l d never give u p
complete or practical c o n t t o l of the Panama Canal Zone. B u t 1 w o u l d
continue to negotiate w i t h the Panamanians 1 w o u l d not relinquish the
practical c o n t r o l of the Panama Canal Zone anytime i n the forseeable
future.""
Perhaps the reason that Carter decided diat "never" was 1977 was the
growing inability of the govemment of Marxist Omar Torrijos to pay the
interest o n their growing govemment debt I t is very revealing that, when
Torrijos seized power over Panama i n 1968, its nadonal debt was only |160
m i l l i o n . When i t was time to acquire die Panama Canal i n 1977, i t was $1.4
billion.
Columnist Charles Bardett agreed that the dictatorial Torrijos regime
"has p u t die small nation so deeply i n the red that the canal tteaty has no
supporters more fervent t h a n the A m e r i c a n bankers whose hopes for
payment rest on a revival of faidi i n the Panamanian economy.
T h e Panamanian debt to the United States banks was so large that
Panama had to "allocate some $47 m i l l i o n — w h i c h is 39 percent of its
national Budget—to debt service [interest] on the massive loans. Undoubt-
edly the directors of the creditor U.S. banks, which include Chase Manhattan
Bank, First National City Bank, Bank of America, Banker's T m s t , First
National Bank of Chicago, Republic National Bank of Dallas, and Treaty
negotiator Sol Linowitz's Marine Midland Bank, see that the only way of
getting back their money w i t h interest is to get conttol of the Canal and
Canal Zone from Torrijos so he can extort the money owed to the intema-
tional banks hx»m shipping fees.""
I t is very revealing t h a t under die terms of the tteaty diat gave die Canal
to Panama, the United States paid the Panamanian govemment millions of
dollars so diat the Panaiftanian govemment would take die canal.
I t is important to remember that "of the 30 or so banks that had made
rather shaky loans, one-half of them had at least one Trilateral o n their
boards of directors. H a d Panama defaulted o n these loans, some major
intemational banks would have faced financial r u i n . " "
 CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
I t is also revealing that fifteen of the sixteen senators i n the U.S. Senate
w h o had either been a member of the CFR or were currendy a member, voted
for the Treaty."
T h e American people, w h o according to the polls taken just before the
Treaty was signed, were opposed to i t by a 70 to 30 margin, remembered those
Senators w h o had voted for the Treaty and were u p for re-elecdon i n 1978 and
1980.
Twenty of these Senators were defeated.*"
4. Betrayal of the govemment of Nicaragua:
Perhaps the most glaring example of Carter's misuse of his presidential
power occurred i n the overthrow of die govemment of Nicaragua i n 1979 and
1980. Congressman Larry McDonald, on September 17,1980, laid the blame
for the fall of the Nicaraguan govemment o n President Carter (and thus onto
die Trilateral Commission): "The polides of die United States of America,
the policies of this A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , were deliberately and calculatingly
designed to desttoy the elected govemment of the people of Nicaragua and to
b r i n g the Cuban-dominated Sandinistas to power."*'
T h e elected president of Nicaragua, a West Point-trained officer,
Anastasio Somoza, also came to the same conclusion as Congressman
McDonald. After he left office. President Somoza wrote a book entided
Nicaragua Betrayed, i n w h i c h he made the f o l l o w i n g observation: " . . . I
come to one s t a r t l i n g c o n c l u s i o n : T h e r e is a p l a n n e d a n d deliberate
conspiracy i n the United States of America to desttoy that republican form of
govemment"**
Somoza saw that this conspiracy was also responsible for the overthrow
of his govemment and he spedfically zeroed i n o n President Carter: "His p u t
Nicaragua i n the hands of the Communists."*'
A n d again: " . . . the betrayal of steadfast anti-Communist allies places
Mr. Carter i n the company of evil worldwide conspiratorial forces. I repeat,
the treacherous course charted by Mr. Carter was not through ignorance, but
by design."**
President Somoza again laid the blame on the American govemment:
" . . . when the United States assumes leadership i n a conspiratorial fashion
to annihilate anti-Communist nations, I believe i t is my duty to speak o u t
When I have factual evidence that the United States of America has actually
aided and abetted die evil forces of Communism, I believe die people of the
U n i t e d States s h o u l d share i n such facts a n d i n c o n t r o v e r t i b l e
manifestations.' '*'
For a l l of President Somoza's efforts to warn the American people and
the remainder of die w o r l d about a ttudi that other nations had leamed
before h i m , that the U n i t e d States government could n o t be trusted i n
244
CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
pi«venting a Communist takeover of a friendly government he met a violent
(jeath i n an assassination i n September, 1980. T h i s murder took place just a
few weeks after his bcwk was published
T h e Soviet-ttained Sandinistas were n o w fully i n command of the
Nicaraguan govemment and their opposition leader had been eliminated.
Have they offered die Nicaraguan people a better govemment than the
supposedly "tyrannical despot" Somoza?
One former Sandinista leader doesn't believe so. He reported:
Nicaragua's Communist mlers have done more damage i n
nine months than Somoza did i n ten years.
Something like 12,000 opponents of the regime are still i n j a i l .
Hundreds of odiers have simply disappeared
Every aspect of life i n Nicaragua today is b d n g dictated by the
Communists.
Every day, the j u n t a seizes more property. More than one
m i l l i o n acres of farmland have already been taken over, but less
than one-fifth of the land is now i n use. I n two months, hundreds
w i l l be starving for lack of focxi.**
A former Major i n the Nicaraguan National Guard is another w h o
agrees. He told a congressional committee that the Sandinistas are working
to encourage revolutions i n E l Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala and Costa
Rica. He said: "The consolidation of Central America, the allegiance of the
parties i n power i n Mexico and Venezuela, w i l l give access to the rich o i l
fields of die continent I f you do not take action to neutralize diis error i n
policy immediately, you w i l l be fighting a war i n your territory i n no more
than five years."*'
After the bettayal of Niciragua to the Sandinistas, President Carter's
administtation released f75 m i l l i o n i n aid, after the President "certified that
Nicaragua's Marxist regime was not a i d i n g C o m m u n i s t guerillas i n E l
Salvador and Guatemala."*'
There were those i n the U n i t e d States w h o agreed w i t h the above
charges. The American Legion passed the following resolution at its 1980
national convention. T h e resolution demanded " i n the best interests of our
country that the Congress of the United States launch a comprehensive
investigation into the Trilateral Commission and its parent organization,
die C o u n d l on Foreign Relations, to determine what influence has been and
is being exerted over the foreign and domestic polides of the United States."
But the real message i n the actions of die United States govemment lies
i n the following statement of the former Prime Minister of England, Edward
Heath, w h o was quoted as saying: "We i n Europe w i l l no longer be able to
expect the United States to take action i n any part of the world to p u t right
245
 CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
something we don't l i k e . " «
I n other words, America is no longer an ally of those w h o seek freedom
for their nadon against any Communist tyrant ; ^
5. T h e Election of 1980:, ,„;•../,,,,; ; v-.-. . - i . ^ . . ^ " - ' : ; ' ' ' ! ^ ^
But the final drama i n the current r u n of die Trilateral Commission
came i n the presidential election of 1980, when J i m m y Carter and Walter
Mondale ran for re-election. They were opposed by non-member Ronald
Reagan and member George Bush.
A n interesting dimension to this election was added by T r i l a t e r a l
Commission member J o h n Anderson, r u n n i n g as an independent. A n
article dated August 1, 1980, stated diat "Anderson might q u i t i f Carter is
dumped"*" by the Democratic convention. I n other words, the "independent
candidate" was r u n n i n g against J i m m y Carter. I t seems strange diat the
Trilateral Commission w o u l d allow two of their members to r u n against
each other unless they wanted President Carter out of office. T h i s was furdier
illustrated when Anderson supported Mondale for die Presidency i n 1984.
T h a t possibility raises the interesting question as to w h y they wanted
the other candidate, Ronald Reagan, i n office i n 1980.
Reagan didn't appear to be the early choice of the Trilateral Commis-
sion. For instance, the U.S. News and World Report magazine began
mentioning the candidacy of two other members of the Trilateral Commis-
sion early i n 1978.
O n February 27, 1978, the magazine wrote: " I n the view of the Presi-
dent's top political advisers, a Republican ticket of Texan George Bush [a
Commission member] and Illinois Governor James Thompson [a Commis-
sion member] w o u l d provide the most formidable opposition for Carter i n
1980"."
A n d again on July 3, 1978: "Ronald Regan's backers are p i n p o i n t i n g
Governor James Thompson [a Commission member] of Illinois as the
candidate i n the race for the 1980 Republican presidential nomination."'*
A n d the magazine continued the call for Commission members again
i n 1980, first on February 11,1980: "George Bush's [a Commission member]
sudden emergence i n the Republican presidential race . . . calls for a
mcxlerate vice-presidential nominee from the west—possibily John Ander-
son [a Commission member] or Governor James Thompson [a Commission
member], both from I l l i n o i s . " "
A n d dien again o n October 6, 1980: " T o p Republicans already are
talking about w h o w o u l d lead the party i f Ronald Reagan loses his presiden-
tial bid. Early consensus: Representative Jack Kemp of New York [not a
Commission member] for conservatives, Illinois Governor James Thomp-
son [a Commission member] for moderates—with George Bush [a Com-
246
' CHAPTER 20 T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
mission member] appealing to yet others."'*
Candidate Ronald Reagan was asked whether he w o u l d a l l o w any
Trilateral Commission members i n his Cabinet during the Florida primary,
on March 17,1980, and this is how he replied: " N o , I don't believe that the
Trilateral Commission is a conspiratorial group, but I do think its interests
are devoted to intemational banking, multi-national corporations, and so
forth. I don't think that any administration of the U.S. govemment should
have the top 19 positions filled by people from any one group or organization
representing one viewpoint No. I w o u l d go i n a different direction.""
Just prior to the election, candidate Ronald Reagan was asked about
who truly ran this country. He replied: " I t h i n k there is an elite i n this
country and they are the ones w h o m n an elitist govemment They want a
govemment by a handful of people because they don't believe die people
themselves can m n their lives Are we going to have an elitist govemment
that makes decisions for people's lives or are we going to believe as we have
for so m a n y decades, that the people can make these decisions for
diemselves?"
After the election, Reagan: "assembled a 'transition team' w h i c h w o u l d
later select screen and recommend appointees for major administration
posts. Of the fifty-nine people Reagan named to that team, twenty-eight were
members of the CFR, ten belonged to the secret and elite Bilderberg group,
and no less than ten were Trilaterals.""
There was concem d u r i n g the Republican convention that Reagan
would appwint George Bush as his Vice-Presidential nominee. T h e day
before he made that decision, a group of conservative activists visited Reagan
to present the case for h i m to appoint a conservative m n n i n g mate, one not
connected to the elitist groups Reagan had publicly spoken out against
Reagan didn't listen and appointed George Bush, not only a member
of the T r i l a t e r a l Commission, but a member of the C o u n c i l of Foreign
Relations as well.
Even before Reagan had officially made his dedsion about George Bush
at the convention, and as an early indication of what was to come, Reagan
lieutenants "shot down a proposed plank [to the Republican Party platform]
that would have denouced the Trilateral Commission and the C o u n d l on
Foreign Relations. A m o n g the diings Reagan's subsequent selection of Bush
has accomplished is the elimination of die Trilateral Commission and the
C o u n d l on Foreign Relations as issues the Republican Party can use i n the
campaign.""
I n other words, Reagan knew that he was going to nominate George
Bush as his vice-president even before the time he offidally selected h i m , and
he and his supporters d i d n ' t w a n t the T r i l a t e r a l C o m m i s s i o n to be
denounced at die conventicm. I t was exttemely important that that particular
247
CHAPTER 20 T H E T R O A T E R A L COMMISSION

platform plank be defeated.

A n d i t was, and Trilateral Commission member George Bush became
Reagan's nominee. A n d the Trilateral Commission and the Council on
Foreign Relations d i d not become campaign issues.
After die election. President Ronand Reagan continued his support of
both the Trilateral Comnussion and the Council o n Foreign Relations by
appointing:

64 CFR members;
6 Trilateral Commission (TC) members;
6 T C and CFR members; and
5 former members of the T C
to positions i n his administration.

Chapter 21
The Purpose
What is the overall purpose of these secret and semi-secret organiza-
tions? Why do some of these organizations select and then support the
candidates for major political office?
Perhaps the best answer to these questions was given by N o r m a n
Thomas, the Socialist Party's presidential candidate i n every n a t i o n a l
election between the years of 1928 to 1948. M r . Thomas said: "We have
learned that i t is possible, to a degree n o t anticipated by most earlier
Socialists, to impose desirable social controls on privately owned enterprises
by the development o f social p l a n n i n g , by proper t a x a t i o n a n d labor
legislation and by the growth of powerful labor organizations."'
Mr. Thomas was revealing the game plan for the ultimate success of
Socialism: the utilization of non-Socialist hands to gradually achieve the
goals of Socialism. T h e question was h o w c o u l d the Socialists get the
^ ^ e r i c a n people to accept Socialism when the American people had made
It clear through the years they didn't want the economic philosophy k n o w n
as Sodalism.
M r . T h o m a s answered this q u e s t i o n o n another occasion: " T h e
American people w i l l never knowingly adopt Sodalism, but under the name

248
 CHAPTER 21 T H E PURPOSE
CHAPTER 21 T H E PURPOSE

This statement becomes graphically clear when the following issues are
of Liberalism, they w i l l adopt every fragment of the Sodalist program u n d l
one day A m e r i c a w i l l be a Socialist n a t i o n w i t h o u t k n o w i n g h o w i t examined i n l i g h t of what the two major political parties have done i n
happened."* support of them. Both parties have at one time or another supported:
The key to success for the Sodalists was to get the American people to 1. Ratification of the Genodde Convention;
support candidates that they perceived were "anti-Socialist" but were i n 2. A guairanteed annual income;
truth secretly suppxjrdng the cause of the Socialist Party i n increasing the size 3. Federal M i n i m u m Wage Legislation;
and scope of govemment i n the lives of the American pieople. 4. Federal Fcxxi Stamp Program;
Mr. Thomas later idendfied one of these "Liberal" "closet" "Socialists" 5. Abolition of the death penalty;
w h e n he wrote: " T h e U n i t e d States is m a k i n g greater strides toward 6. Peaceful Coexistence;
Socialism under [President D w i g h t ] Eisenhower than under [President 7. Socialized medicine;
Franklin] Roosevelt . . . . " ' 8. Disarmament;
There are many w h o considered Roosevelt to be a semi-Sodalist, but 9. Repeal o f the I n t e r n a l Security L e g i s l a t i o n a i m e d at
Eisenhower has been perceived as a "conservauve" by the American people. Communism;
Yet Thomas told the American people that Eisenhower as President was 10. Federal Civil Rights Legislation;
doing more to promote Socialism than had Roosevelt as President. 11. R e a p p o r t i o n m e n t o f Electoral D i s t r i c t s o n the basis o f
A n o t h e r i n d i v i d u a l h i d i n g his Socialism, a c c o r d i n g to N o r m a n Population;
T h o m a s , was President L y n d o n Johnson. T h o m a s was pleased w i t h 12. Federal aid to education;
Johnson's Great Society: " I ought to rejoice and I do. I rub my eyes in 13. Federal child-care centers;
amazement and surprise. His war on poverty is a Socialisdc approach "< 14. Ratification of the 1963 Nuclear Test Ban Treaty;
Thomas also heaped praise upon another "closet" socialist, Hubert 15. T e r m i n a t i o n of American sovereignty i n the Panama Canal
Humphrey, w h o "is the type of Democrat I like and one w h o would be a Zone; and
Socialist i f he got to England."' 16. Increased agricultural and commercial trade w i t h the Commu-
Another so-called "conservative, anti-Socialist" President was President nist nations.
Richard Nixon. But John Kenneth Galbraith, the Paul Warburg Professor of
Economics at Harvard University, identified h i m as a "closet" socialist, one Not only have either or b o t h of our major parties supported these
doing the work of the Socialist Party. programs, but another party has as well.
First, Professor Galbraith presented his credentials that enabled h i m to I n fact, these are some of the planks i n the offidal party pladorms of:
determine if anyone else was a Socialist. He made a statement that indicated The Communist Party, U.S.A.'
that he personally was a Socialist. He advocated t h a t " . . . a certain number
of industries should be publicly owned. For moving and housing people at
moderate cost, private enterprise does not serve."
Then he makes the connecdon between Socialism and President Nixon.
"But I had come reluctantly to the conclusion that Socialism, even i n this
modest design, was something I would never see. N o w I am being rescued by
this new Socialist upsurge, promoted, of all things, by socialists, not on the
Left, but on the Right, and they have the blessing and conceivably much
more, of a R e p u b l i c a n A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Certainly, the least predicted
development under the N i x o n adminisuation was the great new thmst to
Socialism. As an opponent of Socialism, Mr. N i x o n seemed steadfast."'
What these people were saying was that i t didn't make any difference
whether the American people voted Republican and "anti-Socialist," or
Democratic and "Liberal," diey get die same diing: more Socialism.

S90 251

Chapter 22
Iron Mountain
Wars are fought because one nation wants something another nation
has.
Protecting a nation from outside attack is anodier reason for war.
These t w o reasons for war are called the Visible Reasons for War.
Research now has concluded that there are what are called Invisible Reasons
for War, as well.
One such report that has done research into the Invisible Reasons for
War is a report called the Report From Iron Mountain on the Possibility and
Desirability ofPeace.^ Written i n 1963 and released ii> March 1966, this report
examines the visible and invisible functions or reasons of not only war but
peace as well.
T h e report claims to have been written at an underground nuclear
hideout near the town of Hudson, New York, that has been provided as a
"substitute corporate headquarters... where essential personnel could
presumably survive and continue to work after [a nuclear] attack " Kahn and his "think tankers" have become so important to the Amer-
T h e corporations that have created Iron Mountain include Standard Oil
of New Jersey (die Rockefeller interests); Manufacturers Hanover Trust (die
Morgan interests); and die Shell O i l (die House of Orange,) amongst others.
CHAPTER 22 IRON MOUNTAIN
T h e re port dates back to at least 1961, w h e n Robert M c N a m a r a ,
McGeorge Bundy, and Dean Rusk, a l l members of the CFR, noticed that no
gerious study had been made about pla nning for a long-term peace. Not only
were diey concemed about the lasting effects of a long-term peace, they also
wished to examine the functions, both visible and invisible, of war.
The report states that: "War has p r o v i d e d . . . society w i t h a debatable
system for stabilizing and controlling national economies. N o alternate
method of control has yet been tested i n a complex modem economy that has
shown i t is remotely comparable i n scope or effectiveness."
War, therefore, was not fought for die usual reasons oudined above. I t
was fought to "control economies." These individuals apparently were
concemed that there had been no efforts made to detail how they were to
control economies d u r i n g a time of peace: "War fills certain functions
essential to the stability of our sodety; u n t i l other ways of f i l l i n g them are
developed, the war system m u s t be m a i n t a i n e d , a n d i m p r o v e d i n
effectiveness."
So, i n a manner not detailed i n the report itself, these three somehow
arranged for a study of these problems. T h e report states that fifteen members
of the investigating team got togedier to write the report, and that i t was
unanimously agreed to. Furthermore, no minutes of the meetings were
maintained, as i t was thought they w o u l d be "too i n h i b i t i n g . " T h e team
which wrote the report recommended that the report not be made public after
it was completed.
One of those w h o read the report attempted to locate the authors. I t was
his theory that i t had been written by the Hudson Institute. He wrote: 'There
is considerable evidence that the Report is the work of the Hudson Institute
and Herman K a h n There is an I r o n M o u n t a i n just a stone's throw
niterally]from die Hudson Institute near Croton-on-Hudson, [New York.]"*
The Hudson Institute is not well known among die American public,
but i t is known to govemment offidals w h o have used i t as a "think-tank"
by hiring i t to report on the issues of national concem.
The Hudson Institute was started i n 1961 when Mr. Kahn, the owner,
dedded "to help determine the entire future of the U.S. — and, time permit-
ting, much of the world beyond."'
T h e Institute p r i m a r i l y receives its income from the government.
Hudson listed five sources for its |1.36 m i l l i o n of income i n 1968: The Office
of Civil Defense, The Office of Secretary of Defense, die Military Services,
Other Govemment and Non-U.S. Govemment*
ican govemment that they are frequently accused of setting older administra-
tions o n a path that new adminstrations cannot alter. " T h i s is a process of
"ivuible power. A t its extreme this influence can commit a nation to special
253
 CHAPTER 22 IRON MOUNTAIN
CHAPTER 22 IRON MOUNTAIN

programs and military acdons which have neither been fully explained nor M a n destroys surplus members of his o w n spedes by organized
publicly debated. One day, as that power pervades and grows more sophis- warfare.
dcated, i t may so affect the course of govemment that any nadon's polides War is the p r i n d p a l motivational force for die development of
may be locked i n , as i f by automatic pilot, years before the men w h o are sdence.... , . ^ . • ,
elected to govem ever take office."' War is a . . . general social release... for the dissipation o l
T h e Hudson Institute has a published list of what i t calls "Public general boredom.
Members" and "Fellows." Ten of the twenty-one listed Public Members are W a r . . . enables die physically deteriorating older generation
members of the Council on Foreign Relations, as are fifteen of the thirty-four to maintain its control of die younger, desuoying i t i f necessary.
Fellows. A n excellent summation of die report is contained i n a novel by Taylor
T w o of the Fellows are known to the public: Henry Kissinger (CFR Caldwdl, entided Ceremony of the Innocent. She w r o t e : " . . . diere wUl be no
member) and Dr. M i l t o n Friedman. peace i n die tormented world, only a programmed and systematic series of
The report starts by defining the traditional view of the functions of war. wars and calamities—undl the plotters have gained their objective: an
I t claims that there are three: exhausted world w i l l i n g to submit to a planned Marxist economy and total
1. to defend a nation from military attack by another or to deter such and meek enslavement—in die name of peace."'
an attack;
Apparendy die individual w h o wrote diat "War was Peace" knew what
2. to defend or advance a national interest; and
he was talking about
3. to maintain or increase a nation's military power for its o w n sake.
I t continues by stating that these are the "visible" functions, and that
there are "invisible, or implied, functions" as well. These are spelled out i n
the report, but all functions have one common purpose: "War has provided
both ancient and modem sodety w i t h a debatable system for stabilizing and
controlling national economies. N o altemate method of control has yet been
tested i n a complex modem economy that has shown i t is remotely compar-
able i n scope or effectiveness. War fills certain functions essential to the
stability of our society; u n t i l other ways of f i l l i n g them are developed, the war
system must be maintained—and improved i n effectiveness."
The report then goes on to detail what the "invisible functions" of war
are:

W a r . . . is the p r i n c i p a l organizing force i n most societies.

. . . The possibility of war provided the sense of extemal necessity
without which no govemment can long remain i n power.
T h e historical record reveals one instance after another where
the f a i l u r e . . . of a regime to maintain the credibility of a war threat
led to its dissolution.
W a r . . . provides anti-sodal elements w i t h an acceptable role
i n the social stmcture.
T h e younger, and more dangerous, of these hostile social
groupings have been kept under control by the Selective Service
System.
As a control device... the draft can again be defended
The level of the draft calls tends to follow the major fluctua-
tions i n the unemployment rate....

254 255

Chapter 23
World War I
World War I was started when the nadons went to war to avenge die
assassination of die Archduke Francis Ferdinand, die heir to die Habsburg
dirone, on June 28, 1914.
T h i s is the typical explanation. But die "revisionist historian" knows
just what caused and what die purpose was of die conflagration of World
Warl.
U p u n t i l America's entry i n t o this war, the American people had
followed the wise advice of President George Washington given i n his
farewell address, delivered to die nation o n September 17, 1796. President
Washington said: " I t is our mie policy to steer clear of permanent alliance
w i d i any pxjrtion of die foreign w o r l d . . . . Why, by interweaving our destiny
w i d i that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity i n the toils
of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour or caprice?"
President Washington attempted to warn the American people about
getting embroiled i n die affairs of Europe. But i n 1914, i t was not to be. There
were diose who were secretly planning America's involvement i n World War
1 whether the American people wanted i t or not.
The pressure to involve die American govemment started i n 1909, long
256
CHAPTER 23 WORLD WAR I
l ^ o r e die actual assassination o f the Archduke.
Norman Dodd, former director of the Committee to Investigate T a x
Exempt Foundations of the U.S. House of Representatives, testified that the
Committee was invited to study the minutes of the Camegie Endowment for
International Peace as part of the Committee's investigation. T h e Commit-
tee stated: "The tmstees of the Foundation brought u p a single question. I f
it is desirable to alter the life of an entire people, is there any means more
efficient than war They discussed this q u e s t i o n . . . for a year and came
y p w i t h an answer: There are no k n o w n means more efficient than war,
assuming the objective is altering the life of an entire people. T h a t leads them
to a question: H o w do we involve the United States i n a war. T h i s is i n
1909."'
So the decision was made to involve the United States i n a war so that the
"life of the entire people could be altered." T h i s was the conclusion of a
foundation supposedly committed to "peace."
The mediod by which the United States was drawn into the war started
on October 25,1911, when Winston Churchill was appointed the First L o r d
of die Admualty i n England.
Winston Churchill is an interesting individual, as he later came to the
conclusion that there was indeed a master conspiracy at work i n the major
events of die world, when he wrote the following i n 1920: "From the days of
Spartacus—Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, to those of Trotsky (Russia-
) . . . this world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of c i v i l i z a t i o n . . . has been
steadily growing."*
The second key appointment made d u r i n g the pre-war period was the
appointment of F r a n k l i n Delano Roosevelt as Assistant Secretary of the
Navy by President Woodrow Wilson.
Roosevelt is also on record as concluding that there was a conspiracy, at
least i n the United States. He once wrote to Colonel Edward Mandell House:
"The real m i d i of die matter is, as you and I know, diat a financial element
i n the larger centers has owned the govemment ever since the days of Andrew
Jackson, a n d I a m n o t w h o l l y excepting the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of W . W .
(Woodrow Wilson.) The country is going through a repetition of Jackson's
fight w i d i the Bank of the United States—only o n a far bigger and broader
basis."'
The next step i n the maneuvering of the United States into the war came
when the Cunard Lines, owner of the cx:ean liner, the Lusitania, tumed the
ship over to the First L o r d of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill. I t now
hecame a ship of the English Navy and was under the control of the English
government
T h e ship was sent to New Y o r k City where i t was loaded w i t h six
tnillion rounds of ammunition, owned by J.P. Morgan & Co., to be sold to
2B7 ^
CHAPTER 23 WORLD WAR 1
England and France to aid i n their war against Germany.
I t was k n o w n that the very wealthy were interested i n involving the
American govemment i n that war, and Secretary of State W i l l i a m Jennings
Bryan was one w h o made note of this. "As Secretary [Bryan] had anucipated,
the large banking interests were deeply interested i n the World War because
of wide opportunides for large profits. O n August 3, 1914, even before the
actual clash of arms, the French firm of Rothschild Freres cabled to Morgan
a n d C o m p a n y i n New Y o r k suggesting the f l o t a t i o n o f a l o a n of
1100,000,000, a substantial part of which was to be left i n die United States,
to pay for French purchases of American goods."*
England broke the German war code on December 14,1914, so that "By
the end of January, 1915, [Briush Intelligence was] able to advise the
Admiralty of the departure of each U-boat as i t left for patrol "'
T h i s meant that the First L o r d of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill,
knew where every U-boat was i n the vicinity of the English Channel that
separated England and France.
The ocean liner was set to sail to England already at war w i t h Germany.
T h e German government had placed advertisements i n the New York
newspapers w a m i n g the American people considering whether or not to sail
w i t h the ship to England that they would be sailing into a war zone, and that
the liner could be sunk.
Secretary Bryan promised that "he w o u l d endeavor to persuade the
President (Woodrow Wilson) publicly to w a m the Americans not to travel
[aboard the Lusitania]. No such warning was issued by the President, but
there can be no doubt that President Wilson was told of the character of the
cargo desdned for the Lusitania. He d i d nothing "'
Even though Wilson proclaimed America's neutrality i n the European
War, i n accordance w i t h the prior admonitions of George Washington, his
govemment was secredy plotting to involve the American people by having
the Lusitania sunk. T h i s was made public i n the lxx)k The Intimate Papers
of Colonel House, written by a supporter of the Colonel, who recorded a
conversation between Colonel House and Sir Edward Grey of England, the
Foreign Secretary of England:
Grey: What w i l l America do if the Germans sink an ocean liner
w i t h American passengers on board?
House: I believe that a flame of indignation w o u l d sweep the
U n i t e d States and that by itself w o u l d be sufficient to
carry us into the war.'
O n May 7,1915, the Lusitania was sunk i n die English Channel by a U-
boat after i t had slowed to await die arrival of the English escort vessel, die
Juno, which was intended to escort i t into the English p o r t T h e First Lor°
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CHAPTER 23 WORLD WAR I
of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill, issued orders that the Juno was to
jetum to port, and the Lusitania sat alone i n the channel. Because Churchill
knew of the presence of three U-boats i n the vicinity, i t is reasonable to
resume that he had planned for the Lusitania to be sunk, and i t was. 1201
Lople lost dieir lives i n die sinking.
This sinking has been described by Colin Simpson, the author of a book
entitled The Lusitania, as "the foulest act of wilful murder ever committed
_ on die seas."«
• But the event was not enough to enable President Wilson to declare war
against the German govemment, and the conspirators changed tactics. They
would use other means to get the American people involved i n the war, as the
"flame of indignation" did not sweep the United States as had been planned.
Robert Lansing, the Assistant Secretary of State, is on record as stating:
"We must educate the public gradually—draw it along to the point where i t
w i l l be w i l l i n g to go into the war."'
After the sinking of the Lusitania, two inquiries were held, one by the
English govemment, i n June, 1915, and one by the American govemment i n
1918. Mr. Simpson has written that "Both sets of archives... contain meager
information. There are substantial differences of fact i n the two sets of papiers
and i n many cases i t is difficult to accept that the files relate to the same
vessel."'"
But i n both inquiries, the conclusions were the same: torpedoes and not
exploding ammunition sank the Lusitania, because there was no ammuni-
tion aboard. The cover-up was now official.
But there have been critics of these inquiries. One was, of course, the
book written by Colin Simpson, who did the research necessary to write his
book i n the original minutes of the two inquiries.
The Los Angeles Times reviewed Mr. Simpson's book and concluded:
"The Lusitania proves beyond a reasonable doubt that the British govem-
ment connived at the sinking of the passenger ship i n order to lure America
into Worid War I . The Germans, whose torpedo suiick the liner, were the
unwitting accomplices or victims of a plot probably concocted by Winston
Churchill."'!
President Wilson was seeking re-election i n 1916. He campaigned on his
t o l 9 l 6 ° ' "'^^Ping us out of die War" during his first term of office from 1912
the w"' ' ^ ^ ^ " ^ scenes, Wilson was secredy plotting America's enuy into
ar, mainly t h r o u g h the machinations o f Wilson's major advisor,
a pa 1^ •^'^^^'^ Mandell House. House had already committed America to
^ J ^ i c i p a t i o n i n die war: " T h e House-Grey m e m o r a n d u m . . . pledged
P r o m i ^ intervention on die side of die Allies i f Germany would not come
P y to die peace table. T h i s agreement was approved by Wilson eight
259
CHAPTER 23 WORLD WAR I
months before the 1916 election."'*
But the real reason the War was being fought was slowly emerging. One
of the first revelations occurred on May 27. 1916, when President Wilson
proposed a die League of Nauons i n a speech before die League to Enforce
Peace. Wilson argued that what the world needed to prevent die recurrence
of a similar war was a world govemment
Some were not happy w i t h the slowness of America's entry into the war.
One of these was Franklin Roosevelt, who:
I n the early months of 1917 [before the official declaration of
war by the United States government] he had been i n constant
conflict w i t h his cWef, Secretary of die Navy, Joseph Daniels, over
the same issues.
For Daniels, w h o resisted every move that m i g h t carry the
United States into die war, diose four mondis (January dirough
A p r i l ) of 1917 were the "agony of Gedisemane."
He opposed convoying [the intenuonal sending of American
ships into die war zone i n the hope that one w o u l d be sunk by the
German Navy]. He opposed the arming of merchant ships [inten-
donally provoking the German Navy into believing that the ship
was a ship of war].
Roosevelt favored both.
A n d when a fUibuster prevented congressional authorizadon
of the a r m i n g of merchantmen, Roosevelt was impadent w i t h
Wilson for not immediately using his executive power to arm [the
ships]. He dined at the Metropolitan Club w i t h a group of Repub-
lican "warhawks" [Roosevelt was a Democrat]. I t included Theo-
dore Roosevelt, General Wood, J. P. Morgan, and E l i h u Root [one
of die founders of the CFR].
T h e primary topic of discussion was, according to Roosevelt's
diary, "how to make Administration steer a dear course to u p h o l d
, rights."
T h i s was an euphemism for an aggressive p o l i c y o n the
highseas diat w o u l d result i n inddents and involve the Ututed
States i n the war."
Roosevelt's b a d g e r i n g a p p a r e n t l y p a i d off, for o n A p r i l 2, 1917,
President WUson asked Congress for a Declaration of War, and i t was granted
o n A p r i l 6. T h e United States was now i n die war "to end all wars," and "to
make the world safe for democracy."
T h e war w o u n d its horrible course through the destmction of human
lives and ended on November 11, 1918.
Historian Walter M i l l s wrote die following about die purpose of the
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CHAPTER 23 WORLD WAR I
^ and about House's basic intent: "The Colonel's sole justification for
j-eparing such a batch o f b l o o d for his c o u n t r y m e n was his hope o f
establishing a new w o r l d order [a w o r l d government] of peace and
security..
The offidal tteaty diat ended the war was die Treaty of Versailles, where
^resentatives of all sides sat down at a conference table and wrote the treaty.
Several interesting personalities attended these meetings. I n the British
delegation was the British economist John Maynard Keynes, and represent-
ing die American banking interests was Paul Warburg, the Chairman of the
Federal Reserve. His brodier. Max, the head of the German banking firm of
M . M . Warburg and Company, of Hamburg, Germany, and w h o "was not
only i n charge of Germany's finances b u t was a leader of the German
espionage system"" was there as a representative of the German govemment
The Treaty was written to end the war, but another delegate to the
conference. L o r d Curzon of England, the British Foreign Secretary, saw
through what the actual intent was and declared: "This is no peace; this is
only a tmce for twenty years." L o r d Curzon felt that the terms of the Treaty
were setting the stage for a second world war, and he correcdy predicted the
year i t would start: 1939.
L o r d Curzon was indeed a prophet: he picked the actual year that World
War I I would start!
One of the planks of the Treaty called for large amounts of war repara-
tions to be paid to the victorious nations by die German govemment T h i s
plank of the Treaty alone caused more grief i n the German nation than any
other and predpitated three events:
1. The "hyperinflation" of die German mark between 1920 and 1923;
2. The destmction of the middle class i n Germany; and
3. The bringing to power of someone who could end die inflation: a
dictator like Adolf Hider.
This plank was written by John Foster Dulles, one of the founders of the
Coundl on Foreign Relations, and later die Secretary of State to President
Dwight Eisenhower.
Even John Maynard Keynes became concemed about the Treaty. He
wrote: "The peace is outrageous and impossible and can bring nodiing but
misfortune behind i t " ' 6 .
In addition to w r i t i n g the Treaty of Versailles, the nations w h o were
waorious i n die war also wrote die Charter of die League of Nations, which
^ ratified on January 10, 1920, and signed by President Wilson for die
erican govemment. Wilson brought die tteaty back to die United States
ton' ^^"^^ Senate to ratify i t The Senate, remembering George Washing-
s advice to avoid foreign entanglements and reflecting die views of the
erican people who did not wish to enter die League, refused to ratify die
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CHAPTER 23 WORLD WAR I
treaty. President Wilson was not pleased, possibly because he saw nimself, as
Senator H e n r y Cabot L o d g e was q u i c k to p o i n t o u t , as: " . . .a future
President of the w o r l d . " "
I t is now apparent that Wilson intended to head u p the world govem-
ment the war was fought to give the world, and he became depressed when
the Treaty was not ratified. Imagine the disappointment of one w h o had
come so close to becoming the very first President of the World, only to have
i t taken away by die actions of the Senate of the United States. Imagine the
sense of incredible power diat Wilson must have felt, t h i n k i n g he would
become the very first individual i n the history of mankind to m l e the world.
Others had tried and failed, but Wilson was confident that he would succeed.
But the American pieople, expressing their displeasure through the
Senate, w o u l d not let h i m .
Odiers were not so disappointed, however. "The war, i n brief, provided
an unparalled opportunity for the richest families to grab [exorbitant profits]
at the expense of the public and, w i d i o u t exception, they made the most of
this oppormnity. T h e rich families, to be sure, wanted the war to be won, but
they tcxik care that the victory was expensive to the common taxpayers. They
uttered no cries for govemment economy... so l o n g as the public treasury
was at their disposal.""
One o f the families w h o reaped the e x o r b i t a n t p r o f i t s were "the
Rockefellers, w h o were very eager for the United States to enter World War
I , [and w h o ] made far more than }200,000,000 from that conflict.""
But support for the League of Nations continued. The Grand Orient
Lodge of Freemasonry of France was one which advised all of its members:
" I t is the duty of universal Freemasonry to give its full support to the League
of Nations "™
As could have been anticipated, die League of Nations became a major
issue d u r i n g the Presidential election of 1920.
T h e R e p u b l i c a n candidate Warren G . H a r d i n g was o n record as
opposing the League and further attempts to ratify the charter: " I t w i l l avail
nothing to discuss i n detail the League covenant, which was conceived for
w o r l d super-govemment I n the existing League of Nations, world govem-
ing w i d i its super-powers, diis Republic w i l l have no p a r t "
H e was opposed i n the Republican primaries by General Leonard
W o o d , one of the R e p u b l i c a n " w a r h a w k s , " w h o was " . . .backed by a
powerful group of rich men w h o wish(ed) a military m a n i n the White
House."
T h e American people, once again manifesting their disapproval of die
League, voted for H a r d i n g as an evidence of that distrust and concern-
H a r d i n g outpolled his opposition by a greater margin than did President
Wilson w h o had "kept us out of the war" during die election of 1916. Wilson
<m
CHAPTER 23 WORLD WAR I
got only fifty-two percent of die vote, and Harding got sixty-four percent
Harding was a supporter of W i l l i a m Howard T a f t the President w h o
opposed the bankers and their Federal Reserve B i l l . After his election, he
named Harry M . Daugherty, Taft's campaign manager, as his Attomey
General.
His other Cabinet appointments were n o t as wise, however, as he
unexplainedly surrounded himself w i d i men representing the o i l industty.
For instance:
his Secretary of State was Charles Evans Hughes, an attomey
of Standard O i l ;
his Secretary of the Treasury was Andrew Mellon, owner of
Gulf Oil;
his Posunaster General was WUl Hays, an attomey for Sinclair
O i l ; and
his Secretary of the Interior was Albert Fall, a protege of the o i l
men.
It was Mr. Fall w h o was to be President Harding's downfall, as he later
accepted a bribe from Harry Sinclair i n exchange for a lease of die Navy's o i l
reserves i n Teapot Dome, Wyoming.
There are many w h o believe that the scandal was intended to discredit
the Harding administtation i n an attempt to remove h i m from office for two
very important reasons:
1. Harding was consistendy vocal against the League of Nations, and
there was still a chance that its supporters could get the United
States to j o i n as the League had survived the Senate's prior refusal
to ratify the treaty, and
2. Attomey General Daugherty had been prosecuting the o i l ttusts
under the Sherman anti-tmst laws.
These activities d i d not please the o i l interests w h o had created the
Teapot Dome scandal. But Harding unfortunately did not live to see die full
repercussions of die artificial scandal, as he died on August 2,1923, before die
story completely surfaced. (There arc those w h o believe that there were some
who c o u l d n ' t w a i t for the Teapot D o m e Scandal to remove President
Harding, and that he was poisoned.)
But die o i l interests allowed i t to completely play its course as a w a m i n g
to future Presidents of the United States not to oppose the o i l interests.
The w a r n i n g has been generally heeded. N o t many have chosen to
eontend w i t h the ttue rulers of die United States.

Chapter 24
World War II
/ / 15 in the Thule Society that one has to look for the real
inspiration of Naziism.
The Second World War started when Adolf Hitler joined a secret society
called the T h u l e Society i n 1919. I t was i n this group that he found the
perverted beliefs that were later to lead h i m i n his conuol of the German
govemmenL
I n the T h u l e Sodety: " . . . the sun played a prime r o l e . . . as a saaed
symbol of the Aryans, i n conttast t o . . . the moon, revered by the Semitic
peoples. T h e Fuhrer saw i n the Jewish people, w i t h their black hair and
swarthy complexions, the dark side of the human spedes, whilst the blond
and blue-eyed Aryans constituted the l i g h t side of humanity. . . . Hitler
undertook to extirpate from the material world its impure elements."'
I n addidon to sun (or light) worship, the T h u l e Sodety also practiced
Satan worship: ' T h e inner core w i t h i n the T h u l e Sodety were a l l Satanists
who practiced Black Magic."'
T h e Sodety was not a working-man's group as i t included amongst us
members: "judges, police-chiefs, barristers, lawyers, university professors
a n d lecturers, aristocratic families, l e a d i n g i n d u s t r i a l i s t s , surgeons.
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CHAPTER 24 WORLD WAR H
. gjcians, sdentists, as well as a host of rich and influential bourgeois "'
The membership of the TTiule Society also became the foundation of the
jfaji Party: " . . . the Committee and the forty original members of the New
Qerman Workers' Party were a l l drawn from the most powerful occult
^ e t y i n Germany—the T h u l e Sodety."*
One of the founders of both groups, the Nazi Party and the T h u l e
Sodety> was Dietrich Eckart: "a dedicated Satanist, the supreme adept of the
arts and rituals of Black Magic and the central figure i n a jx)werful and wide-
spread circle of occultists—the T h u l e Group. [He wasj one of the seven
founder members of die Nazi Party "
Eckart claimed to be the initiator of H i t l e r into the secrets of Satan
worship. He is quoted as saying on his deathbed: "Follow Hider. He w i l l
dance, but i t is I w h o have called the tunel I have initiated h i m into the 'Secret
Doctrine;' opened his cenues i n vision and given h i m the means to commun-
icate with the Powers. Do not m o u m for me: I shall have influenced history
more dian any German."
But i t was not just the T h u l e Sodety that gave Hitler the support he
needed to become the leader of the G e r m a n government. T h e r e were
additional sources of Hider's suength. One w h o offered an explanation of
Hider's easy rise to power was Walter Langer, a noted psychoanalyst. Langer
wrote i n his book The Mind of Adolf Hitler that i t was his theory that Hider
was himself one-quarter Jewish and the grandson of a Rothschild. He wrote:
There is a great deal of confusion i n studying Hitler's family
ttee.
Adolf's father, Alois Hider, was the illegitimate son of Maria
Anna Schicklgruber. I t was generally supposed that the father of
Alois Hitler was Johann Georg Hiedler
Alois, however, was not legitimized, and he bore his mother's
name u n t i l he was forty years of age when he changed i t to Hider.
A peculiar series of events, prior to Hider's birth, fumishes
plenty of food for speculation.
There are some people w h o seriously doubt that Johann
Georg Hiedler was die fadier of Alois. Thyssen and Koehler, for
example, claim diat Chancellor Dolfuss (die Chancellor of Ausuia)
had ordered the Austrian police to conduct a thorough investiga-
tion into the Hider family. As a result of this investigation a secret
document was prepared that proved Maria Anna Shicklgmber was
living i n Vienna at the time she conceived.
A t that time she was employed as a servant i n the home of
Baron Rothschild. As soon as the family discovered her pregnancy
she was sent back to her home i n Spital where Alois was b o m . '
26S
 CHAPTER 24 WORLD WAR H
I n a postscript i n Langer's book, Robert G . L . Waite adds this comment
B u t even when Langer is mistaken and his guesses prove
incorrect, he is often on the right track.
Consider his h i n t that Hitler's grandfather m i g h t liave been a
Jew. T h e r e is n o reason to believe the u n l i k e l y story t o l d by
Langer's informant that Hider's grandmodier Maria Anna Schick-
elgruber, a peasant woman i n her forties from the Waldvietral of
rural Austria, had had an intimate liason w i t h a Baron Rothschild
i n Vienna.
But Hider had worried that he might be blackmailed over a
Jewish grandfadier and ordered his private lawyer, Hans Frank, to
investigate his paternal lineage.
Frank d i d so and told the Fuehrer that his grandmother had
become pregnant while working as a domestic servant i n a Jewish
household i n Graz.
T h e facts of this matter are i n dispute—and a very lengthy
dispute i t has been.
T h e point of overriding psychological and historical impor-
tance is not whether i t is mie that Hider had a Jewish grandfadier,
but whether he believed that i t might be true.
H e d i d so believe and the fact shaped both his personality and
his public policy.* • But the real importance of I.G. to the war efforts of Adolf H i d e r came i n
I t is possible that H i d e r discovered his Jewish background and his
relation to the Rothschilds, and aware of their enormous power to make or
break European govemments, re-established contact w i d i die family. This
w o u l d piartially explain the enormous support he received from die intema-
tional banking fratemity, closely entwined w i d i die Rodischild family, as he
rose to power.
One t h i n g is certain, however. Hider started W o r l d War 11 by moving
i n t o Austria first I t has been theorized that he moved into this country for
two reasons. First, he wanted to silence Dolfuss w h o Hider believed knew
that he was a descendant of the Rothschilds, and secondly, he wished to
remove a l l traces of his ancestry from the Austrian records.
But the major source of Hider's power came from a chemical cartel
called I . G . Farben, (the name is an abbreviation of the complete name:
Interssen Gemeinschaft Farben.) T h e importance of I.G. Farben's support
for the Sodalist movement was pointed out i n a book about die cartel, in
w h i c h i t is stated: " w i t h o u t I.G.'s immense production facilities, its far
reaching research, varied technical experience and overall concenttation of
economic power, Germany w o u l d not have been i n a position to start its
aggressive war i n September, 1939."'
CHAPTER 24 WORLD WARD
But I.G. Farben had a litde-known source of its enormous economic
wer: W a l l Street, U.S.A. " W i t h o u t the capital supplied by W a l l Street,
^gfc would have been no I.G. Farben i n the first place, and almost certainly
o Adolf Hitler and World War II."»
I.G. Farben had its beginning i n 1924 when American banker Charles
pawes arranged a series of foreign loans totalling |800 m i l l i o n to consolidate
gieantic chemical and steel combinations into cartels, one of which was I.G.
Farben. Professor Carroll Quigley terms die Dawes Plan: "largely a J.P.
Morgan production."*
Three W a l l So:eet houses, D i l l o n , Read & Co.; Harris, Forbes & Co.; and
National City handled three-quarters o f the loans used to create these
cartels."
The importance of I.G. Farben to the plans of the German Nazi Party
can be illustrated by a product that an I.G. dominated company manufac-
tured. I t was called Zyklon B, the ledial gas utilized by die exterminators at
Auschwitz, Bitterfeld, Walfen, Hoechst, Agfa, Ludwigshafen, and Buchen-
wald. (I.G. Farben, b d n g a chemical company even before i t was merged
w i d i other chemical companies to form the cartel, was also the producer of
die chlorine gas used d u r i n g W o r l d War I . ) American support for I . G .
Farben continued as Henry Ford merged his German assets w i d i those of I.G.
i n 1928."
the utilization of the process k n o w n as hydrogenation, the production of
gasoline from coal, created by die I.G. Farben chemical cartel. Germany had
no native gasoline production capabilities, and this was one of the m a i n
reasons i t lost W o r l d War I . A German sdentist discovered the process of
converting coal (Germany was die possessor of large quantities of coal) i n t o
gasoline i n 1909, but the technology was not completely developed d u r i n g
die war. I n August, 1927, Standard O i l agreed to embark o n a cooperative
program of research and development of the hydrogenation process to refine
die oil necessary for Germany to prepare for World War I I . "
A n d finally, on November 9,1929, diese two giant companies signed a
cartel agreement that had two objectives:
First, the cartel agreement granted Standard O i l one-half of all
rights to the hydrogenation process i n a l l countries of die w o r l d
except Germany; and
Secondly, the two agreed: " . . . never to compete w i t h each
other i n the fields of chemistry and petroleum products. I n the
future, if Standard O i l wished to enter die broad field of industrial
chemicals or dmgs, i t w o u l d do so only as a partner of Farben.
Farben, i n t u m , agreed never to enter die field of petroleum
except as a j o i n t venture w i d i Standard.""
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 CHAPTER 24 WORLD WAR n
I n the words of a Standard O i l offidal: "The I.G. are going to stay out
of the o i l business—and we are going to stay out of the chemical business."•*
T h i s cartel agreement was extremely i m p o r t a n t to the war effort,
because, by the end of the war, Germany was producing about seventy-five
percent of its fuel synthedcally."
But even more significant was die fact diat diese plants were not the
subject of Allied bombing raids, so that, by the war's end, twenty-five to diirty
of its refineries were sdll operating w i t h only about fifteen percent damage."
Standard O i l got into die refining business as well. I n fact, W i l l i a m
Dodd, die U.S. Ambassador i n Germany, wrote the following i n his diary
about die pre-war years around 1936: "The Standard O i l Company of New
Y o r k , the parent company o f the V a c u u m ( O i l C o m p a n y , ) has spent
10,000,000 marks i n Germany ttying to find o i l resources and (in) building
a great refinery near the Hamburg harbor.""
Meanwhile, back i n die United States, preparations were being made to
elect a President. I n 1932, President Herbert Hoover, a member of die CFR,
was seeking re-election. He was approached by "Henry Harriman, President
of that body (die United States Chamber of Commerce who) urged diat I
agree to support diese proposals (die National Industty Recovery Act, die
N R A , amongst odiers,) informing me diat Mr. Roosevelt had agreed to do so.
I tried to show h i m that this stuff was pure fascism; that i t was merely a
remaking of Mussolini's 'corporate state' and refused to agree to any of it. He
informed me diat i n view of my attitude, die business world would support
Roosevelt w i t h money and influence.""
Hoover, later i n 1940, indirecdy explained why he refused die support
of the American business c o m m u n i t y . H e saw inherent problems w i t h
govemment conttol of die business world:
I n every single case before die rise of totalitarian govemments
diere had been a period dominated by economic planners.
Each of diese nations had an era under starry-eyed men w h o
believed that they could plan and force die economic life of the
people.
They believed diat was the way to correct abuse or to meet
emergendes i n systems of free enterprise.
They exalted die state as die solver of all economic problems.
These men thought diey were liberals. But they also drought diey
could have economic dictatorship by bureaucracy and at die same
time preserve free speech, orderly justice, and free govemment
They might be called die totalitarian liberals.
Directly or indirecdy diey politically conttolled credit prices,
production of industry, farmer and laborer.
They devalued, pump-primed, and deflated. They conttolled
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private business by govemment competition, by regulation and by
taxes. They met every failure w i t h demands for more and more
power and conttol
T h e n came chronic unemployment and frantic govemment
spending i n an effort to support the unemployed.
Government debts mounted and finally government credit
was undermined.
A n d dien came the complete takeover, whedier i t was called
Fasdsm, Socialism, or Communism.
Y e t even w i d i Hoover's refusal to support the goals of " b i g business,"
Roosevelt's presidential campaign of 1932 consistendy attacked President
Hoover for his alleged asscxriation w i t h the intemational bankers and for
pandering to the demands of big business. The pervasive historical image of
FDR is one of a president fighting on behalf of "die litde guy," die man i n
the stteet i n the midst of unemployment and finandal depression brought
about by " b i g business" speculators allied w i d i Wall Stteet "Roosevelt was
a creation of W a l l Street [and] an integral part of the New York banking
fratemity ""
T h e 1932 presidential campaign sttategy was very simple: " b i g busi-
ness" wanted Roosevelt but ran h i m as an "anti-big business" candidate.
Hoover was "anti-big business," but the media convinced the American
people that he was "pro-big business."
T h e result was predictable. Roosevelt defeated the incumlient Hoover.
He could now start his move, what he called the "New Deal," towards a
Fasdst state. One observer, Whitaker Chambers, the American Communist
Party member who defected, commented thus about the "New Deal:" " ( I t )
was a genuine revolution, whose deepest purpose was not simply reform
w i t h i n existing ttaditions but a basic change i n die sodal, and above all, the
power relationship w i t h i n the nation."*"
I t was about this t i m e that an incredible scheme c o n c e r n i n g the
presidency of the U n i t e d States started t a k i n g shape. F r o m J u l y , 1932
through November, 1933, a well known and popular military general. Major
General Smedley Butler of the U.S. M a r i n e Corps " . . . was sought by
wealthy plotters i n the U n i t e d States to lead a putsch ( r e v o l u t i o n ) to
o v e r t h r o w the government a n d establish an A m e r i c a n Fascist
dictatorship."*'
Butler was tempted into die plot by " . . . the biggest bribe ever offered to
any American —the opportunity to become the first dictator of the United
States." He was approached by diree gendemen: Grayson Mallet-Provost
Murphy, a director of Guaranty Tmst, a J.P. Morgan Bank; Robert S. Clark,
a banker w h o had inherited a large fortune from a founder of the Singer
Sewing Machine Company; and J o h n W . Davis, the 1924 Democratic
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candidate for President and the chief attomey for J. P. Morgan and Company.
T h e i r p l a n was to ". . . seize the White House w i t h a private army [of
500,000veterans], hold Franklin Roosevel t prisoner, and getridofhimifhe refused
to serve as their p u p p e t i n a dictatorship they planned to impose a n d
control."**
T h e plotters revealed to Buder that they had "|3 m i l l i o n i n w o r k i n g
funds and could get f300 m i l l i o n i f i t were needed."**
Why the plotters selected General Buder is a mystery, as Buder t m l y
understood his role as a general i n die Marine Corps. He was o n record as
saying: "War was largely a matter of money. Bankers lend money to foreign
countries and when they cannot repay, the President sends Marines to get i t "
Buder didn't say it, but his role i n the military was exacdy i n accordance
w i t h the "Balance of Power" polidcal game described i n a previous chapter.
He continued: " I know—I've been i n eleven of these expeditions."**
Butler's assertions that the military actually acted as a collection agency
for the b i g bankers was confirmed i n 1934 by the Senate Munitions Investi-
gating Committee w h i c h "confirmed his (Butler's) suspicions that b i g
business—Standard O i l , United Fnut, the sugar trust die b i g banks—had
been behind most of the m i l i t a r y interventions he had been ordered to
lead."**
I n addition. Congress created the McCormack-Dickstein Committee to
investigate Butler's charges. T h e conclusions of this g r o u p confirmed
General Buder's charges: "(it) found five significant facts that lent validity to
Buder's testimony."**
Jules Archer, the author of the book o n Butler's charges, entided The
Plot to Seize the White House, interviewed J o h n J. McCormack, the co-
chairman of the Committee and asked for his views on the plot:
Archer: T h e n i n your opinion, America could definitely have
been a Fasdst power had i t not been for General Buder's patriotism
i n exploding the plot?
f McCormack: I t certainly could have. The people were i n a very
confused state of mind, making the nation weak and ripe for some
I drastic k i n d of extremist reaction. Mass fmstration could b r i n g
about anything.*'
There are those, however, w h o believe that the intent of the plotters was
not the imposition of Buder as the leader of the govemment, but was actually
to use the inddent as a means by which Roosevelt could impose a dictator-
ship down upon the American people after Buder led his army upon the
W h i t e House. T h i s action, after Roosevelt termed i t to be a " n a t i o n a l
emergency," c o u l d have enabled h i m to take complete c o n t r o l of the
govemment i n the emergency, and the American people w o u l d probably
CHAPTER 24 WORLD WAR H
have cheered the action. So Buder was, according to this theory, <inly the
excuse to take complete control of the machinery of the govemment, and was
never intended to be the new dictator.
T h e p l a n failed, after Butler revealed the existence of the plot, and
Roosevelt had to be content, i f the theory is correct, w i t h just being the
President and not the dictator of the United States. Roosevelt had other plans
for a fascist United States, however. Frances Perkins, Roosevelt's Labor
Secretary, reports that " A t the first meeting of the cabinet after the President
took office i n 1933, the finander and advisor to Roosevelt Bemard Bamch,
and Bamch's friend. General H u g h Johnson, w h o was to become the head
of the National Recovery Administration, came i n w i t h a copy of a book by
Gentile, the Italian Fasdst theoretidan, for each member of the Cabinet, and
we a l l read i t w i t h care."*'
So the p l a n was to move the American govemment i n t o the area of
Fasdsm or govemment control of the factors of production without a Buder-
led revoludon. I t was dedded that one of the main methods of achieving this
goal was through a war, and the plans for a war involving the United States
were being laid.
One o f the sources for c o n f i r m i n g the fact that these plans were
underway is J i m Farley, Roosevelt's Posunaster General and a member of
Roosevelt's Cabinet Mr. Farley wrote that at the second cabinet meeting i n
1933: " T h e new President again turned to the possibility of war w i t h
Japan."**
I t is possible that President Roosevelt knew that war w i t h Japan had
been planned even before 1933. According to one historian, Charles C.
Tansill, professor of diplomatic history at Georgetown University, war w i t h
Japan was planned as early as 1915.
I n a book entided Pearl Harbor, Roosevelt and the Coming of the War,
published by D.C. Heath and Company, Professor T a n s i l l makes this
interesting observation:
T h e policy of pressure u p o n Japan antedated [President
Roosevelt's Secretary of War Henry] Stimson some two decades... .
U n d e r W o o d r o w W i l s o n , a three-pronged offensive was
launched against N i p p o n [Japan]
I n January, 1915, the American minister at P e k i n g . . . sent to
the Department of State a series of dispatches so critical i n tone that
they helped to create i n American minds a fixation of Japanese
wickedness that made eventual war w i t h Japan a probability.
I t w i l l be recalled that Franklin Roosevelt had been appointed Wilson's
Assistant Secretary of the Navy, so i t is both conceivable and probable that he
knew about these dispatches and the plans to involve us i n a future war w i t h
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Japan as early as 1915.
If the professor is correct, i t was n o t Roosevelt's purpose to b r i n g
President Wilson's plans into fruidon. A l l that was needed was an act diat
could be uulized as the reason for a declaration of war against Japan.
T h a t reason was an attack at Pearl Harbor.
I n fact, the American government knew that they were vulnerable at
Pearl Harbor, the site of Japan's "surprise" attack to start World War I I . I t
was at Pearl Harbor i n 19S2 diat die United States Navy conducted maneuv-
ers to test the chances of success of an attack from die sea. They discovered
diat Pearl Harbor was vulnerable from as close as sixty miles off die shore.
T h a t meant that Japan c o u l d attack from sixty miles away from Pearl
Harbor and be undetected. The American Navy had proved i t ' "
Not only was die govemment conceming itself w i t h a possible war w i t h
Japan, but i t was also aware that American capitalists were creating a war
machine i n Germany i n die early 1930's, years before Germany started dieir
involvement i n World War I I .
W i l l i a m Dodd, die U.S. Ambassador i n Germany, wrote Roosevelt from
Beriin:
A t the present m o m e n t , more t h a n a h u n d r e d A m e r i c a n
corporations have subsidiaries here or cooperative understandings.
The DuPonts have their allies i n Germany that are aiding i n
the armament business. Their chief ally is the I . G . Farben Com-
pany, a part of the govemment which gives 200,000 marks a year to
one propaganda organization operating on American opinion.
Standard O i l Company . . . sent $2,000,000here i n December,
1933 and has made $500,000a year helping Germans make ersatz [a
substitute] gas [the hydrogenation process of converting coal to
gasoline] for war purposes; but Standard O i l cannot take any of its
earnings out of the country except i n goods.
The Intemational Harvester Company president told me dieir
business here rose 33% year [arms manufacture, I believe], but they
could take nothing out.
Even our airplanes people have secret arrangements w i t h
Kmpps.
General Motors Company and Ford do enormous business
here through their subsidiaries and take no profits o u t "
I n addition to these American companies, others were assisting the
Germans i n creating die materials diey needed to wage war. For instance,
Intemational Telephone and Telegraph ( I . T . T . ) purchased a substantial
interest i n Focke-Wolfe, an airplane manufacturer which meant "that I . T . T .
was producing German planes [fighter aircraft] used to k i l l Americans.""
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CHAPTER 24 WORLD WAR n
I.G. Farben's assets i n America were controlled by a holding company
called American I.G. Farben. The following individuals, among others, were
members of the Board of Directors of this corporation: Edsel Ford, President
of the Ford M o t o r Co.; Charles E. M i t c h e l l , President of Rockefeller's
National City Bank of New York; Walter Teagle, President of Standard O i l
of New York; Paul Warburg, Chairman of die Federal Reserve, and the
brother of Max Warburg, the financier of Germany's war effort and Herman
Metz, a director of the Bank of Manhattan, controlled by die Warburgs.
It is an interesting and revealing fact of history diat diree other members
of the Board of Govemors of the American I.G. were tried and convicted as
German "war criminals" for their crimes "against humanity," during World
War I I , while serving on the Board of Govemors of I.G. Farben. None of the
Americans w h o sat on the same board w i t h those convicted were ever tried as
"war criminals" even though diey participated i n die same decisions as die
Germans." I t appears that i t is important whether your nation wins or loses
die war as to whether or not you are tried as a "war criminal."
I t was i n 1939, during the year that Germany started the war w i t h its
invasions of Ausuia and Poland, diat Standard O i l of New Jersey loaned I.G.
Farben $20,000,000 of high-grade aviation gasoline.
T h e two largest German tank manufacturers were Opel, a w h o l l y
owned subsidiary of General Motors and conttolled by the J.P. Morgan firm,
and the the Ford subsidiary of die Ford Motor Company.'*
I n addition, Alcoa and D o w Chemical ttansferred technology to the
Germans, as d i d Bendix Aviation, i n w h i c h the J.P. Morgan-conttolled
General Motors had a major stock interest, which supplied data on auto-
matic pilots, aircraft insttuments and aircraft and diesel engine starters. (35)
I n addition to direct material support, other "capitalistic" companies
supplied support " I n 1939 the German electtical equipment industty was
concentrated into a few major corporations linked i n an intemational cartel
and by stock ownership to two major U.S. corporations (International
General Electtic and Intemational Telephone and Telegraph.)""
Further support for the American owned or conttolled corporations
came during die war itself, when dieir industtial complexes, dieir buildings
and related structures, were not subject to A l l i e d b o m b i n g raids: " T h i s
i n d u s t r i a l complex ( I n t e r n a t i o n a l General Electric and I n t e r n a t i o n a l
Telephone and Telegraph) was never a prime target for bombing i n World
War I I . The electtical equipnjent plants bombed as targets were not affiliated
w i d i U.S. firms.""
Anodier example of a German General Elecuic plant not bombed was
die plant at Koppelsdorf, Germany, p r o d u c i n g radar sets and b o m b i n g
antennae."
Perhaps the reason certain plants were bombed and others weren't lies
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i n the fact that, under the U . S . C o n s t i t u t i o n , the President is the
Commander-in-Chief of a l l armed forces, and dierefore the determiner o f
what targets are bombed.
The significance of America's material support to the German govem-
ment's war efforts comes when the quesdon as to what the probable outcome
of Germany's efforts w o u l d be: " . . . not only was an influendal sector of
American business aware of the nature of Nazism, but for its o w n purposes
aided Nazism wherever possible (and profitable) w i t h full knowledge that
the probable outcome w o u l d be war i n v o l v i n g Europe and the U n i t e d
States."'*
Even Hitler's ideas about exterminating the Jews were known to any
observer w h o cared to do a litde research. Hitler himself had written: " I have
the r i g h t to exterminate m i l l i o n s of individuals of inferior races, w h i c h
m u l d p l y like vermin."
I n addidon, Hider made his desires k n o w n as early as 1923 when he
detailed his plans for the Jews i n his book Mein Kampf. Even the SS
Newspaper, the Black Corps called for: "The exterminadon w i t h fire and
sword, the actual and final end of Jewry."*"
T h i s material support continued even after the war offidally started. For
instance, even after Germany invaded Austria i n March, 1938, the Ethyl
Gasoline Corporation, fifty percent owned by General Motors and fifty
percent by Standard O i l , was asked by I.G. Farben to build tetra-ethyl plants
i n Germany, w i d i die full support of the U.S. Department of War which
expressed no objection to the transactions.*'
A n d i n August, 1938, I . G . Farben "borrowed" 500 tons of tetra-ethyl
lead, the gas additive, from Standard O i l . i, , , i i
Later, after the invasion of Austria, and prior to the German invasion of
Poland i n 1939, Germany and Russia signed a pact o n August 23,1939, w i t h
a secret clause for the division of Poland by these two war-time allies.
A l l of the material support and all of the secret agreements came to a
head on September 1, 1939, when Germany invaded Poland i a accordance
w i t h the terms of the pact signed w i t h Russia.
The Second World War had begun.
T h e date of September 1, 1939, when Germany invaded Poland, is
remembered as the date the war started. But little is remembered about the
date Russia also moved into Poland, on September 16, 1939. T h e nation of
Poland was now divided between these two war-time allies.
I t is interesting to notice what the responses of the major allied nations
were to these two dates. When Germany entered the western p o r t i o n of
Poland, Britain and France declared war o n Germany. But when Russia
moved into eastem Poland, there was no war declaration by either nation.
The Soviets caused one of the tragic events of history after they occupied
CHAPTER 24 WORLD WAR n
their portion of Poland. They captured approximately 10,000 Polish officers
and brutally murdered them, most of them meeting their death i n Katyn
Forest near the Russian town of Smolensk. The traditional story about their
deaths was that the officers had been killed by the German army, but now the
evidence is clear that the Russians committed this crime. The other victims
were taken aboard a barge which was towed out to sea and then sunk.
Even w i t h a l l of these efforts of the American businessman to constmct
the German war machine w i t h the full knowledge and approval of President
Roosevelt, he kept repeating diat die nation w o u l d continue its "neuual"
position: i t w o u l d remain out of the war. O n September 1, 1939, when the
war started, he was asked by a reporter whether America would stay our of the
war and Rcwsevelt replied: " . . . I believe we can, and every effort w i l l be
made by the Administration to do so."**
Roosevelt responded by appointing George Marshall, a CFR member,
as Chief of Staff of the Army over General Douglas MacArthur, not a member
of the CFR, and other senior officers.
Others did not believe Roosevelt's claim that America w o u l d remain
neutral. O n September 12, 1939, Hans Thomsen, the German charge d'
affaires i n Washington, cabled the German government: " . . . i f defeat
should threaten the Allies (England and France), Roosevelt is determined to
go to war against Germany, even i n the face of the resistance of his o w n
country."*'
But Germany's war efforts were still dependent on o i l resources, and i t
came from a variety of sources, some extemal to the German border. Before
Rumania was invaded by the Germans, i t was selling o i l to Germany. Life
magazine of February 19, 1940, has a picture of Rumanian oil being loaded
into o i l tank cars. The picture has a caption under i t which reads, i n part:
" O i l for Germany moves i n these tank cars of American Essolube and British
Shell out of Creditul Minier yards near Ploesti (Rumanina.) Notice that cars
are marked for German-American O i l Co. and German Railways, consigned
to Hamburg and Wuppertal i n Germany. They were sent from Germany to
speed u p Rumanian o i l shipments."** T h i s picture was taken after Germany
had invaded Austria and Poland, yet American and British oil companies are
transporting oil for the German govemment, (the tank cars i n the picture are
clearly marked "Essolube," and "Shell").
A n d other sources supplied oil as well: " . . . when the German air force
ran short of fuel, this was generously supplied from the great refinery
belonging to the Standard O i l Company situated on the island of Amba via
Spanish tankers."*' T h i s occurred d u r i n g the war itself, yet these tankers
were not sunk by American submarines.**
Even w i t h the purchases of o i l from non-German sources, the major
supplier of oil was still the cartel: "The I.G. Farben-Standard O i l coopera-
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tion for production of syntfietic o i l from coal gave die I.G. Farben cartel a
monopoly of German gasoline production during World War I I . Just under
one half of German h i g h octane gasoline i n 1945 was produced directly by
I.G. Farben, and most of the balance by its affiliated companies.""
But as the war i n Europe continued, America's leaders were attempting
to get America involved, even though the American people didn't want to
become part of it. Roosevelt, the presidential candidate, was promising the
American people that the Roosevelt administtation w o u l d remain neuttal
should he be re-elected. Others knew better. One, for instance, was General
H u g h Johnson, w h o said: " I k n o w of n o w e l l i n f o r m e d W a s h i n g t o n
observer w h o isn't convinced that, if Mr. Roosevelt is elected (in 1940), he w i l l
drag us into war at the first opportunity, and that, if none presents itself, he
w i l l make one."*'
Roosevelt had two opportunities to involve America i n World War I I :
Japan was at war w i t h China, and Germany was at war w i t h England,
France and other countries. Both war zones presented plenty of opportunities
to involve the American govemment i n the war, and Roosevelt was quick to
seize upon the opportunities presented.
His first opportunity came from the war i n the Pacific. It was i n August,
1940, that the United States broke the Japanese "purple" war-time code. T h i s
gave the American govemment the ability to read and understand all of their
recoverable war-time messages. Machines were manufactured to de-code
Japan's messages, and they were sent all over the world, but none was sent to
Pearl Harbor.
Roosevelt's public efforts to involve America, while ostensibly remain-
ing neutral, started i n August, 1940, when the National Guard was voted into
Federal service for one year. T h i s was followed i n September by the Selective
Service Act, also for one year's duration.
But the key to America's early involvement occurred o n September 28,
1940, when Japan, Germany and Italy signed the Tripartite Treaty. T h i s
tteaty required that any of the three nations had to respond by declaring war
should any one of the other three be attacked by any of the Allied nations.
T h i s meant that should Japan attack the United States, and the United States
responded by declaring war against Japan, i t w o u l d autortiatically be at war
w i t h the other two nations, Germany and Italy.
Rcxisevelt now knew that war w i t h Japan meant war w i t h Germany.
His problem was solved.
He h a d made secret c o m m i t m e n t s to W i n s t o n C h u r c h i l l a n d the
English govemment to become involved i n the w£ir against Germany and he
knew " . . . that the only way he could f u l f i l l his secret commitments to
Churchill to get us into the war, without ojienly dishonoring his pledges to
the American people to keep us out, was by provoking Germany or Japan to
attack."** ,j I I I I, 1
CHAPTER 24 WORLD WAR H
Roosevelt moved towards the Pacific theater first, k n o w i n g that, i f he
could provoke Japan to attack America first, America would automatically
be at war w i t h Germany as well. He also knew that, should Germany attack
America, Japan w o u l d have to declare war o n America. So Roosevelt
attempted to get either nation to attack die United States first. Japan was to
get the first opportunity.
I n October, 1940, Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox sent for Admiral
J.O. Richardson, Commander-in-Chief of the American fleet i n the Pacific.
Knox advised h i m that "the President wanted h i m to establish a pattol of the
Pacific—a w a l l of American naval vessels stretched across the western
Pacific i n such a way as to make i t impossible for Japan to reach any of her
sources of supply; a blockade of Japan to prevent by force her use of any part
of the Pacific Ocean. Richardson protested vigorously. He said that w o u l d be
an act of war, and besides, we would lose our navy. O f course Roosevelt had
to abandon i t . " ' " ,
T h i s scene i n history poses two rather interesting questions:
1. W h y d i d Roosevelt, the Commander-in-Chief of a l l armed forces,
including the Navy, not directly order Admiral Richardson to do as
he wished? Why d i d he choose to use his Secretary of the Navy to
almost politely ask h i m to create the naval pattol?
Is i t possible that Roosevelt did not choose to use his supreme power
because he knew that this was indeed an act of war and that he d i d not want
to be identified as the originator of the plan. I f Richardson had agreed to
K n o x ' s p r o p o s a l , and Japan had attacked an A m e r i c a n naval vessel,
Roosevelt could have directly blamed the admiral for allowing the vessel to
get into the pxisition of being fired upon by the Japanese Navy i n the first
place.
Roosevelt wanted a scape-goat and Richardson refused.
2. W h y d i d Roosevelt not replace the admiral w i t h someone w h o
would do exactly as he wished?
It is possible that Roosevelt realized that Richardson now knew about
the plan, and since he did not approve, he w o u l d be i n a position to clearly
identify Roosevelt as the source of the idea should the second admiral agree
to i t
Roosevelt did not want to jeopardize his carefully constmcted image as
a "dove" i n the question of whether or not America should become involved
i n the war.
It is important to remember that, i n November, 1940, just after this
inddent, candidate Roosevelt told the American people: " I say to you fathers
and mothers, and I w i l l say i t again and again and again, your boys w i l l not
be sent into foreign wars."
CHAPTER 24 WORLD WAR H
Richardson later appraised his situation at Pearl Harbor and felt diat
his position was exttemely precarious. He visited Roosevelt twice d u r i n g
1940 to recommend diat the fleet be wididrawn to the west coast of America,
because:
1. His ships were inadequately manned for war;
2. The Hawaiian area was too exposed for Fleet ttaining; and
3. The Fleet defenses against both air and submarine attacks were far
below the required standards of sttength."
T h a t meant that the American govemment had done nothing to shore
u p the defenses of Pearl Harbor against an offshore attack since the naval
manuevers of 1932 discovered just how vulnerable the island was.
Richardson's reluctance to provide Roosevelt's incident for the United
States to enter the war, and his concem about the status of the Fleet, led to his
being unexpectedly relieved of the Fleet command i n January, 1941.
The American Ambassador to Tokyo, Joseph C. Grew, was one of the
first to officially discover that Pearl Harbor was the intended target of the
Japanese attack, as he corresponded w i t h President Roosevelt's State
Department on January 27, 1941: "The Pemvian minister has informed a
member of my staff that he had heard from many sources, i n c l u d i n g a
Japanese source, that, i n the event of trouble breaking out between the
United States and Japan, the Japanese intended to make a surprise attack
against Pearl Harbor
I n March 1941, President Roosevelt was still h o p i n g for an incident
i n v o l v i n g the U n i t e d States and Germany, according to H a r o l d Ickes,
Roosevelt's Secretary of the Interior. He reported: " A t dinner on March 24, he
[Roosevelt] remarked that 'things are coming to a head; Germany w i l l be
making a blunder soon.' There could be no doubt of the President's scarcely
concealed desire that diere might be an incident which w o u l d justify our
declaring a state of war against Germany
Roosevelt and Churchill had conspired together to indte an inddent to
allow America's entry into die war. According to Churchill:
The President had said that he would wage war but not declare
it, and that he would become more and more provocative. I f the
Germans did not like it, they could attack American forces.
T h e United States Navy was taking over the convoy route to
Iceland.
The President's orders to diese escorts were to attack any U -
boat which showed itself, even if i t were two or diree hundred miles
away from the convoy
Everything was to be done to force "an i n d d e n t "
Hider w o u l d be faced w i t h the dilemma of either attacking the
convoys and dashing w i t h the United States Navy or holding off.
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CHAPTER 24 WORLD WAR H
thus "giving us victory i n the Batde of the A d a n t i c I t might suit us
i n six or eight weeks to provoke H i d e r by taunting h i m w i d i this
difficult choice.""
But H i d e r was attempting to avoid a confrontation w i d i the United
States. "He had told his naval commanders at the end of July [1941] to avoid
inddents w i t h die United States while die Eastern compaign [the war against
Russia] is still i n progress . . . . A m o n t h later diese orders were still i n
force, "w
Churchill even wrote to Roosevelt after the German ship the Bismarck
sank die British ship die Hood, recommending i n A p r i l , 1941: " . . . that an
American warship should find the Prinz Eugen (die escort to the Bismarck)
then draw her fire, 'thus providing the inddent for which the United States
would be so diankful,' i.e., bring her into die w a r . " "
Hitler was not as wise i n other matters. He attacked his "ally" Russia o n
June 22,1941, even diough Germany and Russia had signed a treaty not to
declare war o n each other.
W i t h diis action, die pressure to get die United States involved i n die
war really accelerated. Roosevelt o n June 24,1941, told the American people:
" O f course we are going to give a l l the aid that we possibly can to Russia.""
A n d an American program of Lend-Lease began, supplying Russia
enormous quantities of war materials, a l l on credit
So w i d i Hitler pre-occupied w i t h the war against Russia and refusing to
involve himself w i d i the Americans o n the open sea, Roosevelt had to t u m
his attentions back to Japan for die inddent he needed.
The next step was to assist other countries, the English and the Dutch,
to embargo o i l shipments to Japan i n an attempt to force them i n t o an
inddent that w o u l d enable the United States to enter the war.
Japan, as a relatively small island, and w i t h no o i l industry to speak of,
had to look elsewhere for its o i l , and this was the reason for the proposed
embargo. I t was thought that this action w o u l d provoke Japan i n t o an
i n d d e n t Ex-President Herbert Hoover also saw the manipulations leading
to war and he wamed the United States i n A u g u s t 1941: "The American
people should insistendy demand that Congress put a stop to step-by-step
projection of the United States into undeclared war ""
But the Congress wasn't listening.
President Roosevelt ivasn't listening eidier to die charges of Congress-
man M a r t i n Dies, Chairman of the House Committee o n Un-American
Activities. By August of 1941, "The Dies committee had assembled a large
amount of evidence which more than confirmed the suspidons which we
had entertained on the basis of surface appearances: I t was clear that the
Japanese were preparing to invade Pearl Harbor and that they were i n
possession of vital truUtary information."'*
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T h i s information was made available to the Roosevelt adirunistration
by Congressman Dies personally. But this was the second time that Dies had
appealed to Roosevelt about his knowledge of Japan's intention to attack
Pearl Harbor: "Early i n 1941 the Dies Committee came into possession of a
strategic map which gave clear proof of the intentions of the Jap»anese to
make an assualt o n Pearl Harbor. T h e strategic map was prepared by the
Japanese Imperial Military Intelligence Department."
Dies telephoned Secretary of State Cordell H u l l w h o talked to President
Roosevelt*"
Congressman Dies was told not to release the document to the public,
and the Roosevelt administration d i d nothing.
(In A p r i l , 1964, when Dies told the American public of these revelations,
he added this comment " I f anyone questions the veradty and acciuacy of
these statements, I w i l l be glad to furnish h i m w i t h conclusive proof.")*'
I t was also i n A u g u s t 1941, when the new product of the I.G. Farben
cartel was tested on humans for the first time. T h e product was called Zyklon
B and i t was to be used on the Jews and others at the concentration camps.
I n the Padfic Theater, Japan's war messages, being read i n Washing-
ton, started asking their spy i n Pearl Harbor to report ship movements, and,
later, the exact nature and location of the ships i n the harbor.
Japan's request for more information o n what was happening at Pearl
Harbor was followed on October 16,1941, by the resignation of the Prince's
cabinet i n Jajsan. These resignations were followed by die military adminis-
tration of General T o j o and his cabinet A l l of diis activity was recognized by
the American govemment as a dedded step toward war, but still nothing was
done to alert Pearl Harbor.
I t was on this day that Henry Stimson, Roosevelt's Secretary of War,
wrote the following i n his diary: " . . . and so we face the delicate question of
the diplomatic fendng to be done so as to be sure diat Japan be p u t into die
wrong and to make the first bad move—overt move."**
Stimson was to repeat this concem that faced the Roosevelt administra-
tion when he testified before one of the Committees investigating Pearl
Harbor. There he was quoted as saying: "The question was how we should
maneuver them [the Japanese] i n t o the position of f i r i n g the first shot
without allowing t c » much danger to ourselves."*'
T h e Japanese would still not respond w i t h the inddent to provoke the
U n i t e d States i n t o retaliating, b u t America was convinced that i t w o u l d
happen u l t i m a t e l y . For instance. Secretary o f State Cordell H u l l t o l d
Roosevelt o n Novbember 7, 1941, that he foresaw "every possibility of an
early war w i t h Japan."
Japan continued its efforts towards staying out of a war w i t h the United
States and had its Ambassador i n Washington continue his efforts towards
m
CHAPTER24 WORLDWARH
V • • . •,
securing a no-war treaty w i t h the Secretary of State. O n November 22,1941,
they wired their Ambassador: " D o your best spare no efforts and try to b r i n g
about die solution we desire."
But even though Japan was attempting to avoid war w i t h the United
States, the Japanese were being encouraged by an unlikely source to strike
o u t at the U n i t e d States. " O n May 17, 1951, the New Y o r k Daily News
featured an article by its Washington correspondent, J o h n O ' D o n n e l l ,
conceming various o l d Far Eastem intelligence reports w h i c h were being
dosely guarded i n Washington. Among those documents were the 32,000
word confession of Soviet spy Richard Sorge."
Mr. Sorge was a Russian spy w h o had infiltrated the German embassy
i n Japan and worked hard to convince Japanese officials that Japan should
not attack Russia, but move south, at the risk of war w i t h die United States.
"When [Sorge] informed the Kremlin [in Russia] i n October, 1941, that the
Japianese intended to attack Pearl Harbor w i t h i n 60 d a y s , . . . he . . . received
thanks for his report and the notice that Washington—Roosevelt, Marshall,
A d m i r a l Stark, et al.—had been advised of the Japanese intentions."**
O n November 25,1941, the day that the Japanese fleet sailed for Pearl
Harbor, President Roosevelt convened a meeting of the various Cabinet
officers: Secretaries Stimson, Knox, Marshall and Admiral Harold R. Stark,
Chief of N a v a l Operations. A c c o r d i n g to Stimson's testimony: " T h e
President brought u p die event diat we were likely to be attacked perhaps [as
soon as] next Monday, for the Japanese are notorious for m a k i n g an attack
w i t h o u t waming."** " I n spite of the risk involved, however, i n letting the
Japanese fire die first shot, we realized diat i n order to have die full support
of the American people, i t was desirable to make sure that die Japanese be the
ones to do this so that there should remain no doubt i n anyone's m i n d as to
w h o were the aggressors."**
O n November 26,1941, the Japanese Embassy i n Washington sent the
following message to Tokyo: " H u l l s a i d . . . I am sorry to tell you diat we
cannot agree to i t [Japan's treaty Proposal]."*'
T h e British Intelligence Service, which had men inside the Japanese
diplomatic agendes i n the United States, took the November 26th telegram
to T o k y o as meaning diat die "Japanese negotiations off. Services expect
action w i t h i n two weeks."**
A n d Rcxjsevelt and die Department of die Army also knew this, as " . . . a
very important American Army IntelUgence officer, i n service i n the Far East
d i u i n g 1 9 4 1 . . . had gained knowledge of the Yamamoto plan to send a task
force to attack Pearl Harbor and sent diree separate messages to Washington
revealing diis information, and at least two of diese reached die Army files
well before the attack on Pearl Harlior."*'
Finally, i n desperation, die Japanese govemment sent a message to dieir
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W a s h i n g t o n embassy o n December 6, 1941, i n essence breaking off a l l
negotiations w i t h the American govemmenL After the message was inter-
cepted by the American govemment, de-coded and given to Roosevelt, he is
quoted as saying: "This means war."™
Roosevelt now knew that Japan planned on attacking die United States,
but sdll he did nothing about w a m i n g the American forces at Pearl Harbor.
A n d on December 7, 1941, Japan launched a "surprise attack."
T h e American forces were not prepared for the attack. A n d the attacking
Japanese forces had orders from Japan to retum to Japan should they detect
any evidence that the Americans had been alerted.
As their air force attacked Pearl Harbor, they reported that die American
planes were having difficulty i n getdng off the ground.
This was because the American planes had been grouped i n circles, w i t h
their propiellors a l l facing i n w a r d as the result of an order by President
RooscvelL I t was reported that Roosevelt had ordered the planes grouped i n
this fashion because he feared "acts of sabotage" against the planes and he
was acdng to protect them.
Since airplanes do not have a "reverse gear" the grouping of the planes
i n this manner made i t extremely difficult for them to rapidly get out of the
circle and into the air. One cridc of the circling of these airplanes, Harry
Elmer Bames, has written: "Bunching the planes i n a circle, w i n g to w i n g ,
w o u l d [make them] helpless i n the event of a surprise air attack.""
Another strange circumstance was the make-up of the fleet anchored at
Pearl Harbor at the dme of the attack. T h e Pacific Fleet consisted of nine
battleships and three aircraft carriers along w i t h a host of smaller ships.
D u r i n g the attack, the Japanese sank or seriously damaged eight batdeships
but no aircraft carriers.
The American govemment had reasoned that the aircraft carriers w o u l d
have an extremely important role to play i n the type of war they felt w o u l d
be waged i n the Pacific theater. So a l l of the aircraft carriers were moved out
of Pearl Harbor and all of the less valuable batdeships were left behind. T h e
battleships were expendable because most of them had been constmcted
prior to or during W o r l d War I , which meant that they were o l d and obsolete.
A l o n g w i t h the aircraft carriers, Roosevelt's govemment also withdrew
the smaller, more mobile ships that they knew could be more efficiently
udlized i n a sea war. " O n November 28th, Admiral W d l i a m F. Halsey was
sent to Wake [Island] w i t h the carrier Enterprise, three heavy desttoyers and
nine destroyers. O n December 5th, A d m i r a l J o h n E. Newton was sent to
Midway w i t h the carrier Lexington, three heavy cmisers and five destroyers.
The carrier Saratoga had been sent to the Padfic Coast
Admiral Husband Kimmel, the commander of the naval forces at Pearl
Harbor, clearly places the blame for Pearl Harbor's unpreparedness o n
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President Roosevelt. H e has written: "We were unready at Pearl Harbor
because President Rcxjsevelt's plans required that no word be sent to alert the
fleet i n H a w a i i . " "
T h e R L H o n . Oliver Lytdeton, a member of Churchill's war cabinet,
declared i n an address to the American Chamber of Commerce i n London on
June 24,1944: "America provoked [the Japanese] to such an extent that the
Japanese were forced to attack Pearl Harbor. I t is a travesty of history to say
that America was forced into the war."'*
|», The C o u n d l on Foreign Relations published an article i n its publica-
tion called Foreign Affairs i n January, 1974, that agreed w i t h Lytdeton. T h e
article stated that "Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor actually thmst the United
States into World War I I , but the Roosevelt administration decided a year
and a half earlier to risk war i n order to prevent the totalitarian domination
of all Europe.""
So o n December 8, 1941, President Roosevelt asked the Congress to
declare war o n Japan, stating that December 7, 1941 w o u l d go d o w n i n
history as a "day of infamy."
So when Roosevelt addressed the nation through his speech inCongress,
he lied when he said: "We don't like i t — a n d we didn't want to get i n i t — b u t
we are i n i t and we're going to fight i t w i t h everything we've g o t " "
So Roosevelt asked for, and received, a Declaration of War against
Japan. Germany followed on December U t h w i t h a Declaration of War
against the United States. T h i s action was i n accordance w i t h the terms of the
Tripartite Treaty signed earlier by Germany, Italy and Japan.
Rcxisevelt's activities i n the planning of Pearl Harbor had a costly price.
T h e final toll was 2,341 U.S. servicemen dead and 1,143 wounded; eighteen
ships including the eight battleships were sunk or heavily damaged; more
than t w o hundred A r m y A i r Corps and Navy planes were destroyed or
unusable; and sixty-eight civilians were k i l l e d . "
For his supposed unpreparedness at Pearl Harbor, Admiral K i m m e l
wjis relieved of his command, and he retired on January 7, 1942.
After the war was over. Congress looked into the reasons for the lack of
preparation at Pearl Harbor. Their conclusions are most revealing:
1. The attack was unprovoked by America;
2. T h e r e was n o evidence that the President, Secretary o f State,
Secretary of War, Secretary of Navy, provoked the attack;
3. T h e American govemment made every effort to avoid the war w i t h
Japan;
4. T h e attack was caused by the Army's and Navy's failure to detect
hostile forces; cmd
5. T h e errors made were errors of judgment and not derelictions of
duty."
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T h e last conclusion was apparently intended to relieve the comntanders

of the armed forces from respxjnsibility so that they could not be court-
mardaled. Admiral Kimmel and General Walter C. Short, the commander of
the armed forces at Pearl Harbor, continuously pleaded for a court martial to
clear their reputations, but they were never granted.
Admiral Robert Theobold, die Commander of a l l destroyers at Pearl
Harbor, wrote a book entided The Final Secret of Pearl Harbor, i n which he
detailed his conclusions about the "surprise attack," He wrote:

1. President Roosevelt forced Japan to war and enticed them to

initiate hostilities by holding the Pacific fleet i n Hawaiian waters
as an invitation to that attack;
2. T h e plans to use Pearl Harbor as die bait started i n June, 1940;
3. War w i t h Japan meant war w i t h Germany; and
4. Roosevelt, Marshall and Stark knew about Pearl Harbor 21 hours
before the attack.''

But i n spite of a l l of this evidence diat the Japanese attack o n Pearl

Harbor was k n o w n by Roosevelt and his top advisors well i n advance of that
actual event, there are those w h o still hold to die position that the govem-
ment, and Roosevelt specifically, knew n o t h i n g about i t
One of these skeptics is Walter Scott, w h o writes the question-and-
answer series called "Personality Parade" i n the Parade magazine. I n answer
to the question: "Is i t tme that Franklin D . Roosevelt knew that Japan was
going to attack Pearl Harbor i n W o r l d War II?" M r . Scott answered: " N o t
tme."«<>
So America now had a two-front war against Japan i n the Pacific and
against Germany i n Europe.
Just as planned!
Chapter 25 ;M
Communist Betrayal
T h e entry of the United States into the war was now complete. After
years of planning and plotting on die part of the American govemment die
, fighting men of the American armed forces were now comtrutted to a life and
death stmggle i n two widely separated theaters of war.
O n January 1,1942, the twenty-five nations at war against Germany and
Japan signed a "Declaration by the United Nations," (emphasis added)
w h i c h pledged that any one n a t i o n involved w o u l d not sign a separate
armistice or peace.'
When General Douglas MacArdiur was appointed as die commander-
in-chief of the armed forces i n die Padfic theater, he was appointed as the
"United Nations Commander of the Soudi P a d f i t " * (emphasis added.)
So i t was becoming apparent just what the purpose of the war was: to
give the w o r l d a one-world govemment a United Nations.
The second reason die war was being fought was for Russia to expand
its imperialism into the countries of Eastem Europe. T h i s secondary motive
was made dear i n June, 1942, when Churchill and Roosevelt postponed a
planned 1943 invasion of Europe by the Allied armed forces for one more
year u n t i l 1944. T h i s delay had the effect of allowing Russia more time to

284
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advance from the east, thereby assuring i t control of the many Eastern
European counuies i t occupied w i d i its armed forces as i t moved westward.
I n addidon, diis move had to be couched by the acdvides of the war; i n
odier words, die Russians would be allowed to communize Eastem Euro-
pean countries under die disguise of the war. Because Russia was advancing
easterly at a slower rate dian was anucipated, die Allies had to give her more
dme; hence die delay i n die invasion of Westem Europe.
Senator Joseph McCarthy atuibuted diis decision to Secretary of State
George Marshall: "We now come to what was without quesdon die most
significant decision of the war i n Europe: die decision by M a r s h a l l . . . to
concenuate o n France and leave die whole of Eastem Europe to die Red
Armies."'
Another event diat occurred d u r i n g die war seems to indicate that this
interpretadon of these decisions is correct
I n die spring of 1943, Admiral WUhelm Canaris, head of die German
Secret Service, met w i t h George Earle, the American Naval Attache i n
Istanbul, Turkey. A d m i r a l Canaris came to discuss the surrender of the
German armed forces. He reported diat he had joined w i d i odier German
leaders i n an assassination plot to remove Hitler from power. After diis was
accomplished, diey would take over die German govemment, and surrender
to the Allies, w i t h only one condition:
There must be no Soviet advance into Cenual Europe.
Mr. Earle sent President Roosevelt a note informing h i m of Canaris'
proposal.
He received no reply.
Earle uied again, and this time he received what has been termed a
"bmsh-off" from President Roosevelt
So Earle flew to Washington. Roosevelt told h i m that his concems were
overly anxious, that Germany would soon surrender after the planned attack
commenced dirough Westem Europe.
Earle was very disappointed, and returned to Istanbul. H e advised
Canaris of what he had leamed, and he retumed to Germany, where he and
the odier plotters against Hitler's life were found out and eidier hung or shot
for dieir efforts to shorten die war and prevent die expansion of die Russians
into Eastem Europe.*
If Roosevelt had accepted Canaris' o f f e r : " . . . die war might have ended
i n 1943. Coundess lives would i n all probability have been saved, and, of
greatest importance, the Allies w o u l d n ' t have supplanted one dangerous
ideology w i t h another. The Soviet hordes would have been stopped at die
Polish border. The entire map of Europe would have been different"'
Earle retumed to die United States. He wrote " I decided to make k n o w n
some of my views and observations about the so-called allies, the Soviets, so
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CHAPTER 25 COMMUNIST BETRAYAL
as to wake u p the American people about w h a t was really g o i n g o n . I
contacted die President about i t , but he reacted su-ongly and specifically
forbade me to make my views known to the p u b l i c T h e n upon my request-
i n g active duty i n the Navy, I was ordered to Samoa, i n die far-distant South
Pacific."*
I n fact, Earle was warned by Roosevelt's daughter i n a letter to h i m
" . . . that i f he carried out his oudined program of publicly criticizing and
commenting on some of the Soviet moves, he could be adjudged guilty of
Ueason."'
I t is indeed unfortunate that the Roosevelts took this position on the
"Soviet moves," the movement of Russian ttoops into the Eastem European
countries as the war was ending, as evidenced by President Roosevelt's
inaction i n the Canaris case, and the letter of his daughter i n die Earle case,
because die citizens i n these countties did not want die Russians to occupy
their nations. T h i s fact was made brutally apparent as millions of these
pattiots actually joined w i t h die German armed forces i n an attempt to keep
the Russians from advancing into their respective countties.
So Roosevelt could have tmly assisted these patriots i n keeping their
countries free of Communism by assisting the Canaris group, and Earle
could have been of immense assistance i n b r i n g i n g these matters to the
attention of the American people.
But i t was not to be, and the Eastem European countries were occupied
by the Russian Communists much to the chagrin of millions of pattiots.
Roosevelt continued his support of the Russian govemment as die war ended
by guaranteeing dieir occupation of these nations by die agreements made at
die wartime conferences w i d i die major leaders of die Allied govemments.
I n Febmary, 1945, Roosevelt met w i d i Joseph Stalin at Yalta, one of die
wartime conferences, even though he was showing signs of severe illness.
There are many now w h o insist that Roosevelt was dying of cancer, one
being his personal physician. A magazine article stated: "As early as A p r i l
1944, the W h i t e House physician. Vice A d m i r a l Ross M c l n t i r e , began
systematically l y i n g to everyone about the President's c o n d i t i o n , and
perhaps because the war was going well die press did not seriously challenge
him."'
I n 1979, Dr. Harry S. Goldsmith, a Darunoudi Medical Surgeon and a
student of Roosevelt's health history, announced diat he felt Roosevelt had
been secredy suffering from cancer when he died of a sttoke i n 1945, even
though there were reports of his being well.
One author, Frazier H u n t i n his book entitled Douglas MacArthur, has
stated that the reason Roosevelt's physicians were l y i n g to the American
people about his health was that Roosevelt had a sttong reason to survive
u n t i l after the war ended. T h a t reason was that Roosevelt had been offered
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the presidency of the w o r l d govemment, the United Nations that was to he
created after the war was over: "The sick and undependable Roosevelt, his
already handicapped m i n d inflamed w i t h grandiose ideas of a W o r l d State
that he w o u l d head
So when Roosevelt met Stalin at Yalta, he was providing Stalin w i t h
whatever he wanted as a gesture to the Communists that he was t r u l y
assisting their plans for the occupying of these countries. For instance, at
Yalta he gave the Russians, i n addition to the European countries: Port
A r t h u r i n the Yellow Sea, the pwrt of Dairen, the Kurile Islands, Outer
Mongolia, and the lower half of Sakhalin Island.
Most of these lands were previously occupied by America's other W o r l d
War I I ally, China.
American Ambassador W i l l i a m C. Bullitt, after discovering what had
happened at Yalta, said this: " N o more unnecessary, disgraceful and
potentially disgraceful document has ever been signed by a president of the
United States.""
I n addition, Roosevelt also gave Russia three votes i n the yet to be
created General Assembly of the United Nations (one vote each for ByloRus-
sia, the Soviet U n i o n , and the Ukraine) even though every other nation,
i n d u d i n g the United States, has only one vote.
Roosevelt, when asked about the three votes for Russia issue, said: " I
know I shouldn't have done it. But I was so tired when they got hold of me.""
But Roosevelt was not the only one providing European countries to the
Russians. Winston C h u r c h i l l , according to papers made p u b l i c i n 1973,
agreed " . . . i n 1944 to Soviet domination of Poland i n exchange for Joseph
Stalin's support of British interests i n the Far East and the Mediterrean."'*
I t is strange, indeed, that Churchill, the originator of the term " I r o n
Curtain" to describe the wall built around Eastem Europe by the Commu-
tusts, also had his share i n the building of that wall. I n his book Triumph
and Tragedy, Churchill himself confirmed that he was involved w i t h the
b u i l d i n g of that same Iron Curtain. He wrote: " I said to Stalin: "Let us setde
our affairs: H o w w i l l i t do to have 90% predominance i n Rumania, for you,
for us to have 90% of the same i n Greece, and 50%, about, i n Yugoslavia? I
wrote o n a half-sheet of paper:
Rumania: Russia 90%, others 10%
Greece: Great Britain: 90 %, Russia 10% ii - ,i,
v„: <•'' Yugoslavia: 50-50 , V'-.-^'••'f'
Hungary: 50-50
Bulgaria: Russia 75%, odiers 25% . lines had been refused, so he had to order his unarmed men to save themselves
Stalin took a p e n d l and made a large tick upon i t and passed i t to me. I t was
setded i n no more time than i t takes to set i t d o w n . "
But the giving of Eastem Europe to the Russian Communists was not
288 ' • •
CHAPTER 25 COMMUNIST BETRAYAL
just the work of these two individuals. Others were involved as well. For
instance, the decision to a l l o w the Russians to reach Berlin before the
Americans, thereby guaranteeing Communist control of part of this major
city, was the responsibility of the Supreme Allied Commander, General
D w i g h t David Eisenhower, according to military documents released i n
1970."
But the overall responsibility for the Communization of Eastem Europe
rests squarely w i t h the administration of President RooseveU, who desired to
sissist them at any cost He is quoted as saying on March 8,1944: " I think the
Russians are perfecdy friendly. They aren't trying to gobble u p the rest of
Europe. These fears that have been expressed by a lot of jDeople here that the
Russians are going to try and dominate Europe, I personally don't think
there is anything to i t " ' *
A n d according to Ambassador Bullitt, Roosevelt told h i m : " I have just
a hunch that S t a l i n . . . doesn't want anything but security for his country,
and I think that i f I give h i m everything I possibly can, and ask nothing i n
retum, he won't try to annex anything and w i l l work for a world of demo-
cracy and peace.""
I t is not k n o w n w h y Roosevelt placed such misguided trust i n the
Russian Communist Stalin, but i t is known that Roosevelt and Eisenhower
approved of the forced repatriation of some six m i l l i o n people back to
Russia, many of w h o m were tortured or k i l l e d after they reached their
destination.
T w o Russians w h o have written about this abominable decision of
these American leaders are Nikolai Tolstoy and Alexandr Solzhenitsyn. T h e
Americans called this repatriation "Operation Keelhaul," after the naval
form of punishment or torture where the prisoner is hauled under the keel of
a ship by a rope tied to the prisoner's body.
These six m i l l i o n individuals were not only soldiers w h o had fought o n
the side of the Germans against the Russians, but they were women and
children as well.
700,000 of this total were soldiers under the command of L t Gen. Andrei
Vlasov, a brilliant Soviet officer and one of the heroes of the battle of Moscow
i n 1942. I n A p r i l of 1945, General Vlasov led his ttoops to the American lines
so that they could surrender and then volunteer to retum to Communist
Russia and attempt to oust the Bolshevik govemment They laid down their
arms and considered themselves to be American Prisoners of War.
Vlasov was informed that permission to pass through the American
as best they could. Most of them were fordbly repatriated back to Russia and
executed. General Vlasov himself was taken from an American escort by
Soviet ttoops and spirited to Moscow where he was later executed.
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T h e British govemment behaved no more honorably. Despite guaran- Alexander Solshenitsyn, the Russian w h o defected to the West i n the
tees to the contrary, more than 30,000 Cossacks, i n c l u d i n g women and 1960's, was a Captain i n the Russian Army d u r i n g the war. H e testified t h a t
children, led by General P.N. Krasnov, were disarmed and forcibly tumed as the Russians moved into G e r m a n y : " . . . all of us knew very well that if the
over to the Russian Army. Many committed suicide rather than be repat- girls were German they could be raped and then s h o t " "
riated back to the Communist govemment i n Russia. T h i s raping of the German women was the result of a Russian propa-
Even though i t was Churchill and Roosevelt w h o made these incredible ganda leaflet given to the Russian soldiers d u r i n g the war w h i c h read: " K i l l l
decisions to repjatriate millions of anu-Communist Russians back to certain N o t h i n g i n Germany is guiltless, neither the l i v i n g nor the yet u n b o m .
death, i t was General D w i g h t Eisenhower w h o enforced " O p e r a t i o n Follow the words of Comrade Stalin and cmsh forever the fasdst beast i n its
Keelhaul," w i t h no apparent pangs of conscience. den. Break the r a c i a l p r i d e o f the G e r m a n w o m a n . T a k e her as y o u r
T h e morality of these decisions o n the part of the readers of the victor- legitimate booty. K i l l , you brave soldiers of the victorious Soviet Army."*"
ious Allied govemments to send millions of people to certain death i n Russia But the raping of the German women was not the only crime of the
was b r o u g h t back i n t o the p u b l i c l i m e l i g h t d u r i n g the t r i a l of A d o l f Russian A r m y . T h e Russians also looted and plundered: " T h e Russi-
Eichmann, a German "war c r i m i n a l " w h o was tried for his involvements ans . . . swept the native population clean i n a manner that had no parallel
w i t h the extermination of millions of Europeans i n the concentration camps since the days of the Asiatic hordes.""
of the Nazi regime. These soldiers were under the c o m m a n d o f President Roosevelt's
T h e Israeli court that tried Eichmann observed that: "The l e ^ l and "perfecdy friendly" ally. Premier Joseph Stalin of Russia.
moral responsibility of he w h o delivers the victim to his death is, i n our
o p i n i o n , n o smaller, and may be greater, than the liability of he w h o does the
victim to death.""
Another example of Russia's perfidy occurred d i u i n g the war i n July,
1944, when Polish General Bor-Komorowski had rallied an army of 250,000
Polish patriots w h o were waiting for the Russians to reach Warsaw so that
together they could defeat the Germans. The Germans had been retreating as
Russia moved west after the Batde of Stalingrad, and Russia had reached the
bank of the Vistula River, the river flowing through Warsaw.
T h e general's army, described as the best and most effective under-
ground resistance army i n Europe, waited for word from the Russians before
they started the batde against the German army.
T h e General's radio picked u p a broadcast i n Polish from Moscow
signed by Molotov, a representative of the Russian government. I t said:
"Poles, the time of liberation is at hand. Poles, to armsl Make every Polish
home a suronghold against the invader [the Germans]. There is not a
moment to losel"
T h e General, believing that the Russians planned o n m o v i n g i n t o
Warsaw, gave the order to revolt against the Germans. "The whole affair
was, o f course, a typically ruthless Stalin trap. T h e Russians stopped
advancing. Stalin refused to allow airplanes to drop supplies w h i c h the
insurgents so desperately needed.... A t the end of two mondis the whole
Polish Home A r m y [under the command of the General] was completely
annihilated. T h i s of coiu^se had been the purpose of the mse.""
But this was not the only example of the barbaric actions of the Russian
govemment that was certain to reach the ear of Roosevelt r^^i^^^^^:^^^ r ,; i

291
 H . Rowan Gaither, r i g h t . President
of the tax-free Ford Foundation,
told the chief investigator of a Con-
gressional Committee studying
such foundations that he was using
their "grant-making power so as to
alter our life i n the United States
that we can be comfortable merged
w i t h the Soviet U n i o n . "

Zbigniew Brzezinski, President

J i m m y Carter's teacher and later his
National Security Advisor, wrote a
book entitled Between Two Ages.
Mr. Brzezinski wrote: " . . . Marx-
ism represents a further vital and
Colonel Edward Mandell House, left, was directly involved i n creative stage i n the m a t u r i n g of
m a k i n g Woodrow Wilson and F r a n k l i n Roosevelt president of man's universal vision. Marxism is
the United States. He wrote the book Philip Dru, Administrator, simultaneously a victory of the
i n 1912 wherein his hero, P h i l i p D r u , gives America "Socialism external, active man over the inner
as dreamed of by Karl M a r x . " According to author G . S. Vierek, passive man and a victory of reason
"every word of advice that passed from h i m to Wilson was over belief."
consistent w i t h the ideas enumerated by D r u . "
Congressman Louis T . McFadden, r i g h t . Chairman of the
Banking and Currency Committee charged that the stock market
crash of 1929 was the work of a g r o u p i n g of international
bankers. He wrote: " W h e n the Federal Reserve Act was passed,
the people of these United States did not perceive that a w o r l d
system was being set u p here. The depression was not accidental.
It was a carefully contrived occurrence." Many believed he was
assassinated by poisoning.

29S
292
 Z Y K L O N B, the lethal gas used i n
the German concentration camps
d u r i n g World War I I . It was manu- Z Y K L O ^ B
factured by I . G . Farben, a company
created by American bankers prior
to the war.

T h e British liner Lusitania was

loaded w i t h tons of a m m u n i t i o n by
the wealthy banker J. P. Morgan
and intentionally sent into a war
one. The British and AiQSjiijoan
governments were h o p i n g that the
ship w o u l d be sunk and that the
Vmerican people would demand
that their government enter World General Albert C. Wedemeyer felt
War I . that Russia and not America w o n
World War I I . He wrote: "Stalin
emerged as the only victor of the
war. The Allies insured the emer-
Norman Thomas, left, the Socialist gence of a more hostile, menacing
Party's presidential candidate i n predatory power than Nazi Ger-
every national election from 1928 many, one w h i c h has enslaved more
through 1948, understood that people than we liberated."
"Socialism" under that name
w o u l d never be accepted hf'^e
American people. He wrote: " T h e
American people w i l l never k n o w -
ingly adopt Socialism, but under
the name of Liberalism, they w i l l
adopt every fragment of the Social-
ist program u n t i l one day America
w o u l d be a Socialist nation w i t h o u t
k n o w i n g how i t happened."

294 2y5
 James Roosevelt, right, son of the 1
former President Franklin
Roosevelt, and George Racey
Jordan, below, an expediting
officer for Lend-Lease supplies to
Russia during World War 11, have
both written books alleging that
President Roosevelt sent Russia the
plans and materials to build an
atomic bomb in 1943-1944.

f
These two individuals, the Russian "Communist" N I K I T A
K H R U S H C H E V , and the American "Capitalist" C Y R U S
E A T O N , are supposedly mortal enemies. Yet they are smiling,
because American and European "Capitalists" have been selling
Russia strategic goods since about 1920. One researcher has
written: "There is no such thing as Soviet technology. Almost all,
perhaps 90 to 95 percent came directly or indirectly from the
United States and its Allies."

297
296

Jerry Rubin, left, one of the leading revolutionaries during the
turbulent 1960's, admitted that some wealthy Americans were
controlling the anti-government movement of which he was a
part. He wrote: "The hip capitalists have some allies within the
revolutionary community; longhairs who work as intermediaries
between the kids on the street and the millionaire businessmen."
John Dewey, right, the "father of Progressive Education" and
about whom it has been said: "no individual has influenced the
thinking of American educators more," was a leading American
aetheist. He wrote, "There is no God and no soul. Hence, there
are no needs for the props of traditional religion. With dogma
and creed excluded, then immutable (unchangeable) truth is also
dead and buried. There is no room for fixed, natural law or
permanent moral absolutes."
298
Chapter 26
The Atomic Bomb
I t was i n 1945 that the war started to unwind. But the war was not to end
as quickly as i t could have.
T h e Japanese attempted to end die war o n February 14,1945, when die
American govemment learned of their efforts to surrender through a de-
coded message between their govemment and the Russian govemmenL' But
the American govemment was not ready to accept Japan's efforts to end the
war. "Marshall [George Marshall, the Army Chief of Staff] made it clear that
he had little faith i n the Japanese overtures for peace."*
These peace overtures were repeated again i n June, 1945, when Russia
received word that Japan was ready to end the war. These messages were once
again intercepted by the American govemment, but nothing was done.
T h e reason for America's reluctance to end the war became clear o n
August 6, 1945, when the United States dropped the first atomic bomb o n
Hiroshima, Japan. The American A i r Force tried to w a m the people of the
d t y that i t was certain to be destroyed, as they dropped 720,000 leaflets onto
the city stating that H i r o s h i m a w o u l d be " . . . obliterated unless Japan
surrendered at once."' A good many people left the d t y , but i t was estimated
that around 250,000 people remainded. ;
299
CHAPTER 26 T H E ATOMIC BOMB CHAPTER 26 T H E ATOMIC BOMB

T h e dedsion to drop a second bomb was made: " N o top level meeting unloaded. T h i s action would have aided Germany as i t would have
had been convened to discuss the necessity of a second bomb, no attempt eliminated much of the war supplies Russia needed to conduct the
made to determine i f the first bomb or Russian entry (Russia had declared war against Germany.
war on Japan on August 8, 1945) into the conflict had quickened Japan's
August 8,1945, was the day that Russia finally dedded to enter the war
intent to surrender."*
against Japan, and this was but six days prior to that nation's surrender. I t
H a r r y T r u m a n , w h o had assumed the presidency after President
has been theorized that the reason this occurred i n this sequence was to
Roosevelt's death on A p r i l 12,1945, is quoted as saying, after the first bomb
rationalize the giving of Japanese property or interests to the Russians after
was dropped o n Hiroshima, that: " . . . this is the greatest thing i n history."*
the war, since they were then an official enemy of Japan.
There are those i n high places i n the American govemment w h o felt
One of the Americans w h o observed the strange behavior of the Amer-
that i t was n o t necessary to d r o p either bomb o n Japan. One, A d m i r a l
ican govemment was General George S. Patton. He had seen enough to
W i l l i a m Leahy, was on record as saying: " I was of the firm o p i n i o n that our
cause h i m to want to resign from the military so that he could "say what I
war against Japan had progressed to the px)int where her defeat was only a
want t o " about America's "soft on C o m m u n i s m " stance d u r i n g the war.
matter of time and attrition. "*
Patton knew enough about the military that he couldn't merely retire and
There is still sp>eculation as to why the two dties of Hiroshima and
speak out, because military men of high rank, even though retired, are still
Nagasaki were selected as the targets for the two atomic bombs, since neither
under the c o n t r o l of the government. T h i s subjection to government
were m i l i t a r y targets, i n the m a i n . One author offers an explanation:
authority includes their ability to spjeak out on the main issues of the day.
"Hiroshima and N a g a s a k i .. . were the chief centers i n Japian of a native
Should Patton resign, he would be free to sp)eak as he saw fit.
Christian population."'
Patton had a strong dislike for what happened as the Russians acquired
There is some evidence that before the bombs were dropped o n Jap>an,
much of Eastem Europe, and i t is said by many that he was going to speak
President Roosevelt had some second thoughts about the use o f these
about this betrayal to the American people after the war was over.
enormously pxjwerful and destmctive weapwns on innocent p)eople: "The
But, before he had a chance to resign, he was killed after an automobile
President... prep)ared a speech for delivery o n Jefferson Day. Roosevelt had
acddent caused h i m to be hospitalized.
intended to expose openly to the w o r l d 'the danger that politicians w i l l
I n 1979, a former undercover agent for the Office of Strategic Services,
accept as inevitable the destmction of innocent pjeople to achieve their goals
the OSS, gave an interview i n which he claimed that he had been asked to k i l l
and that scientists w i l l concentrate on the means and ignore the ends of their
Patton. T h i s agent was " . . . Douglas Bazata, a veteran intelligence agent,
research.'"'
who said he received a contract o n Patton's life i n 1944. According to Bazata,
I n any event, before he could deliver the address, Roosevelt pjassed away,
the order for the 'hit' came down to h i m from none other than the legendary
so the world w i l l never know for certain just what he intended by this spjeech.
Office of Strategic Services direct from [its administrator] ' W i l d B i l l '
It is interesting to note that Japan never attacked Russia during the war.
Donovan."'
Russia was America's World War I I ally and therefore a presumed enemy of
When Bazata was asked w h y he was finally g o i n g p u b l i c w i t h this
Japan. Neither had Russia attacked Japian prior to the dropping of the first
admission after so many years, he said he " . . . was i n pxx)r health and wanted
a t o m i c bomb. T h i s is strange as Russia was at war w i t h Japan's ally
the American people to know the t m t h . "
Germany, and according to the terms of the Tripartite Treaty already referred
T h e newspaper that carried the i n t e r v i e w c l a i m e d that i t had "a
to, both nations should have been at war w i t h each other. Japan's attacking
professional analyst subject Bazata's interview to the rigors of a content
of Russia w o u l d have had dramatic results i n assisting the n a t i o n of
analysis using a Psychological Soress Evaluator (P.S.E.) His repxjrt: Bazata
Germany, for two reasons.
gives no evidence of lying."
1. I t would have opjened u p a second front for Russia, which w o u l d It was Bazata's contention diat, although he collected more dian 110,000
have been forced to move troops needed i n its war against Germany for the death of Patton, he was not responsible for Patten's actual death. He
to the war against Japan, thereby relieving some of the pressure o n d a i m e d that he knows, however, w h o d i d k i l l h i m , and diat Patton was
Japwin's ally, Germany; and k i l l e d by a dose of cyanide i n the hospital where he was taken after the
2. I t pxjssibly could have closed the Russian pwrt of Vladivostok, automobile acddent, and that it was the cyanide radier dian die acddent that
where m u c h of America's Lend-Lease war material was being took his life.

SOO SOI
CHAPTER 26 T H E ATOMIC BOMB CHAPTER 26 T H E ATOMIC BOMB
More than 50 m i l l i o n persons, 23 m i l l i o n of them i n uniform,
About the same time as Patton's death, die Second W o r l d War w o u n d
the rest civilians, were killed, most of them by horrible deaths."
down to a h a l t But die Uagic events of die war were not to come to a close as
yet- There were no victors i n W o r l d War I I except the nations w h o now
T h e victorious Allies had to move over sixteen m i l l i o n Germans from conuoUed the lands under dispute during die war. One American general,
dieir homes i n Genual and Eastem Europe. The reasons for diis expulsion Albert C. Wedemeyer, correctly concluded that Russia was the only victor:
are not presendy clear, although die removal was agreed to by the Allied "Stalin was intent on creating favorable conditions for the realization of
govemments. Communist aims throughout the Balkans and Westem Europe. He emerged
I n October, 1944, the Soviet Army was advancing westward through the as die only victor of the war. We [the Allies] insured the emergence of a more
eastern nations of Europe. T h i s westward movement " . . . triggered a hostile, menacing predatory power than Nazi Germany, one w h i c h has
massive flight of German civilians to the West. Four to five m i l l i o n persons enslaved more people than we liberated.""
fled Millions of Germans also remained Large German enclaves- A European who agreed w i t h General Wedemeyer was Prince Michel
. . . remained i n other areas of pre-war Poland, i n Hungary, Romania, and Sturdza, former Foreign Minister of Rumania, w h o wrote the f o l l o w i n g
Yugoslavia. I n the last two years of the war, however, a far-reaching Allied about W o r l d War I I i n his book The Suicide of Europe: " W o r l d War
policy had been taking f o r m . . . aimed a t . . . die radical removal of Germans I I . . . was to leave only one v i c t o r . . . : Intemational Communism as embo-
f r o m Eastern and Central Europe. A t the c o n c l u s i o n of the Potsdam died i n Soviet Russia.""
Conference (17 J u l y — 2 August, 1945) a protocol was announced, Ardcle So the Second World War was over.
X I I I of which authorized the transfer of the Eastem Germans to what was left But, as was pointed out by General Wedemeyer, America had created a
of die Reich (Germany)."" far more menacing power: Soviet Russia.
As the Germans were being forcibly removed from their homes, "acts of
incredible cruelty and sadism were committed. Helpless civilians were
evicted from their homes w i t h clubs, women were raped, men were con-
scripted i n t o slave labor, thousands were interned i n camps a w a i t i n g
expulsion
After the war ended, die victorious Allies conducted War Crime uials at
Nuremburg. One of diose convicted of the forced deportadon of Germans
and others into forced labor was Albert Speer, Germany's Minister of Arms
and Munidons. I n his book Inside the Third Reich, Speer wrote: "Deporta-
d o n of labor is unquestionably an intemadonal crime. I do not regret my
sentence, even though other nadons are now doing the same t h i n g we did."'*
Others also saw the depravity of the deportadons and attempted to bring
i t to the attention of the U.S. govemment. One of these was Robert Murphy,
U.S. Political Adviser for Germany, w h o wrote to die U.S. State Deparunent:
" I n v i e w i n g the distress,... the m i n d reverts i n s t a n t l y to Dachau a n d
Buchenwald. Here is retribution o n a large scale... practiced... on women
and children, the pcxjr, the i n f i r m . " "
N o one listened, especially the U n i t e d States, and the deportations
continued. T h e tragedy is that "over 2 m i l l i o n Germans did not survive their
involuntary migration."'*
The war was now over, the Germans had been removed from their new
homes, and Europe could begin to rebuild from the enormous destmction.
T h e costs of the war could now be totalled:

8tt
303
 CHAPTER 27 T H E EXPOSERS

Forrestal, America's first Secretary of Defense. Forrestal's credentials for this

position were impressive. He became a parmer and President of D i l l o n , Read
and Company, an intemational banking firm, and i n A p r i l , 1944, he was
appointed Secretary of the Navy. T h i s was followed o n September 17,1947,
by his appointment as Secretary of Defense. He was later asked to resign by
President Harry T m m a n , and he d i d so on March 2, 1949.
Forrestal had viewed the events at the ending of the World War w i t h
much dismay, as he saw the American govemment consistendy yield to the
Russians i n important matters. His explanation for these events was simple:
"These men are not incompetent or stupid. They are crafty and b r i l l i a n t
Consistency has never been a mark of stupidity. I f they were merely stupid,
they would occasionally make a mistake i n our favor."*
Such thoughts on the part of the Secretary of Defense were certain to
make enemies o f those w h o were s u b v e r t i n g America. A n a u t h o r has
summarized the situation:

T h e Communists, both American and European, had gocxl

reason to hate J i m Forrestal: he hated them. He emerged from the
Chapter 27 Second War dedicated to the destmction of Communism.
He had opposed every concession to bring Russia into the war
against Japan. He fought General Marshall's effort to force Chiang
The Exposers Kai-shek to coalesce w i t h the Chinese Communists. He battled
those men i n the State Department w h o tried to give the Mediterra-
nean to Russia.'
[ H e ] . . . was alarmed by what he took to be Roosevelt's tmst i n
T h e strange events of W o r l d War I I had predictable effects a m o n g
Stalin Forrestal's nightmare was that capitalism itself was
certain of the American people. Some saw them as being the machinations
under seige a l l over the world.
of those w h o actually wanted Russia to w i n the world war.
D u r i n g the war his personal files fattened alarmingly—filled
There were at least three individuals who, i n positions of power and
w i t h the names of joumals and organizations and individuals w h o
hence i n a position to expose the true reasons behind these events, attempted
were "under Communist influence."*
to do so.
After T m m a n asked h i m to resign, Forrestal went to Florida. Sensing
T h e first of these was Frank Murphy, a Supreme Court Justice at the
that he was under emotional strain, the W h i t e House sent the chief of
time of his discovery. H e had been appointed by President Roosevelt as
neuropsychiatry at the U.S. Naval Hospital at Bethesda, Maryland to see
Attomey General i n 1938, and later to a vacancy o n the Supreme Coiu-t
Forrestal. Forrestal d i d n o t request that this doctor. Doctor George N .
He once had an occasion to meet w i t h Congressman M a r t i n Dies, the
Raines, visit h i m . I n fact, there was no reason for even the White House to
Chairman of the House Committee o n Un-American Activities. M u r p h y
send h i m as Forrestal was no longer i n the employ of the govemment and,
told Dies: "We're doomedl The United States is doomedl T h e Communists
dierefore, no longer the direct concem of the federal govemment
have control completely. They've got control of Roosevelt and his wife as
But i t was decided that Forrestal should go to the Bethesda Naval
well."i
Hospital. Even before Forrestal left Florida for the hospital, his personal
A few years later, i n 1949, Murphy went into a Detroit hospital and died
diaries: " . . . consisting of fifteen loose-leaf binders totalling three thousand
from a heart attack, just before he was scheduled to be released as recovered.
pages, were hastily removed from his former office i n the Pentagon and
Congressman Dies was convinced that he had been murdered.
locked u p i n the White House where they remained for a year."'
T h e second i n d i v i d u a l w h o apparently f i g u r e d i t o u t was James
Before Forrestal left for Bethesda, he told a friend that he had been

305

CHAPTER 27 T H E EXPOSERS
followed and diat his telephone had been tapped. He further discussed the
i m p e n d i n g war i n Korea, a war s t i l l fifteen m o n t h s f r o m b e g i n n i n g .
Forrestal said: "They're going to catch us unprepared. American soldiers
w i l l be dying i n a year."'
Forrestal apparendy saw the same forces at work planning the war i n
Korea a full fifteen months before i t started. He must have felt that these were
the same planners who had arranged the debacle of post-war Europe, where,
i n Forrestal's mind, the Eastem European countries had been given over to
Communism.
After Forrestal went to Bethesda, his brodier asked Dr. Raines whether
his brodier was fundamentally okay. Dr. Raines answered i n the affirmadve.
But Dr. Raines' behavior i n regards to not allowing Forrestal to see both
his o w n brother and his family priest, Monsignor Maurice S. Sheehy, was
unusual, to say the least. He utterly refused to allow them to see Forrestal.
(Sheehy had attempted to see Forrestal six times, and each time he was
refused.)
Finally, Henry Forrestal, his brother, decided to take his brother into the
country on May 22,1949. He then phoned the hospital and told them he was
arriving to take his brother. But only hours before Henry was due to board
his train to go to Bethesda, he received the news that his brother was dead.
I t is strange that James Forrestal died the very day his brother had
planned to take h i m from the hospital.'
The ex-Secretary of Defense is said to have jumpied to his death from a
sixteenth floor window of the hospital on May 22,1949. His body was found
sprawled grotesquely on a third floor projection of the building. The cord of
his bathrobe was wound tighdy around his neck and tied i n a k n o t
The hospital issued a prepared statement that Forrestal had committed
suicide. T h i s was followed almost immediately by an almost identical
coroner's verdict.
It was theorized that, on the night of May 22, Forrestal had left his lied
and walked across the hall to an unlcx:ked window. I t was here that he tied
one end of his bathrobe cord around a radiator and the other end around his
neck. He then, according to this theory, opened the window and jumped out
" i n an attempt to hang himself."
Several t h i n g s about his p u r p o r t e d suicide do n o t r i n g true. For
instance:
Forrestal left no suicide note.
He was not critically i l l , so he had no medical reason to
terminate his life. I n fact. Dr. Raines had admitted that he had
progressed to the point that his discharge from the hospital was
imminent.
Not one shred of the bathrobe cord or mark on the radiator
306
CHAPTER 27 T H E EXPOSERS
existed to indicate that the cord had ever been there.
T h e cord hadn't broken d u r i n g the purported hanging. T h e
cord was tightly wrapped around Forrestal's neck, but ex-Navy
man Forrestal apparendy had not tied the other end tightly around
the radiator.
I n summary, then:
Contrary to the impression given the p u b l i c at the time,
Forrestal had none of the usual reasons for k i l l i n g himself.
He had no financial worries. He had no personal worries. H e
was basically i n good health.
The only possible motive he could have had for taking his life,
everyone agreed, was depression over losing his job as Secretary of
Defense and/or over the smears of newspaper columnists and radio
commentators.
However, Forrestal could hardly have killed himself for these
reasons either. A l l his life he had been a fighter. He was actively
p l a n n i n g , as soon as he left the hospital, to start a career as a
newspapierman and w r i t e a book. These projects, he had t o l d
friends, would allow h i m to take the offensive against his attackers
and expose their real motives.
As far as "depression over losing his j o b " as a possible suidde
motive, he had intended leaving his govemment post soon i n any
event'
Monsignor Sheehy placed the blame on Forrestal's death on those w h o
kept h i m from seeing his long-time friend: " H a d I been allowed to see my
friend, J i m Forrestal... and put his m i n d at ease w i t h the oldest and most
reliable medicine known to mankind [religion], he would be alive today. H i s
blood is on the heads of those who kept me from seeing h i m . " '
There was a semi-offidal investigation into Forrestal's death. I t was
conducted by the medical officer i n c o m m a n d of the Bethesda N a v a l
Hospital and i t "did not find that Forrestal had committed suidde. The word
'suidde' was not once used: the board found only that Forrestal had died 'as
a result of injuries, multiple, extteme, received incident to a f a l l . . . ' "
Perhaps the key to Forrestal's death is i n his diaries. These papers were:
"subjected to c e n s o r s h i p . . . from three different sources... the W h i t e
H o u s e ; . . . the Pentagon; and, finally, they were condensed and gutted by
Walter M i l l i s under the guise of editing [for serialization i n the New York
Tribune]."^^
M i l l i s was also responsible for the p u b l i s h i n g of the diaries by the
V i k i n g Press i n 1951. So what Forrestal had w r i t t e n i n his diaries w i l l
307
CHAPTER27 THEEXPOSERS
probably never be k n o w n to the American public. T h e three acts of censor-
ship have probably eliminated the meat of Forrestal's concems.
One possible clue of what they contained comes from M o n s i g n o r
Sheehy, w h o is on record as saying: "Many, many times i n his letters to me,
J i m Forrestal wrote anxiously and fearfully and bitterly of the enormous
harm diat had been, and was unceasingly being done, by men i n high office
i n the United States govemment, w h o he was convinced were Communists
or under die influence of Communists, and w h o he said were shaping the
policies of die United States govemment to aid Soviet Russia and harm the
United States."'"
I t is interesting to see that the o p i n i o n diat Forrestal was insane at the
time of his deadi is still the version being offered to the American p u b l i c
Take, for instance, die answer Walter Scott i n his Parade magazine column
called "Personality Parade" offered to die following question on May 24,
1981:
Question: D i d President Harry T m m a n ever conspire w i t h die
American press to hide the t r u t h about the insanity of James
Forrestal, our first Secretary of Defense?
A n s w e r : . . . the press declined to reveal to the p u b l i c that
Forrestal suffered from a severe psychosis i n the late 1940's. He was
obviously insane at the time "
Dr, C a r r o l l Q u i g l e y voiced the same o p i n i o n i n his book entitled
Tragedy and Hope by informing the reader that: " H i s m i n d collapsed under
the sttain and he resigned i n 1949, committing suicide shordy afterward."'*
T h e American people w i l l probably never know what happened to
James Forrestal. Only die clues to his tragic deadi remain.
T h e t h i r d individual w h o came to realize that there was something
wrong w i d i America's polides was Senator Joseph McCarthy who was to
pay for this knowledge w i d i bodi his reputation and later w i t h his life.
T h e campaign to vilify Senator McCardiy was long i n duration and i n
fact has continued to the present A n examination of the facts w i l l reveal why
his name is so sullied even to this day.
Appropriately, i t was: "Forrestal w h o personally alerted the freshman
Senator to the Communist menace and 'named names' to h i m of key persons
i n our federal govemment w h o were consistendy shaping our polides and
programs to benefit Soviet Russia.""
T h e story o f McCarthy begins, perhaps, o n March 22, 1947, when
President H a r r y T r u m a n issued Executive Order #9835, establishing a
federal loyalty program diat forbade die employment of loyalty risks.'* T h i s
action was followed on June 10,1947, by a memorandum sent to Secretary of
State George C Marshall by the Senate Committee o n Appropriations. The
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CHAPTER 27 THEEXPOSERS
memo read, i n part, as follows: ; ' ,
O n file i n die Department is a copy of a preliminary report of
the F B I on Soviet espionage activities i n the United States which
involves a large number of State Department employees, some i n
high offidal positions
There is a deliberate, calculated program carried o u t not only
to protect Communist personnel i n h i g h places, b u t to reduce
security and intelligence protection to a nullity.
Should diis case break before the State Department acts, i t w i l l
be a national disgrace." "
T h i s report was completely ignored by Secretary Marshall.
T h i s inaction caused Senator McCarthy to write die following about
George Marshall i n his book, America's Retreat From Victory: " I f he was
wholeheartedly serving the cause of die United States, diese dedsions were
great blunders. If they followed a secret pattem to which we do not as yet have
the key, they may very well have been successful i n die highest degree.""
Later, o n March 13, 1948, President T m m a n softened his position o n
security risks when he: "issued an order instmcting a l l federal employees to
w i t h h o l d personnel loyalty and security i n f o r m a t i o n from members of
Congress.... "«>
T h i s order obviously w o u l d make i t extremely difficult to pursue any
security or loyalty risks t h r o u g h government channels, a n d certainly
hampered the investigations by those agendes responsible for ferreting out
those w h o jeopardized the security of the American govemment
Later, j u s t after T h a n k s g i v i n g , 1949, three m e n came to Senator
McCarthy's office and: i . y . . . [ ^ i y , , ,i
. . . showed the Senator a one-hundred page summary of Commu-
nist subversion i n die United States, including serious penetration
of the State Department. T h e report, w h i c h had been prepared
under diedirection of J. Edgar Hoover [the head of the F.B.I.], had
already been supplied to die White House, die Secretary of State,
and heads of other federal departments concerned.
I t detailed die operations of spy networks operating i n the U.S.
govemment and involving a large number of State Department
employees, some i n very high positions.
Senator McCarthy read the report and was so shocked by what
i t revealed that he committed himself to do something about i t ' *
A n d so began die McCarthy saga.
I t was b u t a few m o n t h s later, o n February 9, 1950, that Senator
McCarthy " d i d somediing about i t " He gave a speech to die O h i o County
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CHAPTER 27 THEEXPOSERS
Women's Republican Club of Wheeling, West Virginia, i n which he said: " I
have i n my hand fifty-seven cases of individuals w h o w o u l d appear to be
either card-carrying members or certainly loyal to the Communist Party, but
who nevertheless are sdll helping to shape our foreign policy. "22
McCarthy's sensadonal charges began appearing i n newspapers across
the country.
I n Salt Lake City, he withdrew the offer to give [Secretary of
State Dean] Acheson the names. A presidential order was then i n
effect p r o h i b i t i n g the government from t u r n i n g over loyalty
records of U.S. employees to anyone outside the Execudve Depart-
ment, i n c l u d i n g , of course, congressional i n v e s t i g a t i n g
committees.
What would be the use of giving Acheson the names of Com-
munists and their sympathizers, McCarthy argued, unless their
actual records could be obtained and proof shown to the people.
W h a t w o u l d prevent the Secretary o f State f r o m s i m p l y
accepting the list, a n n o u n c i n g that nobody o n i t was either a
Communist or a security risk, and thus end the matter, "s
O n February 11, 1950, Senator McCarthy sent a w i r e to President
T r u m a n : "calling u p o n h i m to furnish Congress w i t h a list of a l l State
Department employees considered bad security risks and asking h i m to
revoke the presidential order."
Senator McCarthy was certain that the State Department loyalty files
w o u l d prove his case, but he never got a chance to receive them, as: "The State
Department's press o f f i c e r . . . issued a heated denial. 'We k n o w o f n o
Communist members i n this Department and i f we find any they w d l be
summarily dismissed'
Those w h o felt McCarthy was libelling and slandering innocent people
now know that he was very concemed about not releasing the names of the
individuals he had on his lists, and: "on Febmary 20,1950, without naming
names, he gave his colleagues [ i n the Senate] a resume of the facts from the
files of eighty-one i n d i v i d u a l s ^ the fifty-seven referred to at Wheeling and
twenty-four additional cases of less importance and where the evidence was
less conclusive."**
T w o days later: "...a Special Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee was appointed and charged w i t h conducting 'a full
and complete study and investigation as to whether persons who are disloyal
to the United States are or have been employed by the Department of State.'
Instead of investigating McCarthy's accusations, however, the Committee
.investigated McCarthy. M i l l a r d Tydings, the Committee Chairman, set the
tone for the inquiry when he boasted: 'Give me three days of public hearings
SIO
CHAPTER27 THEEXPOSERS
and McCarthy w i l l never show his face i n the Senate again.'
The anti-McCarthy feelings i n the United States started rising. Even the
Communist Party newspaper, the Daily Worker, of A p r i l 15,1950, added its
concems: "Communists are keenly aware of the damage the McCarthy crowd
is doing."*'
Gus H a l l , the head of the American Communist Party urged: "Commu-
nist Party members and a l l anti-fascists to yield second place to none i n the
fight to rid our country of the fascist poison of McCarthyism."*'
So McCarthy had to face both the Communist Party and the govem-
ment investigating committee i n an effort to force the govemment to r i d itself
of the subversives already known to exist w i t h i n its ranks.
McCarthy appeared to have w o n a victory w h e n , o n May 4, 1950,
President T m m a n changed his m i n d and announced that the loyalty files o n
McCarthy's cases w o u l d be made available to the Committee.** But when
they were delivered to the Committee, McCarthy charged that they had been
"raped," "skeletonized," and "tampered w i t h . " ' " Later, on July 12, 1950,
McCarthy released the documents on which he based his charges that the files
had been stripped. "These documents are affidavits from four persons w h o
had been employed by the [State] Department on a temporary basis i n the
Fall of 1946 and assigned to a 'file project,' the purpose of which, they said,
was to remove from the personnel files of Department employees a l l
derogatory information.""
So McCarthy was taking on the State Department and it was countering
w i t h a concealment of the truth.
M c C a r t h y also t o l d the A m e r i c a n p u b l i c that i t was at the Yalta
conference i n 1945 that Roosevelt and Stalin planned, not only the Korean
War that the United States was then involved i n , but also the Vietnamese war
that was to follow some 10 to42 years later. I t was on September 23,1950, that
McCarthy charged: "Here was signed the death warrant of the young men
who were dying today i n the hills and valleys of Korea. Here was signed the
death warrant of the young men who w i l l die tomorrow i n the jungles of
Indochina [Vietnam]."
H e also saw that a l l of these machinations were the work of a giant
conspiracy and he said so. He wrote: " H o w can we account for our present
situation unless we believe that men h i g h i n Govemment are concerting to
deliver us to disaster? T h i s must be the product of a great conspiracy, a
conspiracy on a scale so immense as to dwarf any previous such venture i n
die history of man. A conspiracy of infamy so black that, when i t is finally
exposed, its principals shall be forever deserving of the maledictions of a l l
honest men "What can be made of this unbroken series of dedsions
and acts contributing to the strategy of defeat? They cannot be attributed to
incompetence . . . . Thelawsofprobability woulddictatediatpartof . . . [the]
dedsions would serve this country's interest.""
811
Ill CHAPTER27 THEEXPOSERS
(Notice the similarity of this statement and die one made by James
Forrestal about "consistency never being the mark of stupidity.")
McCarthy was becoming too dangerous to the conspiracy that he had
begun to discover. So the smear job began that i t hoped w o u l d destroy h i m ,
the smear job that went something like: " I like what he is d o i n g , but I object
to his methods." Or: "He is smearing individuals w i t h g u i l t by associadon."
McCarthy knew that these smear jobs against h i m were inaccurate, and
he wrote about them i n his b<X)k, published i n 1952: "Whenever 1 ask diose
who object to my methods to name the 'objecdonable methods;' again 1 hear
parroted back to me the Communist Daily Worker stock phrase: 'irresponsi-
ble charges' and 'smearing innocent people.' But as often as I have asked for
the name of a single innocent person w h o has been 'smeared' or 'irresponsi-
bly charged,' n o d i i n g but silence answers.""
The govemment later substantiated McCarthy's charges i n 1953 when i t
published a report, o n July 30, endded Interlocking Subversion in Govem-
ment Departments, w h i c h was w r i t t e n by the Senate I n t e r n a l Security
Subcommittee. I t read, i n part: "The Soviet intemadonal organizadon has
carried o n a successful and i m p o r t a n t penetration of the U n i t e d States
Govemment, and this penettadon has not been fully exposed. T h i s penetra-
don has extended from the lower ranks to top-level policy and operating
positions i n our govemment. Despite the fact that the Federal Bureau of
Investigation and odier security agendes had reported extensive information
about this Communist penetration, Utde was done by the Executive branch
to intermpt die Soviet operatives i n their ascent i n Govemment "»
So the dedsion was made to "get McCarthy," as there were those w h o
felt that he was getting too close to the t m t h . So o n January 2 1 , 1 9 5 4 : " . . . an
anti-McCarthy strategy meeting [was] held . . . i n the office of the Attomey
General.""
Present at this meeting were: Henry Cabot Lodge, U.S. Ambassador to
die United Nations; Attomey General Herbert Brownell; Deputy Attomey
General W i l l i a m Rogers (later President Nixon's Secretary o f State); White
House aides Sherman Adams and Gerald Morgan; and J o h n G. Adams,
counselor. Department of the Army.
A t this meeting: " I t was dedded that John Adams w o u l d start compil-
i n g notes to be used as the basis for f i l i n g charges a g a i n s t Senator
McCardiy....""
(One of the efforts to expose McCardiy was a book w r i t t e n by Richard
H . Rovere entitled Senator Joe McCarthy.**)
I t has been pretty well established by America's major media that die
most serious charge against McCarthy is that he m a l i c i o u s l y "smeared"
innocent people, by calling them names.
M r . Rovere, certainly n o supporter of the Senator, called h i m the
following names i n his book: a bully, a seditionist, a spedes of nihilist, a
:: / , ' V. ' ' \ 2 •
CHAPTER27 THEEXPOSERS
screamer, a political thug, a master of the mob, a black arts practitioner, a
champion liar, a prince of hatted, possibly a homosexual, a ttue hypocrite,
morally indecent, perhaps crazy, an outtageous fourflusher, a fraud, a heavy
drinker, and a demon.
I t is comforting to know that i t was the Senator w h o smeared people by
calling them namesl
Mr. Rovere d i d like certain people, however. H e called the Socialist
Norman Thomas a "devoted champion of liberty and decency."
T h e famous Army-McCarthy hearings started a few months later o n
A p r i l 22,1954, after McCarthy questioned the Army's dedsion to promote a
suspected Communist
T h e next step i n the desttuction of Senator McCarthy occurred on May
17, 1954, when President Eisenhower, w h o had replaced Harry T m m a n ,
"issued an Executive order prohibiting testimony at die hearings from any
member of the Executive w i t h o u t prior permission—which of course was
not g i v e n . " "
Eisenhower himself admitted to some sttong negative feelings about
McCarthy. He wrote about diese feelings i n die A p r i l , 1969, Reader's Digest:
"From the beginning, I was urged by a great many people ... to 'smash'
McCarthy by a public denundation. When I refused, I was criticized bitterly
i n many quarters. A c t u a l l y , I yearned i n every fiber of my b e i n g to do
predsely what my critics were u r g i n g — b u t I felt sure this was the vwong
tactic "<«
The charges against McCarthy came to a head o n July 30, 1954, when
Senator R a l p h Flanders introduced a r e s o l u t i o n c o n d e m n i n g Senator
McCarthy for "conduct unbecoming a member." I t contained forty-six
different counts, and a committee was appointed to investigate the charges.
After hearings, i t recommended that McCarthy be censured, not o n the forty-
six counts, but o n only two.*'
The charges inttoduced by Flanders, however, were not written by h i m
nor members of his staff: "What is generally not k n o w n is diat the speech
made by Senator Flanders i n i n t r o d u c i n g the resolution, as w e l l as the
resolution itself, were vwitten for h i m by the National Committee for an
Effective Congress, [which was] created by . . . A r t h u r G o l d s m i d i . . . .
(It is very revealing that the A r d i u r Goldsmidi w h o created the organi-
a t i o n w h i c h wrote the charges against McCarthy was the same A r t h u r
Goldsmith w h o had the ability to make dedsions for the Communist Party
of die United States. I t w i l l be recalled diat i t was Dr. Dodd, a member of die
Communist Party, w h o revealed that i t was the wealthy Goldsmith w h o had
* i s incredible power.)
The Senate later voted on the charges when diey voted to "condemn"
and not "censure" the Senator. ("Condemning" is milder than "censuring.")
After a l l of the allegations against McCarthy about his "smearing
CHAPTER27 THEEXPOSERS
inncxsnt people," was he personally able to substantiate his charges?
Now, i n retrospect, i t is possible to look at the record. Was McCarthy
able to substantiate his allegations that there were at least eighty-one security
risks i n the State Department?
1. Fifty-seven of these cases were later summoned by a Loyalty Board,
and fifty-four of the accused confirmed McCarthy's charges by
resigning under fire.
2. By November of 1954, all of the eighty-one persons on McCarthy's
list had left govemment employ by dismissal or resignation.
3. The Senate Intemal Security Subcommittee revealed that, on June
27,1956, the State Department's o w n security chief, Scott McLeod,
drew u p a list of 847 Security risks i n the State Department
It w o u l d seem that Joe McCarthy's major sin was that he
underestimated the extent to which the Communists had f)ene-
trated the State Department"
I t is also revealing that an organization named The Constitutional
Educational League of New York "offered a 110,000 reward for any person
who could prove that Senator McCarthy ever called anyone a Communist or
a Communist Fronter who, i n fact was not. Although this offer was widely
publicized from coast to coast no one ever claimed that reward.""
H o w d i d Senator McCarthy account for, first die smear and, then, the
vote to condemn him? I t w i l l be recalled that he wrote the following i n his
book, A merica's Retreat From Victory: " H o w can we account for our present
situation unless we believe that men high i n this govemment are concerting
to deliver us to disaster? This must be the prcxluct of a great conspiracy, a
conspiracy on a scale so immense as to dwarf any previous such venture i n
the history of man."*'
He also went on to explain what he felt was the purpose of this conspi-
racy: "to diminish the United States i n world affairs, to weaken us militarily,
to confuse our spirit w i t h talk of surrender i n the Far East and to impair our
w i l l to resist evil. T o what end? T o the end that we shall be contained and
fmstrated and finally fall victim to Soviet intrigue from w i t h i n and Russian
military might from without"**
McCarthy's life came to an end on May 2,1957, when he died at Bethesda
N a v a l H o s p i t a l , the same h o s p i t a l where Secretary of Defense James
Forrestal "committed suicide." I t was stated diat McCarthy died of "acute
hepatic failure." A n d i t is now k n o w n diat McCarthy did have infectious
hepatitis. I n his book. The Assassination of Joe McCarthy, the author. Dr.
Medford Evans, examines McCarthy's death:
A m a n w i t h a history of infectious hepatitis could indeed
succumb abmptly to toxic hepatitis, a deadly affair i n any case.
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CHAPTER 27 T H E E X P O S E R S
T o x i c hepatitis is caused, as the name indicates, by any of
several poisons, including chloroform, mercury, and snake venom,
b u t most conveniently, perhaps, by carbon tetrachloride, the
common dry-cleaning solvent
A scarely noticeable or quickly dissipated concentration might
be fatal to a m a n already suffering from a liver c o m p l a i n t
hepatitis].*'
When McCardiy went into die hospital, he was "immediately placed i n
an oxygen tent," and Evans asked this question: "Do you suppose anybody
could have got any carbon tetrachloride into that thing?"*'
It is his theory diat carbon teorachloride easily could have been placed
under die oxygen tent and then dissipated quickly as McCardiy was sleeping.
T h e breathing of a poison by a man suffering from infectious hepatitis
would have been fatal.
Dr. Evans comments on McCardiy's overall health: "... Joe McCardiy's
health was such i n the Spring of 1957 as to make i t incredible diat he should
die so swifdy of natural causes."*'
I n any event no autoposy was performed on McCardiy's body,*" so die
t m t h about what caused his death may never be revealed.
A t Senator McCardiy's funeral, the eulogy was delivered by die R i g h t
Reverend Monsignor John K. Cartwright who observed: " . . . Communism
is the greatest enemy of our sodety Not everybody saw from the begin-
ning, and many still do not see, that die threat of Communism is domestic
as well as foreign, d v i l as well as military. But this man saw i t clearly and
knew that i t is an evil w i t h which there can be no compromise...
Louis Budenz, a former member of the Communist Party, said this
about die Senator: "The destmction of Joe McCardiy leaves die way open to
intimidate any person of consequence who moves against the Conspiracy.
The Communists made h i m their chief target because diey wanted to make
h i m a symbol to r e m i n d p o l i t i c a l leaders i n America not to h a r m the
Conspiracy or its world conquest designs."'*
But Dr. Evans notes diat it was not die Communist Party that ultimately
secured the destmction of Senator McCarthy. He wrote: " A note is necessary
on die relationship of the [Communist] Party—McCarthy's declared enemy,
as he was theirs—-to the American 'establishment,' w h i c h is presumably
anti-Communist, and which McCardiy never attacked, but which attacked
him, and was, indeed, more immediately the insorument of die desmiction
dian was the Communist Party.""
It was die very "establishment" diat should have joined the Senator i n
liis attack against the Communist Party that finally brought h i m down.
It was indeed a strange partnership.
But i t succeeded.
SIS

Chapter 28
The Korean War
I n 1944, the Council o n Foreign Relations prepared a confidendal
memorandum for the State Department that began the process of involving
us i n a war i n Korea. I t read, i n part: "The sovereignty fedsh is sdll so strong
i n the public m i n d that there w o u l d appear to be litde chance of w i n n i n g
popular assent to American membership i n anything approaching a super-
state organizadon. Much w i l l depend o n the k i n d of approach which is used
i n further popular education " Koreans were preparing for an invasion. A n d on June 25,1950, they crossed
A review of the memorandum stated that: "a fiu-ther difficulty was dted,
namely that [difficulty] arising from the Constitutional provision that only
Congress may declare war. T h i s argument was countered w i t h the conten-
tion that a treaty w o u l d override this barrier, let alone the fact that oiu-
p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n such police a c t i o n as m i g h t be recommended by the
intemational security organizadon need not necessarily be construed as
war."'
T h a t tteaty was the United Nations Treaty, created i n 1945, essentially
by the C o u n d l on Foreign Relations (there were forty-seven members i n the
American delegation to the U . N . Conference at San Frandsco.)
T h e Korean War had a unique place i n history: " . . . for the first time,
316
CHAPTER 28 T H E KOREAN WAR
a world organization voted to use collective force to stop armed aggression."*
The Korean War was made possible at the Potsdam and Yalta conferen-
ces, as World War I I was ending, when the Allied govemments, represented
by Churchill, Stalin, and Roosevelt, divided Korea into a North and South.
North Korea quickly created an army of 187,000 men, w i t h Russia supplying
the military equipment (the artillery, tanks and planes, etc,) necessary to
wage the war. The South only raised an army of 96,000 men, w i t h sparse
military equipment.
One of the reasons for this inadequacy of their military equipment was
the fact that, even though the United States had voted f 10 m i l l i o n i n military
assistance for South Korea, o n l y a small percentage of i t reached that
counuy.'
General Douglas MacArdiur, w h o was later to command these forces,
wrote i n his book Reminiscences:
The South Koreans had four divisions along the 38th Parallel
[the dividing line between North and South Korea].
They had been well trained, and the personnel were brave and
patriotic, but they were equipped and organized as a constabulary
force, not as ttoops of the line.
They had only light weapons, no air or naval forces, and were
lacking i n tanks, artillery, and many other essentials.
The dedsion to equip and organize them i n this way had been
made by the State Department. T h e argument advanced by the
State Department for its decision was that i t was a necessary
measure to prevent the South Koreans from attacking North Korea,
a curious myopic reasoning that, of course, opened the way for a
North Korean attack.*
But North Korea's attack should not have come as a surprise as General
Albert Wedemeyer had warned President Harry T r u m a n that the N o r t h
the 38di Parallel and started die war.
The Russians could have prevented the United Nations from getting
involved had they wanted to by vetoing the U . N . efforts: "The Soviets, using
the non-membership of Red China i n die U . N . as an excuse, walked out of
the Security C o u n d l . T h e Council, w i d i Russia absent, dien voted U . N .
intervention i n Korea—a decision w h i c h the Soviet U n i o n could have
blocked w i t h its veto i f i t had been present. After the vote, and w i t h Red
China still not seated i n the United Nations, the Soviets retumed to the
Security C o u n d l . " '
Some have seen Russia's absence during this c m d a l vote as an inten-
tional maneuver on the part of the Russians: " . . . the Soviets started the war
themselves. This means that they knew when i t would start I f they wanted
S17
CHAPTER 28 T H E KOREAN WAR
to keep us out, Stalin w o u l d have told his U . N . delegate, Jacob Malik, to
forget the boycott, to take his seat at the Security Council, and vote nyet [no].
T h e fart that the Soviets didn't do this is proof, not just that they didn't want
to keep us out of the Korean War, but diat diey wanted to nick us in."«
T w o days after die invasion of South Korea, die Chinese o n T a i w a n ,
sensing that the dme was ripe for them to move against the Communist
govemment o n mainland China, got severely reprimanded by President
T r u m a n : " . . .1 a m c a l l i n g u p o n the Chinese government o n Formosa
[Taiwan] to cease a l l air and sea operadons against the m a i n l a n d . " '
N o t only did T m m a n declare i t was against American pxilicy for die free
Chinese to reclaim Communist China, but he also ordered the American
Fleet i n t o the Straits of Formosa to insure this.*
General Douglas MacArdiur later revealed diat he saw this acdon as an
intendonal act on the part of die American government to insure the entry of
Red China into die war. He wrote:
T h e possibility of Red China's entry into die Korean War had
existed ever since die order from Washington, issued to the Seventh
Fleet i n June, to neutralize Formosa, which i n effect protected the
Red China mainland from attack by Chiang-Kai-shek's forces of
half a m i l l i o n men.
T h i s released die two great Red Chinese armies assigned die
coastal defense of central C h i n a and made them available for
transfer elsewhere.'
T h i s meant diat the Communist China leaders need have litde
w o r r y about a possible N a t i o n a l i s t l a n d i n g o n the m a i n l a n d
opposite Formosa, and that they could move Red troops northward
to the M a n c h u r i a n country above the Y a l u River w i t h perfect
safety.
I t gave their Korean war plans a tremendous impetus, because
Red China could now enter die Korean War at any time she chose
w i d i o u t fear of being attacked on her flank and rear by die National-
ist troops o n Formosa.'"
But this action by the American govemment d i d not deter the Taiwa-
nese govemmem of Chaing-Kai-Shek, who, less than a week after die North
Koreans had crossed the 38th parallel, offered "the State Department an
advance force of 33,000 troops diat could be embarked for Korea w i t h i n five
days after die offer was accepted. The suggestion was politely refused.""
Formosa was, at the time, a member of the United Nations and therefore
could have been represented i n the United Nations Force, but the American
govemment would not tolerate such a move.
I t was a few months later diat die results of die State Deparunent's tactics
CHAPTER 28 T H E KOREAN WAR
began to show up. I n Ortober, 1950, General MacArdiur began sensing that
the Red Chinese were b u i l d i n g u p dieir troops i n Manchuria, just north of
the Y a l u River. T h i s i n t e l l i g e n c e r e p o r t went unheeded by the State
Deparunent which advised MacArdiur diat diere was no possibility of their
intervening i n the war. But the State Deparunent was incorrect, as the Red
Chinese crossed the Yalu River, the river separating N o r t h Korea and Red
China, on October 15,1950.
As the war against Red C h i n a and the N o r t h Koreans continued.
General M a c A r t h u r continued to feel that there had been a leak i n his
intelligence and that his strategy was known i n advance to the enemy. One
of MacArthur's senior field commanders. General Walton Walker: " . . .
continually c o m p l a i n e d . . . that his operations were k n o w n to the enemy i n
advance dirough sources i n Washington."'*
T h e t m t h is that MacArthur's sUategies were indeed falling into the
hands of the North Koreans w h o were being commanded by Russian officers.
T h e chain of command under the United States Constitution for any
mihtary officer leads upward through die Executive Branch of the govem-
ment and ends w i t h die President w h o is the ultimate authority for military
decisions. MacArthur was, of course, constitutionally required to obey the
orders of his ultimate commander, but under the ueaty b i n d i n g the United
States to the United Nations, the command chain went past the President
i n t o an office i n the U n i t e d Nations k n o w n as the Undersecretary for
Political and Security Council Affairs who reported direcdy to the Secretary
General.
Because of a secret agreement made by Secretary o f State E d w a r d
Stettinius i n 1945, this key position, die offidal who conttolled such things
as United Nations "police actions," was to be filled by a Communist from
some Eastem European Commuiust countty. A t the time of the Korean War,
diis post was filled by Constantine Zinchenko, of Russia.
The North Koreans had Russian military advisors d u r i n g the war, and
i t later became k n o w n just w h o was i n charge of the N o r t h Korean war
efforts. According to a Deparunent of Defense press release dated May 15,
1964, high-ranking Russian military officers were artually on the scene i n
N o r d i Korea directing military operations. T h e release stated: " A N o r t h
Korean Major identified two of these Russian 'advisors' as General Vasilev
and Colonel Dolgin. Vasilev, he said, was i n charge of all movements across
* e 38di piarallel. Another prisoner... said he actually heard General Vasilev
give die order to attack on June 2 5 d i . " "
General Vasilev's chain of command went through the United Nations
as well. He "had been the chairman of die United Nations Military Staff
Coinmittee which, along w i t h the office of the Undersecretary General for
PoUtical and Security C o u n d l Affairs, is responsible for United Nations
CHAPTER 28 T H E KOREAN WAR CHAPTER 28 T H E KOREAN WAR

Yalu; I could have bombed die devils between diere and Mukden, stopped the
military action under the Security Council."'*
railroad operating and die people of China that were fighting could not have
T h a t meant that two Russians shared authority i n planning the North
been supplied — But we weren't permitted to do i t As a result, a lot of
Korean war efforts, and one of them planned the efforts of the U n i t e d
American blood was spilled over there i n Korea."**
Nations. " I n effect, die Communists were directing bodi sides of the war!""
House Minority Leader Joseph Martin also expressed his dismay at the
T h e Russians were not only c o n t r o l l i n g both sides of the war and
adminisuation's apparent desire not to w i n the war i n Korea by such tactics
supplying technical advisors for the N o r t h Korean war effort, they were
as not allowing the bombing of suategic military targets: " I f we are not i n
actually supplying Russian pilots for flights against the Americans: " L t .
Korea to w i n , this Administration should be indicted for the murder of
Gen. Samuel E. Anderson, commander of die Fifth A i r Force, revealed that
thousands of American boys."*'
entire Soviet Air Force units fought i n the Korean War for over two and a half
Congressman M a r t i n was involved i n the last chapter of General
years ""
MacArthur's story i n the War i n Korea. O n March 8, 1951, he wrote to
General MacArthur, aware that die Red Chinese were about to enter the
MacArthur asking for his views on foreign pxilicy and overall strategy i n the
war, realized that one way to prevent their massive entry was to bomb the
Far East, suggesting i n a d d i t i o n that the Free Chinese government o n
bridges crossing the Yalu River. He: "ordered General Stratemeyer, [Chief of
Formosa should be employed i n the war i n Korea to take the pressure off die
the Air Force] to employ B-29's on die following m o m i n g to destroy the Yalu
American forces.
bridges and cut this easy line of communication between Manchuria and
General MacArdiur replied to die letter on March 20,1951, agreeing diat
North Korea. A n immediate dispatch came from Secretary [of State George]
die Nationalist Chinese should be allowed to enter the war. I n addition he
Marshall countermanding my order and directing me to 'postpone a l l
wrote: " I t seems suangely difficult for some to realize diat here i n Asia is
bombing of targets w i d i i n five miles of the Manchurian border.'
where the Communist conspirators have elected to make dieir play for global
I n addition, MacArthur was ordered not to pursue aircraft fleeing N o r d i
conquest, and that we have joined the issue thus raised o n the batdefield; that
Korea into Manchuria, nor could he bomb the supply base i n die town of
here we fight Europe's war w i d i arms while die diplomats diere still fight i t
Radn.
w i t h words; that if we lose the war to communism i n Asia, the fall of Europe
MacArthur felt diat of these dedsions the "most incomprehensible of all
is inevitable, w i n i t and Europe most probably would avoid war and yet
was the refusal to let me bomb the important supply center at R a d n . which
preserve freedom We must w i n . There is no substitute for victory."**
was not i n Manchuria or Siberia [Russia] but many miles from the borders,
President Harry T m m a n apparendy read General MacArthur's letter
i n northeast Korea. Racin was a depot to which the Soviet U n i o n forwarded
and concluded that generals should not set foreign policy. He decided to
supplies from Vladivostok for the North Korean A r m y . " "
relieve h i m of his command. O n A p r i l 10, 1951, he announced to the
O n November 25, 1950, the Red Chinese Army commander. General
American people: " W i t h deep regret, I have concluded diat General of die
L i n Piao, launched his f u l l forces across the Yalu River and i n t o North
Army Douglas MacArthur is unable to give his wholehearted support to the
Korea. MacArthur felt that: " . . . information must have been relayed to
policies of the U.S. Government and of the U n i t e d Nations i n matters
them, assuring diat the Yalu bridges w o u l d continue to enjoy sanctuary and
pertaining to his offidal duties."*'
that their bases would be left intact.""
T h i s was, unfortunately, the truth, as even General L i n Piao later General MacArdiur replied: " . . . never i n die history was diere a more
admitted that he "would never have made the attack and risked my m e n . . . if drastic method employed dian i n my relief—without a hearing, w i d i o u t an
I had not been assured that Washington w o u l d resttain General MacArthur opportunity for defense, w i t h no consideration of the past."*'
from taking adequate retaliatory measures against my lines of supply and T m m a n replaced MacArthur w i t h a general who he felt could be tmsted
communication."*" to support the adminisuation polides. General Matthew B. Ridgeway, a
General MacArthur would later write that the order not to bomb the member of die C o u n d l on Foreign Relations.*'
Yalu bridges: "was the most indefensible and ill-conceived decision ever Under Ridgeway, the war was allowed to m n down u n t i l an armistice
forced on a field commander i n our nation's history."*' One of General was signed on July 27,1953. American General Mark Clark, who signed die
MacArthur's generals i n the A i r Force, George Suatemeyer, said that: "We armistice for die United States, stated diat he had g a i n e d : " . . . die unenviable
had sufficient air, bombardment, fighters, reconnaissance so that I could distinction of being die first United States Army commander i n history to
have taken out a l l of those supplies, those airdromes on the other side of the *tgn an armistice without victory."*'

320
CHAPTER 28 T H E KOREAN WAR

One of the last p u b l i c utterances General M a c A r t h u r made o n the

subject of the Korean War was a speech he gave on December 5,1952: "Never
before has this nadon been engaged i n mortal combat w i t h a hosdle power
w i t h o u t miUtary objective, without policy other dian restrictions goveming
operations, or indeed w i d i o u t even formally recognizing a state of w a r . " »
The significant results of the Korean War can be summarized as follows:

1. T h e war helped Red China solidify control of its people w h o were

b e c o m i n g r i p e for revolt because o f famine a n d harsh l i v i n g
conditions;,
2. T h e United States lost considerable prestige by becoming die paper
tiger that could not even defeat tiny North Korea.
3. T h e United States sacrificed tens of thousands of American lives
and bUlions of dollars because odier nations i n the United Nations
did not want America to fight back i n eamest
4. T h e Uiuted States further conditioned the people to die idea of
having fumre control of America's miUtary forces under the control
of the United Nations; and
5. For the first time i n American nulitary history, die United States Chapter 29
was not victorious.*"

Aid and Trade

I n his monumental study entided The Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire, historian Edward Gibbon listed five reasons that the enormous
empire collapsed:

1. T h e increase i n divorce, undermining the institution of the family;

2. T h e imposition of higher taxes for bread and circuses;
3. T h e drive for pleasure, sports becoming more e x d t i n g and bmtal;
and
4. T h e people lost their faidi.

But the most important was the fifth reason:

5. T h e existence of an intemal conspiracy, working to undermine the
govemment from w i t h i n , a l l the time that the govemment was
proclaiming diat Rome's enemy was extemal.

Gibbon reported that the conspiracy was b u i l d i n g huge armaments for

protection against both real and imaginary extemal enemies, a l l the while
they were literally destroying the empire from w i t h i n .
These causes have parallels i n tcxlay's world as well. I n fact, the creation

323
CHAPTER 29 ATO AND TRADE
of an extemal enemy is consistent w i t h the lessons contained inside the book
endded Report From Iron Mountain, which teaches diat: "The existence of
an accepted extemal menace, dien, is essendal to social cohesiveness as well
as to the acceptance of polidcal audiority. T h e menace must be believable, i t
must be of a magnitude consistent w i t h the c o m p l e x i t y of the society
dueatened, and i t must appear, at least, to affect die endre society."'
A n enemy must be created, and the Westem powers, collectively called
the "Free W o r l d , " have created theirs: T h e U n i o n of Soviet Socialist
Republics, (Russia.)
Dr. Antony Sutton is probably die greatest writer o n diis subject, having
w r i t t e n numerous books and articles o n America's involvement i n the
b u i l d i n g of the Soviet U n i o n . H i s conclusions can be summarized i n one
sentence: " T h e United States and her N A T O [ N o r t h Atlantic Treaty
Organization] allies [some of the major countries of the free world] have
constmcted their o w n enemy: Communism!"
I n his book. National Suicide, Military Aid to the Soviet Union, Dr.
Sutton has written: "The blunt t m t h is that trade w i t h die Soviet U n i o n from
[the Russian Revolution of] 1917 to the present has built the Free World an
enemy of the first order. Moreover, the technological component of this
continuing trade enables die Soviet U n i o n to pursue its programs of w o r l d
conquest
T h i s p o s i t i o n , of course, is i n direct o p p o s i t i o n to the t r a d i t i o n a l
position taken by the historians of the day who claim that the "Capitalists"
of die "Free W o r i d " are detested by die "Communists" of die "Communist"
world.
I n another of his books, i n this case a book entided Wall Street and the
Bolshevik Revolution, Dr. Sutton continued his thoughts o n this ttade:
" . . . one barrier to mature understanding of recent history is the notion that
all capitalists are the bitter and un-swerving enemies of a l l Marxists and
socialists. T h e idea is nonsense. There has been a c o n t i n u o u s , albeit
concealed, alliance between intemational political capitalists and intema-
tional revolutionary sodalists—to dieir mutual benefit"'
This mutual relationship was illustrated by an article i n the December
5, 1971 issue of Parade magazine, that was captioned "Cyms Eaton: The
Communists' Best Capitalist Friend." I t showed a series of pictures of Mr.
Eaton, first w i t h Premier Kosygin of Russia, then w i t h Fidel Castro of Cuba,
and then w i t h N i k i t a Khrushchev of Russia, Eaton's host o n a t r i p to
Moscow, Russia. I n a l l of the pictures, each individual is smiling warmly,
showing that each was warmly greeting the other.
The role of the Westem Capitalists i n die consmiction of die Russian
economy is extremely significant, so important that i t becomes the very
source of Russia's m i l i t a r y power: " T h e r e is no such t h i n g as Soviet
S24
CHAPTER 29 AID AND TRADE
technology. Almost all, perhaps 90 to 95% came direcdy or indirectly from
the United States and its allies. I n effect the United States and the N A T O
countries have b u i l t the Soviet U n i o n , its i n d u s t r i a l a n d m i l i t a r y
capabilities."*
T h i s transfer of technology is not a recent phenomenon: i t was begun
shordy after die Russian Revolution of 1917. "Bridge building to the Soviets
began i n 1918, under President Wilson, before the Bolsheviks had physically
gained control of more than a fraction of Russia. As a result of this trade, the
Bolsheviks were able to consolidate their totalitarian regime."'
Lenin himself wrote frequendy of die need for this aid and trade. I t is
presumed that the reason he did so was to padfy his fellow Communists w h o
couldn't understand Lenin's visible friendship w i t h die "Capitalists" w h o
other Communists considered to be the enemy. Lenin had to have some way
of explaining why the "hated Capitalists" were now appiearing i n Russia to
assist the Bolsheviks i n Communizing Russia. He wrote the following i n
1922: "First of all, we have to stabilize the economy. Without equipment and
machinery from the capitalist countries, we could not hope to finish this task
i n the short time available to us. T h e most significant circumstance i n
ensuring our continued existence... was the commencement of economic
relations w i t h the capitalist countries."'
A n d once again: "When the time comes for us to hang the capitalists,
they w i l l compete w i d i each other for die profits of selling us the rope. The
capitalists w i l l furnish credits and, by s u p p l y i n g us w i t h materials and
techniques which are not available to us, they w i l l rebuild our war industty
which is essential to our future attacks on our o w n suppliers. I n odier words,
they w i l l be laboring to prepare their own suidde."
Later, Lenin's replacement, Russian dictator Joseph Stalin, would tell
the Russian people just what the real purpose of the a i d was: " . . . i t is
essential that the proletariat of the advanced countties should render real and
prolonged aid to the backward nationalities i n their cultural and economic
development Unless such aid is fordicoming, i t w i l l be impossible to b r i n g
die various nations and pieoples w i d i i n a single world economic system that
is so essential to the final ttiumph of sodalism."'
The Communist strategy was to use the westem technology as a means
of creating a world-wide threat of military annihilation so that the Russians
and the "Free W o r l d " could be merged into a one-world govemment
T o achieve this end, i t was not essential for the Russians to buy large
quantities of imported technology. One item would do; the Russians could
duplicate whatever diey purchased. Lenin, i n 1921, established the Soviet
l a d e policy of: " . . . acquaintance w i t h European and American technol-
ogy Moscow m u s t have one specimen o f a l l the most i m p o r t a n t
Oiachines from among the latest i n order to leam and to instmct."'
325
CHAPTER29 ATOANDTRADE
A former Polisfi intelligence officer, Michael Oieeinski, who defected to
the West, said: "Every machine, device or instrument imported from the West
is sent to a special analytic group. Their j o b is not only to copy technical
s o l u t i o n s b u t to adapt t h e m to the specifications o f Soviet m i l i t a r y
production."'
It was America's early p l a n to conceal the true intent of their sale of
technology to Russia: to b u i l d a superior Russian m i l i t a r y power. T o
accomplish diis subterfuge, it became their task to convince the skeptical that
the technology was being sold to Russia to assist them i n reconsmicting their
war-ravaged economy, and that such uade was civilian and not military.
For instance, some of die first factories constructed i n Russia i n the
1920's and 1930's were "tractor" factories, constructed i n the Russian dties of
V o l g o g r a d , K h a r k o v , a n d Chelyabinsk. A l l three were constructed by
American companies, the one at Volgograd being constructed by eighty
American firms.
These "tractor" factories, ostensibly consoructed to supply farm tractors
to the Russian farmer, tcxlay produce tanks, armored cars, self-propelled
guns, rocket launchers, missile carriers, anti-aircraft guns, and trucks.
I n addition, military tanks, so essential to any military structure, are
consttucted i n two key production plants: " . . . the Gorki plant and die Zil
plant " T h e Gorki plant was b u i l t from scratch by Henry Ford i n die
1930's...."'0
One of the early workers at the G o r k i plant i n Russia was Walter
Reuther, later to become head of the United Auto Workers labor union. He
visited Russia i n 1933 for about eighteen months." Walter and his brodier
Victor, both employees i n this plant, later wrote a now famous letter:
T h e daily inspiration that is ours as we work side by side w i t h
o u r Russian comrades i n our factory, the thought that we are
actually helping to b u i l d a sodety that w i l l forever end the exploi-
tation of man by man, the thought diat what we are b u i l d i n g w i l l
be for die benefit and enjoyment of the working class, not only for
Russia, but the entire world, is the compensation we receive for our
„ temporary absence from the struggle i n the United States.
Mel, you know Wal and I were always sttong for the Soviet
''Union.
You know we were always ready to defend i t against the lies of
the reactionaries
I n a l l my Ufe, Mel, I have never seen anydiing so inspiring.
Mel, once a fellow has seen what is possible where workers
gain power, he no longer fights just for an ideal, he fights for
something which is real, something tangible. , '
Carry on the fight for a Soviet America. ' ) ' ;,' i ' •
VicandWal."" ;/;v':V:;,':''ii'/i'^.
CHAPTER 29 AID AND TRADE
T h e American govemment was aware that the Russians were quickly
converting these plants to military uses:
Offidal Washington also knows diat Soviet industtialization
has been preeminendy Soviet militarization. T h e fust priority i n
Soviet industrial plants was given to the military departments.
Indeed, the original drive behind Russia's industtialization
was military.
T h i s objective was clearly stated i n 1929 by Unaschlicht, vice
president of die Revolutionary Military Soviet, before American
firms went into Russia to carry out the Five-Year Plans:
"We must try to ensure that industry can as quickly as possible
be adapted to serving military needs
I n addition to b u i l d i n g the plants that produce the military hardware
essential to Russia's armed forces, the Americans consttucted essential
industries to assist the actual constmction processes. For instance, there are
two major steel plants i n Russia, one i n Magnitogorsk, and another i n
Kuznetsk. Both of these plants were constmcted by American companies, the
one i n Magnitogorsk by the Arthur G. McKee & Co., the builder of the U.S.
Steel p l a n t i n Gary, Indiana, and the other by the Freyn E n g i n e e r i n g
Company of Chicago."
T h e o i l industty also received American attention. After the Nobel
family fled Russia following the Russian Revolution, Lenin gave three o i l
boring concessions to three major o i l companies: Standard O i l Company;
the Comparre O i l Company of New Jersey, formed by W. Averill Harriman;
and Royal Dutch Shell.
I n addition to the o i l concessions. Standard O i l received a concession to
build a 150,000 ton kerosene plant, capable of p r o d u d n g 100 octane gasoline.
Standard O i l also concluded a deal w i d i die Communists to market Russian
o i l i n European markets.
These efforts i n the o i l industry have paid off, as today Russia is the
world's largest pettoleum producer. (A newspaper article i n June, 1977, said
one of the reasons Russia is selling o i l outside of her borders is to pay for the
import of Westem technology. About one-tenth of their o i l is sold to Eastem
Europe, at OPEC prices.)
Dr. Antony Sutton has concluded that diis Standard O i l concession to
sell Russian o i l has c o n t i n u e d after 1935," a n d Gary A l l e n , another
researcher of merit into diis subject, has stated: " I t is possible die Rockefellers
still o w n o i l production facilities behind the I r o n Curtain, drawing the
IMofits out through Switzerland. By doing diis, they w o u l d not have to share
* e loot w i d i eidier dieir stockholders or die tax collector.""
CHAPTER 29 AID AND TRADE
T h e Americanization of the Russian o i l industry was so immense that
i n August, 1960" . . . an American petroleum industry delegation [visiting
i n Russia] was shown four refineries i n August, 1960—three of them . . .
Lend Lease refineries [lent to Russia d u r i n g World War I I ] and the fourth,
either a Lend Lease refinery or a Soviet copy of a U.S. installation.""
The tragic cost to the Russian people of this aid and trade was made
k n o w n i n 1934 w h e n Henry Morgenthau, Roosevelt's Secretary of the
Treasury: "removed restrictions on trade w i t h Russia... although the U.S.
Government had evidence concerning forced-labor camps i n the Soviet
U n i o n . I f forced labor was used, dien production costs w o u l d be artificially
lowered.""
(It goes without saying that the greatest profits are made when labor
costs are the lowest. T h a t would tend to please die "monopolistic capitalists"
who enjoy making large profits.)
I n addition to pursuing the military equipment needed for their Army,
die Russians have utilized westem technology and constmction abiUty to
produce a high percentage of both the Russian merchant marine, (Russia's
sea-going merchant fleet) and dieir Navy. For instance, d u r i n g die Viema-
mese War, Dr. Sutton was able to identify eighty-four ocean going cargo
ships being utilized by Russia i n ttansporting military goods from Russian
ports into the Vietnamese port of Haiphong. Sutton concluded from his
research that: "None of the main engines i n those ships were designed and
manufactured inside the USSR. A l l the larger and faster vessels o n the
Haiphong m n were built outside die USSR. A l l shipbuilding technology i n
die USSR comes directly or indirectly from die U.S. or its N . A . T . O . allies.""
Westem shipbuilding efforts for Russia are illusuated i n the following
statistics collected by Professor Sutton: "68% of a l l Russian ships were
consttucted i n die West; 80% of a l l Russian diesel engines were budt i n the
West; and 20% of a l l Russian engines were b u i l t i n the USSR but under
Westem licensing."*"
Sutton went on to identify Japan and Westem Germany as the largest
suppliers of these ships.*' But others are busy as well, a s : " . . . no less than 95
percent of a l l ships manufactured i n Finland since W o r l d War I I have been
o n Soviet account.** " A l l of die 11,000 horsepower marine diesel engines
made i n Russia are constructed according to technology s u p p l i e d by
Burmeister and Wain of Denmark.*'
Japan and West Germany and Finland and Denmark are supposed to be
America's allies.
Western assistance to the Russian Navy is not recent, however. For
instance, i n M a r c h 1939, the A m e r i c a n State Department approved a
proposal by the English Boat Company of Groton, Connecticut, to send
plans, specifications and construction services for the consttuction of a
Russian submarine.
But the greatest military and technological assistance to the Russian
328
CHAPTER29 AID/vNDTRADE
govemment came d u r i n g World War 11, when die United States developed a
program known as Lend Lease. T h i s agreement obligated the Americans to
supply the Russians w i t h over $11 b i l l i o n worth of a variety of war-making
goods. Included i n this list were the following items for the Russian Navy:
90 dry cargo vessels,
10 ocean going tankers,
46 110' submarine chasers,
57 65' submarine chasers,
3,320 marine diesel engines,
4,297 marine gasoline engines, and
12,700,000 naval guns.
I n addition to the military equipment cited above. Lend Lease also
supplied Russia w i t h :
A 1 2 9 m i l l i o n pettoleum refinery.
Patents for bombsights, military tanks, airplanes-heiicopters,
and bullet-resisting armor
Five factories for synthetic mbber
Locomotives
T N T , dynamite, and smokeless powder
Bombers and fightei^
Tanks, tmcks and trailers.**
Lend Lease was also the excuse for sharing some of America's other
military technology as well. For instance. General John R. Deane, who was
secretary to the combined Chiefs of Staff i n Washington during part of the
war, reported: " O u r p o l i c y was to make any of our new inventions i n
electtonics and other fields available to Russia. Each month I would receive
a revised list of secret American equipment about which Russia could be
informed — We never lost an opportunity to give the Russians equipment,
weapons or information."*'
I n addition to Lend Lease during the war, America also permitted the
Russian govemment to dismantle Germany's war making facilities, such as
factories, dry-docks, cranes, etc., after the war as a form of war reparations.
"There is no question that there were sizable Soviet equipment removals
from occupied areas after World War I I : a m i n i m u m figure i n excess of $10
billion i n 1938 prices can be set for equipment thus removed."*'
The Russians literally dismantled factories down to the very foundation
and removed them to Russia. These reparations were agreed to by the
American and British govemments at the meetings i n Yalta and Potsdam.
T h e Russians also sttipped Mongolia after World War IT o f : " . . . at least
3S9
CHAPTER29 ATOANDTRADE
1800,000,000 of movable assets under die specious claim diat i t was 'war
booty.'""
But die most important aansfer to the Russians was die technology and
material for the b u i l d i n g of die atomic bomb.
I t is customarily explained by die majority of ciurent historians diat the
Russians received die secrets to the atomic bomb from convicted American
spies Ediel and Julius Rosenberg w h o were charged w i d i die giving of diese
plans to the Russians i n 1950.
When Judge I r v i n g Kaufman sentenced the Rosenbergs to deadi, he
said: " I consider your crime worse than murder Your conduct i n p u t t i n g
into the hands of die Russians die A-bomb years before our best sdentists
predicted Russia w o u l d perfect die bomb has already caused, i n my opinion,
the C o m m u n i s t aggression i n K o r e a . . . . Indeed, by y o u r betrayal y o u
undoubtedly have altered the course of history to die disadvantage of our
country."*'
But the story of die atomic bomb occurred prior to die sentendng of the
Rosenbergs. T h e American govemment had given Russia die bomb i n 1943,
during the Lend Lease program.
Major George Racey Jordan, an officer i n the U n i t e d States A r m y
d u r i n g die Second W o r l d War, was die officer i n charge of die transfer of die
Lend Lease supplies through die Great Falls, Montana, air base. I t was here
that die planes were loaded w i t h die transferable goods prior to their being
flown to Fairbanks, Alaska, where the planes were flown i n t o Russia by
Russian pilots.
Major Jordan, curious by nature, opened various briefcases and cartons,
and saw various words he was not familiar w i t h on various papers: uranium,
cyclotron, proton, neutron, cobalt, and p l u t o n i u m . I n addition, Jordan
discovered various reports from "Oak Ridge, Manhattan District" (it was die
" M a n h a t t a n Project" i n O a k Ridge, Tennessee, where the A m e r i c a n
sdentists were developing the plans for the atomic bomb) containing phrases
like "energy produced by fission."
Jordan also discovered " . . . at least three consignments of u r a n i u m
chemicals... nearly diree quarters of a ton. Confirmed also was the ship-
ment of one kilogram, or 2.2 pounds, of uranium metal at a time when die
total American stock was 4.5 pounds."'"
These findings meant little to Major Jordan u n t i l 1949, when Russia
exploded their first atomic bomb. I t was dien diat he realized that he had been
wimess to the transfer of the materials and plans for constmction of Russia's
atomic bomb. A n d this occurred i n 1943.
Major Jordan's charges were corroborated by a novel written by James
Roosevelt, die son of Franklin Roosevelt, i n 1980. T h e dust cover of die book
describes the contents of the novel, entitled A Family Matter.*^ "[President]
CHAPTER29 ATOANDTRADE
R o o s e v e l t . . . makes a b o l d secret decision — to share the results of the
Manhattan Project w i d i the Soviet U n i o n . "
T h e dust cover continues by informing the reader that Roosevelt has
" w r i t t e n a novel of spine-chilling drama and authenticity." (emphasis
added.)
T h e novel details how President Roosevelt gave Russia die plans for the
atomic bomb i n 1943 and 1944.
Not only d i d the United States govemment give Russia the plans for the
atomic bomb, plus a l l of the ingredients to manufacture one, they also
arranged for the Russians to secure a cyclotron at the end of the war. Life
magazine detailed die circumstances i n their October 3,1949 article: " I n May,
1945 —three months before the first bomb was dropped—Russians beat
Americans to die punch and carried off the cyclotron i n die Kaiser W i l h e l m
Institute i n Berlin." I t w i l l be recalled that i t was the plan of the Roosevelt
administration to allow Russia to get to Berlin first.
But even w i t h this technology supplied by the American govemment,
there is still doubt that Russia exploded the atomic bomb i n 1949, as i t is
claimed.
Life magarine of October 3,1949, carried an article about the supposed
explosion: "U.S. Detects Atomic Blast i n Russia." President Harry T m m a n
announced that "We have evidence that w i t h i n recent weeks an atomic
explosion occurred i n die U.S.S.R."
T h e article reported: " I t seems probable that the blast was caused by a
bomb." I t appeared that no one was certain that the Russians had exploded
the bomb, including even the Russians: "Vishinsky, the Russian Foreign
Minister, pretended ignorance, refused c o m m e n t "
I t w o u l d seem probable d i a t if Russia had exploded an atomic bomb, i t
w o u l d have proudly announced i t to the world, complete w i t h pictures
documenting the fact
Life attempted to prove dieir case w i d i a: "Picture of possible A-bomb
suucture [that] appeared i n a Russian-zone German paper."
T h e evidence that Russia had exploded an atomic bomb was a picture
of a "possible" A-bomb, from an unspecified newspaper w i t h no apparent
reported connection w i t h the Russian govemment
Life then clinched die argument " I t is even remotely possible diat die
Russians have developed a superior bomb. N o one knows. Most information
on Russian accomplishments is purely conjectural."
But they continued the myth i n a later article, i n dieir October 10,1949
issue entided "Can Russia Deliver die Bomb?" " N o w diat Russia has die
bomb—and perhaps a supply of them — . "
One w o u l d have to fairly conclude that the evidence confirming the
supposed explosion was not very convindng.
331
CHAPTER29 ATOANDTRADE
But America has not ended its assistance of Russia's nuclear industry.
A n ardcle i n die Wall Street Journal of A p r i l 25, 1975, headlined: "U.S.
Quietly Allows U r a n i u m Shipments to Soviet U n i o n for Processing Into
Fuel" The ardcle detailed that the State Dep)artment had approved die sale of
1.4 m i l l i o n pounds of uranium oxide mined i n Wyoming and New Mexico
to the Soviet govemment I t w o u l d i n t u m be processed into pellets rich i n
uranium 235. "This isotype provides the power for nuclear electric plants
and for the atomic bomb." (emphasis added)"
T h e answer to the quesdon as to why the State Deparunent and the
American govemment first gave Russia die plans for consuucdng die atomic
bomb, and then later the materials to p u t into i t quite possibly was given by
the authoress Rose Mardn, i n her book Fabian Freeway: " U n d l such dme as
international control of atomic energy has been achieved, the threat of
nuclear destmcdon could always be raised to generate that atmosphere of
perpetual crisis needed to jusdfy Keynesian spending polides.""
H o w all of thisaid and Uade comes togedier was made abundantly clear
o n September 1,1983, when die Russain govemment shot down an unarmed
Korean A i r Lines 747 jet over Russian waters. There were 269 passengers
aboard the plane and they were all killed.
T h e media quickly reported that i t was a Russian made airplane that
had shot at least two Russian made aircraft-to-aircraft missiles into the plane.
T h e tragic t m t h was that even though the Russian missiles and the jet
were built i n Russia, they were built from American technology.
For instance, during the Lend Lease program of World War I I , America
" l e n t " Russia: 3,000 pursuit planes, c o m m u n i c a t i o n equipment, radio
d i r e c t i o n finders, altimeters, radio compasses, radio locators, aircraft
construction equipment, aircraft manufacturing factories; the Corps of
Engineers built airports i n Russia; radar, aircraft lubricating oils, gasoline,
nitric a d d (used i n m a k i n g explosives,) gyroscopes, and a l u m i n u m sheet
fartories.
Later, i n 1946, America tumed over two-thirds of Germany's aircraft
manufacturing capadty to Russia. These factories and installations were
crated off to Russia to form the nucleus of their jet aircraft indusuy. One of
the engineers tumed over to Russia later developed their MIG-15, the aircraft
that was flown i n Korea against American pilots. The MIG-15 was powered
by a jet engine purchased from Rolls Royce of Great Britain, America's
supposed ally. D u r i n g that year, America sold Russia b o r i n g machines,
balancing machines used i n balancing jet engine shafts, and g r i n d i n g
machines.
Between 1960 and 1973, America sold Russia: a l u m i n u m oxide, mbber
compound chemicals, airbome navigation equipment and parts, electtonic
computers, information on the distillation of petroleum, flexible printed
332
CHAPTER29 ATOANDTRADE
circuits, technical data for the engineering a n d p l a n n i n g for aircraft
production, and technical data for aircraft landing system instmments. I n
1974, General Dynamics sent Russia technical data for aircraft constmction.
A n d America uained Yugoslavian jet pilots (Yugoslavia is Russia's Commu-
nist ally.)
I n what can only be termed a suange arrangement America sent its
latest technology i n jet a i r c r a f t the F-16, o n Russian ships to N A T O
counuies i n Europe i n 1978. Technicians at Wright-Patterson A i r Force
Base, where the United States tests its latest aircraft technology, report that
Russian generals are among its frequent visitors.
Czechoslovakia is the largest supplier of jet aircraft to Russia outside of
its borders. T h e i r largest plant, p r o d u d n g not only jet aircraft but other
materials for war purposes, has an agreement w i t h an American machine
tool company to supply diem w i d i the latest i n machine tools.
Russia's missiles also have an American background. The United States
govemment has sold Russia accelerometers used to measure gravitational
p u l l on missiles, ball bearings used i n missile guidance systems, miniatiure
ball bearings that gave Russia the ability to place multiple warheads o n dieir
missiles, technology o n high explosives, and entire chemical plants capable
of making explosives.
But there is something even more incredible i n the story of die Korean
Airlines flight 007. Diagrams i n various American news magazines show the
airplane "wandering off course" over the Kurile Islands and the Sakhalin
peninsula, a l l w i t h i n Russian territory. I t w i l l be remembered that these
former Japanese territories were a m o n g the lands given to the Russian
govemment at die end of Worid War I I by President Roosevelt
If President Roosevelt had not given these areas to die Russian govern-
ment flight 007 could not have "wandered off course."
There are some w h o are wondering whether the airplane was shot
down, not because i t strayed over Russian waters, but because one of the
passengers on board was the most vocal opponent of such Russian aid and
trade. Was i t a coincidence that the most vocal anti-trade member o f
Congress, Congressman Larry McDonald, was aboard die plane shot down
by American technology sent to Russia i n the name of "peaceful trade?"
889

Chapter 30
Treason
T h e "space race" began o n October 4, 1957, w h e n the Russians
announced that they had orbited the first man-made satellite i n history,
called Spumik.
But Russia's ability to orbit an earth satellite was given to the Russian
govemment by the American govemment at the end of World War I I .
General George Patton, as he moved eastward i n t o and tlirough westem
Europe and Germany, captured the two German towns of Peenemunde and
Nordhausen, where the German sciendsts were developing the V-1 and V-2
nxkets. Patton was ordered by his commanding officer, the Supreme Allied
Commander, General Dwight Eisenhower, to t u m over these two dues i n
their entirety to the Russians. Included i n this turn-over were thousands of
German sdentists w h o were transported to Russia w i t h the factories of the
two towns, removed down to the last office desk.
Fortunately, one of these sdentists saw what was about to befall h i m and
odiers involved w i t h Germany's space efforts, and he led 129 of them from
Germany where he surrendered to the American forces rather than to the
Russians. T h i s space scientist. Dr. Wemer v o n Braun, became the head of
America's space program, when he and the other sdentists reached America
CHAPTER 30 TREASON
Dr. von Braun was later unsuccessful i n c o n v i n d n g the Eisenhower
administration to orbit America's first satellite: " L o n g before the Soviet
U n i o n launched the first s a t e l l i t e . . . v o n B r a u n said his team had the
capability to orbit a payload by p u t t i n g an upper stage o n the Redstone
[rocket]. But President Dwight D . Eisenhower tumed h i m down . . . " i
The same gentlemen w h o arranged for Russia to orbit the first satellite
by t u m i n g over to the Russians nearly the entire German rocket capadty,
now was i n a position to insure that the Russians were able to orbit the first
satellite before the Americans.
T h e Russians were n o w able to use the successful o r b i t i n g of this
satellite to boast that Communism was obviously superior to Capitalism.
"The o l d jesting about socialist ineffidency came to an end when the first
Soviet Spumik circled the earth."*
President Eisenhower turned this Russian "victory" i n t o two major
defeats for the United States:
1. I t was n o w apparent, a c c o r d i n g to the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , that
America lagged behind the Russians i n the field of education or i n
the ability to engineer such a sdentific feat
I t was imperative that the American government enter the field o f
education to narrow the gap between the two competing economic systems.
So the Eisenhower Administration quickly pushed the federal govemment
into the funding of education on a nationwide basis, completely i n violation
of the Constitution of the United States, which gave no such authority to the
federal govemment
2. Since the American government was now behind i n the "space
race," i t was imperative that the American govemment compete
w i t h the Russians, first by orbiting a satellite, and then by reaching
out into distant space.
I n other words, the American govemment was taken out of the space
race by President Eisenhower, and then p u t back i n , at great cost to the
American taxpayers. A n d the only way the planners felt that they could get
the taxpayer to support the tax increase, was to convince them that there was
a "space race" w i t h the Communists.
A Russian writer on the subject of space research, Leonid Vladimirov,
who defected to die West has written i n his book The Russian Space Bluff:
I t is possible that, w i t h o u t h a v i n g the fear of Soviet c o m p e t i t i o n , the
Americans would not have been i n such a hurry to land on the Moon and
^ o u l d dius have saved themselves thousands of millions of dollars."'
Vladimirov discussed the state of the Russian missile industry after the
Oftiting of Spumik. He informed his readers that die Russians, as late as
8SS
CHAPTER 30 TREASON
1959, h a d " . . . proposed making a'duster of dusters'—combining together
five four-chamber engines to make one giant engine."*
T h e combining of a series of individual rockets, each no larger dian a
captured German V-2, indicated that die Russian missile indusuy had not
matured much since the days when Eisenhower provided diem w i t h the V -
2 rocket I t also meant that these rockets were cumbersome and extremely
inaccurate, because of the difficulty i n getdng so many rockets to fire at die
same dme.
T h e state of the Russian missile industry was knovm to the American
govemment, according to an ardcle i n 1980 i n Time magazine: "Three years
later [1959], the overhead view (from the U-2 spyplane overflights) of die
Tyuratam site [where all Soviet missiles were then tested] gave the U.S. some
needed reassurance. Determirung that the rocket booster aperture at the base
of the launch pad was 15 meters [50 f t j i n diameter, p h o t o interpreters
concluded that the Soviets were sdll using missiles boosted by auxiliary
rockets strapped around the circumference of the main rocket Because they
were so cumbersome that diey could not be practically deployed, the U.S.
strategic planners concluded diat the missile gap d i d not exist eidier."'
T h i s statement of fact is exttemely revealing, looking backwards from
this 1980 article, because the "missile gap" that became one of the m a i n
debating issues o n the Kennedy-Nixon debates d u r i n g the 1960 Presidential
election campaign, was not a "missile gap'' at all. I t w i l l be recalled that John
Kennedy contended that the Eisenhower Administtation, w h i c h Richard
N i x o n had to defend because he was Eisenhower's Vice-President, had
allowed die Russians to far exceed the then meager American rocket efforts,
to the p o i n t where there was an enormous "missile gap," threatening the
very safety of the American people. N i x o n , i t w i l l be remembered, d i d not
defend the position very well, and Kennedy was elected.
A n d all the time, N i x o n knew (or should have known) that the "missile
gap" d i d not exist Russia d i d not have the technology i t claimed i t had.
America knew that the Russians had not perfected the single stage
rocket b u t were, i n essence, " g l u i n g " a series of V-2 rockets to a centtal
cluster. T h i s clustering together of a series of rockets can be seen i n the
August 14,1978 Time Magazine, on page 48, and i n the Santa Ana Register
of September 17, 1976. These pictures reveal a tall, slender, centtal rocket
w i t h a series of four clusters along side the m a i n engine, each w i t h four
intemal rocket engines.
T h i s means t h a t as recendy as 1978, die Russians were not advanced
enough to have developed the technology to consttuct a single-stage rocket
capable of p l a d n g large payloads into space.
I n fact die Russians had been experimenting w i t h such technology
before, without success, according to Vladimirov: "Friends of mine among
CHAPTER 30 TREASON
the rocket engineers used to tell me h o w copies of a l l the American rocket
engines then known were b u i l t i n Soviet factories on an experimental basis.
T h e engines... a l l b u m t out while they were being tested."'
Other rocketry-related efforts of the Russians have come under question.
T h e " L u n i k " moon landing i n 1959, for instance, has been called a "hoax"
by an American writer, L l o y d Mallan, w h o has written: "The L u n i k , i n
s h o r t was a cooly insolent, magnificent intemational hoax. I found no
b i n t . . . of any tracking station i n the Free W o r l d having heard w i t h sdentifrc
certainty the radio signals from Russia's moon-or-sun rocket"'
I n another book o n the same subject, Mr. Mallan reported diat Cosmo-
naut Alexie Leonov's "walk i n space" on March 18, 1965 " . . . was faked.
Four months of solid research interviewing top experts i n the fields of photo-
optics, photo-chemistry and electto-optics, all of w h o m carefully studied the
motion picture f i l m and still photographs offidally released by the Soviet
govemment convinced m e — "
Mallan's conclusions were that the film showing Leonov i n space:
... was double-printed T h e foreground (Leonov) was
superimposed o n the background (the Earth below.) The Russian
film showed reflections from the glass plate under which a double
p r i n t is made.
Leonov was suspended from wire or cables I n several
episodes o f the Russian f i l m , l i g h t was reflected from a small
portion of the wire (or cable) attached to Leonov's space s u i t
One camera angle was impossible o f achievement. T h i s
showed Leonov crawling out of his hatch into space. I t was a head-
o n shot, so the camera w o u l d have had to have been located out i n
space beyond the space ship.
One still photo (the clearest one) shows Leonov emerging
from his hatch standing sttaight up, his body still half-way inside
the space ship. T h i s contradicts the m o t i o n picture f i l m w h i c h
shows h i m squirming out of the hatch on his belly.
I f one very carefully observes the motions of Leonov as he
laboriously wiggles dttough die exttaordinarily l o n g tunnel, i t is
obvious diat he is under one 'g' (the force of normal, eardi gravity)
and exerts most of his muscular force against only one side of the
duct, rather than b u m p i n g from side to side and moving forward
! w i t h the ease one w o u l d expect i n the absence of gravity.'
T h e question of w h o tracked Russian space efforts i n the early stages of
"space race," is still a mystery.
I t was thought diat the U.S. N o r d i American Afr Defense Command
( N O R A D ) did, but since 1961, they have "had a Presidential order never to
337
CHAPTER 30 TREASON
divulge any informadon about the ttacking of foreign space vehicles."
A n d a spokesman for the Smidisonian Institute's world-wide network
of tracking cameras commented: "We don't ttack Russian satellites."'
What that meant was diat die American govemment, i n die early stages
of Russia's space efforts, had to believe whatever die Russians said.
A d d i t i o n a l examples of the phoniness of Russia's space efforts are
ample to illustrate die charge diat the n u t h is less than what has passed as the
evidence.
T h e February, 1962, Scientific American magazine carried an advertise-
ment on page 91 placed diere by the Sperry Gyroscope Company. T h i s ad
showed a drawing of a space station i n orbit and individuals working on i t
i n space suits.
T h i s same drawing, w i t h the addition of certain descriptive phrases
attached to identify certain parts of die space station, appeared i n the October
13,1969 New York Times, on page 32, over seven years later.
But the New York Times used the drawing to illustrate: "One concept
of a future Soviet space station i n w h i c h the crewmen i n a mother ship
transfer through a transit chute to help assemble another ship is depicted
here."
One would wonder why die New York Times had to resort to the use of
a 1962 Sperry advertisement to illusoate a Russian space effort. The only
conclusion one can draw from diese facts is diat the Russians d i d not have a
sfiace effort. I t seems logical that, i f they did, diey w o u l d make i t known to
the world i n large, easily identifiable pictures or drawings.
But that hasn't happened
Whatever space successes the Russians have achieved have been made all
die easier by American technology. I t is commonly known that ball-bearings
are absolutely essential to rocket and missile guidance systems. Dr. Antony
Sutton's research into this vital industry has discovered that: "The entire
b a l l - b e a r i n g p r o d u c t i o n c a p a b i l i t y of the Soviet U n i o n is of Western
origin A l l Soviet missiles and related systems i n c l u d i n g guidance
systems have bearings manufactured o n western e q u i p m e n t or Soviet
duplicates of this equipment
Part of this technology came from a Chicago-based company, which
helped the Russians b u i l d a complete automotive bearing factory i n March
of 1975. T h i s factory was capable of p r o d u d n g 60 m d l i o n engine bearings a
year."
A n d the ability to produce miniature ball-bearings, vital to the missile
and rocketry industries, came from an order filled by the Bryant Grinder
Company of Springfield, Vermont
The machines, capable of p r o d u d n g ball-bearings accurate to twenty-
five milliondis of an inch, were sold to Russia i n 1972, and were approved as
338
CHAPTER 30 TREASON
"non-strategic uade" by President Richard N i x o n . Their immediate use is i n
guidance systems for missiles, but one Congressman, W i l l i a m L . Dickinson,
reported that these machines have another i m p o r t a n t function: "These
machines sold for | 2 0 m i l l i o n . They were capable of p r o d u d n g h i g h quality
precision, m i n i a t u r e ball bearings of the type used i n I n t e r c o n t i n e n u l
Ballistic Missile m u l t i p l e warheads. As a consequence, Soviet missile
accuracy improved dramatically to the point where 90 percent of our land-
based I C B M force can now be desttoyed i n a first suike. This was a technol-
ogy the Soviets did not have, which they bought for a cheap price and which
endangers the lives of millions of Americans.""*
H o w the Russians acquired these machines is an illustration of how
such sales are made.
I n 1960, the Soviets ordered 45 of these machines, but the export license
needed for their sale to Russia was denied by President John Kennedy.
Twelve years later, die Soviets ordered 164 of these same machines, and diis
time, the export license was appproved by President N i x o n . T h e Soviet
Minister of Machine T o o l Indusuy was quoted at the time as saying: "We
had waited twelve years to get these machines.""
Whatever the Soviets have achieved i n their space program has been
w i t h the assistance of the American govemment Whatever programs they
faked or didn't have, the American govemment or media has certified as
valid
Another area diat die United States has assisted the Russians is i n the
f i e l d o f m i l i t a r y hardware. D u r i n g the Korean war, the Soviets were
supplying die N o r d i Koreans and die Red Chinese w i t h jet aircraft i n d u d -
i n g the MIG-15. T h i s airplane was similar i n configuration to the F-86,
being flown by the South Korean and American pilots, and supplied by the
American govemment
Both of these planes were designed by the same man, a German w h o was
captured at Nordhausen at the end of World War I I . As discussed before, the
sdentist went to one nation, and his plans went to the other. But there is more
to this story than this.
The MIG-15 was powered by reproductions of fifty-five Rolls-Royce jet
engines sold to Russia by this English company i n 1947. These engines were
immediately reproduced and supplied to the manufacturers of the MIG-15 i n
Russia."
Rolls-Royce later ttied to sell larger jet engines to Russia i n 1977. These
engines, the largest produced at that time, provided 50,000 pounds of thmst
to the j u m b o jets envisioned by the master planners i n the aircraft industry
i n Russia. These engines were not sold to the Russians, apparendy because
of the pressure from the American government w h i c h wanted General
Electtic to sell its CF6 nearly identical engine to the Soviets.
339
CHAPTER so TREASON
T h e CF6 engine is currently b e i n g used i n the American airplane
industry i n the 747, the DC-10 and die world's largest cargo plane, the A i r
Force's C-5A.
Rolls-Royce was successful, however, i n 1977, i n s e l l i n g the Red
Chinese die necessary jet engines to power dieir newly developed F-12 jet
airplane.
Perhaps the most exttaordinary example of America's military assist-
ance to the Russian govemment occurred d u r i n g the Viemamese war.
Dr. Sutton has concluded that " . . . the guns, the a m m u n i d o n , the
weapons, the transportadon systems, that killed Americans i n Vietnam came
from the American subsidized economy of the Soviet U t u o n . " "
America's assistance to the cause of die North Vietnamese govemment
had an early beginning.
I n an ardcle endded "When H o Chi M i n h was an Intelligence Agent for
the U.S.," author L l o y d Shearer details h o w the American govemment
assisted the early efforts of die founder of die revoludon against die South
Vietnamese govemment. H o C h i M i n h was recmited i n t o the American
intelligence apparatus. T h e ardcle states: "We had a tmsted agent w h o m we
regularly supplied w i t h weapons, radio equipment, operators and medicine.
A l l of i t served to reinforce his posidon and status.""
So even before die Viemamese war started, the Americans were supply-
ing die guerilla army of the man w h o w o u l d ultimately lead the Viet Cong
i n a war against the Americans.
T h e American people, w h o were beginning to sense that somediing was
wrong w i t h the condurt of America's efforts i n die war, started showing that
concem at die pxills. T h e aid and trade being sent to Russia d u r i n g die war
became a campaign issue i n the 1968 Presidential campaign.
T h e Republicans at their convention that year included the following
plank i n their party pladorm: "Nations hostile to this country w i l l receive no
assistance & o m die U.S. We w i l l not provide aid of any k i n d to countties
w h i c h aid and abet the war efforts of North V i e t n a m . " "
R e p u b l i c a n Presidential candidate R i c h a r d N i x o n also addressed
himself to this plank when he told the American Legion Convention i n
September, 1968: "There should be no aid or credits of any k i n d w i d i any
country, including the Soviet U n i o n , that aids die enemy i n Viet N a m . " "
Candidate Nixon's campaign literature repeated die Republican Party's
concem i n this matter. One of his campaign flyers covered this issue: "The
U n i t e d States should n o t provide a n y t h i n g that c o u l d be tteated as, or
classified as, aid to those [Communist bloc] nations i f diey persist i n trading
or aiding the enemy i n North V i e m a m . " "
T h e reason that die Republican Party and dieir Presidential candidate
Richard N i x o n could make these statements is that the President of the
m
CHAPTERS© TREASON
United States has the power to conttol exports of commodities behind the
Iron Ciutain.
T h e 1917 U.S. T r a d i n g W i d i die Enemies Act forbids U.S. firms or their
foreign subsidiaries from trading w i t h enemies of the United States except
under license. The ability to grant the necessary licenses has been given by the
Congress of the United States to the President w i t h the option to delegate this
a u t h o r i t y to such departments as he deems a p p r o p r i a t e . I n the past.
Presidents have delegated this authority to the Departtnent of Commerce.
T h i s means that the President has the a u t h o r i t y to assume the direct
responsibility should he (or she) choose to do so. T h i s means that President
N i x o n , after his election, had the a u t h o r i t y to prevent the sale of any
commodity he deemed to be against die nation's security interests. President
N i x o n could have honored both his party's platform and his campaign
promises should he have chosen to do so after his election.
The Department of Commerce publishes a listing of the commodities
licensed for export to Eastem European destinations each quarter, and this
report is made available to the public. A quick review of these reports w i l l
etiable the skeptic to see i f President N i x o n delivered as he promised.
For instance, the T h i r d Quarter report for 1971 is typical of die reports
and reveals diat our govemment, i n that quarter alone, shipped a series of
commodities to die Russian govemment while Russia was supplying eighty
percent of the goods and war materials to North Viettiam.
Some of the commodities listed i n that report are: Synthetic mbber;
lubricating grease and od; parts for automotive vehicles; electroruc compu-
ters; foundry and metalworking equipment; parts for r o l l i n g mills; ball and
roller bearings; o i l and gas field production equipment; airbome navigation
equipment and parts; and nearly | 1 1 m i l l i o n of tmcks and parts.*"
I n addition to the actual commodity sold to the Russians, the American
govemment authorized die export of "technical data relating to the com-
modities and the processes indicated: I r o n and steel foundry; foundry for
p r o d u c i n g engine components; lube o i l additives; a n d d i s t i l l a t i o n o f
pettoleum.*'
It becomes obvious that President N i x o n did not deliver on the promises
Candidate N i x o n made. But the President is not the oidy one assisting the
Communist govemments. Others are involved as well.
For instance, i n 1969, d u r i n g the middle of the Viemamese war when
Americans were being killed by the Russian-supplied N o r d i Viemamese,
Congressman Earl Landgrebe of Indiana inttoduced an amendment to the
Export C o n t r o l Act, the act a u t h o r i z i n g the licensing of exports to the
Communist Bloc nations. The amendment read i n part: " N o commodities,
military or odierwise, shall be authorized for shipment to any foreign nation
^ h i c h sells or fumishes to N o r d i VieUiam or which permits ships or aircraft
341
CHAPTER so TREASON CHAPTER 30 TREASON

under its registry to transport to or from [ N o r t h Vietnam], any equipment, to the United States. The ships of Great Britain, Japan, Greece, Norway,
materials or c o m m o d i t i e s o r gives any f o r m o f assistance to N o r t h Lebanon, Italy, West Germany, and Panama were among those delivering
Viemam. Russian gocxls to North Viemamese ports.
I t w o u l d be expected diat die Congress of die United States, die agency (Dr. Sutton, i n his research, discovered one strange anomaly. Four of the
responsible for protecting the American fighting man diat they had sent Russian ships being used to haul goods to N o r t h Vietnamese ports still
there, w o u l d have overwhelmingly supported the amendment legally belonged to the United States. These four were "Liberty Ships" sent
T h e Landgrebe amendment was defeated. to Russia during die Lend Lease program of World War I I . President N i x o n
One of die reasons diat die Landgrebe amendment failed, i t appears, is should have notified President N i x o n to remove American ships from the
North Viemamese harborsl)
because our govemment was actively encoiuaging American businessmen to
sell to Russia during die Viemamese war. One of die more uagic sales to die Russian govemment occurred i n 1966
I n August of 1966, the State Depiartment issued a pamphlet entided when the U.S. govemment: " . . . sent die Soviet U n i o n die entire technical
spedfications which diey needed to b u i l d a glycerol p l a n t Glycerol is used
Private Boycotts Vs. The National Interest, w h i c h stated: " A l l American
i n the manufacture of explosives. Spedfically, i n Viemam, glycerol is used as
dtizens should know diat any American businessman w h o chooses to engage
a detonator i n booby traps. Over 50% of a l l American casualties suffered i n
i n peaceful uade w i d i die Soviet U n i o n or Eastem European counuies and
Viemam have come from booby traps. "26
to sell die goods he buys is acting w i t h i n his rights and is following the
One of those w h o suffered from such a booby trap was Sgt Peter Stark,
p o l i c y of his government. B u t any organization, however p a t r i o t i c i n
a y o u n g a n d courageous V i e t n a m veteran w h o went o n a n a t i o n w i d e
intention, that undertakes to boycott, blacklist, or otherwise penalize or
speaking tour attempting to alert the American people to die dangers of such
attack any American business for engaging i n peaceful Uade w i d i Eastem
aid and u a d e . . . from his wheelchair. Sgt Stark had had his legs blown off
European counuies or die Soviet U n i o n , is acting against die interests of die
because of a booby ttap.
United States."*'
One of the most recent examples of American technology coming back
T h i s is incredible when i t is assumed diat govemment should protect
to haunt the American people has come from their experience i n b u i l d i n g
die American fighting man by supporting such resnictions on those w h o
the Kama River u u c k factory i n Russia i n 1969. T h i s plant, capable of
were uading w i t h diose nations supplying the enemy.
p r o d u d n g 100,000 heavy-duty urucks and 150,000 diesel engines per year,
I n addition to the support of this Uade by the American Congress, die
more than a l l U.S. manufacturers p u t together, cost the Russians over f 1.4
Republican adminisuation, led by the Commander-in-Chief of a l l armed
billion. Nearly f 1 b i l l i o n of that total came from die United States i n the
forces, assisted by failing to block shipments of Russian commodities and
form of computers, heavy equipment and foundry equipment
equipment into die m a i n N o r d i Viemamese pxirt of Haiphong.
These efforts to assist the Russian govemment paid off i n 1979 when die
T h i s neglect was p o i n t e d o u t by A d m i r a l U.S. G r a n t Sharp,
American govemment was notified that diese Uucks, i n addition to engines
Commander-in-Chief of Naval Operations i n die Padfic during most of die
being installed i n armored personnel carriers and assualt vehicles con-
Viemamese War. He spoke about diis issue: "From die beginning, we should
stmcted i n the p l a n t began showing u p i n Russian military units i n Eastem
have closed die harbor of H a i p h o n g and prevented a l l of die vital imports
Europe. But even more incredible was die fact diat these engines and micks
from reaching that area. Instead, we permitted diem to import a l l of die
were b e i n g u t i l i z e d by the Russians i n their m i l i t a r y assaults i n
necessities of war without any difficulty whatsoever, despite die fact diat we
Afghanistan."
conuolled the seas. T h i s was a great mistake, of course, and immeasurably
I n addition to die direct assistance i n the building of die vehicles used i n
increased die casualties that our side incurred.""
Russia's attempt to conquer the freedom fighters i n Afghanistan, the
This oversight was finally corrected by President N i x o n when, on May
American govemment consuructed the highways, or at least a portion of
8, 1972, he announced to the nation: "There is only one way to stop die
*em, diat die Russians used to Uavel to diat counUy. Congressman R o n
k i l l i n g , and that is to keep die weapons of war out o f . . . N o r d i Viemam. I
aui i n 1980 released a reproduction of a photograph of the invasion route
have ordered die f o l l o w i n g . . . . A l l enttances to N o r d i Viemamese ports w i l l
°ver w h i c h the Russian A r m y travelled. H e further reported that the
be mined Counuies w i t h ships presendy i n North Vietnamese ports have
^ e r i c a n government constructed three hundred miles of double-lane
been notified that ships w i l l h a v e . . . to leave — " 2 5
ghway through Afghanistan, being careful to: "connect oiu- road to the one
These directives were, i n many instances, to nations supposedly friendly

84S
CHAPTER so TREASON
that [the] Soviet Antiy engineers were building."*'
(The June 4,1968 New York Times, on page seventeen printed a picture
of one of these highways i n Afghanistan w i t h tliis capdon: "New highways
thread through Afghanistan, some, like this one, built w i d i Soviet aid, and
others w i t h United States aid.") But some of the trade has even far more
d a m a g i n g importance to America's future security: " A c c o r d i n g to Dr.
W i l l i a m Perry, Under-Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering,
the U.S.S.R. w i l l be able to detect and m o n i t o r the location of a l l U.S.
submarines by the year 2000. T h e reason? We export as ' o i l exploration
equipment' the most advanced American seismological and related h i g h
technology."**
T h e purchase of American (and Westem) technology is expensive, and
the American govemment has provided assistance to the Ctommunist bloc
nations i n an effort to increase their purchases.
President F r a n k l i n D . Roosevelt, o n February 2, 1934, created the
Export-Import Bank by an executive order (critics point out, quite correctly,
that the President does n o t have any such a u t h o r i t y , according to the
Constitution) for the purpose of guaranteeing commerdal loans made to
foreign, including Communist, nations to increase international trade. Not
only does the Bank guarantee loans made, but actually makes loans itself.
But American banking interests also partidpate i n the making of loans
to assist Communist nations i n purchasing American goods. One of the first
banks involved was die Chase Manhattan Bank, conttolled by die Rocke-
feller interests, which opened a banking office i n Moscow, Russia, i n 1972, at
#1 Karl Marx Square. They later opened an office i n Communist China i n
1973.
Chase's interest i n trade w i t h Russia goes back to at least 1933, when
Congressman Louis McFadden, dien the Chairman of the House Banking
Committee, posed the problem: "Find out what business has been transacted
for the State Bank of Soviet Russia by its correspondent, the Chase Bank of
New York. "SO
(Individuals also align themselves i n support of this foreign trade. I n
1977, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger joined the intemational
advisory committee of Chase Manhattan Bank.)
Odier Banks are active as well. The Bank of America i n 1975 offered die
Soviet Govemment $500 m i l l i o n to finance imports from the United States."
A n d o n October 20, 1969, R o d m a n Rockefeller, the son of Nelson
Rockefeller, and the L o n d o n f i r m of N . M . R o t h s c h i l d entered i n t o a
parmership to form a company known as the Intemational Basic Economy
Corporation, (IBEC,) to further Soviet-American trade.'*
One of the most starding examples of this trade cxxurred i n 1977 when
the American govemment sold Russia the world's largest electto-magnet,
344
CHAPTER SO TREASON
capable of generating a magnetic field 250,000 times greater than that of the
Earth itself. I t was being utilized to: "continue the study of electtomagnetic
radiation and its application i n the spheres of weather modification.""
Russia began research into the modification of the Earth's weather i n
1974, and by 1976, they had four ground-based transmitters i n Russia. T h a t
winter there was snow i n M i a m i , Florida, for the first time i n recorded
history.'*
One can hasten to remember die comment about weather modification
made by Zbigniew Brzezinski: " I think we accept the idea of a vast expansion
i n social regulation. I t may take such forms as legislation for the number of
children, perhaps even legislation determining the sex of children, once we
have choice, the regulation of weather, [emphasis added], the regulation of
leisure, and so f o r t h . " "
Brzezinski went on to amplify his thoughts about the "regulation of
weather" i n his book Between Two Ages:
Not only have new weapons been developed but some of the
basic concepts of geography and strategy have been fundamentally
altered: space and weather conttol have replaced Suez or Gibraltar
as key elements of strategy.
I n addition to improved rocketry, multi-missiles, and more
powerful and more accurate bombs, future developments may well
include automated or manned space warships, deep-sea installa-
tions, chemical and biological weapons, death rays, and still other
forms of warfare—even the weather may be tampered w i t h
Techniques of weather modification could be employed to
produce prolonged periods of drought or storm, thereby weaken-
i n g a nation's capadty and f o r d n g i t to accept the demands of the
competitor."
(It is interesting to speculate as to which industries might be interested
i n the ability to produce severely cold, or prolonged periods of winter. The
first one that comes to m i n d is the o i l industry, w h i c h w o u l d sell more
heating oil than i n a normal winter.)
But Russia and the other eastem European Communist nations are not
die only Communist countties to receive technological assistance from the
American govemment. China is quickly being added to the list of countries.
For instance, i n 1974, David Rockefeller formed the National C o u n d l
for U.S.-(Red) China Trade. T h i s was prior to the recognition of Red China
as a most favored nation by the govemment on May 15,1977, meaning that
C h i n a w o u l d be eligible for U.S. E x p o r t - I m p o r t Bank credits. These
agreements were made i n spite of the fact that the American govemment
recognized that at least ten percent of the Chinese people live i n forced labor
345
CHAPTER 30 TREASON
camps. Once again, the cheapest laborers are those w h o are n o t p a i d
anything for their efforts.
But such aid and Uade to China continues. O n May 29,1980, Secretary
of Defense Harold Brown announced that die Carter Administration w o u l d
allow Red China to purchase air defense radar, helicopters, and ttansport
planes, a n d that they w o u l d authorize A m e r i c a n companies to b u i l d
electronics and helicopter factories i n Red China.
But perhaps the tme purpose for the recognition of Red China's need for
America's latest technology came i n an article that reported why America
was interested i n opening u p the China door. A New York Times release on
July 20,1978, reported: "Four American o i l companies are negotiating w i t h
China over the establishment of off shore d r i l l i n g operations.""
T h e article identified the four companies: Pennzoil, E x x o n Corp.,
U n i o n OU of California, and Phillips Pettoleum.
But once again, the question must be asked as to how the Red Chinese
plan o n paying for diese imports of American technology. China had an
a d d i t i o n a l supply of goods to sell the Americans that other countries,
especially Russia, do n o t have. Senator Barry Goldwater identified this
commodity i n 1977, when he stated: "reports from [Chinese] refugees-
. . . prove beyond any doubt that Red China is the major soittce of the world's
hard dmgs. These reports indicate that, at a m i n i m u m . Communist China's
annual income from d m g smuggling is |500 m i l l i o n annually.""
T h e American dollars received i n exchange for Chinese dmgs are being
used to purchase American technology. T h i s is i n accordance w i t h a plan set
i n motion by Chou-En-Lai, the Chinese premier, w h o described his plan to
an Egyptian publisher, Mohammed Heikal, i n an interview. Chou said: "We
are planting the best kinds of o p i u m espedally for Americans.""
T h i s activity was confirmed by Ed Reid, a Puliuer Prize w i n n i n g author
and crime researcher, w h o said: "There is no question but that the youth of
this countty are the victims of a conspiracy. The object is to get die kids on
dmgs and effectively desttoy the next generation of adults."*"
Congressman John Schmitz became aware of the program and intended
to expxjse the evil intent of China's d m g t r a f f i c : " . . . 1 intend to cry foul when
an American President... protects the rriassive drug ttade of an enemy nation
i n order to assure i t the dollars necessary to buy products from a few favored
U.S. corporations."*'
T h e d m g traffic also had another side-effect. I t was preparing young
people to quiedy acquiesce when the govemment desttoyed their rights and
freedoms. T h i s conclusion was graphically illustrated i n an article that
appeared i n 1972. I t quoted a young student, called a " h i p p i e " i n the article,
who was a university graduate and who explained what the d m g culture had
done to h i m : "No, dmgs are not the answer, but I've at least blown my m i n d
346
CHAPTER SO TREASON
; so I don't have to ask any questions."**
T h e Chinese also have a purpose i n expanding their ttade w i t h the
United States. T h i s was illustrated by H u a n g Hua, Foreign Minister of the
Red Chinese govemment, i n 1978. He said: "We are discussing trade w i t h the
U.S. w i t h a view to expanding i t and opening the door wider to take full
advantage of the opportunities i t presents to b u i l d sodalism at home and
abroad. By opening the door of China-U.S. relations, we are opening wide
the door which leads to revolution i n the U.S."*'
The significance of selling equipment and technology to both the Red
Chinese and the Russian govemments w h o have both indicated that i t is
their intention to desttoy the American capitalistic system, has not gone
unnoticed.
T h e founding fathers of the United States were concemed about such
trade, as they wrote the following into the Constitution of the United States,
as Article I I I , Section 3:
Treason against the United States shall consist only i n levying
war against them, ; i ;
Ik' ^
i n adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort '
T h e definition of treason includes two separate and distinct actions. Not
only was treason an act of war against the United States, but i t was also
giving aid and comfort to the enemy. Notice that i t was not imperative that
the United States be at war w i t h the "enemy" i n the formal sense, at the time
the act of tteason was committed.
T h i s is why businessmen and members of the armed forces face prison
sentences when they sell military secrets to the Russians. For instance, four
people i n September, 1981, were indicted for selling microwave tuners and
receivers used for electtonic survdllance, computer systems and components
to Communist East Germany.
Another seller of strategic goods or knowledge to the Russian govem-
ment, i n this case some "missile secrets," received a life sentence and was
called a "traitor" by the judge w h o sentenced h i m .
Observers notice that the employees of the Department of Commerce
approve the sale of similar items to the Russian govemment and i t is not
•reason.
I t is interesting to ask those w h o justify such programs as s e l l i n g
materials to the Communist countries for their reasons. One Congressman
^ r o t e a letter i n 1977 to one w h o asked about w h y he had supported
American trade w i t h Russia. T h e Congressman replied: "As you probably
' ^ o w , this has always been the case since the United States leads the way i n
*iich technology. T h i s is because democracy encourages innovative t h i n k i n g
M7
CHAPTER 30 TREASON

w h i c h others emulate. However, I ' m not sure this is bad. T h e more the Soviet
U n i o n adopts to westem technology, the more their society opens u p and
thus the more suscepdble to change they become."
The Congressman does not completely support his theory that govem-
ments become more open when they trade w i t h the United States. When, i n
1975, Congress was asked to vote to prohibit the importation of chrome from
Rhodesia, the Congressman voted i n favor of the b i l l .
I t is a fair question to ask whether or not the American govemment
knows whether the products that this nation sells to Russia are used i n ways
t h a t k i l l people. Commerce D e p a r t m e n t o f f i c i a l Lawrence J. Brady
explained: " I t is virtually impossible to insure that the advanced technology
equipment shipf)ed to the Soviet U n i o n is not diverted to military uses."**
The reason that the American govemment sells strategic technolog[y to
the Communist nations around the world was made clear i n a 1964 Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee report entitled The Many Crises of the
Soviet Economy. T h e report said: " O n the Communist side, however, east-
west trade, despite its apparendy limited dollar volume, is not merely of
critical importance: i t may well be a matter of survival. The Communist bloc
must have Westem assistance... to cope w i t h the chronic deficiencies of its
Chapter 31
industries."**
This position has been confirmed by vjirious Soviet dissidents who have
defected to the West and have brought out the t m t h about the importance of
Science Versus Reason
this strategic aid and trade to the Russian govemment
One, Alexander Solzhenitsyn, informed the American people on July 5,
1975: " O u r whole slave system depends o n your economic assistance. When The world of sdence has not escaped the attention of die conspiracy,
they bury us alive, please do not send them shovels and the most u p to date and its interest has been spurred of late by the sudden increase i n the research
earth-moving equipment"** H e reiterated this view i n another speech to the into a competing theory.
American people when he said: " W h y do we hand over to Communist The basic foundation block of current sdentific thought is the theory of
totalitarianism more and more technology—complex, delicate, developed evolution. So important is this theory that there are those w h o say that
technology w h i c h i t needs for armaments a n d for c r u s h i n g its o w n anyone finding fault w i t h i t is i g n o r a n t " N o informed persons doubt any
dtizens."*' more diat the many animal types that inhabit die earth today are die results
But i n spite of his warnings, the aid and trade continues. of a process of evolution."'
A n d the Russian govemment keeps "crushing its own dtizens." This position is further strengthened by those who claim that evolution
W i t h America's help. is no longer a t h e o r y : " . . . evolution is not a guess, i t is an established theory
* a t is fully proved by k n o w n facts."*
The purpose of evolution, according to the Socialists, at least i n a book
entided Evolution of Man, published by the Sodalist Worker's Party, is clear:
"Modern Socialism is closely a l l i e d to the modern scientific theory of
evolution. I f laborers understand sdence, they become sodalists."'
But the theory of evolution has another purpose, more pervasive than
'he desire to convert die reader to the theories of Socialism. Julian Huxley, a
**^entist, has explained that: " D a r w i n pointed out that no supematural

348 349
CHAPTER 31 SCIENCE VERSUS REASON
designer was needed since natural selection could account for any k n o w n
form of life. There was no room for a supematural agency i n its evolution."*
So evolution has two direct, non-competing purposes: to convince the
student that Sodalism is the parmer to evolution, and secondly that there is
n o creative force i n the universe.
Huxley further went o n to point out that: "The supematural is being
swept o u t o f the universe G o d can n o longer be considered as the
controller of the universe "Operationally, God is beginning to resemble,
not a mler, but the last fading smile of a cosmic Cheshire c a t " '
T h e Masonic Order also places a strong emphasis o n the theory of
evolution, according to W . L . Wilmhurst's book entided The Meaning of
Masonry, which adds "This—the evolution of man into superman—was
always the purpxjse of ancient mysteries. Man, w h o has s p m n g from the
earth and developed through the lower kingdoms of natiu-e, to his present
rational state, has yet to complete his evolution by becoming a god-like being
and unifying his consdence w i t h the Omnisdent "'
So one of the purposes of Masonry is to assist man i n the fulfillment of
his evolutionary progess o n the road to perfection.
But recendy, espedally i n the latter half of the 2 0 d i century, a compet-
i n g theory to evolution was being developed. I t is important to understand
this new theory and its effect on evolution and sdence. ; i<
T h e two completing theories may be defined as follows:
1. Organic Evolution: the theory that a l l l i v i n g things have arisen by
a materialistic, naturalistic evolutionary process from a single
soiu-ce w h i c h itself arose from a dead, inanimate world.
T h e Smithsonian Institute i n Washington D . Q has defined evolution
i n this manner:
Evolution is the concept that spedes change through time.
Over millions of years small changes accumulate to become large
differences, new spedes arise, others die o u t Rates of change vary
gready, and directions of change are unpredictable.'
; . T h e competing theory is defined as: ; .;!!,; ^ >,/
2. Creationism: the theory that a l l basic animal and plant types
were brought into existence by aas of a Creator using spedal
processes which are not operative today.
Notice that both theories are just t h a t theories. Ndther can be proved
today i n the sdentific laboratory. Both attempt to explain the Earth and its
inhabitants from the various facts existent i n the world.
T h e creationists claim that there are two sdentific laws that disprove
CHAPTER 31 SCIENCE VERSUS REASON
evolution. These laws are called the Laws of Thermcxiynamics (Thermody-
namics is defined as the sdence of heat exchange or heat transfer.)
These l.aws are as follows: ff, y^y-ri'. :?••!.•:•••.' r-"i'.
1. T h e First L a w of Thermodynamics: T h e total amount of energy
remains constant. Energy is not being created anywhere i n the
universe, i t is only being changed. ' '
2. T h e Second L a w o f T h e r m o d y n a m i c s : Energy is c h a n g i n g
through decay. Energy becomes less available for further work.
One of the world's leading creationists. Dr. Henry Morris, has stated
that: "The Second Law demonstrates that there must have been a beginning
or otherwise the universe would already be dead. T h e First L a w demonstrates
that the universe could not have begun itself, since none of the processes
creates anything."'
Dr. Morris continued: "The real law of change, however, is one of decay,
not of growth, a change 'down' instead of a change 'up.' Thus the laws of
thermodynamics sharply conflict w i t h the philosophy of evolution."*
Both of these theories look at the universe and then attempt to explain
its origin. These two theories are contrary to each other. Evolution theorizes
that the earth created life through a gradual process when first lower forms
of life were created and then the higher forms evolved from the earlier.
T h e second theory, Creationism, contends that a l l animal as well as
human life was created at nearly the same moment Neither theory can be
reproduced i n the laboratory, and neither is taking place now.
T h e evolutionists explain that the first cause of life was chance. T h e
creationist explain i t as the act of a Creator.
Perhaps a review of the creationist's arguments w i l l assist those w h o
have never examined these two theories side by side. There are at least nine
strong arguments against the theories of the evolutionists.
1. C H A N C E : The evolutionists theorize that simple life originated from
the creation of amino adds, which later combined i n chains to form protein,
all by the randomness of chance.
A simple protein w o u l d consist of a chain of about 100 simple amino
adds. But not just any combination of these amino adds w i l l give life. There
is only one: a l l other combinations w i l l not give life.
T h e chance of 100 amino adds aligning i n exacdy die right order is one
chance i n one followed by 158 zeroes, or „,; „;
one i n
100,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,
000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,
000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000
chances. • .
CHAPTER SI SOENCE VERSUS REASON
"Astro-physicists estimate that there are n o more than IO*" infinite-
simal "particles" i n the universe (one followed by 80 zeros), and that the age
of the universe i n its present form is no greater than 10" seconds (30 b i l l i o n
years.)
"Assuming each particle can participate i n a thousand b i l l i o n 10"'
different events every second, (this is impossibly high, of course) then the
greatest number of events diat could ever happen (or trials diat could ever be
made) i n a l l the universe throughout its entire history is only IO*" x 10" x
10'* or 1 0 ' " (one followed by 110 zeroes.)
Any event w i t h a probability of less than one change i n 1 0 ' " dierefore
cannot <x;cur.
"Its probabUity becomes zero, at least i n our k n o w n universe."
Thus, the above-suggested ordered arrangement of 100 components (100
amino adds forming i n a chain to give simple life) has a zero probability. I t
could never happen by chance." (emphasis added)"
T h a t enormous figure of 1 followed by 158 zeroes can be compared i n its
size w i t h die estimate of today's sdentists that diere are only 1 followed by 22
zeroes stars i n die universe.
If chaos cannot produce order of such miniscule proportions, how can
i t be expected to bUndly generate a l l of the order diat sdentists find i n the
u i uverse?
Edward C o n k l i n , a biologist, has said that: " T h e probability of life
originating from accident [or chance] is comparable to the probability of the
unabridged dictionary resulting from an explosion i n a print shop."
This question of whedier chaos could produce order was faced by two of
England's most eminent scientists. T h e y studied the probability of life
o c c u r r i n g by chance. T h e t w o scientists. Professor Sir Fred Hoyle and
Professor Chandra Wickramasinghe, independendy concluded that "the
probability of life originating at random is so utterly miniscule as to make i t
absurd." Each found that the odds against the spark of life o r i g i n a t i n g
acddentally on earth was staggering ~ i n mathematical jargon 10 to the
power of 40,000. (The number 1 followed by 40,000 zeroes. T h a t would be
approximately 12 pages of typewritten zeroes of 55 lines of 60 spaces per
page.)
They concluded that i t became sensible that "the favourable properties
of physics, o n which life depends, are i n every respect deliberate. There is no
other way i n which we can understand... life except to invoke the creations
on a cosmic scale. We realize that the only logical answer to life is creation—
and not acddental shuffling."
T h e article that reported o n their conclusions, the August 14, 1981,
L o n d o n Daily Express, carried this headline: "There must be a God."
I n other words, life starting by chance doesn't have a chancel
S52
CHAPTER SI s a E N C E VERSUS REASON
2. T H E FOSSIL EVIDENCE: The Arizona Daily Star of August 17.1981,
carried a picture of a recently deceased cow decaying on the desert. The
picture revealed that there was nothing of the animal but some very bleached
bones. There was no skin, hair, or internal organs left of the animal. These
had been ravaged by the elements, by other animals, and by bacteria.
T h i s decaying animal, soon to be litde more dian some badly decayed
bones, raises an interesting question: how is a fossil made?
The longer the animal lies i n the elements, the less there is to fossilize.
Yet the sdentists tell the world that i t takes millions of years for the required
amount of dust, m u d or debris to cover the animal. Yet fossils have been
found nearly intact, down to the skin and wrinkles (fossilized worms, for
instance).
A fossilized worm, down to the litde convolutions of its bcxly, implies a
sudden deposition of m u d to cover i t and then chemical exchange to make
the animal hard enough to withstand the enormous pressure of the huge
amounts of dirt above the fossil.
Clams have been found w i t h their muscles intact, w h i c h implies a
sudden deposition of debris over them, and then rapid chemical exchange,
making the muscles inside the clam shell a hard fossil. I t would be presumed
that, i f these clams had slowly decayed d u r i n g the time i t w o u l d take to
slowly cover them up, the muscle would decay.
T h e problem of h o w the slow accumulation of dust covering u p a
carcass can account for the fossilization of a land animal is not the only
problem for the evolutionists, however.
The same problem exists i n the fossilization of animals i n the water.
One sdentist indicated that: "when fish decay their bones disconnect i n less
than one week. [The scientist] said that means the presence of fish fossils i n
complete form is evidence of a catastrophe that covered the fish suddenly and
locked their bones i n place.""
This problem of fossil creation is a problem for the evolutionists but not
for the creationists who believe i n a worldwide flood that had the ability to
suddenly and q u i c k l y deposit huge amounts of m u d and d i r t o n dead
animals, both on the land and i n the sea.
B u t this is n o t the only p r o b l e m for the evolutionists. T h e theory
demands numerous intermediate l i v i n g t h i n g s w h i c h can be hooked
together i n an attempt to show an evolutionary sequence.
"However, the fossil record reveals a profound change from reptilian
host to mammals—and without any proven intermediaries" (Emphasis i n
original.)'*
The evolutionists theorize that the fossil record w i l l show a step-by-step
development of higher to lower forms of life, the deeper the sdentist digs into
* e earth.
SSS
CHAPTERS! SCIENCE VERSUS REASON
T h e creationists theorize that the fossil record w i l l reveal the sudden
appearance of life of h i g h and low forms at the lowest sttata w i t h no evidence
of lower forms changing to higher forms as the scientist moves upward
through other strata of rock. T h i s is because the creadonist believes that a l l
life arose spontaneously at roughly the same dme.
T h e first idendfiable life is found as fossil evidence i n the Cambrian
layer of rock, supposedly 500,000,000 (five hundred m d l i o n ) years old. There
are no k n o w n fossil evidences i n the two layers underneath. There have been
billions of fossils found i n this one layer alone and all have been of a highly
complex natiue. N o one has found any fossil evidence of a development of
life from a single cell, just as the creadonists theorized.
One textbcxjk agrees. Stansfield's Science of Evolution, published by
M a c m i l l a n i n 1977, says this about the C a m b r i a n layer: " D u r i n g the
Cambrian Period, there suddenly appeared representatives of nearly a l l the
major groups of animals now recognized. I t was as if a giant curtain had been
lifted to reveal a w o r l d teeming w i t h life i n fantastic diversity.""
Creationists have also pointed out anodier problem w i d i the reasonings
of the evolutionists. They question dieir conclusions diat the oldest fossUs
are always found i n the oldest rocks. One creationist has written:
T h e fossil evidence that life has evolved f r o m s i m p l e to
complex forms over the geological ages depends on the geological
ages of the specific rocks i n which these fossils are found.
T h e rocks are assigned geological ages based o n the fossil
assemblages which they contain.
T h e fossils, i n t u m , are arranged on the basis of their assumed
evolutionary relationships.
Thus, the main evidence for evolution is based on die assump-
tion of evolution."
I n other words, die reason die rocks are o l d is because the fossils i n them
are old. The reason the fossils are o l d is because the rocks diey are contained
i n are old. T h i s is called circular reasoning.
A n o t h e r p r o b l e m for the e v o l u t i o n i s t i n the fossil record is that
"anydiing approaching die complete geological c o l u m n is never found at
any one place o n die Earth's surface " I n fact, "... i t is not at all unusual
for strata to be found completely out of the approved order, w i t h 'old' strata
resting comfortably o n top of 'young' strata."" (The geological column is a
column that shows the various layers, one on top of another. The older layers
are supposed to be o n the bottom, the newer layers o n the top. Each layer was
supposedly laid d o w n o n top of the layer just underneath. T h i s process
assumedly took billions of years.)
I n addition to this insurmountable problem for the evolutionists, there
m 855
CHAPTER SI SCIENCE VERSUS REASON
is another. " I t is now k n o w n diat complex plants existed i n the Cambrian
period, which, o n the evolutionary time scale, is 200 m i l l i o n years or so
before even simple land plants are supposed to have evolved.""
A n d i n Glacier Park, for example, "There are numerous localities
around the w o r l d where supposedly older and simple fossils have been
deposited i n layers vertically above layers c o n t a i n i n g 'younger,' more
complex, fossils.""
But one of the most starding discrepancies i n the fossil record came to
l i g h t when a tuatara lizard was found alive o n some islands off of New
Zealand after the animal was supposedly extinct. Because the scientists have
not found any fossil remains of the lizard i n any rcxrk supposedly younger
than 135 m i l l i o n years old, they presumed that the lizard was extinct. I n other
wortls, the animal once lived 135 m i l l i o n years ago, but not between then and
the present, as diere have been no fossil remains of the lizard found i n diose
layers of rock above those supposedly 135 m i l l i o n years old. F i n d i n g some
living tuaturas on die surface of the eardi really puzzled them. Where are the
fossil remains of the lizard for the last 135 m i l l i o n years?
D o n ' t ask the evolutionist. O n l y the creationist has the answer: the
assumptions made i n dating fossds is w r o n g . "
Such anomalies are very common all over the world. For instance, one
scientist became ttoubled when he was checking fossil remains i n the Grand
Canyon. He found a layer of rock containing a certain fossil. Above that layer
was a thick barren layer, indicating that the fossil had become extinct. But the
layer directly above the barren layer was a layer c o n t a i n i n g the fossil
evidences again. " T h e evolutionary theory allows no backtracking, n o
renewal of a spedes, once i t has become e x t i n c t " "
The fossil record's inabiUty to explain die basic tenet of evolution, diat
simple life evolved into complex life, has been noted by some prestigious
sdentists. One, David Raup of Chicago's famous Field Museum, has said
diis about the fossU record: "We are now about 120 years after Darwin and die
knowledge of the fossil record has been gready expanded. Ironically, we have
even fewer examples of evolutionary transition than we had i n Darwin's
time. By this I mean diat some of the classic cases of darwinian change i n the
fossil record, such as the evolution of the horse i n North America, has had to
be discarded or modified as a result of more detailed information."**
I n spite of all of these problems, the evolutionists still continue to h o l d
u p the fossil record as the evidence proving their case. Perhaps the reason this
IS so lies i n the rather interesting fact that "more than half of the geologists
u i the w o r l d work direcdy for o i l companies, and the support for many
geologists i n academic [pursuits] and [ i n ] government comes f r o m
petroleum."*'
M U T A T I O N S : The.4rizonaDfli7yStorofApril4,1981, carried a picture
CHAPTER 31 SOENCE VERSUS REASON
of a two-headed snake. T h e caption underneath the picture said that the
associate professor of zoology at Arizona State University said diat die snake
"wouldn't last i n the wild."** The snake was a mutation and i t w o u l d have
difficulty surviving i n nature.
Evolutionists claim diat mutations are die changes diat account for the
changes i n species, yet scientists know that about ninety-nine out of one
hundred mutations produce inferior creatiu-es, such as die two headed snake,
diat "wouldn't last i n the w i l d . " I f diis is true, dien the fossilized remains of
these ninety-nine unsuccessful mutations should be i n the fossil record, as
well as die successful ones found so abundandy. The fossU record reveals no
fossil remains of k n o w n mutations.
4. T I M E : The evolutionists dieorize that diere have been millions, i f not
billions, of years i n which man and die various animals have been able to
evolve into higher fonns of life. Certain spedes have died out and become
extinct before other spedes, including man, evolved.
A t a debate between an evolutionist and a creationist i n Tucson, the
evolutionist, a professor at the University of Arizona, claimed diat, i f ever
fossil records of man could be found alongside fossil records of the dinosaur,
this find would seriously weaken, but not desttoy, die evolutionary theory.
He explained that diis was because die dinosaurs had become extinct,
according to the evolutionary dieory, around sixty m i l l i o n years before die
appearance of man o n the earth.
One of the spectators at the debate hastened to point out to the sdentist
diat such fossil evidence did indeed exist at die Paluxy River near Glen Rose,
Texas, soudi of Fort W o r d i . Apparently a flood i n 1900 eroded away the top
layer of the m u d and exposed a limestone layer undemeadi it. T h i s limestone
layer, supposedly 120 m i l l i o n years o l d , contained a rather s t a r t l i n g
discovery. The stone contained human footprintsl Since i t is dieorized diat
man appeared o n Earth about 1 m i l l i o n years ago, approximately 119
m i l l i o n years of time had disappeared, at least if die rock was supposedly 120
m i l l i o n years old.
But there was even something more starding i n the stone. The human
footprints were side by side dinosaur footprints!
The theory is that the dinosaur died out about 60 m i l l i o n years ago.
T h a t means, according to the evolutionary theory, diat i t is impossible for
man and the dinosaur to have been on the Eardi at die same time.
The spectator asked the professor if he had an explanation. D i d man and
the dinosaur co-habitate the Eardi at die same time? H o w could die rock be
120 m i l l i o n years old, die dinosaur footprints 60 m i l l i o n years old, and the
man's footprints 1 m i l l i o n years old?
The sdentist was quick to offer an explanation.
His position was that the rock was once soft, about 60 m i l l i o n years ago.
S56
CHAPTER 31 S a E N C E VERSUS REASON
The dinosaur moved dirough the mud, leaving behind the evidence of his
presence, his footprints. The m u d became hard and then some 59 m i l l i o n
years later, became soft once again. M a n moved t h r o u g h the soft m u d ,
leaving behind his footprints. Then, for some unexplained reason, die rock
became hard again, leaving both the dinosaur and human footprints side by
side.
When questioned as to why the dinosaur footprints didn't erode when
the limestone became soft again, unless man's footprints were placed down
i n the soft m u d predsely the same day the m u d got soft and then hard again,
the sdentist had to admit that he had no answer.
Also, what mechanism did the professor know about that could cause
rock to become hard, then soft, then hard, then soft, and dien hard again?
Once again, he had no answer. The sdentist was u n w i l l i n g to admit that the
fossilized footprints "weakened, but didn't desttoy" his evolutionary dieory,
even diough that conclusion was his opening statement He was bending die
facts to explain his theory, rather than adjusting the theory to explain the
facts. His evolutionary dieory postulated that man and dinosaur couldn't
have co-existed at die same time; dierefore, die fossilized evidence must be
incorrect or e x p l a i n e d away. W h e n confronted w i t h the evidence, he
approached the dilemma die only way he could: he had to deny the facts.
One scientist, when asked about some of die human footprints i n the
stone, while he was an observer to dieir uncovering at the site i n about 1955,
said that i f the human footprints were alone i n the rock, he w o u l d have to
conclude that they were human. But since they were beside the dinosaur
footprints, he wasn't sure.
T o furdier complicate die problem for die professor at die debate, other
scientists have carbon dated some plants i n the limestone layer. They were
found to be 38,000 to 39,000 years old, quite a b i t earlier dian die supposed
age of the rock which is dieorized to be 120,000,000 years old.
I n a d d i t i o n , other scientists have f o u n d another p r o b l e m for the
evolution theory at this same site. They have found human footprints i n rock
layers below sttata containing die footprints of the dinosaur.
A l l of these facts fit die creationist's dieory diat holds that man and the
dinosaur lived at the same time, not millions of years apart, but thousands of
years ago. T h i s explains the footprints of both at die same site, i n die same
layer of limestone.
5. SEQUENCE: The age-old question of "which came first, die chicken or
* e egg?" is an appropriate question to ask i n the evolution versus creation
debate. The w o r l d is full of examples of animals and plants that had to
appear on the scene at precisely the same moment i n the past.
For instance, the bee and the flower bodi had to appear at predsely the
^ e time or the earlier would not be able to survive.
SS7
CHAPTER 31 SCIENCE VERSUS REASON
Another prohlem for the evolutionist is the question of when certain
predators for certain animals evolved.
There is a naturally occurring balance of nature whereby the popula-
d o n of one spedes is kept i n balance by another spedes, its natural predator.
If die populadon of die hunted animal suddenly increases, die populadon of
die second animal, die hunter, increases as well. As die population of die
hunted animal decreases, so does the pwpuladon of die second animal.
I t is only when man ardfically intervenes i n die environment diat diis
system gets out of balance.
Take, for example, the case of the rabbit i n Ausdalia. T h i s animal is not
nadve to dus counuy and was reportedly brought diere as a game animal to
be hunted for sport But since die rabbit has no natural predator i n Ausualia
and is a rapid breeder, die animal is increasing i n numbers so quickly diat i t
is starving odier animals nadve to die land because i t is consuming dieir
share of the available food.
A similar problem is occurring i n Oregon w i d i the opposum. T h i s
animal is also not nadve to die area, having been brought to die Nordiwest
by Soudiemers w h o came to b u i l d ships d u r i n g W o r i d War I I . After die war
was over, die Soudiemers retumed to die Soudi and diey released whatever
animals diey had o n hand at die dme. These animals breed radier rapidly
and have spread all over die Nordiwest to die point where diey are eadng
vital food needed by odier animals. T h e opposum has no natural predators,
and i t is prospering to die dettiment of other animals nadve to die area.
(Some local wags have daimed diat die only predator of die oppossum is die
'55 Chevyl I t seems diat the automobile is die major predator of diis Utde
animal because i t suikes so many of diem at night as diey cross die roads
l o o k i n g for food.) I t has become a real problem for those l i v i n g i n the
Northwest
But diese examples ask die quesdon diat die evoludonists have uouble
answering: die hunted animal and its predator, die hunter, had to "evolve"
at predsely the same dme, or either the world w o u l d be over-populated by die
hunted animal, i f i t "evolved" first, or w i d i large quanddes of fossils of die
hunter i f i t "evolved" before its food supply "evolved."
Man's attempts to ardfically induce an animal into the environment
where diere is no natural predator proves diat b o d i die hunted arumal and
its predator had to "evolve" predsely at the same dme.
The existence of such a balance of nature sttongly implies a designer.
6. M I S S I N G L I N K S : One of the areas most open to quesdon by the
creadonists is die area of die "missing links," the humans and near humans
w h o supposedly l i n k man and his ancestors.
A quick look at some of diese "missing links," or early men, shows how
weak this evidence is for the case of the evoludonists. . , j
m 359
CHAPTER 31 SQENCE VERSUS REASON
a. The Zinjandiropus Man: The fossil evidence of diis early " m a n " was
discovered i n suata supposedly 1 and 3/4 m i l l i o n years old. Yet when die
sdendsts carbon dated other material i n the same layer, diat material was
found to be approximately 10,000 years old.
b. The Nebraska Man: T h i s connecting l i n k was dted at die famous
Scopes ttial i n Tennessee by leading sdentists to prove than man had evolved
from earlier forms of existence.
The fossil evidence of the Nebraska Man consisted of a tooth that was
said to have come from a prehistoric man who supposedly lived one m i l l i o n
years ago. Sdentists used diis toodi to reconsuuct die Nebraska man's flesh,
hair and family.*' Yet when more fossils were unearthed at the same site, i t
was discovered diat die Nebraska man was only a pig.
c. Piltdown Man: This man was supposed to be half a m i l l i o n years o l d
and was consttucted from a piece of jaw discovered i n 1912. The fossilized jaw
was considered to be authentic u n t i l 1953 when i t was discovered that the jaw
had tumed out to be the jawbone of a modem ape. I n addition, die jawbone
had been filed down and stained to Icxik older.
I n other words, i t was a deliberate hoax.**
d. Neandethal Man: T h i s connecting l i n k was once pictured as a l i n k
between apes and man, but was later found out to be stricdy human, just
another man.
One can only speculate as to why the evolutionary sdentist is so quick
to grasp at anything that appears to be a l i n k connecting man w i t h the ape.
Perhaps the question has been answered by the following statement
T h e real reason why—-after multitudes of fossil fragments
have been examined and sorted by evolutionary andiropologists for
over a hundred years —there is still no agreement as to man's
evolutionary ancestry, is because he had no evolutionary ancestry!
A l l of the real evidence indicates that man was ttue man right
from the start*'
Maybe this is why some evolutionists are now shifting away from the
theory that m a n evolved from apes or monkeys. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , their
predetermined prejudices stay w i d i them when they develop new theories.
Take, for instance, the new theory postulated by Dr. Geoffrey Bourne,
Director of Yerkes Regional Primate Research Center of Emory University.
Dr. Boume is an Austtalian b o m , Oxford educated American cell biologist
anatomist, a n d n o w considered to be one of the w o r l d ' s l e a d i n g
Primatologists.
He has declared his belief that "apes and monkeys are the evolutionary
descendants of man!"**
This scientist wants man to believe diat the ape and monkey are man's
Srandchildren!
CHAPTER 31 s a E N C E VERSUS REASON
7. M A L E A N D F E M A L E : T h e obvious fact that so many animal spedes
have evolved i n t o male and female types is another thorny problem for the
evolutionists.
Both sexes are absolutely essential to the continued propagation of the
animal spiedes, and i t is absolutely imperative that both evolved at predsely
die same time. T h a t means that, if one spedes of animal evolved a male into
a higher form of life i n the process of evolution, that animal had to have a
female of exacdy the same type evolve at predsely the same time, or the new
male wouldn't have been able to reproduce itself. , ,
8. T H E A G E O F T H E UNIVERSE: I t is daimed by die evolutionists tfiat
the Eardi was created about 4.5 b i l l i o n years ago. The creationists are now
developing a very effective sdentific argument diat die Earth cannot be older
tfian 10,000 years old.
Some of the arguments for a young Earth are as follows:
a. Decay of the Magnetic Field: N a t i o n a l Aeronautical and Space
Administration orbiting satellites have been measuring the Earth's magnetic
field and have found that i t is slowly decaying, or wearing down.
One sdentist has interpreted these sdentific data and has drawn this
conclusion: "Since the Earth's magnetic field is decaying, extrapolation back
into the past more than 10,000 years predicts a current flow so vast that the
earth's structure could not survive the heat produced. Thus the Earth cannot
be much older than 10,000 years.""
b. O i l Seepage: I t is estimated that the amount of o i l that seeps into the
oceans is 5 m i l l i o n tons per year. I t is also estimated diat die total amount of
offshore o i l is 100 b i l l i o n tons, w h i c h means that the total amount of o i l
w o u l d have been lost to die oceans 2500 times, i f o i l is estimated to be 50
m i l l i o n years old, or that i t w o u l d only take about 20,000 years to deplete die
entire quantity of offshore oil.*'
c. H e l i u m Decay: As plant and animal life dies and then decays, a certain
amount of helium is released i n t o the atmosphere. Estimating by the rate of
addition of helium to the aunosphere from radioactive decay, the age of die
Earth appears to be about 10,000 years o l d , even a l l o w i n g for moderate
helium escape to the space above the atmosphere. **
d. P o p u l a t i o n G r o w t h : E v o l u t i o n i s t s generally theorize that m a n
evolved about 1 m i l l i o n years ago. These early humans have multiplied, so
the theory goes, to the p o i n t where there are now about 4 b i l l i o n people on
die Earth. " T h e same p o p u l a t i o n statistics which supposedly presage a
serious (xipulation problem i n the future also indicate a very recent origin of
man i n the past
" A n initial population of only two people, increasing at 2%a year, would
become 3.5 b i l l i o n i n only 1,075 years
" A n average population growth of only )i of one percent would generate
the present w o r l d population i n only 4,000 years."**
e. Meteoritic Dust o n the Earth: "There is no measurable accumulation
CHAPTERS! SCIENCE VERSUS REASON
of meteoritic dust o n the Earth's surface, but present rates of influx of such
dust from space would produce a layer Uth of an inch thick all over the Earth
i n a m i l l i o n years, and a layer 54 feet thick i n 5 b i l l i o n years.""
f. Decay of the Sun: I n 1980, two sdentists discovered the " . . . sun has
been contracting 0.1% per century "
They believed that this shrinkage was continuous and has occurred at
the same rate as i n the past
If this is correct only 100,000 years ago the sun would be twice as b i g as
i t is today; 20 milUon years ago, the surface of the sun w o u l d touch the Earth
and the Earth w o u l d have been a dnder.'*
g. Meteroritic Dust o n the Moon: The sdentists w h o planned America's
lunar landing probe theorized that the moon was approximately 4.5 b i l l i o n
years old. They knew that, as the moon orbited through space, meteoritic
dust fell on its surface. They were somewhat able to sdentifically estimate the
exact quantity of dust that had fallen during its supposed 4.5 b i l l i o n year life.
"ITie sdentists theorized that the mcxjn had large quantities of dust on its
surface because i t was so old. They then concluded that the lunar landing
device w o u l d sink i n this dust when it landed. So they devised the disc-shaped
feet on the landing device so that the feet w o u l d support its weight when i t
landed.
Their theories were i n part supported by the theory of R. A. Lytdeton of
Cambridge University. He theorized t h a t
Since there is no atmosphere on the mcx>n, the moon's surface
is exposed to direct radiation.
Thus, the strong ultra-violet light and x-rays can destroy the
surface layers of exposed rocks and reduce them to dust at a rate of
a few thousandths of an inch per year.
If a layer, say 0.0004 inch thick i n pulverized matter, is formed
per year, then, i n 10,000 years a layer of about four inches i n depth
w o u l d be produced; i n 100,000 years a layer o f 40 inches; i n
1,000,000 years a layer of 3.3 feet i n 1,000,000,000 years a layer of 6.3
miles; and i n 4,500,000,000 years (4.5 b d l i o n years, the supposed age
of the moon) a layer of about 28 miles i n depth w o u l d be formed.
Yet when the lunar landing device landed on the moon, they measured
the dust layer to be "Mi inch to 3 inches i n thickness.""
So if Professor Lyttleton's theories are correct the moon is no older than
about 10,000 years, or less, and certainly not 4,500,000,000 years i n age.
9. Symbiosis: Symbiosis is defined as: "the intimate l i v i n g together of
two dissinular organisms i n a mutually beneficial relationship."
A n d the existence of several symbiotic relationships presents real
FHoblems for the evolutionists.
For instance, the Nile crocodile allows a small bird, called the Egyptian
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CHAPTER 31 SOENCE VERSUS REASON

plover, to enter its m o u t h to clean its teeth of harmful bacteria. I f the plover
does not remove these intruders, the crocodile can be seriously harmed. The
parasites are the Plover bird's sole source of nutriuon.
I n other words, the two animals need each other and had to occur at
precisely the same time or one w o u l d not have been able to survive to wait for
the other.
But symbiosis is not confined to the animal kingdom alone.
Frequendy the plant and animal kingdoms j o i n together i n a symbiotic
relationship, mutually beneficial to both parties. Such is the case of the yucca
moth and die yucca plant. The m o d i collects a ball of pollen, stuffs i t into a
seed chamber of the yucca plant, and then lays a few eggs inside the seed.
Since the larvae that hatch can feed only on developing yucca seeds, dieir
growth is provided for; and since some seeds are left and this yucca cannot
otherwise pollinate itself, the plant also benefits.
Neither the plant nor the animal w o u l d have been able to survive if bodi
didn't occur at precisely die same time.
The occurrence of such design demands a designer!

But even i n view of such problems i n the field of evolutionary science, Chapter 32
the evolutionists persist i n their theories. W h y is i t so important that the
theory of evolution be defended i n view of the enormous evidence against it?
Does i t have a purpose that demands its defense? Abortion and Laetrile
Several have attempted to answer that question.
One, the scientist J u l i a n H u x l e y , already quoted o n this subject,
informs the student: " I t is clear that the docttine of evolution is direcdy
When a woman takes die life of her u n b o m child on die dieory
antagonistic to that of creation E v o l u t i o n , i f consistently accepted,
that she may do what she wishes w i d i her o w n body, she receives the
makes i t impossible to believe i n the Bible."'*
sanction of die Federal Supreme C o u r t
The author of a book on the subject of Humanism, Claire Chambers,
But i f she purchases Laetrile i n an attempt to save a life—
has stated the following i n answer to this question: "Before man can be
eidier her child's or her own—she has partidpated i n a criminal
enslaved, his state of m i n d must be reduced from spirituality to carnality. He
act'
must learn to t h i n k of himself as basically an animal w i t h no spiritual
purpose. Once man is freed from his obligations to God, die way is cleared O n October 2 1 , 1980, the Supreme C o u r t turned away arguments
for his ultimate obedience to the Communist State as his master."" brought before i t diat w o u l d have allowed a terminal cancer patient die right
Another, writer H . L . Mencken, an observer at the famous Scopes to use Laetrile as an aid to eliminating the cancer. I n essence, the Court stated
evolution u i a l that tested the right of die state to l i m i t school curriculums, mat die individual's body d i d not belong to die individual but to die state,
said this: and diat the state had die right to tell die individual what he or she may do
w i d i his or her o w n body.
There is, i t appears, a conspiracy of sdentists afoot
O n Monday 22,1973, die Supreme Court stmck down all restrictive laws
Their purpose is to break down religion, propagate immoral-
against abortion, i n essence saying diat die individual had die right to do
ity, and so reduce mankind to the level of the brutes.
yith her o w n body whatever she wanted; the individual's body d i d not
They are the swom and sinister agents of Beelzebub (the
Belong to die state.
devil) who "yeams to conquer the w o r l d . . . ."'*
So die question of w h o m die individual's body belongs to, die state or
e individual, has not been offidally determined by die Supreme C o u r t

362 363
 CHAPTER 32 ABORTION AND L A E T R I L E
T h i s hypocritical contradiction i n the t h i n k i n g of the Supreme Court is
intenuonal, as can be illustrated by the examinadon of the circumstances
behind these contradictory dedsions.
T h e first industry to be examined i n the search for the radonale of the
Supreme Court's t h i n k i n g is the food industry.
It is obvious from a reading of the list of ingredients o n the label of a
food product that more and more chemical subsdtutes or synthetic foods are
appearing i n the food consumed by the American people.
Perhaps the major reason for this shift from natural to synthetic or
chemical foods is because of the cartel agreements signed between the giant
chemical cartel, I . G . Farben, and the f o l l o w i n g A m e r i c a n companies:
Borden, Carnation, General M i l l s , M . W . Kellogg Co., Nestle's, and Pet
Milk.2
And I.G. Farben either owns outright or has had a substandal financial
interest i n , or has had other cartel agreements w i t h the following: O w l Drug,
Parke Davis & Co., Bayer Co., Whitehall Laboratories, Chef-Boy-Ar-Dee
Focxis, Bristol Myers, and Squibb and Sons.'
T h e importance of these cartel agreements between I . G . Farben and
some of America's largest food and drug suppliers becomes a l l the more
evident when the claims of those supporting the use of Laetrile as a cancer
cure or suppressant are studied.
Laetrile has an interesting history: " D r Ernst T . Krebs Jr., a bio-
chemist . . . had advanced the dieory that cancer . . . is merely a deficiency
disease aggravated by lack of an essential food compound abundantly i n
nature i n over twelve hundred edible plants and [was] found virtually i n
every part of the worid."*
Laeuile is found i n such nuts, berries and foods as: bitter almonds,
buckwheat, apricot seeds, alfalfa, cherry seeds, peas, grasses, berries, maize,
macadamia nuts, sorghum, lentils, millet, linseed, and apple seeds.'
Some nuttitionists have felt that the American public was not eating
those grains, berries and foods high i n Laetrile, and was therefore experienc-
i n g an increasing rate of cancer. T h e y noticed that most of the grains
consumed by the food consumer were hybridized and that Laetrile had been
removed by genetic engineering. T h i s meant that the grains h i g h i n Laetrile,
such as millet and buckwheat, those that were the grain staples consumed by
America's early pioneers, had either been eliminated or replaced by those
hybridized grains containing litde or no Laetrile.
I n addition, some nuuitionists have discovered entire sodeties where
there is little or no cancer. One group, l i v i n g i n the remote recesses of the
Himalaya Mountains between West Pakistan, India and China, k n o w n as
the Hutizas, has never had a case of cancer i n their society. These people
CHAPTER 32 ABORTION AND L A E T R I L E
consume the apricot and its Laetrile-bearing seed as the main staple of their
diet
(The eating of seeds for nutrition is a Biblical concept Genesis 1:29
reads: "And God said: 'Behold I have given you every herb bearing seed upon
the eardi, and all uees diat have i n themselves seed of their o w n kind, to be
your m e a t ' " )
Other societies, also cancer free, consume large quantities of Laetrile-
bearing grains and grasses as main staples of their diet
Laeuile is a natural, non-toxic, water-soluble substance entirely normal
to and compatible w i t h human metabolism. The proper name for a food
factor that contains these properties is a vitamin.
But every time the proponents of the use of Laeuile i n cancer cases
attempt to secure permission to conduct offidal tests i n U.S. hospitals, they
are tumed down.
When famed chemist Linus Pauling, twice a Nobel Prize winner, uied
to secure research funds from the National Cancer Institute for medical
research on Vitamin C as a possible cancer cure, he was told that "The road
to a vitamin answer to cancer is of no medical interest"'
Other researchers, especially those testing for chemical solutions to
cancer, are far more successful. For instance, the Sloan-Kettering Institute for
Cancer Research, i n New York, is financed i n part by: " . . . the federal
govemment and the Rockefeller Foundation."'
But i n 1981, according to the U.S. News and World Report, die govem-
ment relented to pressure from those suggesting that Laeuile be tested as a
possible cure to cancer, and agreed to a series of tests i n four major medical
centers. After m n n i n g dieir tests, they concluded diat i t was not effective.'
T h e resulu brought charges from the Laetrile proponents.
For instance, Robert Henderson, a spokesman for the pro-Laetrile
Committee for Freedom of Choice i n Cancer Therapy, charged diat the tests
were neither honest nor fair and were "probably designed to f a i l . " M r .
Henderson said: " . . . the researchers d i d not continue the intravenous
injections of amygdalin, anodier name for Laeuile, long enough, and they
used an 'impure form' of the compound."'
A few mondis later, i n July, 1981, Robert Bradford and Michael Culbert
of the Committee issued a j o i n t statement charging the National Cancer
Institute w i t h : "gross fraud and deceit on the American public and of murder
(negligent homicide) i n die matter of cancer patients enrolled i n die so-called
'Laeuile clinical uials'
One audior, G. Edward Griffin, i n his book World Without Cancer,
Part I , informed the reader why he felt that the medical establishment wanted
the tests to fail: "There are far more people making a l i v i n g from cancer than
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CHAPTER 32 ABORTION AND L A E T R I L E

are dying from it. I f die riddle were to be solved by a simple vitamin, this
gigandc commercial and polidcal industry could be wiped out o v e r n i g h t " "
But Laetrile has proven its effecdveness i n country after country (as of
1973, there were 22 nations that had legalized its use i n cancer therapy.) One
nadon, Mexico, after years of testing i n Army hospitals, legalized its use, and
i n fact Dr. Ernesto Contreras at his Good Samaritan Cancer Clinic, i n
Tijuana, Mexico, has been effectively treating cancer w i t h Laetrile for over 17
years.
But, i n the U.S., those w h o want to take Laetrile as a treatment for their
cancer can't, because the i n d i v i d u a l ' s body does not belong to the
individual.
It does only i f you wish to take the life of an u n b o m childl
T h e Supreme Court has so ruledl

Chapter 33
World Government
One of die most glaring differences between the so-called "conservative"
and the so-called "liberal" is how each views the issues of man's relationship
to the world.
Basically, this difference can be described as follows:

The conservative position: T h e conservative appeals to the

s p i r i t u a l nature of m a n , believing that man's problems arise
because of the nature of man himself. The solution to the problems
of the world lies i n the changing of man himself.

The liberal position: The liberal appeals to the materialistic

nature of man, believing that man's problems arise because of the
environment The liberal's solution is to change the environment
so that man w i l l be happy.

The ultimate device to completely control man's environment is a one-

world govemment, and the current organization of the world into nations
becomes the obvious obstacle to such a change.
T h i s has been the program and the goal of each of the various individ-
uals and organizations discussed i n this study since the early formation of the
Illuminati.

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CHAPTER S3 W O R U ) GOVERNMENT
Various indicators have presented diemselves to indicate diat the goal of
these planners, world govemment, is about to reach fmiuon.
O n May 18, 1972, Roy M . Ash, from the Office of Management and
Budget during the N i x o n administradon, laid down the ume frame, as far as
he could see it, for the w o r l d government: " W i t h i n two decades [sometime
before 1992] the instituuonal framework for a World Economic Community
w i l l be i n p l a c e . . . " when "aspects of individual sovereignty w i l l be given
over to supemational authority.'
James P. Warburg i n his book The West in Crisis, also went on record
of supporung the need for a world govemment:
" A world order without world law is an anachronism; and diat, since
war now means the exuncuon of civilizadon, a world which fails to establish
the m l e of law over the nation-states cannot long continue to exist. We are
l i v i n g i n a perilous period of uansition from the era of die fully sovereign
nation-state to the era of world govemment. "*
Warburg once told a Senate Committee, on Febmary 17,1950, how die
peoples of the world would receive this world-government: "We shall have
world govemment whether you like it or not, if not by consent by conquest"'
T h e w o r l d govemment envisioned by these seers includes plans for a
w o r l d police force. One w h o has described the need for such a constabulary
is historian A m o l d Toynbee: "We are approaching the point at which the
only effective scale for operations of any importance w i l l be die global scale.
T h e local states ought to be deprived of dieir sovereignty and subordinated
to die sovereignty of a global world govemment. I think the world state w i l l
still need an armed police [and die] world govemment w i l l have to command
sufficient force to be able to impose peace."*
T o convince die people of the w o r l d to give u p dieir national sover-
eignty and t u r n i t over to a w o r l d government is a m o n u m e n t a l task.
However, the planners do not feel i t is insurmountable. One of those w h o
foresaw the problem has also offered the s o l u t i o n . Dr. Brock C h i s o l m ,
director of the World Health Organization, is o n record as stating:
T o achieve world govemment, i t is necessary to remove from
the minds of men their individualism, loyalty to family tradition,
national patriotism and religious d o g m a s . . . .
We have swallowed all manner of poisonous certainties fed us
by our parents, our Sunday and day school teachers, our p o l i t i -
cians, our priests, our newspapers and others w i t h vested interests
i n conuolling us.
T h e reinterpretation and eventual eradication of the concept
of right and wrong which has been the basis of child training, the
substitution of intelligent and rational t h i n k i n g for faith i n the
certainties of the o l d people, these are the belated objectives... for
368
CHAPTER SS WORLD GOVERNMENT
charting die changes i n human behavior.*
I n addition to desuoying man's basic loyalties to family, nation and
religion, die nation must be conditioned to die belief that less is better than
more. The standard of l i v i n g of diose i n die affluent nations must be reduced.
T h i s w i l l be done by a slow, gradual process of conditioning the citizens of
the rich nations to survive on less than they produce.
T h i s position was made clear by John Knowles, the President of the
Rockefeller Foundation, i n its annual report for 1975: " I am sure of only one
t h i n g — m o r e is n o t necessarily better. T h e web of interdependence is
tightening. We are one world and there w i l l be one future—for better or for
worse—for us all. Central to a new ethic of making less more is conttolled
economic growth which conserves scarce resources, provides more equitable
distribution of income and wealth "
I n addition to controlling the supply of goods, Mr. Knowles also urges
the conttol of the demand for goods: " I t is also necessary to conttol fertility
rates at the replacement level and to achieve zero p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h as
rapidly as possible "'
Once the people i n the more productive nations have been conditioned
to live w i t h less, they can be conditioned to share their excess wealth w i t h the
less productive nations. T h i s sharing of the w e a l t h is called the New
Intemational Economic Order, a phrase that was defined by Senator Charles
Percy, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations:
T h e philosophy behind die new intemational economic order
is based o n the fact that the developed wealthier nations use a
substantially greater share of die eardi's resources... than do the
less developed poor nations.
T h e new order calls for a more equitable distribution of the
earth's resources among the earth's people and redisttibution of
wealdi among rich and poor nations.' y..:.-;,-.-::/::^}..^
I n keeping w i d i this program, on March 30, 1979, Secretary of State
Cyms Vance, (also a member of the CFR), promised that die United States
would step u p its economic aid to the developing nations of the world i n
order to hasten "progress toward a more equitable and healthy new intema-
tional economic order."'
T h e progress towards this w o r l d govemment has been steady, n o t
because the people of the richer countries have freely chosen i t after hearing
the arguments on bodi sides, but because they have been lied to. A good case
i n point is the article written by Richard Gardner, a top advisor to President
Jimmy Carter, w h o was also Ambassador to Italy, i n the A p r i l , 1974, issue of
Foreign Affairs, die mondily j o u m a l of die C o u n d l on Foreign Relations.
He wrote that "the 'house of w o r l d order' w i l l have to be b u i l t from the
369
CHAPTER 33 WORLD GOVERNMENT
bottom u p rather than from the top down A n end r u n around nadonal
sovereignty, eroding i t piece by piece, w i l l accomplish more than the o l d
fashioned frontal assault."'
T h e U n i t e d States government has presented its b l u e p r i n t for the
transfer of America's military forces to the one-world govemment, i n this
case, die fledgling world govemment, the United Nadons, i n a document
published i n 1961.
T h i s document, e n t i t l e d Freedom From War—State Department
Publication 7277, was strangely removed from publicadon a couple of years
after the American people had had a chance to read i t for themselves. I t
proposed the gradual surrender of all of the American forces to a world police
force i n a three-phase program:
T h e first stage would significandy reduce the capabilides of
nadons to wage war by redudng the armed forces of the nadons; 2:
the nuclear capabilides would be reduced by treades; and 3: U . N .
"peace-keeping" powers would be strengthened.
T h e second stage would provide further substantial reducdons
i n the armed forces; and the establishment of a permanent intema-
donal peace force w i t h i n the United Nadons.
T h e third stage would have the nadons retaining only those
forces required for m a i n t a i n i n g internal order, but the United
States w o u l d provide manpower for the United Nations Peace
Force.
T h i s transfer w o u l d mean that the Secretary General of the United
Nadons would become the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the
United States, completely i n violation of the Constitudon of the United
States. The Secretary General would, i n t u m , place the command of this new
peace-keeping force over to the Under-Secretary i n charge of a l l military
affairs, the Under-Secretary i n charge of the Department of Polidcal and
Security Council Affairs. T h i s key posidon has been held by a Communist
from either the Soviet U n i o n or a Soviet controlled Communist state since
the inception of the United Nations. (This jxisition is the same one that
General MacArthur had to report to during the Korean War.)
Since the American people were not completely ready to surrender to the
United Nadons, this report, as indicated above, was pulled out of drculadon
and declared to be out of print. But those i n charge of having the United
States become part of a one-world govemment have not rested. The next step
i n this program occurred o n January 30, 1976, when the W o r l d Affairs
Council announced the Declaration of Interdependence. T h i s document was
signed by 126 American Senators and Representatives, eight of whom later
announced that they had either renounced their participation or admitted
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CHAPTER 33 WORLD GOVERNMENT
that then names had been used without their knowledge.
Former Senator Joseph P. Clark, a member of the sponsoring W o r l d
Affairs C o u n d l , attempted to explain why this new Declaration of Interde-
pendence was necessary:
T h e size, range and complexity of government increases—
and w i l l continue to do so.
I would defend the propxjsition that this expansion is good —
not bad. Surely, we have reached the p o i n t where we can say-
. . . that Jefferson was wrong: that govemment is not best which
governs least [Jefferson had written: that govemment is best which governs
least].
The fallacy i n Jefferson's argument is the assumption that the
expansion of govemment leads to the curtailment of individual
freedoms.
T h a t just is not true.'"
T h e Declaration supported by Senator Clark read, i n part:
T w o centuries ago, o u r forefathers b r o u g h t f o r t h a new
nation; now we must j o i n w i t h others to bring forth a new w o r l d
order.
T o establish a new world o r d e r . . . i t is essential that mankind
free itself from limitations of national prejudice
We affirm that the economy of a l l nations is a seamless web,
and that no one nation can any longer effectively m a i n t a i n its
processes of production and monetary systems without recognizing
the necessity of c o l l a b o r a t i v e r e g u l a t i o n by i n t e r n a t i o n a l
authorities.
We call upon all nations to strengthen the United Nations . . .
and other institutions of world order . . .
One of those Representatives w h o chose not to sign the Declaration was
Congresswoman Marjorie Holt, who said this: " I t calls for the surrender of
our national sovereignty to international organizations. I t declares that our
economy should be regulated by intemational authorities. I t proposes that
we enter a 'new world order' that would redistribute the wealth created by the
American people.
World govemment is getting closer.
The New Intemational Order is at hand.
371
 CHAPTER 34 PEACE

functions of war, those functions that served to control men during wartime.
First, these "surrogates," or substitutes for the real purpose of war, must
meet two principal criteria:

1. They must be wasteful, and

2. They must operate outside the normal supply-demand system.

The second criterion means that the "surrogates" must not be accessible
to the whims of the people. I n other words, the people must not be able to
demand that the govemment stop spending their tax money i n a wasteful
manner.
These are the substitutes that the writers of the Report From Iron
Mountain came u p with:

1. Complete govemment guaranteed health care for all;

2. Making available for all a professional degree through education;
3. Providing spacious living space for all;
4. Mass public transjxjrtation;
5. A gfuaranteed annual income;
Chapter 34 6. A series of giant space research programs aimed at unreachable
targets;
7. T h e threat of gross p o l l u t i o n as the p r i n c i p a l threat to the
Peace survival of the spedes;
8. T h e reintroduction of slavery through some form of military
service;
9. A universal requirement that procreation be l i m i t e d to the
I t is the ultimate ohjective of the Conspiraqf to force the world to live i n
products of artifidal insemination, via the water supplies, to be
peace under a world govemment But the planners have a problem: they had
offset by antidote provided by the govemment and
used war as a means of controlling the people. They now had to face the
10. A social welfare program.
problem of how they could control the people during a time of peace.
T h i s question was discussed i n great detail by those w h o wrote the It was a corollary of the study's position that the "magnitude of the
Report From Iron Mountain. These individuals foresaw the day when they waste . . . [in America's economy must not be less] than 10 percent of die gross
w o u l d have to intentionally design special programs as a means of control- national prcxluct "*
l i n g people d u r i n g the period of peace. T h i s was an alien thought to them, ( I n the May 11, 1981, U.S. News h World Report, there is a graph
since they reasoned that man had always operated to control other men by showing that the Federal govemment is spending, as of 1980,22.9 piercent of
causing wars for that purpose. die gross national product now. This means, according to the Report From
They identified the problem: " A viable substitute for war as a social Iron Mountain, that the Federal Govemment could easily be spending nearly
system cannot be a mere symbolic charade. I t must involve real risk of real half of its income i n an intentionally wasteful manner.)
personal destmction and o n a scale consistent w i t h the size and complexity The report concluded that: "no serious quantified studies have ever been
of modern social systems. Unless i t provided a believable life-and-death conducted to determine... the m i n i m u m levels of pKipulation destmction
threat i t w i l l not serve the socially organizing function of war."' necessary to m a i n t a i n war-threat c r e d i b i l i t y under v a r y i n g p o l i t i c a l
conditions," and " o p t i m u m cyclical frequency of 'shooting' wars under
After die problem was identified, the next step was to develop solutions varying circumstances of historical r e l a t i o n s h i p " (varying alliances of
to the problem. These solutions were to become the substitutes for the real "balance of pxjwer" polides).

373
CHAPTER 34 PEACE '

T h i s means that they hadn't detemined, as yet, just h o w often they

should plan a war, and just how many people they should have killed, by
means of that war, to control the populadons of the various nadons affected.
I t seems incredible to the moral observer that the human m i n d could
conceive such mind-boggling thoughts as the intendonal creadon of cycles
of war and peace as a means of controlling jjeople. O r the use of waste i n
govemment as a means of conttolling die tax-payers.
Now the observer has the reason diat die American govemment spends
tax money to
Study the mating calls of Cenual American frogs; 1
Research the blcxxi groups of Polish Zlomika pigs; ;
Study German cockroaches;
Analyze the finish used on musical insttuments; and
I Study the diving habits of seals.' > L ;

T h i s t h i n k i n g also explains why nothing is done by the govemment

when the United Press wire service publishes a study that the

U.S. throws away |10 b i l l i o n through wasteful govemment Chapter 35

spending.*

Govemment is mtsnded to waste money I

Humanism

I t is commonly believed that education is aimed at teaching children the

S R's: "reading, 'riting and 'rithmetic." Those w h o beUeve that this is die
basic function of education are badly mistaken. . '
Education has far more important functions.
I n 1979, the mother of a San Francisco high school graduate sued the
disttict because her son, after twelve years of public "education," was barely
able to read and write. A n appeals court ruled that the district was n o t
negligent, however, because: "The science of pedagogy [teaching] itself is
fraught w i t h differences and conflicting theories."'
Therefore, since no one knows what education is or what i t is supposed
to do, the district couldn't be held responsible for not teaching a child to read
and write or anything else, for that matter.
One of the reasons for die sad state of die "sdence" k n o w n as education
has been die gradual inttoduction into the school system of the religious
philosophy known as Secular Humanism.
One of the conclusions of the Reece Committee Investigating T a x Free
Foundations, according to die Committee's chief counsel, Rene Wormser,
^'as that the evidence compiled d u r i n g the investigation: "leads one to the

374

CHAPTER 35 HUMANISM
conclusion that there was, indeed, something i n the nature of an actual
conspiracy among certain leading educators i n the United States to bring
about Socialism through the use of our school systems. T h e movement-
. . . was heavily financed by leading foundadons
Mr. Norman Dodd, former director of the Congressional Committee,
identified the source of some of these trends when he testified before the
Illinois Joint Legislative Committee on Regional Govemment, i n 1978. He
testified about the trustees of the Carnegie Endowment for Intemational
Peace w h o realized t h a t " . . . they must control education i n this country. So
they approach[ed] the Rockefeller Foundation w i t h the suggestion diat the
task be divided between the two of diem. The Camegie Endowment takes on
diat aspect of education diat has a tinge of intemational significance and the
Rockefeller Foundation takes on that portion of education w h i c h is domestic
i n this relationship."'
Congressman Eugene Cox confirmed Mr. Dodd's conclusions when he
testified: "The Rockefeller Foundation's funds have been used to finance
individuals and organizations whose business i t has been to get communism
into the private and public schools of diis country
But the planners faced an immense problem. The American public was
not ready to accept the introduction of communism into the school systems
of die nation. The plan was to change the name, but not the basic philo-
sophy, so that the American people w o u l d allow i t to be taught i n their
schools.
T h e new name of the c o m m u n i s t p h i l o s p o p h y became Secular
Humanism.
Secular is defined by the dictionary as being: "of or relating to worldly
t h i n g s as d i s t i n g u i s h e d from things r e l a t i n g to c h u r c h and r e l i g i o n ;
worldly."
Humanism has been defined by the American Humanist Association as:
"the belief that man shapes his o w n destiny. I t is a constmctive philospohy,
a non-theistic religion, a way of life."
Notice that Humanism, according to its o v m publications, is also a
religion, a new way of l i v i n g i n and looking at the world.
Karl Marx was one of die first to l i n k the philosophy of Communism
w i t h the philosophy of Humanism, when he said: "Communism as a fully
developed naturalism is Humanism " ' A n d again: "Humanism is the
denial of God, and the total affirmation of man Humanism is nothing
else but Marxism."'
A n d i n 1970, die New Program of die Communist Party, U.S.A., stated
diat: "Marxism is not only rational, i t is humanist i n the best and most
profound meaning of the term."'
Sir Julian Huxley, a leading sdentist, wrote: " I use the word humanist
S76
CHAPTER 35 HUMANISM
to mean someone w h o believes that man is just as much a natural pheno-
menon as an animal or plant; that his body, m i n d , and soul were not super-
naturally created but were products of evolution and that he is not under the
control or guidance of any supematural being or beings but has to rely o n
himself and his o w n powers."'
T h e H u m a n i s t p h i l o s o p h y and r e l i g i o n is not new, b u t i t took a
formalized step i n 1933 when a group of scientists, educators, ministers,
authors, and others published The Humanist Manifesto. T h i s document
contained three introductory paragraphs and then a series of 15 planks
detailing the position of their new philosophy and religion.
A partial reading of this manifesto reveals just what the Humanists
believe i n :
The time has come for widespread recognition of the radical
change i n religious beliefs dirough die modem world.
Science and economic change has dismpted the o l d beliefs.
Religions the world over are under the necessity of coming to
terms w i t h the new conditions created by a vasdy increased knowl-
edge and experience.
I n every field of human activity, the vital movement is now i n
the direction of a candid and e x p l i d t Humanism.
We therefore affirm the following:
First: Religious humanists regard the universe as self-existing
and not created.
Second: Humanism believes that man is part of nature and
that he has emerged as a result of a continuous process.
Sixth: We are convinced that the time has passed for theism (a
belief i n a Creator.)
Fourteenth: T h e humanists are f i r m l y convinced that the
existing acquisitive and profit motivated sodety has shown itself to
be inadequate. A sodalized and cooperative economic order must
be established to the end that the acquisitive disuibution of die
means of life be possible.'
A brief review of each of these statements reveals the nature of the
Humanist philosophy and religion.
The first plank details the position that the universe has always existed
3nd was not created. Therefore diere is no need for a Creator.
The second plank states the belief i n evolution as the history of man;
man has arisen from nothing as the result of his constant batde w i t h his
^vironment.
The sixth plank states that the Humanists believe that the time for
etsm [a belief i n a God or Gods], has passed. Therefore, the Humanists
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CHAPTER 35 HUMANISM
believe, since there is no Creator, that there is n o need to believe i n one. T h e
Humanists are atheists.
A n d the fourteenth p l a n k states their belief that the free-enterprise
system is inadequate and that i t must be replaced w i d i the communist system
of forced sharing of a l l goods produced by die society.
Therefore, the Humanists i n 1933 w h o signed this Manifesto placed
their philosophy and religion squarely o n a three-legged platform. T h e
Humanists were Evoludonists, Atheists, and Communists.
T h e i r beliefs are i n complete agreement w i t h the philosophies of
Weishaupt, Marx and Lenin.
But the most significant impact of diis Manifesto is the fact diat one of
the thirty-four signers i n 1933 was J o h n Dewey, the so-called "father of
Progressive Education." M r . Dewey's place i n the field of education was
made clear i n 1974 when Saturday Review celebrated its 50th anniversary.
T h e magazine p o l l e d the l e a d i n g i n d i v i d u a l s i n the various fields o f
endeavor, i n c l u d i n g education, a n d asked t h e m to identify the most
important individual i n their respective field.
T h e leading educator d u r i n g those 50 years, 1924 to 1974, according to
those educators polled by Saturday Review, was John Dewey, the Humanist.
One of those polled by the magazine said this about Professor Dewey:
" N o individual has influenced the t h i n k i n g of American educators more."
John Dewey made his views known to the observer i n a series of bcxiks
and publications d u r i n g his days i n education. One of his proclamations
contained his basic philosophy about God and religion. H e wrote: "There is
no God and no soul. Hence, there are no needs for the props of traditional
religion. W i t h dogma and creed excluded then immutable truth is also dead
a n d b u r i e d . T h e r e is n o r o o m for fixed, n a t u r a l l a w o r permanent
absolutes."'"
Here is Dewey expressing his views o n two subjects of interest: ,
1. T h e question of truth, and ' (It was not explained by Hemingway how he w o u l d attempt to rational-
2. T h e question of moral absolutes.
Dewey's position that "immutable truth is dead" defies human logic.
T h e word "immutable" means, according to the dictionary, "unchangea-
ble," a n d the w o r d " t r u t h " means an "established fact." Just h o w an
"unchangeable," "established fact" can be "dead" is apparently not
considered relevant to Dewey.
When Dewey took this second position, on the absence of fixed, moral
absolutes, he aligned himself further w i t h C o m m u n i s t thought. L e n i n
himself also spoke similarly on the issue of morality when he stated: "We, of
course, say that we do not believe i n God. We do not believe i n eternal
morality. T h a t is moral diat serves the destruction of die o l d society." A n d
further: "Everything is moral which is necessary for the annihilation of the
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CHAPTER 35 HUMANISM
o l d exploiting social order and for u n i t i n g the proletariat""
L e n i n identified the source of man's concepts of morality as religion. H e
wrote: "We must combat religion. D o w n w i t h religion. L o n g live atheism.
T h e spread of atheism is our chief rask. C o m m u n i s m abolishes eternal
truths. I t abolishes a l l religion and morality."'*
T h e question of how something that is fixed, absolute, or eternal can be
abolished escaped L e n i n , as i t apparently d i d Dewey. T h e o n l y t h i n g
possible is for these two to abolish those human agencies that teach morality:
the family and the church. Once that is done, i t is then possible to offer
mankind an altemative: the "new morality."
T h i s t h i n k i n g slowly emerged and evolved into what today is called
"Situation Ethics" which teaches that what is moral is determaned by the
i n d i v i d u a l and the situation i n w h i c h the i n d i v i d u a l is involved. I t is
expressed as follows: "What is good for me may be evil for you; what is right
to do at one moment may be wrong the n e x t " "
A n d " . . . whatever is the most loving i n the situation is the right and
gocxl thing. I t is not excusably evil, i t is positively good."'*
Professor Joseph Fletcher, an Episcopalian theologian, wrote a book on
the subject of situation ethics which includes the following statement: "For
me, there are no mles, none at all. A n y t h i n g and everydiing is right and
wrong according to the situation. What is wrong i n some cases w o u l d be
right i n others. A n d this candid approach is indeed a revolution i n morals."'*
I t was indeed a revolution i n morals. I t was the new morality that was
consistent w i t h the economic theories of Communism, the sdentific theories
of evolution, and the religious theories of atheism.
A litde twist to the morality of Situation Ethics was expressed by by
Ernest Hemingway, the noted audior. He has been quoted as saying: " I know
only what is moral is what you feel good after and what is immoral is what
you feel bad after.""
ize the actions of a mad killer w h o killed because i t gave h i m "pleasure." I t
would also be interesting to see what Hemingway w o u l d do i f one of these
"pleasure" seekers attempted to take his life.)
T h e morality known as Situation Ethics has also pervaded the teaching
of sex education i n the schools of the United States. One of the many lawsuits
challenging what was taught i n those courses was the one brought i n San
Frandsco by an ad hex: committee of parents and teachers suing the State of
Califomia Board of Education to bar the teaching of sex education when i t
teaches that there are no right and wrong values.
T h e attomey for the plaintiff told the court: "This k i n d of teaching is
summed u p by the comment i n a teachers' guide that says: "We hope you
have leamed that there are no right and wrong answers. Each person has a
379
CHAPTER 35 HUMANISM CHAPTER 35 HUMANISM

viewpoint that is right for them."" of die Fellowship of Religious Humanists."** (Mr. Mondale is, or has been,
There are some who blame the h i g h suicide rate among the young w i t h a member of both the Council on Foreign Relations and the T r i l a t e r a l
the teaching of "no-values" sex education. The young student is taught that Commission.)
whatever he desires and believes w i l l give h i m pleasure is proper to take, and Lester Mondale, Walter's older brodier, is a signer of bodi The Huma-
when he does, the same society that he thought had taught h i m these values nist Manifesto I , die one written i n 1933, and The Humanist Manifesto I I ,
comes to punish h i m . T h i s poses a frequently insurmountable dilemma for vmtten i n 1973.
the student who can see no other way out but suicide. T h e H u m a n i s t Manifesto I I , p u b l i s h e d forty years after the first
But such sexual freedom is not inconsistent w i t h the plans of the great Manifesto, basically reiterated die beliefs of the first Manifesto, but this time
planners. A l d o u s H u x l e y i n his 1948 book entitled Brave New World the Humanists called for " . . . the building of a world community," based
explained the plan: "As political and economic freedom diminishes, sexual upon: "die development of a system of world law and a world order based
freedom tends... to increase. A n d the dictator... w i l l do well to encourage upon Uansnational federal government."**
that freedom. I n conjunction w i t h the freedom to daydream under the The world govemment would need a worid religion, and the Huma-
influence of dope, the movies, and the radio, i t w i l l help to reconcile his nists were volunteering.
subjects to the servitude which is their fate.""
So Humanism has become the new religion to replace the Uaditional
Judaic-Christian religions. I n fact, the president of the American Humanist
Association, L l o y d M o r a i n , has stated that H u m a n i s m is " . . .a religion
without God, divine revelation or sacred scriptures.""
T h e position that Humanism is a religion was confirmed by the U.S.
Supreme Court i n 1965, when i t ruled i n the case of U.S. vs. Seeger: " A
h u m a n i s t i c . . . belief that is sincerely professed as a religion shall be entitled
to recognition as religious under the Selective Service Law."*"
A n d again, i n the case of Torcase vs. Watkins, the Court ruled that:
" A m o n g religions i n the country which do not teach what w o u l d generally
be considered a belief i n the existence of God are Buddhism, Taoism, Ethical
Culture, Secular Humanism and others."*'
So when Madlyn Murray O'Hair got the Supreme Court to remove the
right of the children to open their school day w i t h a simple prayer because
she wished to separate " C h u r c h and State," w h a t she was d o i n g was
s u b s t i t u t i n g one r e l i g i o n for another: a belief i n G o d w i t h a belief i n
Humanism. Mrs. O'Hair knew this because she had been the editor of the
magazine. The Free Humanist, and was elected to the Board of the American
Humanist Association i n 1965, and was elected i n 1973 for a second four-year
term.**
Other humanists, or others w h o have expressed a faith i n the Humanist
religion, include Walter Mondale, President Jimmy Carter's Vice President
and the 1984 Democratic nominee for President. He is o n record as saying
this about his religious beliefs: "Although I have never formally joined a
humanist society, I think I am a member by inheritance. My preacher father
was a humanist, and I grew u p on a very rich diet of humanism from h i m .
A l l of our family has been deeply influenced by this Uadition including my
brother Lester, a Unitarian Minister, Ethical Culture Leader, and Chairman

380 881

Chapter 36
Education
Education is an important tool for training children i n the knowledge
of die past T h e Bible, i n Proverbs 22:6, tells why diis is so: ' T r a i n u p a child
i n the way he should go, and when he is old, he w i l l not depart from i t "
The Communist Party has also decided that education is important to
the furdiering of dieir philosophy. Education became one of their concems
i n die United States when they adopted die following as a party slogan i n
1919: "Give us one generation of small children to train to manhood and
w o m a n h o o d a n d we w i l l set u p the Bolshevist f o r m o f the Soviet
Govemment"*
Even H i t l e r of the National Socialist Party i n Germany sensed the
importance of education. I n a speech delivered i n 1939, he proclaimed:
"When an opponent declares: ' I w i l l not come over to your side,' 1 calmly say,
•Your child belongs to us already. What are you? Y o u w i l l pass on. Your
descendants, however, now stand i n die new camp. I n a short time diey w i l l
know nothing else but this new community.' "*
Earlier, i n 1937, he told die German people: "This New Reich w i l l give
its y o u t h to no one, but w i l l itself take y o u t h and give to y o u t h its o w n
education and its o w n upbringing."' ' Such "experimentation" on children today includes the use of the d m g
382
CHAPTER S6 EDUCATION
T h i s dedication to die training of die young i n the ways of die collecti-
vist was confirmed i n 1932 when W d l i a m Z. Foster, dien National Chairman
of the Communist Party, U.S.A., wrote a book entided Toward a Soviet
America i n w h i c h he observed: " A m o n g the elementary nieasures the
American Soviet govemment w i l l adopt to further the cultural revolution are
the following: the schools, colleges and universities w i l l be coordinated and
grouped under a National Department of Education and its state and local
branches. T h e studies w i l l be revolutionized, being cleansed of religious,
patriotic and other features of bourgeois ideology."*
Foster had aligned himself w i t h the teachings of Karl Marx w h o wrote
t h i s p l a n k i n the Communist Manifesto to assist the C o m m u n i s t s i n
communizing the "most advanced countries:"
10. Free education for a l l
Marx, like Hider, Lenin, and the Communist Party, U.S.A., realized
that, i f they could control the education of the young, they could control the
economic and social life the young w o u l d live under, and i f a l l believed the
same things, there w o u l d be no opposition to the state.
T h i s was confirmed by Bemand Russell w h o wrote about an educator,
Johann Fichte, who, Russell claimed: "laid down that education shoul*aim
at destroying free w i l l so that after pupils are thus schooled they w i l l be "
incapable... of t h i n k i n g or acting otherwise than as their school masters
w o u l d have wished."*
Russell went on to explain elsewhere: "Diet, injections, and injunctions
w i l l combine from a very early age to produce the sort of character and the
sort of beliefs that the authorities consider desirable, and any serious criticism
of the powers that be w i l l become psychologically impossible. Even i f a l l are
miserable, a l l w i l l believe themselves to be happy, because the govemment
w i l l tell them diat i t is so."«
The new pattem of using the schools to m o l d the character the govem-
ment wants has been furthered by a national u n i o n of school teachers, the
National Education Association, (the NEA.) I n one of their reports, entided
"Education for the 70's," the N E A wrote:
Schools w i l l become clinics whose purpose is to provide
i n d i v i d u a l i z e d , psycho-social treatment for the student, a n d
teachers must become psycho-social therapists.
This w i l l include biochemical and psychological mediation
of leaming, as dmgs are introduced experimentally to improve i n
the learner such q u a l i t i e s as personality, concentration a n d
memory.
Children are to become the objects of experimentation.'
CHAPTER 36 EDUCATION
R i t a l i n to improve the behavior of certain of the students.
But i t wasn't always this way.
T h e Americans d i d not t u r n their c h i l d r e n over to the state to be
educated by them i n die beginning.
I n fact, die original schools i n America were private, basically Chrisdan
schools where die children were taught by the parents or by teachers hired by
die parents. The original textbook was die Bible, and a l l expienses were paid
for by the parents w h o wished their children to be taught as the parents
wished.
Even America's founding fadiers feared for the safety of their children by
keeping die original government from die education of die young.
James Madison, for one, voiced his opposition to die use of govemment
to teach children: " I f Congress can employ money indefinitely to die general
w e l f a r e . . . they may a p p o i n t teachers i n every State T h e powers of
Congress w o u l d subvert die very foundation, die very nature of die limited
govemment established by the people of America."'
But even then there were forces at w o r k designing state or national
educational plans for die American people. T h e first law of such a nature was
passed i n 1642 by die Massachusetts legislature which required parents to
teach their children to read the English language and to teach the principles
of religion.'
T h i s law was followed by anodier i n 1647 requiring cities of over 50
householders i n p o p u l a t i o n to teach c h i l r e n to read and write. Those
communities w i t h over 100 families or householders had to set u p a grammar
school, die first public schools i n the United States."
Thomas Jefferson, certainly a man of mixed principles, submitted a b i l l
to die Virginia legislature i n 1779 that would have established a compulsory
statewide public school system, but die Virginians were not accepting his
proposal and refused to vote for die b d l .
But the remainder of the states, w i t h the exception of Massachusetts,
continued a l l o w i n g the parents to teach their children w i t h o u t laws and
public schools.
There were those w h o persisted i n their efforts to involve die federal (or
state) govemment i n the process of educating the children of the nation. One
of these was the "fadier of modem socialism," Robert Owen.
M r . O w e n , a supporter of the v o l u n t a r y m e t h o d of p r o v i n g that
socialism w o u l d work, started a special school for die children of the m i l l
workers at his socialist experiment known as New Lanark, Scodand. He
started die education of these children at die age of one, but his attempts to
teach socialism to the children of his workers failed when his socialist
experiment failed.
Mr. Owen came to die United States and i n 1825 started anodier socialist
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CHAPTER 36 EDUCATION
expieriment, this time i n New Harmony, Indiana. He called i t "the focus of
enlightened atheism.""
O w e n , w h o believed that man's character had been "deformed by
religious brainwashing," once again started his school for the children of the
millworkers, and once again, i n 1826, the experiment failed.
The great lesson leamed by Owens and his followers was that education
had to precede the creation of a socialist society. I n other words, the American
people were not yet ready to accept socialism, and from that moment on, they
decided that they w o u l d promote national public education as the prelimi-
nary step to socialism.'* The Owenites realized diat die children had to be
separated from dieir parents so that they could be taught the merits of die
sodalist system. The educational process started as soon as possible—age
two was suggested—after they were removed from their parents. Owen
realized that the parents were the primary force i n teaching children the
values of the sodety, and this practice had to cease if socialism was to succeed
i n the United States.
I n 1829, one of Owens' supporters stated: "The great object was to get rid
of Christianity and to convert our churches into halls of sdence. T h e plan
was to e s t a b l i s h . . . national schools from w h i c h a l l r e l i g i o n was to be
excluded, i n w h i c h n o t h i n g was to be taught but such knowledge as is
verifiable by die senses, and to which all parents were to be compelled by law
to send their children ""
It was i n 1829 that the "Owenites went underground and organized their
activities nationwide i n the form of a secret sodety i n order to attain their
goal of universal public education."'*
Whether or not i t was due to the efforts of the Owenite supporters or
because of die efforts of others, the state of Massachusetts created the Board
of Education and appointed Horace Mann as the first Secretary of the Board
i n 1837, only eight years later.
Mr. Mann toured die state, continuously preaching die need for public
education. His efforts were successful, so successful diat he became known as
the "father of American public education.""
Mann wrote: "What the church has been for medieval man, the public
school must become for democratic and r a t i o n a l m a n . G o d w o u l d be
replaced by the concept of the public good.""
I n March of 1840, a b i l l was introduced i n the Massachusetts legislature
to abolish the Board of Education. One of the supporters of the legislation
told his fellow legislators: " T h e idea of the State c o n t r o l l i n g education-
. . . seems . . . a dangerous precedent [that] is greatly to be feared, that any
attempt to force all of our schools and all our teachers upon one model w o u l d
destroy a l l competition, a l l emulation, and even the spirit of improvement
itself.""
CHAPTER 36 EDUCATION
T h e b i l l was defeated.
Today the cridcs of public education are saying things like: "The a i m
of education is no longer to impart facts and knowledge T h e a i m . . . is
to change the social values of the child away from values diat have tradition-
ally been considered fixed, permanent or absolute.""
John Dewey agreed w i t h this assessment when he said that the schools:
"Take an active part i n determining the social order of the future as the
teachers a l i g n themselves w i t h the forces m a k i n g for social c o n t r o l o f
economic forces.""
Dewey started his educational career i n 1894 when he was hired at the
University of Chicago. I t was here that he started his "experimental or
laboratory school." He worked here u n t i l 1904, when he resigned and moved
to die Teacher's College at Columbia University. I t was here that he was to
have his greatest impact on the field of education.
Dewey apparently never taught the young student himself but concen-
trated on teaching the teachers. Today, twenty percent of all American school
superintendents and forty piercent of all teacher college heads have advanced
degrees from Columbia where Dewey spent many years as the Department
head.
Dewey had the pleasure of teaching four of the five Rockefeller brothers,
including David and Nelson. David also went to the University of Chicago
to obtain a doctorate degree.
T h e i r grandfather, John D. Rcx:kefeller, started the General Education
Board, the forerunner to today's Rockefeller Foundation, as a means of
introducing the world of education to the wealthy. T h e Board's chairman,
Frederick T . Gates, wrote: " I n our dreams, we have limidess resources and
the people yield themselves w i d i perfect docility to our molding hands. T h e
present educational conventions fade from our minds and, unhampered by
t r a d i t i o n , we w o r k our good w i l l u p o n a grateful and responsive r u r a l
folk...."2»
Dewey's personal philosophy about atheism, socialism, and evolution
had their effect upon die entire campus of Columbia, not just through the
school of Education. One student at Columbia, Whittaker Chambers, w h o
later became a member of the Communist Party, wrote diis about his student
days at the school: "When I entered, I was conservative i n my view of life and
politics, and I was undergoing a religious experience. By the time I left,
entirely by my o w n choice, 1 was no longer a conservative and I had no
religion."*'
Dewey's committment to socialism and communism became more real
w h e n , i n 1905, the B r i t i s h Fabian Society opened an American branch
k n o w n as the Intercollegiate Sodalist Sodety. John Dewey was one of its
founders. I n 1921, the Sodety changed its name to the League for Industrial
CHAPTER 36 EDUCATION
Democracy, and announced its purpose as "education for a new social order
based on production for use and not for profit."**
Dewey later became the organization's president
Later, i n the late 1920's, Dewey went to Russia to help organize a
Marxist educational system. B u t even the Russian Communist dictator
Joseph Stalin couldn't tolerate Dewey's "progressive education," and Dewey
had to retum to the United States. Dewey's students i n Russia were not so
lucky, however, as Stalin banished all of them to Siberia.*'
Dewey's ideas have been accepted by the A m e r i c a n government,
however, for i n 1969, the Commission of Mental Health and Children issued
a report which stated: "The school as die major socializing agency i n the
community must assume a direct responsibility for the attitudes and values
of child development."*'
I n the United States, the family or the church has been the traditional
agency for the teaching of the values to the child. I t was apparent that the
family unit and religious teaching had to be destroyed so that the school
could become the new teacher of the values to the child. The Communist
Party i n 1968 stated the problem predsely: " I n carrying the burden of tending
for the children, individual mothers bear a responsibility that properly falls
on society and govemment."*'
T h e problem for the planners then became one of removing the mother
from the home so that the child could be taught by the state. One of the
greatest tools that die planners have is inflation, which causes the husband
to ask his wife to j o i n i n the money-making endeavors of the family. T h i s
then poses the additional problem for the parents: how do they tend for the
child w h o is now at home without the mother?
T h e govemment then steps forward w i t h the solution to the problem
that i t created: i t offers the struggling family a day care center for the child.
A n d the child becomes the ward of the state at an even earlier age than before.
Others assist the destmction of the family by encouraging the mother to
leave the home. T h e new move to "liberate" the wife from the tedious tasks
of homemaking are intended to leave the young c h i l d at home w i t h o u t
parental sujiervision. T h e "women's liberation" movement is sometimes
even unwittingly supporting the intentional movement of the wife out of the
home.
I n addition, the planners also put pressure on those parents who dedde
to place their children i n private schools w h i c h do not teach atheism,
humanism or evolution. These parents cause the planners many problems,
one of which was pointed out by former Harvard University President James
B. Conant, who stated:
I do believe, however, there is some reason to fear lest a dual
system of secondary education may i n some states, at least come to
387
CHAPTER 36 EDUCATION
threaten the democratic unity provided by our pubHc schools.
I refer to the desire of some people to increase the scope and
number of private schools
T o m y m i n d , our schools serve a l l creeds. T h e greater the
pordon of our youth w h o attend independent schools, the greater
die threat to our democradc unity.*'
Mr. Conant apparendy didn't explain h o w the public schools could
serve a l l creeds when i n America's public schools today one party has die
right to have die schools exclude somediing diat diey feel is i n violaUon of
their religious or non-religious beliefs. Take, for instance, die deletion of
prayer i n schools because i t offended die adieist Madlyn Murray O'Hair.
T h e situation that allows someone to remove a teaching from the
schools because i t offends die values or a religious belief of eidier die family
or an individual was written about by a minister named A.A. Hodge, i n 1887:
I t is capable of exact demonsoation diat, i f every party i n die
state has the right of excluding from die public whatever he does
not believe to be true, dien he that believes most must give way to j ' '
h i m that believes least, and dien he diat believes least must give way i
to h i m that believes absolutely nothing, no matter how small a
minority the atheists or the agnostics may be. {'
I t is self-evident that on this scheme, i f i t is consistendy and !
persistendy carried out i n all parts of die country, the United States ';
system of national popular education w i l l be die most effident and
wide instrument for the propagation of Adieism which the w o r l d
has ever seen.*'
T h e govemment is assisting diose w h o wish to eliminate the option that
remains to the objecting parents: the private school. For instance, o n May 20,
1979, the Supreme Court sttuck down legislation that gave parents a tax
break should they opt to send their children to a private school, hence
requiring diose parents to pay for their children's education twice: once to
the public schools and dien again to die private school.
T h e next problem for the planners is to dedde just when die education
of the child should begin.
I n 1974, N . E . A . President James H a r r i s urged i n an editorial that
"money now spent... must be quadmpled i n o r d e r . . . to provide for public
education at the age of 3."*'
T h e N.E.A.'s Forecast for the 70's indicated that die age that education
should start should be moved to an earlier date. They stated: "As non-school,
pre-school programs begin to operate, educators w i l l assume a formal
responsibility for children when diey reach die age of two."**
Dr. Robert C Wood, a member of the C o u n d l o n Foreign Relations,
CHAPTER 36 EDUCATION
and the President of the University of Massachusetts, urged that the age be
moved even lower: "The state educational system [must] expand its teaching
to children between the ages of one and five, because the family is failing to
perform its function. Wood said that the family is continuing to fail i n its
responsibility to prepare children for schools and urged more early nursery
schools and day care programs.
Not wishing to be outdone. President Richard N i x o n moved the date
even furdier. He "declared the first five years of a child's life to be a period of
spedal and specific federal concem.""
It could very well be diat those w h o wish to get the children away from
their parents w i l l use die discoveries of an organization called die Educa-
tional Resource Services Center. They have concluded diat children between
the ages of four to six months can leam to read before they can talk or walk.'*
Parents w h o believe that their children belong to them had best be
concemed about this information before the educators decide that they
should start teaching young children to read by taking diem away from dieir
parents at the age of four months.
The question of what happens to die parents w h o refuse to send dieir
children to schools that teach values other than those that they want taught
is die next logical question diat must be asked.
I n the fall of 1970, six children were removed from their parents and
placed i n a foster home because die parents refused to send diem to a public
school teaching "sex education" i n conflict w i t h dieir religious beliefs."
I n 1972, a fadier lost his daughter when he refused to allow her to be
bussed into what he perceived was a h i g h crime area. The judge fined die
fadier.'*
A n d recently, i n August of 1981, a pastor's children were forced to go
back to the school he had taken diem out of because he felt the school was
exposing his c h i l d r e n to homosexuality and drugs i n v i o l a t i o n of his
religions beliefs."
These actions seem to be i n accord w i t h the position taken by German
White, an official w i t h the U.S. Office of C h i l d Development w h o said:
"Parents don't mean to be incompetent but they are, and the remedy is federal
establishment of acceptable standards of child-raising.""
If the parents are thought to be incompenent they then are not capable
of b r i n g i n g u p the children, and the state must replace diem w i t h state-
approved parents, l!
These new parents are called teachers.
These state-approved parents also have two unions. They are called the
National Education Assodation (the NEA) and die American Federation of
Teachers (die AFT).
The NEA's Executive Secretary for almost twenty years, from 1935, was
CHAPTER 36 EDUCATION CHAPTER 36 EDUCATION

W i l l a r d Givens w h o publicly stated: "We are convinced diat we stand today "Teachers w h o conform to the mode are o u t of place. They m i g h t f i n d
at the verge of a great culture But to achieve diese diings, many drastic fulfillment as tap-dance instructors.. .but they damage teaching, children,
changes must be made. A dying laissez-faire [the free-enterprise system] must and themselves by staying i n the classroom."**
be completely destroyed, and a l l of us, i n c l u d i n g the owners, must be The other teachers' union is called the American Federation of Teachers
subjected to a large degree of sodal control."" (die A.F.T.).
This u n i o n has taken many strong positions i n the past, some of which This organization received early support from the Communist Party of
are listed here: the United States i n May, 1937: " I t can be seen from this how important i t is
to b u i l d the American Federation of Teachers," and again: "The task of the
1. Educate the youth for a global community;
Communist Party must be first and foremost to arouse the teachers to class-
2. Promote a stronger United Nations;
consciousness and to organize them i n t o the A m e r i c a n Federation o f
3. Promote the Declaration of Interdependence;
Teachers T h e American Federation of Teachers must concern itself
4. Oppose tuition tax credits;
p r i m a r i l y w i t h the immediate problems of the teacher (salary, tenure,
5. Supports a National Health Plan (socialized medidne);
acadamic freedom, etc.) The American Federation of Teachers is now
6. Opposes any legislation to benefit private schools;
launching a broad legislative campaign for federal aid to education [ i n
7. T h e basics (3 r's, history, civics and geography) should n o t
1937]. . . . " "
occupy more than !<th of student's time;
The total essence of education and its connection w i t h Humanism was
8. Population control;
summarized by Charles Francis Potter i n his book Humanism, a New
9. Secular Humanism;
Religion: "Education is thus a most powerful ally of Humanism, and every
10. Federal day-care centers; and
American public school is a school of Humanism. What can the theistic
11. Increased federal aid and control of education."
Sunday-schools, meeting for an hour once a week and teaching only a
I n a d d i t i o n to s u p p o r t i n g controversial positions, the N . E . A . has fraction of the c h i l d r e n , do to stem the tide o f a five-day p r o g r a m o f
opposed the following, amongst others: humanistic teaching.""
But there is even a more sinister purpose behind education today. T h i s
1. L t x a l control of public schools; /
was detailed by Dr. Medford Evans, w h o wrote t h a t " . . . govemment schools
2. Local finandng of public schools;
make i t a matter of policy to spend as much money as possible, and impart
3. Parental supervision of textbooks;
as little knowledge as possible since spending demonstrates power while
4. Taxation programs that remove the obligation for payment of
keeping the scholars i g n o r a n t monopolizes power i n the hands of the
taxes from the homeowner; and
govemment insiders.""
5. T u i t i o n tax credits for parents w h o pay for both a public and
private education."

I n a d d i t i o n , N . E . A . officials take positions that are made p u b l i c

through their various publications. A former N.E.A. president, Katherine
Barrett, has said that "the teacher w i l l be the conveyor of values, a philo-
sopher. Teachers no longer w i l l be victims of change; we w i l l be agenu of
change. "<»
L e n i n certainly agreed w i t h this p o s i t i o n when he said: " O n l y by
radically remolding the teaching, organization and training of the youth
shall we be able to ensure that the efforts of the younger generation w i l l result
i n the creation of a society that w i l l be unlike the o l d sodety, i.e., i n the
creation of a communist society.
The N.E.A. has an answer for the teachers who figure this out and try to
stay w i t h i n the system to change things. T h i s is the advice for these teachers:

390 991

Chapter 37
Victories
O n November 16,1956, Russian Ckimmunist Nikita Khrushchev spoke
to the American people. He said: "Our firm conviction is that sooner or later
Capitalism w i l l give way to Socialism. Whether you like i t or not, history is
on our side. We w i l l bury y o u . " '
He later recanted and identified w h o the real "we" were who w o u l d do
the burying of the American people. I t was not going to be the Communists.
"The United States w i l l eventually fly the Commimist Red flag The
American people w i l l hoist i t themselves."*
When Whittaker Chambers, a member of die Communist Party, left die
Communists i n 1937, he made this rather prophetic statement: "We are
leaving the w i n n i n g w o r l d for the losing w o r l d . " '
T h e question must be answered as to whether the Communist Conspi-
racy w i l l be successful i n having the American people raise the "Communist
red flag" over America.
T h e conspiracy has suffered a series of very devastating defeats i n their
recent history i n this nation. Each of these are probably not k n o w n as defeats
to the American people, because i t is doubdul that the majority of people
even knew what the true purpose of the events were. But, nevertheless, they
CHAPTER 37 VICTORIES
were losses to those out to collectivize the American nation, and true victories
for those w h o cherish their freedoms.
These defeats were: •i,,'/,,,;-,:!,;:: „ ;,
1. The Soviet Negro Republic i n America: The first attempt to establish a
separate republic for the Negro i n America w i t h i n the borders of the United
States came w i t h the publication of a small pamphlet entitled American
Negro Problems i n 1928 by John Pepper, an alias for a Russian representa-
tive named Joseph Pogany. Stalin saw the possibilities of causing such a
situation to exist where the United States govemment w o u l d have to deal
w i t h a separate nation inside its borders, and he sent Pogany to America to
start the move towards a revolution to establish this republic.
A second pamphlet was published i n 1935. I t was called The Negroes in
a Soviet America and was published by die Communist Party. I t too called
for the establishment of a Soviet Negro Republic, and a r e v o l u t i o n to
expropriate the lands of the capitalists. This Republic was to include major
cities i n Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas,
and Tennessee. After the Republic was created, i t w o u l d then apply to the
Russian govemment to recognize its right to self-determination.
One of the Negroes w h o saw through this revolution was M a n n i n g
Johnson w h o had been a Communist for ten years before he resigned. He had
risen to the highest position inside the Communist Party that a Negro could
rise to, a position o n the National Negro Commission of the Commimist
Party, U.S.A.
He became concemed that the Party was not interested i n helping the
black people but was attempting to involve diem i n a bloody revolution i n
which as many as five m i l l i o n blacks would die.
He wrote a book entided Color, Communism and Common Sense, i n
1958, as his way of w a m i n g the negroes of the danger of the plans the Party
had for them. Mr. Johnson paid for his attempt to w a m the American people
w i t h his life, as he died under rather questionable circumstances less than one
year later.
Another Negro Communist, Leonard Patterson, testified o n November
18, 1950, that he saw a bigger stake involved i n the Party's attempts to
establish a Soviet Negro Republic. He wamed: " I left die Communist Party
because I became convinced... that the Communist Party was only inter-
ested i n p r o m o t i n g a m o n g the Negro people a n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n a l
movement that w o u l d aid the Communist Party i n its efforts to create a
p r o l e t a r i a n r e v o l u t i o n i n the U n i t e d States that w o u l d overthrow the
govemment by force and violence through bloody full-time revolution, and
substitute i t w i t h a Soviet form of govemment w i t h a dictatorship of the
proletariat."*
I n any event, the C o m m u n i s t s were n o t a l l o w e d to p u l l o f f their
393
CMAPTER37 VICTORIES
revolution and the Soudi sdll belongs to die United States.
2. Civilian Police Review Boards: I t was the intent of the conspiracy i n this
country to start a program to move the control of America's police depart-
ments to a central police force controlled by the nadonal govemment T h e
vehicle to be used for this transfer of control was the charge of "police
b m t a l i t y " ardficially created around the nation by the Communists and
Communist sympathizers.
T h e p l a n was to encourage various cities around the nation to take
control of the process whereby the police themselves investigate the charges
against diem and place diat conttol i n the hands of a group of govemment-
appointed citizens. T h i s then w o u l d ultimately transfer die investigation of
these charges i n t o the hands of the federal government, and they w o u l d
ultimately conttol the local police forces around the nation.
These efforts to centtalize the conttol of die local police forces were
thwarted by a nationwide organization called the Support Your Local Police
Committee, w h i c h organized small chapters a l l over the United States to
promote the concept of keeping the local police forces independent T h i s
organization created the bumper sticker "Support your local police and keep
them independent" as a means of educating the American people.
3. M a r t i n Luther K i n g : One of M a r t i n Luther King's purposes was to
foment d v i l strife i n an attempt to divide the American people.
Dr. King's effectiveness i n these efforts was severely damaged by the
courageous efforts of a Negro woman named Julia Brown. She had sjient
more than nine years inside the Communist Party before she had surfaced to
speak out about Dr. King's connections to the Communist movement i n the
United States.
Mrs. Brown was saying: "We [ i n the Communist Party] were also told
to promote Martin Luther K i n g to unite Negroes and whites behind h i m
He was taking directions from Communists. I know for a fact the Commu-
nists w o u l d never have promoted h i m , financed h i m , and supported h i m if
they couldn't tmst h i m . I am certain as I can be that he knew what he was
doingi"'
A nationwide organization of local committees was formed called the
T m t h About Civil T u r m o i l ( T A C T ) and i t promoted Mrs. Brown's speak-
i n g tours. I n fact her sp)eeches i n the South were arranged to precede those
of Dr. King, and because of the charges she was making. Dr. K i n g began
cancelling his appearances a l l over the South whenever she was to speak
before h i m .
4. T h e American Indian Movement (AIM): T h e Senate Intemal Security
Security Subcommittee has concluded that A I M was a "frankly revolution-
ary organization which is committed to violence."
9»4
CHAPTERS? VICTORIES
AIM'S purpose was twofold. First A I M was to create a separate Indian
nation w i t h i n the borders of the United States and then apply to the United
Nations for membership as an independent nation. T h i s would require the
quartering of U n i t e d Nations troops inside America to guarantee their
status.
But the second purpose was revealed by their attomey W i l l i a m Kunsder
w h o told A I M : " I promise you revolution by 1976. I t is better to die i n the
stteets than to go down w i t h a whimper."'
Douglas Durham, a former Des Moines, Iowa, policeman who held top
level positions i n A I M while acting as an undercover operative for die F B I ,
surfaced and testified about die activities of diis group. He charged diat A I M
was "a leader, and may even be the director, of the Communist scheme to
dismpt our nation's bicentennial i n 1976," (around July 4, 1976).'
The money for these activities comes from a variety of sources. Senator
Jesse Helms identified this source i n 1973: " A t c m d a l stages i n its develop-
ment, A I M has been given material and moral assistance from the very
federal govemment i t is attacking."'
A I M had received at least |400,000 i n grants from die Federal Office of
Economic Opportunity.'
T o explain just what A I M ' s purposes were, M r . Durham went on a
speaking tour of some sixty engagements i n South Dakota and surrounding
states.
A I M never disrupted the Bicentennial i n 1976.
Mr. Durham told die people die u u d i about A I M , and A I M withered.
5. Reies Lopez Tijerina: Mr. Tijerina, w i t h a heavily armed revolutionary
band, seized conttol of a town i n Northern New Mexico i n 1967. His purpose
was to create an independent nation of Mexican Americans and Indians and
then appeal to the U n i t e d Nations. As i n the case of the Negro Soviet
Republic, the plan was to separate out a part of the United States and create
an independent nation.
A speaking tour was arranged for the author Alan Stang for the area
around Northem New Mexico, and about one m i l l i o n of his articles on the
subject were disttibuted to the dtizens of the area.
Once again, a courageous speaker exposed the t m t h about a program,
and Mr. Tijerina's plans dichi't materialize.
6. Cesar Chavez: Cesar Chavez' purpose was to " . . . u n i t e A m e r i c a n
agricultural workers i n a single union under the conttol of revolutionjiry
leaders—known Marxists and identified Communists. The goal, simply
put, [was] control of America's food supply."'"
Once c o n u o l of the food supply was obtained, Cesar's u n i o n could
sttike d u r i n g the p i c k i n g season, forcing America to agree to nearly any
395
CHAPTER S7 VICTORIES
terms or face the altemative of starvation.
T h e Los Angeles Times reported from w h o m Chavez was receiving his
operating funds: "So far most of the Mexican-American d v i l rights activities
have been funneled through War o n Poverty [a program of the United States
g o v e r n m e n t ] programs and t h r o u g h such organizations as the F o r d
Foundation.""
Chavez's u n i o n specifically received over $250,000 from the Federal
Office of Economic Opportunity.'* I n fact, Chavez had received at least ten
m i l l i o n dollars d u r i n g his twelve years of organizing efforts."
Someone drought his efforts were worth supporting.
Some of the others that supported Chavez were the " l a b o r u n i o n s
conttolled by Walter Reudier, Black Nationalist coffers under die control of
Stokely C a r m i c h a e l , the C o m m u n i s t Party, the N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l o f
Churches... and die Federal Office of Economic O p p o r t u n i t y . " "
T h e corollary purpose of Chavez's u n i o n was to spread the cause of
revolution. H i s National Farm Workers Assodation (NEWA) had issued a
Worker's Manifesto, which read, i n part: "We shall strike. We shall pursue
the revolution we have proposed. We are sons of the Mexican revolution, a
revolution of die poor seeking bread and justice. Our revolution w i l l n o t be
armed, b u t we want a new sodal o r d e r . . . . We say that we are g o i n g to
continue fighting u n t i l we die or we w i n . We shall overcome.""
I n June, 1966, a speaker's tour was arranged for Mel O'Campo, one of
Chavez's lieutenants w h o broke from the organization to expose Chavez'
activities. A n d copies of an article by Gary Allen entided " T h e Grapes—
Communist Wradi i n Delano" were distributed i n large quantities wherever
Mr. O'Campo spoke.
Mr. Chavez' efforts quickly became fruitless.
7. G u n Registtation or Confiscation: One of die major victories i n die fight
against the Conspiracy is the continuing success against diose w h o w i s h to
disarm the American public. There are many w h o believe that one o f the
reasons that J o h n Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, M a l c o l m X , a n d M a r t i n
Ludier K i n g were assassinated by gunfire was to develop popular support for
legislation to either register or confiscate the weapons of the A m e r i c a n
dtizen. Each time, however, these efforts have failed, primarily because of die
lobbying efforts of an organization called the National Rifle Assodation.
T h e reason that this organization has become the largest l o b b y i n g
organization i n die United States is primarily because diese g u n owners fear
govemment, the only agency that can violate human rights. T h e y take the
position diat die Second Amendment to die Constitution ("A well-regulated
m i l i t i a being necessary to the security of a free State, the right o f die people
to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed,") means exactly diat: Congress
shall pass no law confiscating the weapons of the dtizens.
386
CHAPTERS? VICTORIES
8. T h e N R A was to become an "Ecology" organization: Because of die
success of the N R A , efforts have been made to channel their lobbying efforts
into some other area.
T h e effort to move die N R A into the ecology movement and out of the
lobbying movement occurred i n 1977. One of diose w h o fought the change
i n directions said: "The organization was trying to d u m p anti-gun conttol
activities i n exchange for financial support from several foundations,
i n d u d i n g die Ford Foundation.""
One of the prime movers for this move i n t o the area of support for
ecology legislation was Robert 0. Anderson, President of A R C O (Adantic
Richfield Company) and a Director of die C o u n d l on Foreign Relations."
These efforts to move die N R A failed because enough members and
other concerned citizens p u t pressure o n the proper authorities i n the
organization to make certain that diey d i d not change their direction.
9. The Equal Rights Amendment: T h i s Constituional Amendment, feared
by some of its opponents as one of die greatest grabs of federal power i n die
( history of die United States, is neariy duough. I t quickly sailed dirough die
legislatures of twenty-two states die first year (diree of which later resdnded
thefr action by a vote of die state legislature) but since 1975 only one state has
ratified.
I'
[,; The Amendment died when die time allotted to ratify i t expired i n June
of 1982. I t got i n t o ttouble when some of the women i t was supposedly
I intended to help read the Amendment and discovered diat i t had some very
/ serious defects i n i t . These women organized, became active i n lobbying
against i t , and were successful i n keeping their respective state legislatures
from ratifying the Amendment
' There were some w h o voiced their o p p o s i t i o n to the A m e n d m e n t
j: ;because diey came to believe that its tme purpose was to effectively shut down
diose American industties diat ttaditionally hired more males dian females,
jSuch as the m i n i n g industry.
This line of d i i n k i n g contended diat after die piassage of die Amend-
ment, the male dominated industries would have to hire the correct percen-
tage of female workers: i f fifty percent of die workers i n die community were
women, the mines would have to have the same percentage. I f diey had less,
i t w o u l d become p r i m a fade evidence diat the mines were guilty of past
sexual discrimination, and diey w o u l d have to shut down u n t i l they reached
the correct percentage.
If die industty had difficulty i n securing the additional female workers,
It would not constitute reason enough to re-open. America's industry w o u l d
have to find diem.
T h i s "quota system" w o u l d effectively shut down America's normally
tftale dominated industties. I t was feared that the govemment then could
CHAPTERS? VICTORIES

describe the situadon, as the shortages of products became k n o w n to the

American people, as a "national emergency," and then the government
could offer the desired soludon: government ownership or control of the
industry, u n d l the quotas were reached.
10. The Occupational Safety and Health Administradon (OSHA): T h i s
Federal agency, created by Congress i n 1973, had the ability to enter the
premises of any American business ostensibly to make a safety inspection to
protect the working public.
Those who have studied the law diat created OSHA claimed that die law
not only violated at least three amendments of the Consdtudon, i t also
granted the agency, a part of the Execudve branch of govemment, die ability
to make and interpret law. T h i s power violated the separation of powers
doctrine of the founding fathers who granted only Congress the power to
make laws and only the Judicial branch the power to interpret them.
I t took die courageous effort of one American businessman. B i l l Barlow
of Pocatello, Idaho, to challenge OSHA's right to inspect his business place.
Mr. Barlow contended that the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution
("The right of the people to be secure i n their persons, houses, papers and
effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated, and
Chapter 38
no warrants shall issue b u t u p o n probable cause, supported by oath or
affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the
persons or things to be seized,") required that O S H A must first secure a court-
The Greatest Victory
issued warrant before they could enter his premises.
Mr. Barlow took his case all the way to die Supreme Court and woni
The Court correcdy agreed w i t h h i m . T h e greatest victory of all i n the battle between die Conspiracy and diose
OSHA had lost its bitel who love dieir freedoms was the failure of die Conspiracy to impose total
11. Miscellaneous Laws or Treades N o t Passed or Signed: Some of die laws govemment down on the American people on eidier May 1,1976, (the two-
and treades that weren't passed or signed, but w h i c h were deemed to be hundredth anniversary of the founding of die Illuminati,) or on July 4,1976,
important to the Conspiracy, were The Genocide Treaty, The Child Care (the two-hundredth anniversary of the founding of the United States.)
B i l l , Adandc U n i o n , Post Card Voter Regisuadon, The Consumer Protec- The foundations for this revolutionary act were laid down i n a plan
don Agency, and T h e Common Situs Picketing A c t made public i n the Febmary, 1946, issue of the New World News, a publica-
T h e majority of these bills were defeated by a series of letter-writing tion of the Moral Re-Armament of England.
campaigns to Congressman and Senators urging that they vote against the I t has been claimed diat what has been called the "Dusseldorf Rules for
proposed legislation. Revolution" were first discovered i n Dusseldorf, Germany, i n the headquar-
But the greatest victory of all has yet to be considered. ters of a revolutionary organization by some Allied soldiers after World War
I . However, these claims have never been verified, at least to the satisfaction
of many historians.
I n any event, these mles laid down an incredible plan to bring about the
conditions that would lead to a revolution:

A. C o r r u p t the young; get them away from r e l i g i o n . Get them

interested i n sex. Make them superficial; desttoy their mggedness.
B. Get conttol of all means of publicity, thereby:

888 399
CHAPTER S8 T H E GREATEST VICTORY
1. Get people's minds off tlieir govemment by focusing their
a t t e n t i o n o n athletics, sexy books a n d plays a n d other
I trivialities.
2. Divide the people into hostile groups by constandy harping
o n controversial matters of no importance.
3. Desttoy die people's faith i n their natural leaders by h o l d m g
the latter u p to contempt, ridicule and disgrace.
4. Alvirays preach ttue democracy, b u t seize power as fast and
mthlessly as possible.
5. By encouraging govemment extravagence, desttoy its credit,
produce fear o f i n f l a t i o n w i t h r i s i n g prices a n d general
discontent
6. Incite unnecessary sttikes i n vital industties, encourage d v i l
disorders and foster a lenient and soft attitude o n the part of the
govemment toward such disorders.
G Cause the registration of all fuearms o n some pretext w i t h a view
to confiscating them and leaving die population helpless.'
T h e Conspiracy apparendy felt that these programs had succeeded i n
the main and that i t was time to move towards dieir goal of total govemment
One of the requirements for the plan to succeed, as envisioned by the
planners, was a generation of y o u n g people, not only t u m e d off by the
establishment but ttained i n guerilla warfare and the desire to rebel against
die system. T h e major factor i n creating this attitude amongst the young
people of America was die Viemamese War, created and conttolled by the
Conspiracy to create die conditions required for its plan to succeed: the war
was to create first a d m g culture i n America and, secondly, a young sodety
w i l l i n g to rebel against the American govemment.
Jerry Rubin, one of the young rebels created by die establishment and
die founder of a group called die Yippies, has written a book entided Do It'.,
i n w h i c h he details his interest and concems about the rebellious age i n
which he lived.
H e dedicated his b o o k to: " N a n c y , Dope, C o l o r T V , and V i o l e n t
Revolution" and admonished his readers to: "Read this book stoned [ h i g h
o n drugs]"!
R u b i n admitted that the Vietnamese war was phony: "The Amerikans
[sic] are fighting for n o t h i n g you can see, feel, touch or believe i n . Their
deaths are futile and wasted. 'Why die on Hamburger H i l l ? ' asks the pot-
smoking Amerikan [sic] soldier, as he points his gun at the head of the
captain w h o ordered h i m to take a h i l l Vietnam is a symbol. The real
Viet Kong [sic] are i n San Diego."*
He realized that the real war was being fought not i n Vietnam, but i n
the dties and towns of America.
CHAPTER 38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY
He commented about the real purpose of the d m g called marijuana:
"Marijuana is the Communist d m g . "
He wrote this about the new morality called Situation Ethics: "Yippies
say i f it's not fun, don't do i t We see sex, rock 'n roll and dope as part of a
Communist plot to take over Amerika [sic]. The Yippie idea of fun is
overthrowing the government. Yippies are Maoists." (supporters of the
Chinese Communist Mao Tse Tung).
I t is revealing that even though Jerry's book is i n opposition to the
establishment i t was published by a major publishing company that is part
of the establishment: Ballantine Books, by arrangement w i t h S i m o n &
Schuster.
The beginning of the end of die Conspiracy's plans occurred d u r i n g the
1968 Democratic Convention i n Chicago. Viewers of diat event w i l l recall a
small group of hippies-yippies turned to the streets, getting arrested for
violating Chicago's laws. Jerry R u b i n admitted that he was disappointed by
the small turnout of these young people: "We once dreamed 500,(X)0 people
would come to Czechago [Jerry's spelling of Chicago]. We expected 50,000.
Maybe 2,000 to 3,000 freaks... made i t "
I t is very revealing that M r . R u b i n used the figure of 500,000 as the
number of protestors he hoped would respond to die call i n Chicago. T h i s
was the exact number of people needed i n two related incidents.
Colonel Edward Mandell House needed a 500,000 man army to enable
P h i l i p D r u to take over the Presidency and impose a dictatorship on the
American people i n his book Philip Dru, Administrator.
A n d 500,000 was the number of soldiers that Major General Smedley
Buder was to command as he imposed a dictatorship on America i n 1933.
Apparently those who believe that America should have a dictatorship
instead of a Presidency feel i t w i l l take 500,000 protestors to convince the
American people to accept the change at the top.
I t is the theory of some that Chicago was a test to see how many people
could be drawn to an event where there were going to be protests and i n this
case, the young people disappointed the Conspiracy: not enough of them
came to Chicago. It is the theory of some that i t was here that the Conspiracy
started revising its plans.
Rubin admitted that the events at Chicago were planned: "We wanted
dismption. We planned it. We were not innocent victims. We worked our
plans for a year before we came here. We made our demands so outrageous
because we wanted the city to deny us what we were asking. We did all of this
w i t h one purpose i n m i n d — t o make the city react as i f i t were a police
state."'
The use of students for disruptive purposes was not new. The eleventh
edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, published i n 1911, described one
401
CHAPTER 38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY
attempt to use the young radicals for particular purposes, i n Russia:
A m o n g the students of the universities and the higher techni-
cal schools, Turgenev [a Russian writer] had noticed a new and
s t r i k i n g l y o r i g i n a l t y p e — y o u n g men and w o m e n i n slovenly
attire, w h o called i n question and ridiculed the generally received
convictions and respectable conventionalities of scxial life and w h o
talked of reorganizing society on stricdy scientific prindples.
They reversed the traditional order of things i n trivial matters
of extemal appearance, the males allowing their hair to grow l o n g
and the female adepts cutting i t short, and adding sometimes the
additional badge of blue spectacles
T h e i r appearance, manners, and conversation were apt to
shock ordinary people, but to this they were profoundly indifferent,
for they had raised themselves above the level of so-called public
o p i n i o n , despised P h i l i s t i n e respectability and rather l i k e d to
scandalize people still under die influence of what they considered
antiquated prejudices.
For aesdietic culture, sentimentalism and refinement of every
k i n d they had a profound and undisguised contempt
A m o n g the antiquated institutions which had to be abolished
1 as obsmictions to real progress, were religion, family life, private
property and centralized administtation.
, Religion was to be replaced by exact sdences, family life by
, ^ free love, private property by collectivism, and centralized admiius-
'' tration by a federation of independent communes "*
But even diis example was not isolated. Economist L u d w i g von Mises,
w h o was i n Germany prior to World War 1, wrote:
I n die decade preceding the First W o r l d War, G e r m a n y . . . wit-
! nessed the appearance of a phenomenon hitherto unheard of, the
youth movement
' Turbulent gangs of untidy boys and girls roamed the country,
making much noise and shirking their school lessons * United Nations, from the Rockefeller Foundation, the Ford Foundation,
I n other words, even die oudandish garb of the modem hippie or Jerry
Rubin's Yippies was something that was used to cause divisions among
populations i n earlier times. These radicals, i n pre-revolutionary Russia and
pre-World War 1 Germany, were being used by the establishment to condi-
tion the people to radical change. Such was die case i n 1968, i n the United
States.
R u b i n admitted as much, that he knew the young people were being
used. H e wrote: "Revolution is profitable. So the capitalists try to sell i t "
CHAPTER 38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY
A n d : " T h e h i p capitalists have some allies w i t h i n the r e v o l u t i o n a r y
community: longhairs w h o work as intermediaries between the kids on the
stteet and the millionaire businessmen."
R u b i n also knew that there was another group w h o knew the young
people were being used. H e identified that group as well: "The hippies see
us as politicos and die poUticos see us as hippies. Only the right w i n g sees us
for what we are."
One of the groups making u p the "revolutionary community" was a
group k n o w n as the Students for a Democratic S<x:iety. I t was well k n o w n by
the estabUshment that they were Communist i n nature. I n fact an article i n
March 1969 reported: " ' O u r primary task is to b u i l d a Marxist-Leninist
revolutionary movement,' declared Michael Klonsky, executive secretary of
the Students for a Democratic Sodety."'
T h e government through the House I n t e m a l Security Committee's
Report on SDS' plans for America's H i g h Schools, studied the SDS i n great
detail. T h e Chairman of the Committee, Congressman Richard Ichord,
stated diat: "The aims of the SDS were spelled out i n an SDS position paper
printed i n June, 1969: 'The goal is the destmction of US imperialism and die
achievement of a classless world: w o r l d c o m m u n i s m . ' " '
I n 1980, an F B I agent said die group was bent o n committing "arsons,
bombings, assassinations—with the goal of overthrowing this country's
democratic form of govemment, w i t h die objective of establishing w o r l d
Communism."'
Yet i n spite of a l l of this evidence about the nature of the SDS, they
continued to receive money from the establishment diey were supposedly o u t
to overthrow. I n 1970, a group of O h i o legislators received a briefing o n
campus upheavals i n which they heard: " . . . an Illinois commission report
on diat state's rioting said that |192,000 i n Federal money and |85,000 i n
Carnegie Foundation funds were paid to [the] Students for a Democratic
S o d e t y . . . d u r i n g die fall of 1969."»
Another similar report came from a former undercover police intelli-
gence operative w h o had p a r t i c i p a t e d i n SDS demonstrations, D a v i d
Gumaer, w h o reported that he had: "wondered where die money was coming
from for all this activity, and soon discovered i t came through radicals via the
United Auto Workers, as well as dgar boxes of American money from the
Cuban embassy.""
Another student James Kirk, confirmed Gumaer's report Kirk, while a
student at the University of Chicago, and on behalf of die FBI, became active
i n die SDS, the W.E.B. DuBois Club, the Black Panthers, and the Commu-
nist Party. I n 1969, M r . Kirk broke from die Party and die following year
testified before the House and Senate I n t e m a l Security Committees. H i s
testimony was as follows: " Y o u n g p e o p l e . . . h a v e no idea that they are
CHAPTER S8 T H E GREATEST VICTORY CHAPTER 38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY

playing into the hands of the Establishment they claim to hate. The radicals R i f k i n had made his views k n o w n to the public when he wrote the
diink diey're fighung the forces of the super-rich, like Rockefeller and Ford, following i n a radical newspaper i n November, 1971: " A genuine under-
standing of the revolutionary ideals is what links Thomas Paine, Sam
and don't realize diat i t is predsely such forces which are behind their o w n
Adams, Benjamin Rush and the American people w i t h Lenin, Mao [Tse
revolution, financing it, and using i t for dieir own purposes.""
T u n g ] , and Che [Guevara], and the struggle of a l l oppressed people i n the
Still another student, James Simon Kunen, i n his book endded The
world.""
Strawberry Incident, tells about a SDS sttategy meeting he attended i n which
a student was giving a report on an SDS convention that he had recendy A further w a m i n g that the nation appeared to be preparing for ttouble
attended. The student reported that " . . . men from Business Intemational on July 4,1976, was given by FBI director Clarence Kelley who reported o n
November 4, 1975, that: "terrorism w i l l increase i n connection w i t h die
Roundtables,... ttied to buy up a few radicals. These men are the world's
nation's Bicentennial celebration."
industtialists and they convene to decide how our lives are going to go.
T h e y ' r e the left w i n g of the r u l i n g class. They offered to finance our The PBC continued, however, w i t h its plans and issued an eight-page
: tabloid newspaper calling for 150,000 pattiots to j o i n w i d i diem i n Washing-
demonstrations i n Chicago. We were also offered ESSO [Rockefeller] money.
ton D.C. o n July 4,1976, to "Declare your independence from b i g business."
They want us to make a lot of radical commotion so diey can look more i n
They advised the reader that the PBC was " p l a n n i n g a birthday party
the center as they move more to the left."'*
America w i l l never forget"
Even die Black Pandier leader Eldridge Cleaver started to figure i t out,
Other individuals lined u p i n support of the PBC declaration. T h e
that the wealthy were buying themselves a revolution. I n die inttoduction to
tabloid reported that R u b i n "Hurricane" Carter, Jane Fonda, Rev. Jesse
Rubin's book Do It'., M r . Cleaver wrote: "There is a danger to die healdiy
Jackson, and Dr. Benjamin Spock, among odiers, would be speaking at the
development of the American Revolution i n die fact diat often revolutionar-
PBC rally on that day.
ies are manipulated by the m l i n g class to appear to be a bigger threat dian
T h e costs of these activities were being met, at least i n part, by the
they really are.""
establishment once again, as, according to Human Events i n its issue of
Jerry R u b i n furdier amplified M r . Cleaver's dioughts about how die
October 11,1975, die federally funded National Endowment for the H u m a n -
establishment made die revolution appear to be larger dian i t actually was.
lues had provided the PBC w i d i nearly $400,000.
I n chapter ten of his book, entided Every Revolutionary Needs a Color TV,
But the PBC d i d not make much of a ripple on July 4, 1976, as i t was
R u b i n says: "Walter Cronkite is SDS's best organizer. Uncle Walter brings
unable to draw nearly the number of people i t would have taken to cause the
out the map of die U.S. w i t h drcles around the campuses diat blew u p today.
inddent that the establishment wanted.
The batde reports. Every k i d out there is thinking, 'Wow, I wanna see my
I n a d d i t i o n to the plans to d i s r u p t the B i c e n t e n n i a l , there was a
campus on diat map.' T V is raising generations of kids who want to grow u p
movement inside the United States to call a constitutional convention. One
and become demonstrators. Television proves the d o m i n o theory: one
of those urging a re-write of die Constitution was Zbigniew Brzezinski, w h o
campus falls and diey a l l fall. The media does not report 'news,' i t creates
wrote the f o l l o w i n g on page 258 of his book Between Two Ages: " T h e
it'"
approaching two-hundredth anniversary of the Declaration could justify the
But even diough i t appeared that die Establishment would not be able
call for a national constitutional convention to re-examine the nation's
to gather an army b i g enough to d i s r u p t the B i c e n t e n n i a l , the plans
formal institutional hamework. Eidier 1976 or 1989 could serve as a suitable
continued.
target date "
I n 1971, an organization was formed that later changed its name to die
Confirmation that something was planned to happen was supported, i n
People's Bicentennial Commission (the PBC.) Jeremy R i f k i n became its
p a r t by die John Birch Sodety, which printed die following i n die October,
director.
1977, Bulletin to its members: "There came into our hands several mondis
Later, the Senate Intemal Seurity Subcommittee investigated the PBC. ago, through the kindness of some friend who evidently wanted to remain
They reported: "The New York Times, for example, on May 26,1975, carried anonymous, one of [Clarence Douglas] Dillon's thin papers that apparently
an article by Jeremy Rifkin on the subject of economic freedom. T h i s article are quiedy issued now and then to members of the echelons below him, w h o
was basically a rewrite of die PBC's declaration of economic independence need such information and guidance as a basis of s u p p o r t " "
which calls for the elimination of the free-enterprise system or die 'corporate The Birch Society reasoned that whatever Mr. D i l l o n knew was impor-
system' as they call i t " ' *

404 405
CHAPTER 88 T H E GREATEST VICTORY
tant enough to be k n o w n to those w h o were trying to expose the Conspiracy.
Mr. D i l l o n , they reasoned, was one of the diose w h o should know the plans
of the conspiracy, as he was the head of the intemauonal banking f i r m of
D i l l o n , Read and Company, and Chairman of die Rockefeller Foundation.
I n addition, Mr. D i l l o n had served as Secretary of the Treasury, certainly one
of the positions i n die American govemment conuolled by die RcxJcefeller
interests, for a pericxl of four years i n the Kennedy and Johnson administra-
tions, as well as being a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.
Mr. Dillon's letter, according to the Birch Society, revealed two very
important facts: "One was that u p u n t i l about 1970 many of the Insiders
(although he d i d not call them that) had kept o n h o p i n g to make 1976 the
successful target date for the ceremonial inauguration of their new world
order. But, Mr. D i l l o n dien proceeded to point out, by 1970 dus schedule had
been conceded by the top command to be impracticable. A n d he went o n to
lay dovm the new schedule, already i n effect, w h i c h w o u l d require about
fifteen years for completion.""
This meant diat the Conspiracy was p l a n n i n g for something to occur on
or about 1985, fifteen years, give or take a year or two, from the change i n
their plans i n 1970.
T h e specific date of 1985 seemed to be i n accord w i t h the date being
given by the Russian Communists. For instance, Soviet Communist Party
chief Leonid Breshnev, i n 1973, said diis about die year 1985: "We C o m m u -
nists have got to suing along w i t h the capitalists for a while. We need their
credits, their agriculture, and their technology. But we are going to continue
massive military programs and by the middle eighties (1985?) we w i l l be i n
a position to retum to a much more aggressive foreign policy designed to
gain the upper hand i n our relationship w i t h the West." Emphasis added.)"
He was more precise about the choice of years i n a speech he made i n
Prague i n 1973 to the Warsaw Pact leaders: " T m s t us, comrades, for by 1985,
as a consequence of what we are now achieving w i t h detente, we w i l l have
achieved most of our objectives i n Westem Europe. We w i l l have consoli-
dated our position. We w i l l have improved o i u economy. A n d a decisive shift
i n the correlation of forces w i l l be such that, come 1985, we w i l l be able to
exert our w i l l wherever we need t o . " "
Breshnev didn't say just how they were going to exert their w i l l , but one
j,'/
version of what they might attempt came from Senator Barry Goldwater i n
'(f
A u g u s t , 1971, according to the Los Angeles Herald Examiner, w h i c h
headlined die article: "Goldwater Wams of Nuclear Blackmail by Russ."
T h e article went on: "Senator Barry Goldwater said Saturday the w o r l d
balance of piower has shifted to the Soviet U n i o n to such an extent that
intemational nuclear blackmail is no longer impossible. 'The only conclu-
sion is that the Soviet U n i o n is out to establish a strategic military superiority
' • • 4 0 6
CHAPTER 38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY
so vast that i t cannot be challenged and so that any policy the Soviet U n i o n
may decide upon can be backed w i t h overwhelming strength.'
So, according to the scenario just described, i t w o u l d appear that the
Russians, w h o have been slowly b u t steadily b u i l d i n g the most potent
military machine i n the world and a nuclear superiority over the forces of the
free West, (with the assistance of the United States,) could threaten the United
States w i t h a nuclear war T h i s w o u l d force the American govemment into a
position of having to dedde whether they wished to go to war or accept some
Russian ultimatum.
Other indications that 1985 m i g h t be the year for such a confrontation
come from a variety of sources.
One is the book entitled The Third World War, August, 1985, by
General Sir J o h n Hackett and six o f his colleagues, a l l retired N A T O
officers. T h i s book was written i n 1973, and contains the "dramatized game-
plan for the next W o r l d War."*'
T h e book details how the Soviet U n i o n started the war on November 11,
1984, after "the initial workers' riots i n Poland."**
T h e war develops and ultimately the Soviet U n i o n is defeated, less than
a m o n t h after i t started.
There were wamings that the United States has been so strategically
depleted to the point where i t is i n great danger. One such w a m i n g came i n
1980 from fifty retired admirals and generals w h o wamed that America was
" i n greater danger today than at any time since Pearl Harbor."
I n fact, one i n d i v i d u a l , Henry Kissinger, is reportedly o n record as
saying that i t probably was too late anyway, and that the U n i t e d States
should get the best deal i t could i n the stmggle against the Soviet U n i o n . I n
1976, when Kissinger was Secretary of State, nationally syndicated columnist
Emest Cuneo wrote:
Unimpeachable sources state that D r . H e n r y Kissinger's
model has shifted from 19th century Mettemich to 20th century
Spengler.
What that means is that Kissinger has abandoned the Balance
of Power policy to accept Spengler's p o s i t i o n that the West is
through and must accept a subordinate role because i t is useless to
resist the 'wave of the future.'
T h e 'wave o f the f u t u r e ' o f course means C o m m u n i s t
ascendancy.
Kissinger's new position assumes that the American people do
not have the courage or the suength to stand u p to the Communists
i f i t means war.
Therefore, Kissinger is a t t e m p t i n g to get the best terms
possible as a competing world power.**
407
CHAPTER 38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY
I t seems to fit that the American govemment is being maneuvered into
a position of not having the ability nor the means to resist Communist
pressures so that, when the Russian government threatens America w i t h
nuclear war, the American people w i l l demand that their govemment accept
any soludon odier than a war. The American president w i l l ask die Russians
if diere is any opdon they w i l l accept other dian nuclear war. Their response
w i l l be that the merging of the two countries into a world govemment w i l l
suffice, and the American people w i l l breadie a sigh of relief when their offer
is accepted by the American govemment
A n addidonal item would be needed to make die scenario and theory
really work.
T h a t w o u l d be a president that w o u l d not be afraid to stand u p to die
Russians, even though he knows that he does not have the military means to
succeed. He would have to be a Republican who has long stood u p against
the Communists, one that w o u l d have sent military troops i n t o a small
island (Grenada) when he believed the nadon was about to go Marxist He
couldn't be a member of the Democrat Party which has been consistendy
against any confrontadon w i t h the Communists o n a face to face basis.
It appears that the Americans are playing two sides of the same coin:
appearing to get tough w i t h the Russians, and then not having the ability to
withstand any offense put forward by the Russians.
Another piece of the puzzle that fits is the fact that America is being told
that the govemment does not have the military or nuclear power to compete
w i t h the Russians i n a military showdown. One evidence of this strategy was
revealed i n an interview w i t h John Tower, Chairman of the Senate Armed
Services Committee that reaffirmed the posidon of the redred admirals and
generals w h o felt that America was i n serious danger because of its reduced
military surength. The headline to die ardcle read: "U.S. Faces N o t h i n g Less
T h a n Military Inferiority."
The article was accompanied by graphs showing how dangerously
behind the U n i t e d States was i n the numbers of bombers and missiles,
warheads, and estimated megatonnage of warheads.
T w o articles, about two months apart, revealed that the fear of a third
w o r l d war concems the American people, w h o feel diat a nuclear war was
possible w i t h i n the next ten years.**
A n d a l l o f the stories that are i n the news about the ineptness o f
America's military forces (plane crashes because pilots are o n drugs; fifty
percent of a l l enlisted men are o n drugs, etc.) are slowly convincing the
public that, not only does America not have the military and nuclear power,
but the military isn't ready to resist any aggressive act as well.
I t is n o t d i f f i c u l t w i t h this scenario, then, to understand w h y the
American hostages i n Iran were released shordy after the 1980 election (to
408
CHAPTER 38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY
unify die American people behind national paniotism) and why the military
allowed the hostage rescue attempt to be so badly botched (one weekly
newsletter mailed around the United States reported diat hiendly Arabian
leaders are frightened and disillusioned about that bungled mission because
they now see the United States as a weak ally.)
Another call to America's patriotism was the 1984 Olympics when, after
Russia decided not to compete, America won an unprecedented number of
medals. America's response to the medal winners was an unabashedly pro-
American display of national patriotism (one flag manufacturer reported
that his demand for flags was outpacing the supply). Americans have got to
love dieir country enough not to have i t blown apart by a nuclear war w i d i
Russia.
Another evidence that this scenario is correct is that President Reagan
seems to be tamish-proof (the press is calling h i m die "teflon president,"
n o t h i n g seems to stick to him). T h i s is unusual because the conservative
r i g h t has l o n g stated that i t never seems to get a good press, and that
everything i t does do is wrong i n the eyes of the media. I t is not too long ago
that Americans should have forgotten the commercials and the media
treatment of die conservative of the 1960's, Senator Barry Goldwater, when
he ran for the presidency i n 1964.
I n November, 1981, t w o events occurred that were created to scare
America's N A T O allies against a nuclear war. One was President Reagan's
then Secretary of State Haig's statement diat N A T O had contingency plans
for firing a nuclear weapon for "demonstrative purposes" to demonstrate to
die enemy diat diey were exceeding the limits of toleration i n the conven-
tional war. Presumably the bomb w o u l d be dropped i n Europe, and this
tended to frighten the citizens of America's allies.
The second event that served to alarm the N A T O countries was the
i n t r u s i o n of a Soviet submarine i n t o Swedish waters. T h e question of
whether or not this submarine carried nuclear weapons was never made
completely clear, b u t i f the ship had the weapons aboard, the Swedish
nulitary did not know about die sub's presence u n t i l i t was inside a restricted
nulitary zone. T h i s activity tended to further frighten the N A T O allies into
fearing a nuclear war i n Europie. Both activities, occurring so close to each
other, were intended to convince the N A T O allies that both sides could
spring a nuclear attack easily w i t h o u t the Europeans k n o w i n g anything
about i t
Another major block i n the scenario wall was put into place on June 19,
1978, when President J i m m y Carter, by an unconstitutional Executive
Order, created an organization known as the Federal Emergency Manage-
ment Agency (FEMA). T h i s organization is a civilian agency which has the
capadty to administer a totalitarian govemment i n the event of domestic or
rintemational crisis.
400
CHAPTER38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY CHAPTER 38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY

F E M A has the authority to: I n an attempt to quiet the furor about the immense danger to life from
nuclear plants around the country. Dr. Edward Teller, a scientist w h o
Relocate m i l l i o n s of workers, reorganize national industry
worked on the hydrogen bomb and on die safety of nuclear energy, placed a
and banking, and distribute all economic resources and transporta-
full-page advertisement i n die Wall Street Journal on July 31, 1979. T h i s
tion access;
advertisement carried answers to some of the main questions about Three
y: Operate every level of govemment, through personnel currently i n
Mile Island.
; place diroughout Washington and die rest of the country; ,
Some of those questions and answers were as follows:
; J Institute total energy rationing; and
Order mass evacuation of residents i n the perimeter of nuclear Q. H o w dangerous is the release of low-level radiation from a
' power plants. nuclear power plant?
A. I f you sat next to a nuclear power plant for a year, you w o u l d be
I t is an interesting coincidence that the Three M i l e Island incident
exposed to less radiation than you would receive during a round-
occurred just one day after F E M A became operational. FEMA arrived on die
ttip flight i n a 747 from New York to Los Angeles.
scene of the nuclear p l a n t accident and according to Fusion magazine:
Let me p u t i t anotfier way. The allowable radiation from a
" . . . fostered an aunosphere of panic, and lobbied for mass evacuations diat
nuclear p l a n t is five mrems (an appropriate u n i t used to make
w o u l d have given F E M A authority over a l l other federal, state and local
comparisons) per year. I n Dallas, people get about 30 mrems per
govemmental bodies, w i t h the exception of the govemor's office."*'
year from the natural background of b u i l d i n g s , rocks, etc. I n
There is some evidence that the nuclear event that occurred at Three
Colorado, people get as m u c h as 130 mrems per year from the
Mile Island was an act of sabotage.
natural background. Therefore, just by m o v i n g from Dallas to
One b i t of evidence is the fact that a n anti-nuclear power article
Boulder you would receive ten times more radiation per year than
appeared i n 1978 i n a radical magazine called Harrisburg which envisioned
the person gets w h o lives next to a nuclear power p l a n t
an acddent at the nearby Three Mile Island fadlity on March 28,1979, the
Q. H o w much radiation were the people around Three Mile
exact date on which the nuclear acddent occurred.*'
Island exposed to during die acddent?
Another is the fact that the investigators who were studying the inddent
A. Let me p u t i t this way. Your blood contains potassium 40,
were unable to identify the individual w h o closed the valves of the backup
from which you get an intemal dose of about 25 mrems of radiation
cooling pumps which w o u l d have kept die reactor from overheating.*'
per year. A m o n g the people not working on die reactor, a handful
I n any event, the Three Mile nuclear incident was certainly a "non-
may have gotten as much radiation as 25 mrems.
event"
T h e charges that large amounts of radiation were released i n t o the The t i m i n g of the creation of F E M A and the apparently sabotaged
nearby environment were fraudulent nuclear inddent is indeed unusual. Is i t possible that die Three Mile Island
Dr. Peu Beckmann, the distinguished editor of Access to Energy, and a episode was created to test die incredible powers of FEMA?
professor of Electtical Engineering at the University of Colorado, set the FEMA's other crisis interventions include the relocation of the Cuban
matter into perspective: boat refugees i n 1980. T h i s episode allowed F E M A to test its ability to
relocate thousands of people a l l over the United States. Is i t possible diat
T h e sum total of radioactivity released i n the H a r r i s b u r g
Cuba allowed the boat people to leave Cuba as a test of FEMA's ability to f i n d
G r a n d Disaster was 80 m i l l i r e m s (official testimony by H E W
new homes for these refugees?
• Secretary.)
Apparendy President Ronald Reagan agreed that F E M A had done an
T h a t is as much additional radiation as a certain person w o u l d
excellent j o b . When he outlined his $3.4 b i l l i o n , seven-year program to
receive by moving from Pennsylvania into the editorial offices of
relocate the U.S. mettopolitan population from potentially high risk areas
, this newspaper (elevation 7,200 f t i n the ore-rich Rockies) for less
after a nuclear war started, he designated FEMA as die agency to carry out the
than a year.
program.**
What k i n d of person?
F E M A has an interesting history behind its oeation. T h e 1979 Execu-
The k i n d that stood naked near die plant 24 hours a day for die
tive Order that created i t was based on Presidential Review Memorandum 32,
entire episode.*'

410
CHAPTER 38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY
prepared by Samuel Hundngton. The guiding assumpdon of PRM-32 was
diat consdtudonally mandated insdtudons would not be able to deal w i t h
the scope of crises forseen for the 1970's and 1980's.
Three years earlier, H u n d n g t o n had elaborated this assumpdon i n his
posidon paper for the Trilateral Commission, dtled The Crisis of Demo-
cracy. Emergencies of the nature of Love Canal, the Cuban boadift opera-
don, and the Three Mile Island inddent would require levels of austerity and
scKial control impossible to achieve through democratic institudons, so
H u n d n g t o n recommended a series of national and supranational "crisis
management" forms of govemment. These were put into effect by President
Carter i n June, 1978, after they were published i n the Federal Register.'"
One more evidence that the American people m i g h t p e r m i t their
govemment to violate all of dieir Consdtudonal Rights because of some real
or alleged emergency that was created by the government, occurred o n
October 16, 1970, i n Canada.
T h i s power grab occurred when Canadian Prime Minister Pierre-Elliott
T m d e a u , using the kidnapping of two officials by the Communist F.L.Q.
"invoked the War Measures Act, suspended the Canadian B i l l of Rights, and
imposed a dictatorship on Canada. Tmdeaii now had the power of censor-
ship, for instance, and could search w i t h o u t warrant and arrest w i t h o u t
trial.""
I t w i l l be recalled that the Canadian people allowed these violations of
their rights almost without a whimper, almost praising Tmdeau for taking
that action to stop the F.L.Q.
T w o other indications that the Conspiracy plans on grabbing all of the
power i n the United States i n 1985 come from two books, one written by
Herman Kahn, the founder of the Hudson Institute, and possibly one of the
principals i n the w r i t i n g of the Report From Iron Mountain, and the other
by Allen Dmry.
T h e book by Herman Kahn is called Things to Come: Thinking About
the 70's and the 80's. Mr. Kahn, who calls himself "one of the 10 most famous
obscure Americans," attempted to answer these questions by his book (co-
authored w i t h B. Bmce Briggs). They have written: "What are the chances of
a nuclear confrontation i n the next decade? H o w w i l l the rising influence of
J a p a n affect the w o r l d ' s balance of economic and p o l i t i c a l power? Is
America's two-party system on the verge of collapse? These are some of the
questions Herman Kahn and B. Bmce Briggs answer i n this challenging new
bcx)k, a discussion of what might happen from now u n t i l 1985."'*
Notice that the scenario, even though the bcxjk is intended to examine
the 70's and 80's (that means the period that should have been reviewed
w o u l d have been u n t i l the end of 1989) the book ends w i t h the year 1985. I n
fact, the year "1985" appears forty-one times i n print, and the term "the
decade 1975-1985" appears five times.
412
CHAPTER 38 T H E GREATEST VICTORY
Are M r . K a h n and M r . Briggs t r y i n g to tell the American people
something?
T h e second book is entided The Hill of Summer, written as a novel by
Allen Dmry. I t is about how: "Soviet leaders might make use of a 'window
of opportunity' created by die U.S. disarmers, resulting i n increasing Soviet
brinkmanship and nuclear blackmail."
M r . D r u r y has w r i t t e n about what Senator Goldwater warned the
American people about back i n 1971: nuclear blackmail by the Russian
government.
I t apfsears that 1985 is the year.
The author wishes to add a footnote about this last statement. There are
several possibilities about the prediction that the planners w i l l make their
long-awaited move i n 1985.
I f the Conspiracy wants to discredit those w h o have exposed the
Conspiracy, there wouldn't be a better way than to have a l l of the exposers
point towards die year 1985. Then, i f they wished to furdier conceal dieir
efforts toward another year, they could postpone their plans for one more
year, say, to 1986, so that those exposers would be made to look ridiculous.
The reader's attention is directed to the comment previously referred to
by Zbigniew Brzezinski i n his book Between Two Ages that discusses a re-
writing of the Constitution i n either 1976, a date obviously i n the past, or i n
1989, a date still i n the future.
Maybe the date is 1989.
Perhaps i t would be more accurate to say that something is planned for
the period between 1985 and 1989.
The only thing for certain is that the Conspiracy wants total govem-
ment and that the year they expect to achieve their goal is very near.
Those who love their freedoms had best be wary.
413

Chapter 39
I Removal
O n November 13,1951, Richard N i x o n denounced die T r u m a n admin-
isttadon i n a speech i n Boston. His subject v^as corrupdon i n h i g h places:
' T h i s Administtadon has proved that i t is utterly incapable of
cleaning out the corrupdon which has completely eroded it, and re-
establishing die confidence and faidi of die people i n the morality
and honesty of their govemment employees.
The great tragedy, however, is not that cormpdon exists, but
diat i t is defended and condoned by the President and odier h i g h
A d m i n i s t r a d o n officials. We have had c o r r u p t i o n defended by
those i n high places.
If they don't recognize or admit diat cormpdon exists, how
can we expect them to clean i t up?'
T o understand the events of the Watergate episode, i t becomes impor-
tant to understand the plans of the Conspiracy and the counter-plans of the
N i x o n Administradon.
I n January, 1964, newsmen asked Nelson Rockefeller when he had first
drought about being president of die United States. He replied: "Ever since
CHAPTER 89 REMOVAL
I was a kid. After all, when you think of what I had, what else was there to
aspire to?"*
Nelson Rockefeller was committed to the aspiradons of the Conspiracy
about creating the New World Order. He is quoted as saying on July 26,1968,
according to the Associated Press, that as president "he would work toward
intemational creadon of 'a new world order' based on East-West cooperation
instead of conflict."'
But even though Nelson Rockefeller was close to the inner circles of the
Conspiracy, he was never inside those circles. I t is the present author's
contention that he was never scheduled to become the president of the United
States, at least since die election of 1968.
T h a t means that the Conspiracy promised Nelson the presidency but
knew that i t w o u l d not deliver i t as promised. So there were four cross-
currents at work i n the years between 1964 and 1976. They were:
1. One was to make Richard N i x o n the president of the United States;
2. The second was to remove Richard N i x o n from office after his first
election i n 1968;
3. T h e third was to promise Nelson Rockefeller the presidency i n
1976; and
4. The fourth was not to deliver what had been promised to Nelson.
The events at the Watergate building were intended to achieve three of
these objectives after the first had succeeded.
But to understand Watergate, one must understand Richard N i x o n and
why the Conspiracy wanted h i m i n office i n 1968, only to want h i m out of
office i n 1973 and 1974.
Mr. N i x o n has had an interesting career. I t began i n 1946 when he
defeated incumbent Congressman Jerry Voorhis i n Califomia after World
War I I .
Congressman Voorhis was a champion of those who were fighting the
Federal Reserve. He had written a book entitled Out of Debt, Out of Danger,
i n which he advocated the paying off of the national debt. Voorhis had also
inucxluced legislation to repeal the Federal Reserve Act.
This behavior did not make the Congressman a favorite of the banking
fratemity.
I n a pamphlet he had written entided Dollars and Sense, Congressman
Voorhis stated that: " . . . the representatives of the American people i n
Congress should speedily proceed to ttansfer the ownership of the 12 central
Federal Reserve banks from the private ownership of the member banks to
the ownership of the nation itself."*
Suddenly out of nowhere, a candidate named Richard N i x o n came
forward to oppose h i m . I t has been reported that the Eastem establishment
415
CHAPTER 39 REMOVAL
had poured huge amounts of money into Nixon's campaign.
I n any event, Richard N i x o n defeated Congressman Jerry Voorhis and
replaced h i m as the Congressman from that district
T h e next step i n Nixon's ascendancy to the presidency occurred i n 1952,
w h e n N i x o n assisted D w i g h t Eisenhower i n stealing the R e p u b l i c a n
presidendal nominadon from " M r . Republican," Robert T a f t I t is com-
monly felt diat M r . Taft would be the Republican nominee for president
and that he would be able to defeat the Democradc candidate, whoever that
nominee might be. Mr. Taft was a "conservadve" and true and-communist
H e had to be defeated, and die man chosen to defeat h i m was Dwight David
Eisenhower who had been held out of the elecdon i n 1948 for this purpose.
T h e control of the Califomia delegadon to the Republican Nadonal
Convendon was the key to the selection of the presidendal candidate, and i t
appeared that Mr. Taft w o u l d carry Califomia. Richard N i x o n along w i t h
Earl Warren, then the govemor of Califomia, worked behind the scenes to
secure the votes of the delegates from Califomia for Eisenhower.
When Eisenhower was rewarded w i t h the n o m i n a t i o n , he rewarded
those w h o had assisted h i m i n securing i t for h i m . He selected N i x o n as his
Vice-President, and later named Earl Warren to the Supreme C o u r t
Eisenhower later betrayed N i x o n i n 1960, when as president he told the
American people that he couldn't think of a single thing that N i x o n had
done to assist h i m i n the eight years of their administradon. Nixon's chances
i n the 1960 election against John Kennedy were significandy damaged by
that single comment
I t is conceivable that that statement was intended to keep N i x o n away
from the presidency i n 1960, because i t had been promised to h i m i n 1968,
and N i x o n preferred that year over the year 1960 for reasons that w i l l be
discussed later.
I n spite of Eisenhower's "non-support" diere are those w h o felt that
N i x o n had actually w o n the 1960 election and was the duly elected president
of the U n i t e d States, b u t that vote fraud i n Texas and I l l i n o i s gave the
election to John Kennedy. N i x o n had the opportunity to once and for a l l
expose the nearly perpetual vote fraud suspected to exist i n these two states,
but he refused to contest the vote count and the election was w o n by Kennedy.
There are some w h o feel that the reason N i x o n d i d not contest the
election was that he had been offered the presidency i n 1968. N i x o n , i t is felt,
quickly reasoned that, even i f he had won the election of 1960 and had been
re-elected i n 1964, his eight-year term i n office would only get h i m to 1968,
still short of the 1976 target date of the Conspfracy diat he had understood
and acknowledged. ( N i x o n was a member of the CFR). T h i s w o u l d also
explain why he dedded not to m n i n 1964, leaving the Republican nomina-
tion to Barry Goldwater.
CHAPTER 39 REMOVAL
'I
• I n 1962, N i x o n retumed to pxjlitics to m n for govemor of Califomia.
His basic intent was, not to defeat the incumbent Govemor Pat Brown, but
to defeat his fellow Republican, the conservative Joe Shell. I t was also
, Nixon's desire to keep the Califomia delegation to the 1964 Republican
convention out of the control of the conservatives led by Mr. Shell.
It is well known that Nelson Rockefeller had wanted to w i n the 1964
Republican presidential nomination, and i t was generally agreed that the
Califomia delegation was once again the key to his nomination, just as i t had
> been i n 1952.
So if N i x o n defeated Shell i n the primaries, he could assist the presiden-
tial aspirations of Nelson Rockefeller. N i x o n did defeat Shell i n the primary,
thereby insuring at least temporarily that Shell w o u l d not control the 1964
Califomia delegation. N i x o n went on to lose to Pat Brown i n the general
election, an election that N i x o n d i d not care to w i n . Rockefeller's plans for
the presidency had succeeded so far.
After he was defeated i n 1962, N i x o n told reporters that "you won't have
me to kick around anymore,'' (or words to that effert), because he was leaving
the political scene.
He went to New York and moved into the first floor of an expensive
apartment b u i l d i n g , (the rent was |100,000 a year), i n New York. T h e
occupant of the top floor of this building was Nelson Rockefeller, w h o also
became his landlord, as Rockefeller owned the building. I n addition, N i x o n
went to work for the law f i r m representing the Rockefeller interests and
became a full partner at a salary of |200,000 a year.'
I t was here that N i x o n basically sat out the 1964 presidential election.
It is not known i f Rockefeller completely understood the 1964 "Draft
Goldwater" movement among the young people of the country, espedally
the young i n Califomia. But i t is known that this movement was indeed a
concern of the Conspiracy a r o u n d Rockefeller. T h e California Y o u n g
Republicans had swept control of their state organization away from the
Rockefeller supporters a n d were b o o m i n g Senator Goldwater for the
presidency i n 1964.
I t appeared that Rockefeller w o u l d lose the key Califomia delegation to
the 1964 convention, and because of this loss, ultimately the nomination of
the Republican Party.
A n d this is predsely what happened. The Califomia Young Republi-
cans assisted the Goldwater supporters to control the Califomia delegation,
and this key delegation led the remainder of the delegations i n g i v i n g the
nomination to Barry Goldwater. >
Rockefeller had lost his best chance at the presidency.
T h e next step i n the ascendancy of Richard N i x o n occurred i n 1968
when he w o n the presidency of the United States. He must have felt that the
CHAPTER 39 REMOVAL
t i m i n g was oppwrtune for the 1976 target date and that he w o u l d then be i n
a posidon to assume the presidency of the World. He must have known that
this all-powerful posidon had been offered first to Woodrow WUson and
then to Franklin Roosevelt, and that bodi had been unable to assume this
office because of the concems of the American people.
N i x o n "selected" Spiro Agnew as his vice president i n 1968. By strange
coincidence, Govemor Agnew had been Nelson Rockefeller's 1968 campaign
manager. I t is hard to presume that those w h o selected h i m d i d not know
about his "skeleton i n die closet," allegations diat Agnew had taken some
money from certain conuactors while he was govemor of Maryland. (Agnew
later wrote a book entided Go Quietly or Else, i n w h i c h he vehemendy
denied die allegations against h i m . T h a t is interesting, because, i f Agnew
was innocent, dien he was framed. He claims that he was forced out under
veiled threats to his life made to h i m by Alexander Haig, a member of die
CFR.) T h e door to this "closet" was later opened, and Agnew resigned.
T h a t poses the question: was Agnew selected because diey knew that
they c o u l d remove h i m later, either w i t h the t r u t h about his alleged
"kickbacks" or w i t h their knowledge that die press w o u l d convince die
American people diat die false allegations were tme?
If the previously detailed scenario is correct, that die Conspiracy altered
its plans about die 1976 target date, and diat die plans were changed i n 1970,
dien die next quote that appeared i n the New York Times makes sense. I t
appeared on May 21,1971, and was written by James Reston, a member of die
Council on Foreign Relations. I t is presumed that i t was a tip-off to the
supporters of the Conspiracy around the nation w h o read the New York
Times, owned and controlled by members of the CFR, that N i x o n had been
told of the change i n the plans and diat he was going through w i t h plans of
his o w n . T h e article read, i n part: " M r . N i x o n w o u l d obviously like to
preside over the creation of a new w o r l d order, and believes he sees an
opportunity to do so i n the last twenty months of his first term."' I t was
d u r i n g the last twenty months of his first term that the details about the
Watergate break-in were being formulated.
Robert Welch, founder of die John Birch Society, long an exposer of die
Conspiracy, wrote die following i n the October, 1971, Bulletin to all of the
Society members: "The record seems to me to indicate quite clearly that, since
at least 1960, Richard N i x o n has had the all-pervading ambition, and the
unshakable determination, to use the presidency of the United States as a
stepping stone from which to become die first mler of die w o r l d . " '
Welch went o n to reveal, i n the same Bulletin, the precise date he
anticipated that these plans would come into fmition: " A n d there are many
reasons to believe i t is their intention to achieve diis goal, and have their
regime sitting on top of a subdued and enslaved world, by the first of May,
418
CHAPTER 39 REMOVAL
1976."' (The first of May, 1976, would be the two-hundredth anniversary of
the founding of the Illuminati.)
U n k n o w n to the Society at that time, though, the Conspiracy had
apparendy revised its timetable, as was explained i n the preceding chapter.
But, N i x o n , sensing diat he was to be removed from office, apparendy
decided that he could do this himself, and he surrounded himself w i t h a
group of individuals w h o m he felt he could ttust, a l l non-members of die
CFR. There were only two major exceptions, however, w h o were members
of the CFR: Alexander H a i g and Henry Kissinger. Bodi of these individuals
had connections to die Rockefeller interests, and i t is doubted that N i x o n had
any control over their selection for his Administration.
So on June 17,1972, James W. McCord, (non-member of die CFR) and
four M i a m i Cubans broke i n t o the Watergate complex and were later
arrested.
Watergate is an interesting b u i l d i n g complex. A Parade magazine
article revealed that the complex was owned by Generale Immobiliare, a
giant construction company w h i c h was i n t u r n owned by the Catholic
Church. T h e same article further revealed that the Vatican had "major
investments i n such Banks as Chase M a n h a t t a n . . . and the various Roth-
schild banks i n France."'
One t h i n g is for certain, however. T h e break-in i n t o the Watergate
building has made this the most well-known office complex i n Washington
D.C. outside of the buildings occupied by the federal govemment.
The Watergate break-in was perhaps the most bungled break-in i n die
history of crime. One author, Victor Lasky, has written: "Rarely has diere
been a more inane caper. Everything went wrong—as i f by design. I t was
almost as i f they had been deliberately dropping clues.""
Those w h o have studied the break-in i n any length have discovered
incredible circumstances that surely indicate diat die break-in was indeed
intended to be discovered. Take, for instance, the following facts:
1. One of the burglars alerted a guard by replacing the tape over the
door locks after the guard had discovered and removed the first one.
2. Even though their efforts had been discovered, the boss of the
o p e r a t i o n , G . G o r d o n L i d d y , sent the burglars back to the
Watergate.
3. The man posted as lookout saw the police enter the b u i l d i n g but
either failed to alert the men inside or his w a m i n g was i g n o r e d "
T h e theory that Watergate was indeed i n t e n t i o n a l l y bungled was
offered i n an article by J i m Hougan i n Harper's magazine. The contents of
that article were reviewed by Victor Lasky i n Human Events. M r . Lasky
reports: "its basic finding is that the June, 1972, b u r g l a r y . . . was not only
b u n g l e d . . . but was most deliberately sabotaged What is alleged is that
419
CHAPTER 39 REMOVAL
the Watergate caper was sabotaged by none other than James McCord, the
FBI-trained employee of die U.S. Central Intelligence Agency w h o later blew
the whisde o n his fellow burglars. I n other words, J i m Hougan argues that
McCord was actually a double agent"'*
T h a t is not surprising, according to a book entitled The Rockefeller
File, by Gary Allen, diat claims: "The incredibly bungled Watergate break-
i n . . . was written and directed by Rockefeller front m e n . " "
A l l e n identifies die "Rockefeller front m e n " as Alexander H a i g and
Henry Kissinger, the two members of die CFR who were Nixon's advisors.
I t is also interesting that diere was one individual w h o knew n o d i i n g
about die Watergate break-in when i t first occurred: "As i t tumed o u t die one
person w h o had absolutely no advance knowledge of the Watergate break-in
was Richard M . N i x o n . " "
Another l i n k i n this incredible chain of events is an article that claims
that "Deep Throat," the "mystery m a n " whose news leaks helped b r i n g die
Watergate scandals to a shattering climax, was identified i n a new book as
Richard Ober, a C I A counterintelligence agent
I t was the theory of Deborah Davis, i n a book she authored, that Ober:
"became a double agent i n the W h i t e House for those w h o wanted the
President of the United States to fall."
John Dean, a N i x o n staff member involved w i t h the Watergate affair,
claimed that "Deep T h r o a t " was Alexander H a i g , a charge that General
H a i g quickly denied.
Another of the puzzling circumstances i n die entire Watergate scenario
was the tapes of the various conversations made between N i x o n and his
many advisors i n the White House. These tapes were not under the conuol
of N i x o n himself as: "Voices a u t o m a t i c a l l y started the tape recorders
spinning. Keep i n m i n d that i t was not Mr. N i x o n w h o tumed the recorders
off and o n . " "
I t is interesting how the tapes came to be i n die White House i n die first
place. " W h i l e LBJ's (Lyndon Baines Johnson's) recording system had been
installed by die Army Signal Corps, the N i x o n monitors were installed by the
Secret Service."
Newsweek magazine of September 23,1974, added this reveahng l i n k i n
the chain: "While former White House chief of staff H.R. Haldeman awaits
trial for his part i n Watergate, die Secret Service chief he ousted from die
White House last year has landed a p l u m job. Robert H . Taylor, 49, w h o
tangled w i t h Haldeman over N i x o n security procedures, is now head of die
private security forces of all of the far-flung Rockefeller farruly enterprises.'"
The main question never adequately answered by those covering the
Watergate story was why President N i x o n never desttoyed the tapes that were
i n his sole possession that were so i n d i c t i n g of his Administtation. One
CHAPTER 39 REMOVAL
answer, perhaps the most plausible, is: "Either N i x o n d i d not conttol the
tapes, or he knew there was more than one set I n a word, he d i d not desttoy
them because he could n o t " "
Evidence for this conclusion seems persuasive. For instance, when the
prosecuting judge John Sirica asked President N i x o n to t u m over the tapes
he had i n his possession, he asked for them i n the f o l l o w i n g manner:
"January 8, 1973 from 4:05 to 5:34 P . M . (E.O.B.) at a p p r o x i m a t e l y 10
minutes and 15 seconds into the conversation, a segment lasting 6 minutes
and 31 seconds.""
T h e only way the j udge could ask for certain tapes, specifying just when
d u r i n g the tape he wanted the conversations recorded therein, was if he knew
exactly what was on the tapes beforehand. T h a t was impossible unless the
judge and the prosecution had a second copy of the tapes.
There are two more rather puzzling circumstances about those tapes.
One is that: " . . . no tapes contained his [Henry Kissinger's] advice,
which is strange as he was Nixon's top advisor o n national security.""
Apparendy the public was being asked to believe diat Kissinger never
was i n the Oval office so that he could be taped by the automatic taping
machine talking to the president
T h e second was the fact that i t was: " . . . Alexander H a i g w h o had
conttol of the vault where the Watergate tapes were kept Since i t is perfecdy
clear that the subpoenas for the tapes were w r i t t e n by persons already
possessing a detailed familiarity w i t h their contents, i t is painfully obvious
that H a i g had already provided diem w i d i copies of the pertinent excerpts. "*«
I n summary, then, i t was Kissinger and H a i g that arranged for N i x o n to
be removed from office. A n d i f Spiro Agnew is right i t was Alexander H a i g
that forced h i m to resign.
T h e coup d ' etat that knocked President N i x o n out of the
White House was carefully engineered by the two agents of the
House of Rockefeller.
I t is now k n o w n that Henry Kissinger was responsible for
creating die Pliunbers squad the group that broke into Watergate)
i n the fust place, w h i l e . . . Alexander H a i g made sure that the most
incriminating evidence on the tapes was given i n advance to the
men investigating (Nixon).
Together, the two men forced... N i x o n to resign, thus paving
the way to get Rockefeller into the White House—without risking
an election Rocky w o u l d surely lose.*' ; , ,
So Watergate had two purposes: One was to remove N i x o n , and the
other was to make Nelson Rockefeller die president of die United States.
A t least these were the surface motives. ; ' j
• ' • •'" • 421 ': r :
CHAPTER 39 REMOVAL
T h e next step became the removal of Spiro Agnew as vice president of
the United States. T h i s occurred on October 10, 1973, after the door to his
"closet" was opened.
I n Agnew's book, he e x p l a i n e d that he had resigned from office
f o l l o w i n g "veiled threats on his life relayed by Nixon's chief lieutenant,
Alexander H a i g . " He claimed that H a i g "desired not only to move me out,
but i n the course... to move Mr. N i x o n out, too."
He concluded that H a i g "knew enough about discrepancies i n the
Watergate tapes and that the t r u t h about N i x o n ' s involvement i n the
Watergate cover-up to be convinced diat eventually the President himself
must go. A n d H a i g did not want me i n line of succession.
He added that " H a i g might have h i m murdered if he hadn't [resigned]."
The possibility that H a i g might have been able to have someone k i l l
Agnew was confirmed i n 1980 when G. G o r d o n L i d d y , a N i x o n aide,
admitted that he had proposed the k i l l i n g of columnist Jack Anderson to the
White House i n 1972 and that he had waited for White House approval
which never came.
So there was at least one person on the N i x o n staff w h o would have
killed had he been asked to do so.
W i t h A g n e w o u t as vice president, N i x o n n o w h a d to a p p o i n t a
successor. There was widespread concem around the nadon that N i x o n was
going to appoint Nelson Rockefeller. N o w w o u l d have been the dme to
make certain that Rockefeller became president, if diat was die promise of die
Conspiracy. But N i x o n d i d not select Rockefeller, he chose Gerald Ford
instead.
This choice was amazing i f the Conspiracy had promised Nelson the
presidency. The only conclusion that fits is that they did not want h i m to
become president, and dierefore told N i x o n to appoint Gerald Ford, w h o
certainly had been groomed for such a task by the Conspiracy. ( G e i i l d Ford,
it w i l l be recalled, had attended numerous Bilderberg meedngs and person-
ally knew Prince Bemhard, the organization's early leader. I t is presumed
that Mr. Ford knew that a centralized conspiracy existed.)
Nixon's choice of Ford is also starding when i t is remembered that the
basic i n t e n t of Watergate was to remove N i x o n . T h a t meant that the
Conspiracy knew that the person w h o m N i x o n chose would later become the
president of the U n i t e d States. I f the Conspiracy had wanted Nelson
Rockefeller, this would have been the dme to make its move.
Once again, the only conclusion that fits is that Nelson Rockefeller was
not to become the president of the United States as he had been promised.
However, to condnue the illusion that Nelson would become president.
Ford chose Nelson as his vice-president when he became president after
N i x o n resigned.
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CHAPTER 39 REMOVAL
(One interesting sidelight to the resignation of President N i x o n . I t w i l l
be recalled that President N i x o n was suffering from a swollen leg d u r i n g the
time he was preparing to resign. He made the statement that, if he had gone
to Bethesda Naval Hospital to have i t attended, he would "never come out
alive." Is i t possible that N i x o n knew about Senator Joseph McCarthy and
Secretary of Defense James Forrestal w h o both went to Bethesda Naval
Hospital "never to come out alive?")
The next step came when two assassination attempts were made o n
President Ford's life, the first by Lynette "Squeaky" Fromme on September
5,1975, who pointed a .45 caliber pistol at Ford, and the second on September
22, 1975, when Sara Jane Moore shot at Ford. Her attempt also failed.
One of the interesting facts about the Moore s h o o t i n g is that she
admitted that she had intended to make Nelson Rockefeller president of the
United States. She said that she ttied to shoot Ford to expose the nation's
"phony system of govemment" She claimed that: "Ford is a nebbish It
was the office of the presidency I was trying to attack. K i l l i n g Ford would
have shaken a lot of people up. More importandy, i t would have elevated
Nelson Rockefeller to the presidency, and then people would see who the
actual leaders of the country are."*'
Miss Moore consented to an interview i n the June, 1976, Playboy
magazine wherein she hinted that there was a conspiracy involved i n her
attempt o n President Ford's life. Excerpts from the interview reveal this
point:
Moore:
I had done something very valuable for them (the FBI) i n the
fall of 1974.1 w i l l intrigue you a litde w i t h this: That was the point
at which the seed of what finally happened on September 22,1975,
was planted. That was the one time when my political beliefs, what
I wanted to have happen, coincided w i t h something that the
Bureau and the Secret Service wanted.
Playboy:
You have intrigued us. What was it?
Moore:
Maybe sometime I ' l l tell you about i t Not now.**
Later o n i n the interview, she partially amplified her remarks:
Playboy:
A t what point did you decide, 'Aha, now I've got a gun, I ' m
going to use i t on Ford?'
Moore:
T h a t is the part that I don't t h i n k I can talk about. I just
haven't figured out a way to talk about i t and protect everyone. I ' m
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CHAPTER 39 REMOVAL

not saying that anyone helped me plan i t I ' m not just saying that
there are other t h i n g s — w h i c h means there are other people,
though not i n terms of a conspiracy. There are areas I ' m not w i l l i n g
! to talk about for a lot of reasons.*'
T h e writer of the introduction to the Flayboy interview mentioned
another strange circumstance about diis case: "Adding to the air of mystery
surrounding her case is the fact that U.S. Disttict Judge Samuel Ckinti-
. . . sealed a l l the trial evidence."**
Is i t possible that there were rogue members of the Conspiracy that
wanted Nelson Rockefeller to become the president of the United States and
that they wanted Gerald Ford out of the line of succession?
So i t appears that the Conspiracy accomplished its four goals: ,
1. Richaixi N i x o n became die President of die United States;
2. Richard N i x o n was removed from office;
3.
4.
Nelson Rockefeller was apparendy promised the presidency; and
T h e Conspiracy didn't deliver the presidency as promised.
Chapter 40 |
T h e overall goal o f a d i c t a t o r s h i p i n the U n i t e d States sometime
between 1985 and 1989 still remains to be fulfilled. Assistance
k
T h e question of what the reader can do about this national crisis is
perhaps the most important question posed by this study.
I f this book has convinced the reader that there is indeed a g i a n t
conspiracy at work i n the world, i t is hoped that each w i l l seek a solution to
the problem.
The author is convinced that the only solution to this immoral Conspi-
racy that moral men and women can accept is a moral one, and the only
moral solution to diis enormous Conspiracy is education.
Education is not only part of the problem, i t is also part of the solution.
Simply put, this means that all informed individuals must first continue
to educate themselves to the p o i n t where they are convinced of the correctness
of their position, and then secondly, they must be w i l l i n g to do a l l w i t h i n
their moral power to inform other individuals of the menace this Conspiracy
presents to the rights and freedoms of a l l free people.
There are really only two areas of activity for the concemed activist that
the author has chosen to call:
]' ! V 1. Non-Conspiratorial Assistance,and ;
2. Conspiratorial Assistance.
These are organizations that w i l l assist concemed individuals i n thefr
quest for a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n o n the Conspiracy or for a d d i t i o n a l

424
CHAPTER 40 ASSISTANCE CHAPTER 40 ASSISTANCE

information about economics or politics from groups that do not teach the
existence of a conspiracy.
1. Non-Conspiratorial Assistance:
There are several excellent organizations that can assist the activist i n
acquiring the knowledge that i t w i l l take to enter the contest for the freedoms
of the individual. These are:
A. T h e National Center for Constitutional Studies:
This organization is a "non-profit, tax-exempt educational foundation
dedicated to restoring c o n s t i t u t i o n a l principles i n the t r a d i t i o n of the
founding fathers."
It was founded by Cleon Skousen, an author of several books o n the
subject of the Conspiracy, most notably the book entitled The Naked
Capitalist. He was i n the FBI for sixteen years and served as die Police Chief
of Salt Lake City for four years and as a teacher at Brigham Young University
for seven years.
T h e Center publishes excellent books and treatises, including excellent
tapes and lecture series, o n the subject of die Constitution, die founding
fadiers, and die free-enterprise system.
They may be contacted at:
The National Center for Constitutional Studies
P.O. Box 31776
Sah Lake City, Utah 84131
B. T h e Foundation for Economic Education (FEE):
T h i s organization is a "non-political, non-profit, educational cham-
p i o n of private property, the free market, the profit and loss system, and
limited govemment."
They publish a m o n t h l y magazine w h i c h w i l l be sent to those w h o
request i t without charge, explaining such economic subjects as inflation,
money, tariffs, land use zoning, etc. The magazine is called The Freeman.
(The Foundation does ask for donations to cover their costs, however.)
They also promote and sponsor seminars on diese subjects.
T h e Foundation can be reached at:
The Foundation for Economic Education
Irvington-on-Hudson
New York, 10533
C. The Institute for Creation Research (die ICR):
The largest and best organized entity advancing the cause of creationism
i n the scientific world is the ICR. T h i s organization is now actively debating
the evolutionists on the college campuses around the United States and i n
foreign countties, and is having phenomenal success. They operate a large
publishing operation, making dieir books and publications available to a l l
who desire them.
The Institute also publishes a monthly newsletter called Acts and Facts,
which w i l l be sent to diose who request it at no charge to the reader, although
they also request donations to help defray their costs.
They also put on a week-long seminar at various locations around the
United States on die subject of die proofs of creationism diat is well worth
attending.
The ICR can be reached at: The Institute for Creation Research
2716 Madison Avenue
San Diego, Califomia 92116
F. The Summit Ministries:
T h i s organization's promotional material states that "The Summit is a
Christian, summer youth reueat, located i n Manitou Springs, Colorado.
Today's teenagers are being pressured from every side to reject the Bible's
teachings concerning God, His creation, and die role of the family. T h r o u g h
lectures and the finest f i l m s . . . Summit courses provide the needed antidote
by emphasizing the Word of God and how Christianity affects every area of
the believer's life. Students also study America's Christian heritage (freedom
is a gift of God), the Marxist-Leninist threat to that freedom, and the Liberal-
Humanist broadsides against Biblical Christianity. I t is our purpose to arm
Christian young people w i t h facts and information conceming God, home,
and countty so diat diey w i l 1 be able to hold fast to die ttue and the good i n
building their lives for the future."
They may be reached at: Summit Ministries
Postal Box 207
Manitou Springs, Colorado 80829
2. Conspiratorial Assistance:
There are two groups that k n o w that an international Conspiracy
exists: those that are members of the Conspiracy, and those that are trying to
expose the Conspiracy.
The strategy of the conspiracy has always been: "Never try to refute the
accusations, but always desttoy the accuser."
J. Edgar Hoover, the late director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation,
has been quoted as saying: "The best yardstick of the effectiveness of the fight
against Communism is the fury of the smear attacks against die fighter."
Perhaps die greatest test of die effectiveness of die sttongest exposer of
the Conspiracy is that this group has survived the greatest onslaught of smear
tactics i n the history of the Conspiracy.
T h e charges that the J o h n B i r c h Society was " a n t i - s e m i t i c , p r o -
communist, crazy, secret, hysterical or connected w i t h die K u Klux K l a n "

426
 CHAPTER 40 ASSISTANCE
have a l l been proven false. But the ferocity of the attack against the Society
shows that they were indeed correct i n their assertions that the ODUspiracy
exists.
The Society was founded i n 1958 by Robert Welch w h o sensed, quite
correcdy, that there was indeed a master conspiracy active i n the major affairs
of the United States and the world.
Mr. Welch was b o m i n Chowan County, N o r d i Carolina i n 1899. He
graduated from the University of North Carolina i n 1916 and attended the
U.S. Naval Academy and Harvard Law School. He was an officer of a large
company manufacturing cartdy from 1956 and was active i n the campaign to
elect Robert Taft as President i n 1952. He served as a director of the National
Association of Manufacturers d u r i n g the years 1951-57 and was a vice-
president of the Association from 1955 to 1957. He founded the mondily
magazine American Opinion i n 1956 and is the author of hundreds of
published articles and essays.
Books written by Mr. Welch include May God Forgive Us, The Life of
John Birch, The Blue Book of the John Birch Society, The Politician, The
New Americanism and The Romance of Education.
Mr. Welch became an instant celebrity when his book entided The
Politician was made p u b l i c i n 1963. T h e book, about D w i g h t D a v i d
Eisenhower, made die charge diat President Eisenhower was a "dedicated,
conscious agent of the Communist conspiracy." What Welch said i n die
book caused perhaps die greatest controversy of die early 1960's. Mr. Welch
never intended for die book to be published, at least diat early, but to protect
himself and to make i t clear just what he had said i n die book, he published
i t i n 1963. T h e book has had repeated reprintings, as the American people
became first curious and dien, after reading it, shocked by its contents.
Some, however, knew diat Mr. Welch was correct i n his views about die
existence of the Master Conspiracy. One of these suppxirters came from an
unlikely individual, Jerry Rubin, who wrote i n his book Do It!: "The right
w i n g is usually right t o o . . . . The John Birch Sodety understands die world
we live i n better dian fools like A r d i u r Schlesinger Jr. and Max Lemer w h o
don't know w h a t . . . is happening."'
T h e Society has stated its p o s i t i o n quite clearly: " T h e J o h n B i r c h
Sodety holds that the freedom, prosperity, moral character and very existence
of die United States are du-eatened by a Conspiracy whose Insiders include
men w i d i power of dedsion not only i n govemment but also. Big Busiriess."«
They feared diat die Conspiracy was a machination of evil people inside
the American govemment, as Cicero felt of die Roman govemment. Cicero
said: " Y o u [the Roman Senate] have encouraged ueason and have opened
the gates to free die Uaitors. A nation can survive its fools, even the ambitious.
But it cannot survive tteason from w i t h i n . " A n d Pettach, a great Italian poet,
w h o wrote: "Behold, die relics of Rome. Neither time nor die barbarian can
CHAPTER 40 ASSISTANCE
boast the merit of this stupendous destmction; i t was perpetrated by her o w n
dtizens, by the most illusttious of her sons."
I n other words, Mr. Welch agreed w i t h those observers of the past who
feared an i n t e r n a l conspiracy more t h a n the armies of a threatening
conquerer.
So i t was i n 1958 that M r . Welch met w i t h eleven other American
pattiots i n Indianapolis, Indiana, and formed the John Birch Sodety, as an
educational organization to awaken the American people to the intemal
conspiracy sensed by others of the past.
Mr. Welch chose to name his new Sodety after the young John Birch,
who was killed by the Chinese Communists on August 25, 1945. Mr. Welch
felt that Captain Birch, who was i n China i n the American Army at the time
and o n a mission when he was k i l l e d , became the first casualty of the
undeclared T h i r d W o r l d War, the f i n a l war between c a p i t a l i s m and
communism.
Mr. Welch, as he researched die buried story of John Birch, discovered
that the American State Department had kept the drcumstances of his death
a secret, and he decided to break die ttue story to die American people. Mr.
Welch found die drcumstances of his death to be rather sttange, as America
was not at war w i t h the Chinese Communists and could not imagine why his
death had been covered up by the American govemment
His story about John Birch became die book entided The Life of John
Birch. M r . Welch also thought that the moral virtues and the values of
Captain Buch also exemplified die uaditional American values that were
being eaten away by the new moral values of the "modem" American.
So, Mr. Welch was proud to name his newly created sodety after die
American pattiot, John Birch.
The Birch Scxriety, i n keeping w i d i the high moral values diat Birch
himself embodied, offered the world a positive program: "We can never w i n
unless both leadership and following have a positive dream which is more
important as a hope than the negative nightmare is as a fear; unless the
promise of what we can build supplies more motivation than the terror of
what we must desttoy, and unless this faith i n the future is based o n a deepier
faith i n etemal tmths."'
Mr. Welch became aware that the uuths that the organization supported
were far more important than the distortions that had to be opposed, so he
consttucted an organization based on positive values. He wrote diat these
included:
1. A belief i n a divine creator;
2. Belief i n morality;
3. A belief i n t m t h and honor and mercy and compassion;
4. I n reverence a n d t r a d i t i o n as components of o u r s p i r i t u a l
environment
429
 CHAPTER 40 ASSISTANCE
6. I n the freedom and responsibility of every individual;
6. I n good w i l l towards a l l men, and the applicadon of the Golden
Rule;
7. I n diose loyaldes to God and Counoy and Family;
8. A n d i n love and trust as primary motivations of our thoughts and
1 of our actions i n our relationships to God and Govemment and our
fellow men.*
T h e basic belief, then, of the Birch Sodety was summed u p i n this short
paragraph: "We have to be for somediing; we must know what diat some-
d i i n g is; and we must believe i t is worth a fight to obtain. Reduced to its
simplest and broadest terms, that something is:
Less Govemment, and More Responsibility, and i' i
W i d i God's Help, a Better W o r l d . ' '! '
W h o m was M r . Welch asking to join?
Merely being patriotic or anti-Communist is not sufficient
qualifications for membership. We must have assodated w i t h us,
now and i n the future, only men and women of good w i l l , good
conscience, and religious ideals. For we are s t r i v i n g to set a n
example, by dedication, integrity, and purpose, i n word and deed,
w h i c h our children's children may follow without hesitation.'
Because Mr. Welch saw this as a world-wide battle: "the first i n history,
between light and darkness; between freedom and slavery;... for the souls
and bodies of men,"' he was not optimistic unless freedom loving individu-
als had a greater vision: "We have no chance unless the spedfic batdes are
fought as part of a larger and more lasting movement to restore once again
an upward reach i n the heart of m a n . " '
Mr. Welch not only was forming an organization but, i n die Blue Book
of the John Birch Society, which was a verbatim transcript of the speeches he
delivered to die founding members of die Birch Sodety, he also made some
rather prophetic statements. Here is what he wrote about Richard N i x o n :
"[He is] an extremely smart man. He is one of the ablest, shrewdest, most
disingenuous [not noble or honorable] and slipperiest politicians that ever
showed u p on the American scene."'
A n d diis is what he said about the futiue Vietnamese War (once again,
diis was written i n 1958:) "Odiers, like die very pretentious American Friends
of Vietnam, i n my opinion, form major parts of a whole plan and drive for
gradually t u m i n g some country over to the Communists, while pretending
to be leading the opposition.""
Because die Bfrch Sodety became successful at an early stage of its career,
i t became die subject of a vidous smear attack. I n fact, Cleon Skousen, not a
CHAPTER 40 ASSISTANCE
member of die Sodety, wrote that " A former member of the Communist
Party National Committee personally told me: "The Communist leaders
look upon the stamping out of the John Bfrch Sodety as a matter of life and
death for the Party.""
Mr. Welch was correct. There was a conspiracy, and die forces quickly
aligned against h i m and the Sodety.
The smear tactics started o n July 29,1960, when the Communist Party
i n Moscow told the Party i n America to "destroy anti-Communism."
T h i s tactic was picked u p and repeated by a manifesto of eighty-one
Communist Parties i n December, 1960, and diey were also told to destroy
"anti-communism."
And i n January, 1961, the Communist Party of the United States singled
out the Birch Society, as they were told to "render i t ineffective." Later, on
Febmary 25,1961, People's World, the offidal newspaper of the Communist
'
Party, printed an article entided: "Enter From Stage Right: The John Birch
Society." I n this article, the Birch Society was called "secret," and their
members were called "fasdsts," and they met i n "cells."
A n d w i d i i n a matter of weeks, die news magazines of the United States
picked u p o n diese stories and they began diefr ovm smear jobs, i n many
cases using the same smear words as the People's World article.
On March 22,1961, M r . Welch sent Govemor Pat Brown of Califomia
a telegram asking the Califomia Senate Subcommittee on Un-American
Activities to investigate the Bfrch Sodety openly to determine if these charges
were correct. H i s request was granted, and after the open hearings were
conducted, the Subcommittee issued its report i n 1963. T h i s is what i t
concluded about die Sodety:
T h e John Birch Sodety to be a right, anti-communist funda-
mental organization. We have not found die Sodety to be either a
secret or a Fasdst organization.
Nor have we f o u n d the great m a j o r i t y of its members i n
Califomia to be mentally unstable, crackpots, or hysterical about
the threat of Communist subversion.
We believe that the reason the John Birch Sodety has attracted
so many members is that i t simply appeared to them to be the most
effective, indeed the only, organization through which they could
j o i n i n a national movement to leam the t m t h about the Commu- i
nist menace, and then rake some positive concerted action to
prevent its spread.
Our investigation and study was requested by the Society,
w h i c h has been p u b l i c l y charged w i t h b e i n g a secret. Fascist,
subversive, un-American, anti-Semitic organization.
We have not found any of the accusations to be supported by
the evidence.'*
m
CHAPTER 40 ASSISTANCE
I n other words, after fair and open deliberation by this Subcommittee,
and after hearing both proponents and opponents, the only conclusion that
could be drawn was that the vicious smear job was just that: a vidous smear
job.
The Sodety approached the problem of the Conspiracy's existence i n
the only way a moral organization can counter lies and deception. They
simply told the truth. The plan was to offer the American people the truth
through a campaign of education. The Birch Society would have to become
the largest university i n the world to educate the American people on a one-
to-one basis through a group of amateur professors.
The leadership of the Sodety realized that they would need their o w n
book outlets so they q u i c k l y organized over 400 bookstores, the largest
bookstore chain i n the United States. They realized that they would have
rather l i m i t e d access to the p u b l i c t h r o u g h the major media, so they
organized a speaker's bureau (on the average, three times a night somewhere
i n the United States there is a paid speaker speaking on some aspect of the
Conspiracy.)
I t was the Birch Society that organized the speaking tours of J u l i a
Brown, Mel O'Campo, David Gumaer, Sgt. Peter Stark, Douglas Durham,
and the others w h o explained the nature of the Conspiracy to groups of
w i l l i n g listeners. I t was the Birch Stxiety that inspired authors, like Gary
Allen, Alan Stang, G. Edward Griffin, Herman Dinsmore, and others, to
write the books and pamphlets that were awakening the American people.
I t was the B i r c h Society that p r i n t e d the b u m p e r stickers w h i c h
reminded the American people to "Support Your Local Police and Keep
T h e m Indejaendent."
I t was the Birch Society that helped expose the C o u n d l on Foreign
Relations, the Trilateral Commission, and the Bilderberg group.
I t was the Birch Society that formed the T R I M (Tax Reform Imme-
diately) Committees to inform the American people of the intentional waste
i n Congress and to expose the voting records of their congressmen to the
voting public. I t was the Birch Sodety that, after the death of its national
chairman. Congressman Larry McDonald aboard the Korean Airlines flight
007, formed the Larry McDonald Crusade to Stop Finandng Communism,
a national educational committee of dtizens trying to stop the aid and trade
that is keeping worldwide Communism alive. I t was a member of the Birch
Society, B i l l Barlow, of Idaho, who took on the govemment i n the issue of
OSHA, and won. I t is the Birch Society that has eighty paid Coordinators i n
vjirious congressional districts or states to continue its educational efforts. I t
was the John Birch Sodety that circulated petitions among its fellow dtizens
to stop the aid and trade g o i n g o n between the American and Russian
governments. These p e t i t i o n s have been signed by over four m i l l i o n
Americans.
CHAPTER 40 ASSISTANCE
The Birch Sodety, concemed about the influence of both the Commu-
nist Party and the C o u n c i l o n Foreign Relations i n the magazines o f
America, publishes a weekly magazine, called The Review of the News, and
a monthly magazine, called American Opinion, to continue their educa-
tional efforts and to present the other side of the various issues. (Those w h o
wish to receive either or both of these well researched and topical magazines
may subscribe to them through the John Birch Sodety, Belmont, Massachu-
setts, 02178.)
They have developed the largest publishing house of conspiratorial
literature i n the n a t i o n . I t was the J o h n B i r c h Society that p u b l i s h e d
Anastosio Somoza's book, e n t i t l e d Nicaragua Betrayed, that exposed
President Carter's betrayal of that country. T h a t book has been printed i n
both English and Spanish and is being widely circulated i n L a t i n America
to assist those countries i n their fight against Communism.
Members of the Sodety meet twice a month and pay dues at the rate of
|4.00 per m o n t h for men and f 2.00 for women. They receive a m o n t h l y
bulletin that explains the projects that all members work on together.
I n summary, then, and i n the words of the Sodety:
I t was the John Birch Sodety, taking the point on the hard
issues and leading the way, that made possible the victories dted
above.
For more than two decades, the Sodety has labored assidu-
ously to create an understanding among the American people of
free market economics, of constitutional prindples of govemment,
and of dangers posed to the preservation of our Republic by the
existence of a Master Conspiracy.
We have taken matters of great import, litde understood by
our fellow citizens, and made them the overriding issues i n an
increasing number of political campaigns.
We have helped many good dtizens look beyond the surface
gloss of media hype to question the basic principles underlying
pieces o f proposed legislation and to ask t o u g h questions of
political candidates to determine where they really stood on the
issues
There is no other organization i n the Americanist movement
w i t h the track record, the batde-tested membership, or the expe-
rience necessary to wage and w i n the critical campaigns ahead i n
the dimactic fight for America."
These words beg the final question:
If the John Birch Scxiety does not play the leading role i n
stopping the Commuiust Conspiracy, just w h o is there to do so?'*
483
 CHAPTER 41

We do not have to be too late, and we do not have to lose the

fight
Communism has its weaknesses, and the Communist Conspi-
racy had its vulnerable points.
We have many layers of strength not yet rotted by a l l of die
infiluadon or polidcal sabotage to which we have been subjected
Our danger is b o t h immense and i m m i n e n t ; b u t i t is n o t
beyond the possibility of being overcome by the resistance that is
sdll available.
A l l we must f i n d and b u i l d and use, to w i n , is sufficient
understanding. Let's create that understanding and b u i l d that
resistance, w i t h everything mortal men can put into die effort—
while diere is sdll dme.'

There are diose, of course, w h o w i l l see diis as an obligadon. Someone

once wrote:

T o be b o m a free man is an acddent

to live a free man is a responsibility; '
Chapter 41 to die a free man is an obligation.

I n conclusion, diose i n Hungary w h o opposed die Russian slavemasters

i n October of 1956 understood die obligation of all free men to oppose slavery
i n every form. A l l they needed was die assistance of other freedom-loving
The man in the street does not notice the devil even when the people around die world and diey, too, would have possessed die freedom
devil is holding him by the throat. that a l l men aspire to.
T h u s wrote Johann von Goethe. As one of the last acts of die uprising against the Russians, a group o f
T h e apathy of the American people, and for that matter, those around heedom-fighters got control of a radio station and broadcast this message to
the w o r l d as well, is legend. the rest of the world:
General George Van H o m e Moseley wrote: "Historians of the future People of the w o r l d . . . help usi
w i l l marvel most of a l l at the non-resistance of those who had the most to People of Europe, w h o m we once defended against the attacks
lose." of the Asiatic barbarians, listen now to the alarm bells ring.
E d m u n d Burke posed a similar thought when he wrote: " E v i l men People o f the civilized w o r l d , i n the name of liberty a n d
prosper when good men do nothing." solidarity, we are asking for you to help. »
But i t is not America's apathy diat is the problem. The American people The light vanishes. v , ,'
can see that somediing is wrong i n their nadon. I t is that most feel there is T h e shadows grow darker hour by hour.
nothing they can do about it. Because many feel that the problems are so Listen to our cry. , • '
immense they conclude that they are powerless to change what is happening. God be w i t h you and w i d i us.
And this is exacdy die diought diat die Conspiracy wants die American
A n d w i t h that die radio station went off die air. T h e Russians were die
people to have.
only ones listening, and diey shut die station off the air.
Those who have taken the dme to read this study are now aware of just
how serious die problem really is and diey are die ones who must take u p die They had succeeded i n suppressing die uprising.
t m t h and disperse i t to others. N o one came to the rescue.
This strategy was made clear by Robert Welch when he wrote i n the But the light does not need to vanish.
Blue Book of The John Birch Society:

434
 CHAPTER 41
You now have the torch of truth.
H o w much light you spread is u p to you.
CLASSES
T h e author has no idea where copies of this book might end up, so this
informadon is for those interested i n further study of the Conspiratorial
View of History i n die Soudiem Arizona area only.
The original research for this book was for a ten-week course I have been
teaching since 1973, calleda variety of diings, from "Proofs of a Conspiracy,"
to "History Over-Easy," to " W h o Rules America?"
If die reader wishes to become more acquainted w i d i die machinadonS
of the Conspiracy i n a classroom setdng, die audior w o u l d like to cordially
invite each reader to participate i n these classes.
They are offered three times a year: winter (starting i n September,)
spring (starting i n January,) and summer (starting i n July,) and any time a
small group of at least four pieople wish to make die commitment for either
the ten-week, two hours a night, weekday-night class, or die five-week, four-
hour Saturday-moming class. The class fees are nominal.
The audior is also available for speaking engagements should the reader
feel i t w o u l d be appropriate, or for weekend seminars anywhere i n the
country.
QUESTION
I am frequendy asked by students or friends w h o agree w i t h me that the
Conspiracy exists, why I believe I am allowed to continue teaching and
w r i t i n g about its existence. They dte die deadis of Abraham Lincoln, James
Forrestal, Joseph McCarthy and Louis McFadden, among odiers, as evidence
diat diose w h o expose die Conspiracy do so at their o w n risk.
I have no answer to that question.
I can only say that I am absolutely convinced that the Conspiracy exists
and diat diey have a great deal to gain by die deadi of one who has figured
it out
I live i n Arizona where a few years ago an investigative reporter had his
car blow-up as he started i t because he was reporting on corruption i n diat
state. Why his enemies picked on h i m , and why mine have chosen not to pick
on me, I do not know.
I w i l l emphatically say diis: if you hear about my car exploding because
I rigged i t so diat i t would explode, or diat I suddenly "attempted to fly" from
die top of a sixteen-story building, please accept my pre-deadi statement: I
didn't do i t l
If either of these drcumstances occur, or any odier mysterious t h i n g
hapfiens to me, all I can ask is diat you double your efforts i n exposing diis
conspiracy i n my memory,
the author
486
Footnotes
AN INTRODUCTION
1. James P. Warburg, The West in Crisis, (Gaiyen Q t y , New York: Double-
day & Company, I n c , 1959), p. 20.
2. Hedrick P. Smidi, "Brzezinski Says Critics ale Irked by his Accuracy," The
New York Times, (January 18, 1981), p. L 3.
3. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, (London: The Macmillan Com-
pany, 1966), p. 61.
4. Richard J. Whalen, The Founding Father, (New York, New York: The
New American Library, 1964), p. 182.
5. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, p. 950.
6. Gary Allen, Ted Kennedy, In Over His Head, (Adanta, Los Angeles: '76
Press, 1980), p 15.
7. Blair Coan, The Red Web, (Boston, Los Angeles: Westem Islands, 1925),
p. vi.
8. Business Week, (October 14, 1972), p. 80.
9. Donzella Cross Boyle, Quest of a Hemisphere, (Boston, Los Angeles:
Westem Islands, 1970), p. 167.
10. Joseph P. Lash, Roosevelt and Churchill, (New York: W.W. Norton &
Company, Inc., 1976), p. 183.
11. Richard J. Whalen, The Founding Father, p. 461.
CHAPTER ONE: HISTORY D E H N E D
1. Gary A l l e n , "They're Catching O n ( r e p r i n t ) , " American Opinion,
(November, 1977), p. 1.
2. Norman Dodd, "Possible Power Center Behind die Foundations," T a x
Exempt Foundations, The Freemen Institute, (June 1978) p. 76.
3. Gary Allen, "They're Catching O n (reprint)," p. 20.
4. Intemational Covenants on Human Rights, United Nations, (1967), p. 3.
5. U.S. News 6- World Report, (June 10, 1968), p. 100.
C H A P T E R T W O : FREEDOM
1. Eugene Lyons, Workers' Paradise Lost, (New York: T w i n Circle Publish-
ing Co., 1961), p 217.
2. "Revolution Down on die Farm," Time, (November 23,1981), p. 51.
3. Consumer Reports, (Febmary, 1979), p. 97.
4. Consumer Reports, (Febmary, 1979), p. 97.
5. Howard E. Kershner, God, Gold and Govemment, (Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc.), p. 45.
6. The Duke of Nordiumberland, 1931; as quoted in: Harry M . Daugherty,
The Inside Story of The Hardinq Tragedy, (Boston, Los Angeles:
Westem Islands, originally published i n 1932), p. xx.
7. Robert Welch, "Republics and Democracies," American Opinion,
(October, 1961), p. 9.
8. Two Worlds, (Bensenville, Illinois: Flick-Reedy Education Enterprises,
1966) p. 90.
9. Howard S. K a u , The Warmongers, (New Vork: Books i n Focus, Inc.,
1979) p 281.
10. Frederic Bastiat, The Law, (Irvington-on-Hudson, New York: Founda-
tion for Economic Education, Inc., 1979), p. 21.
11. Frederic Bastiat, The Law, p. 18.
12. Quoted i n "The Price is Not Right," The Freeman, (1968), p. 271.
13. Robert V. Remini, Andrew Jackson, (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), p.
152.
437
 C H A P T E R T H R E E : FORMS OF G O V E R N M E N T
1. Robert Welch, American Opinion, (October, 1961), p. 27.
2. Robert Welch, American Opinion, (October, 1961), p. 27.
3. r / j e Freeman, (October, 1981), p. 621. ; •
4. The Freeman, (October, 1981), p. 621.
5. Jan Kozak, And Not a Shot is Fired, (New Canaan, Connecticut: T h e
L o n g House, Inc., 19.57), p. 16.
6. Nesta Webster, World Revolution, (London: Constable and Company,
Ltd., 1921), p. 31.
7. "The Right Answers," The Review of the News, (October 3, 1973).
8. Marun Luther King Jr., Saturday Review, April 3,1965), as quoted by G.
Edward Griffin, More Deadly Than War (pamphlet), (Thousand Oaks,
Califomia: 1969), p. 27. , , , ,,.
9. The Augusta Courier, (July 8, 1963), p. 4.
10. W.S. M c B i r n i e , The Truth About Martin Luther King, (Glendale,
Califomia: Community Churches of America), p. 23.
11. Copy of sworn and notarized affidavit i n possession of author, dated
September 28,1963.
12. Alan Stang, It's Very Simple, (Boston, Los Angeles: Westem Islands,
1965), p. 153.
C H A P T E R FOUR: E C O N O M I C T E R M S
1. "Soviet Use of Forced Labor H i t , " The Oregonian, (June 21, 1974).
2. "The Right Answers," The Review of the News, (December 29, 1971).
3. Richard Vetterli and W i l l i a m E. Fort, Jr., The Socialist Revolution, (Los
Angeles, Phoenix, New York: Clute Intemational Corporadon), p.71.
4. George Bemard Shaw, Intelligent Woman's Guide to Socialism, p. 470.
5. George Bema^^d Shaw, Lo6oMrMon</i/y, (October, 1921), quoted i n Nesta
Webster, Surrender of an Empire, (London, 1931), p. 95.
6. Stefan Possony, Introduction to The Communist Manifesto, (Belmont,
Massachusetts: American Opinion, 1974); p. xxxii-xxxiii.
7. C.W. G u i l l e b a n d , The Social Policy of Nazi Germany, ( L o n d o n :
Cambridge University Press, 1941). , , i
8. Two Worlds, p. 152. ' ' " 1967), p 87.
9. N o r m a n Thomas, Democratic Socialism (1953), quoted i n W. Cleon
Skousen, The Naked Capitalist (Salt Lake City: privately published by
die reviewer, 1970), p. 130.
10. W. Cleon Skousen, The Naked Capitalist, p. 130.
11. Quoted i n The Dan Smoot Report, (October 18,1965), p. 335.
12. Rose M a r t i n , Fabian Freeway, (Santa M o n i c a , C a l i f o r n i a : Fidelis
Publishers, Inc., 1968), p. 340.
13. Marshall JosepBroz (Tito) quoted i n The Review of the News, (Decemher
1, 1971), p. 57.
14. Karl M a r x , " T h e Socialist P r o g r a m , " quoted i n Contradictions
Communism, 88th Congress, 2nd Session, (1964), p. 15.
15. Contradictions of Communism, p. 16.
16. Sam Brown, quoted i n The Review of the News, (January 24, 1979).
17. Lyndon Baines Johnson, Congressional Record, (January 25, 1964).
18. W i l l i a m F. Buckley, Jr., quoted by John Chamberlain's review of Mr.
Buckley's book endded Four Programs, A Program for the 70's, i n The
Freeman, (March, 1974).
19. Pope Paul V I , T/jwwProgrwi, (Chicago: ClaredanPublicadons, 1974). p.
37.
20. "Adminisuation Opens Batde on Sodalism," The Oregonian, (January
438
26, 197,5), p. A l l .
21. Leon Trotsky, quoted i n L u d w i g von Mises, Planned Chaos, (Irvinirton-
on-Hudson, New York: The Foundauon for Economic Educadon I n c
1947), p. 87.
22. "Civiletti Urges 'Card for all U.S. Workers' ", The Arizona Daily Star
(June 28, 1980), p. B-3.
23. The Arizona Daily Star, (March 25, 1981), p. C-2.
24. The Arizona Daily Star, (May 12, 1982), p. A-16.
25. "The Right Answers," The Review of the News, (August 23, 1972), p. 60.
26. V o Nguyen Giap, quoted i n "The Right Answers," The Review of the
News, (March 21, 1973), p 59.
27. Quoted i n The Review of the News, (Febmary 25, 1976), p. 30.
, , 28. Quoted i n The Review of the News, (May 13, 1981), p. 71. •
CHAPTER n V E : INFLATION
1. T he American Economic System... And Your Part In It, (i<ewYoTk:The
Adverdsing C o u n d l , Inc.), p. 13.
2. "Bums Says Inflation Can't Be Halted i n '74," The Oregonian, (Febmary
27, 1974), p 7.
3. "Infladon, Recession a Cyde?," Tucson Citizen, (October 26, 1978).
4. Gary Allen, "By Freeing the Market," American Opinion, (December,
1981), p 2.
5. "New Infladon Chief Calls Lifestyle Foe," Tucson Citizen, (October
1978).
6. "Smaller Piece of Pie Called Anddote For Infladon," Arizona Daily Star,
(June 27, 1979).
7. The Review of the News, (July 5, 1979), p. 29.
8. The Review of the News, (April 18, 1979). ' ' ' '
9. Gary Allen, "The Conspiracy," American Opinion, (May, 1968), p. 28.
10. James P. Warburg, The West In Crisis, p. 34.
11. CorwMm«'Re]t>orts, Febmary, 1979), p. 9,5. , ,, ^.
C H A P T E R SIX: M O N E Y A N D G O L D
i 1. Stephen Birmingham, Our Crowd, (New York: Dell Publishing Co. I n c ,
2. Curds B. Dall, F.D.R., My Exploited Father-In-Law, (Washington, D . C :
Action Associates, 1970), pp. 71-75.
3. Gary Allen, "Federal Reserve," American Opinion, (April, 1970), p. 69.
4. Wemer Keller, East Minus West Equals Zero, (New York: G.P. Pumam's
Sons, 19620, p. 194.
5. James P. Warburg, T/je We5< m Crisis, p. 35. ,
6. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, p. 258. ' '
7. L u d w i g von Mises, quoted by Percy Greaves, Understanding the Dollar
Crisis. (Boston, Los Angeles: Westem Islands, 1973), p. xxi-xxii.
of
C H A P T E R SEVEN: A D D I T I O N A L E C O N O M I C T E R M S
1. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, (New Rochelle,
New York: Arlington House, 1974), p. 16.
2. W i l l i a m Hoffman, David, (New York: Lyle Stuart, I n c , 1971), p. 29.
3. A n t o n y Sutton, Wall Street and FDR, (New Rochelle, New Y o r k :
Arlington House, 1975), p. 72.
4. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, p. 100.
5. Can-ol Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, p. 1058.
6. James P. Warburg, r / j e W«< in Crisis, pp. 53-54. •
C H A P T E R E I G H T : T H E SECRET S O O E T I E S
1. Ardiur Edward Waite, The Real History of the Rosicrucians, (Blauvelt,
439
 New York: Steinerbooks, 1977), p. A.
2. Benjamin Disraeli, quoted i n Nesta H . Webster, Secret Societies and
Subversive Movements, (Christian Book Club of America), p. IV.
3. Robert Welch, What is Communism (pamphlet), (Belmont, San Marino:
American Opinion, 1971), p. 20.
4. G . Edward G r i f f i n , The Capitalist Conspiracy, ( T h o u s a n d Oaks,
California: American Media, 1971), p. 53.
5. Gary Allen, Foundations (pamphlet), (Belmont, Massachusetts: Ameri-
can Opinion), pp. 7-8.
6. Nesta Webster, World Revolution, p. 9.
7. Rene Fulop-Miller, The Power and Secret of the Jesuits, (Garden City,
New York: Garden City Publishing Company, 1929), p. 376.
8. Rene Fulop-Miller, The Power and Secret of the Jesuits, p. 382.
9. Rene Fulop-Miller, The Power and Secret of the Jesuits, p. 387.
10. Rene Fulop-Miller, The Power and Secret of the Jesuits, p. 390.
11. Rene Fulop-Miller, The Power and Secret of the Jesuits, p. 390.
12. "John Paul tells Jesuits to avoid politics, abide by church rules," The
Arizona Daily Star, (February 28, 1982), p. 6-A.
13. " C o l l i s i o n Course For Pope, Jesuits," U.S. News ir World Report,
(February 22, 1982), p. 60.
14. "World Jesuit Leaders Meet," The Arizona Daily Star, (February 24,1982),
p. A-7.
15. Nesta Webster, Secret Societies and Subversive Movements, p. 219.
16. Nesta Webster, Secret Societies and Subversive Movements, p. 215.
17. Nesta Webster, Secret Societies and Subversive Movements, p. 216.
18. Nesta Webster, World Revolution, p. 13.
19. Nesta Webster, Secret Societies and Subversive Movements, p. 214.
20. John Robison, Proofs of a Conspiracy, (Belmont, Massachusetts: Westem
Islands, 1967), p. 123.
21. John Robison, Proofs of a Conspiracy, p. 112.
22. Nesta Webster, World Revolution, p. 22.
23. Seventeen Eighty Nine, An Unfinished Manuscript, (Belmont, Massachu-
setts and San Marino, California: American Opinion, 1968), p. 78.
24. John Robison, Proofs of a Conspiracy, pp. 60-61.
25. Nesta Webster, World Revolution, p. 25.
26. Nesta Webster, World Revolution, p. 78.
27. Seventeen Eighty Nine, an Unfinished Manuscript, pp. 116-117.
28. John Robison, Proofs of a Conspiracy p. 7.
29. Albert Mackey, An Encylopaedia of Freemasonry, (Chicago, New York,
London: The Masonic History Company, 1925), p. 628.
30. Albert Mackey, An Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry, p. 843.
31. Albert Mackey, An Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry, p. 347.
32. Albert Mackey, An Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry, p. 347.
33. "The Right Answers," The Review of the News, (July 19, 1972), p. 59.
34. "Thomas Jefferson," Freemen Digest, (Salt Lake City: T h e Freemen
Insutute, 1981), p. 83.
35. "Thomas Jefferson," Freemen Digest, p. 83.
36. "Revolution," Life, second part i n a series of two, starting October 10,
1969), p. 68.
37. Nesta Webster, The French Revolution, (1919), p. 73.
38. Nesta Webster, The French Revolution, p. 79.
39. Nesta Webster, The French Revolution, p. 95.
40. Nesta Webster, The French Revolution, p. 40.
440
41. Nesta Webster, The French Revolution, p. 41.
42. Nesta Webster, The French Revolution, p. 95.
43. Nesta Webster, The French Revolution, p. I X .
44. Nesta Webster, The French Revolution, p. 17.
45. Nesta Webster, The French Revolution, p. 5.
46. Nesta Webster, The French Revolution, p. 5.
47. John Robison, Proofs of a Conspiracy, p. 7
48. Seventeen Eighty Nine, an Unfinished Manuscript, p. 33.
49. Rene Fulop-Miller, The Power and Secret of the Jesuits, p. 454.
50. A . N . Field, The Evolution Hoax Exposed, (Rockford, Illinois: T a n Bcxjks
and Publishers, 1971), p. 12.
CHAPTER NINE: COMMUNISM
1. The Review of the News, (December 30, 1981), p. 56.
2. Richard Wurmbrand, Was Karl Marx A Satanist?, (Glendale, Califomia:
Diane Books Publishing Co., 1976), p. 7.
3. Richard Wurmbrand, Was Karl Marx A Satanist?, p. 20.
4. Richard Wurmbrand, Was Karl Marx A Satanist?, p. 19.
5. The Review of the News, (November 29, 1972), p. 60.
6. Richard Wurmbrand, Was Karl Marx A Satanist?, p. 4.
7. Nesta Webster, World Revolution, p. 173.
8. Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto, (Brooklyn, New York: New York
Labor News, 1948), p. 65.
9. Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto, pp. 40-41.
10. Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto, p. 42.
11. "Family Life Harmed by Government, Poll Says," Arizona Republic,
(June 7, 1980), p. 1.
12. Don Bell Reports, (February 15, 1980), p. 1.
13. The Review of the News, (July 2, 1980), p. 30.
14. Plain Truth Magazine, (May, 1980), p. 16.
15. Gary North, Poor Karl, the Myth of Marx's Poverty, American Opinion,
(April, 1971), p 31.
16. Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto, p. x i .
17. Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto, p. x i i i .
18. Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto, p. 45.
19. Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto, pp. 45-47.
20. Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto, pp. 37-38.
21. "Demos back prostitution legalization," The Oregonian, (April 12,1972),
p. A-1.
C H A P T E R T E N : T H E RUSSIAN R E V O L U T I O N
1. W i l l i a m Hoffman, David, p. 29.
2. Ferdinand Lundberg, The Rockefeller Syndrome, (Secaucus, New Jersey:
Lyle Stuart, Inc.), p. 121.
3. Peter Collier and David Horowitz, The Rockefellers: An American
Dynasty, (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1976), p. 40.
4. Baron C. Wrangell-Rokassowsky, Before the Storm, (Ventimilia, Italy:
Tipo-Litografia Ligure), p. 15.
5. Gary Allen, "Building Communism," American Opinion, (December,
1975), p. 38.
6. Zygmund Dobbs, "Sugar Keynes," The Review of the News, (June 23,
1971), p. 39.
7. Stephen Birmingham, Our Crowd, (New York: Dell Publishing Co. Inc.,
1%7), pp. 334-335.
8. U.S. News & World Report, (March 13, 1967), p. 67.
441
 9. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, p. 21.
10. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve Bank, p. 142.
11. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, p. 26.
12. Gary N u l l , The Conspirator Who Saved the Romanovs, (New York:
Pinnacle Books, Inc., 1971), p. 17
13. Alan Stang, "The Tsar's Best Agent," American Opinion, March, 1976),
p4.
14. Frank Capell, "The Kissinger Caper," The Revtew of the News, (March
20, 1974), p 31.
15. Frank Capell, "The Kissinger Caper," p. 33.
16. "Documents Show U.S. B i d to Rescue Czar," Detroit Free Press,
(December 16, 1970), p. 6-B.
17. "Documents Show U.S. Bid to Rescue Czar," p. 6-B.
18. Guy Richards, The Hunt for the Czar, (New York: Dell Publishing Co.
Inc., 1970), p 21.
19. Guy Richards, T/je H u n t / o r t/je Czar, p. 22.
20. Alan Stang, "The Tsar's Best Agent," p. 5.
21. Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, pp. 103-104.
22. Michel Sturdza, Betrayal by Rulers, (Belmont, Nassachusetts: Westem
Islands, 1976), p 11.5.
23. Michel Sturdza, Betrayal by Rulers, p. 11.
24. Donzella Cross Boyle, Quest of a Hemisphere, p. 558.
25. Donzella Cross Boyle, Quest of a Hemisphere, p. 553.
26. "Revolution," Life, (October 10, 1969), p. 112.
27. Michel Sturdza, Betrayal by Rulers, p. 76.
28. Rose Martin, Fabian Freeway, p. 33.
29. Michel Sturdza, Betrayal by Rulers, p. 11.
30. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, p. 83.
31. U.S. News ir World Report, (March 13, 1967), p. 68.
32. "Correcuon Please," The Review of the News, (September 29,1971), p. 43.
33. "New Books," The Review of the News, (May 21, 1975), p. 41.
34. Robert Goldstone, The Russian Revolution, (Greenwich, Connecucut:
Fawcett Publications, 1966), p. 187.
35. Gary A l l e n , " T h e Conspiracy, P l a n n i n g for Economic Collapse,"
American Opinion, (May, 1968), p. 33.
36. "The Right Answers," The Review of the News, (April 19, 1972), p. 59.
37. E d w i n Ware H u l l i n g e r , The Reforging of Russia, (New York: E.P.
Dutton & Co., 1925), pp. 247-248.
38. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, p. 60.
39. Antony Sutton, Westem Technology and Soviet Economic Development,
1945 to 1965, (Stanford, Califomia: Hoover Institution Press, 1973), p.
71.
40. George T . Eggleston, Roosevelt, Churchill, and the World War I I
Opposition, ( O l d Greenwich, Connecticut: T h e Devin-Adair Com-
pany, 1979), p. 129.
41. Eldorous L . Dayton, Give 'em Hell, Harry, (Old Greenwich, Connecticut:
The Devin-Adair Company, 1956), p. 103.
42. "Revolution," Life, (October 10, 1969), p. 110. - ','i ,
43. Robert Goldstone, The Russian Revolution, p. 204.
C H A P T E R ELEVEN: T H E C U B A N R E V O L U T I O N
1. M . Stanton Evans, The Politics of Surrender, (New York: T h e Devin-
Adair Company, 1966), p. 129.
2. Fred Ward, Inside Cuba Today, condensed i n Book Digest, May, 1979), p.
448
35.
3. Fred Ward, Inside Cuba Today, p. 39.
4. Fred Ward, Inside Cuba Today, p. 36.
5. Fred Ward, Inside Cuba Today, p. 41. ^
6. Fred Ward, Inside Cuba Today, p. 48.
7. "For War-Weary Cubans, Still More Sacrifices," U.S. News ir World
Report, (June 26, 1978), p. 39.
8. Fred Ward, Inside Cuba Today, p. 50.
9. The Review of the News, (April 30, 1980), p. 19.
10. Earle T . Smith's Letter to the Editor, New York Times, (September 26,
1979), p. A-24.
11. Alan Stang, The Actor, (Boston, Los Angeles: Western Islands, 1968), p.
313.
12. Frank Capell, Henry Kissinger, Soviet Agent, (Zarepath, New Jersey: The
Herald of Freedom 1974), p. 19.
13. Nathaniel Weyl, Red Star Over Cuba, (New York: H i l l m a n Books, 1961),
p. 152.
14. Mario Lazo, Dagger in the Heart, American Policy Failures in Cuba,
(New York: T w i n Circles Publishing Co., 1968), p. 149.
15. Nathaniel Weyl, Red Star Over Cuba, p. Ig3.
16. Mario Lazo, Dagger in the Heart, American Policy Failures in Cuba, p.
176.
17. Nathaniel Weyl, Red Star Over Cuba, p. 95.
18. Herman Dinsmore, All the News That Fits, (New Rochelle, New York:
Arlington House, 1969), p. 184.
19. Nathaniel Weyl, Red Star Over Cuba, p. 153.
20. Herman Dinsmore, All the News That Fits, p. 177.
21. T a d Szulc and Karl Meyer, The Cuban Invasion, the Chronicle of a
Disaster, (New York: Ballantine Books, 1962), p. 103.
22. T a d Szulc and Karl Meyer, The Cuban Invasion, the Chronicle of a
Distaster, p. 110.
23. Mario Lazo, Dagger in the Heart, American Policy Failures in Cuba, p.
268.
24. New York Times, (January 10, 1961), p. 1.
25. Robert F. Kennedy, Thirteen Days, A Memoir of the Cuban Missile Crisis,
(New York: The New American Library, Inc., 1969), p. 24.
26. New York Times, (October 28, 1962).
27. Life, (November 23, 1962), pp. 38-39.
28. U.S. News ir World Report, (March 25, 1982), p. 24.
29. Mario Lazo, Dagger in the Heart, American Policy Failures in Cuba, p. 94.
30. Mario Lazo, Dagger in the Heart, American Policy Failures in Cuba, p.
133 and p. 186.
CHAPTER TWELVE: T H E AMERICAN REVOLUTION
1. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, p. 325.
2. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve Bank, (Los Angeles: The Noontide
Press, 1966), p. 9.
3. Martin Larson, The Federal Reserve and Our Manipulated Dollar, (Old
Greenwich, Connecucut: The Devin-Adair Company, 1975), p. 10.
;i
4. Senator Robert L . Owen, National Economy and the Banking System of
' the United States, (Washington D . C : U n i t e d States Government
Printing Office, 1939), p. 100.
5. Gary A l l e n , ' T h e Bankers, C o n s p i r a t o r i a l O r i g i n s of the Federal
Reserve," American Opinion, (March, 1970), p. 1.
443
 6. Donald Barr Chidsey, Andrew Jackson, Hero, (Nashville, New York:
Thomas Nelson, Inc., 1976), p. 148.
7. E d w i n H . Cady, editor, Literature of the Early Republic, (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1950), p. 311.
8. Arthur Edward Waite, The Real History of the Rosicrucians, p. A.
9. Bemard Fay, Revolution and Freemasonry, (Boston: Little, Brown and
Company, 1935), p. 307.
10. Bemard Fay, Revolution and Freemasonry, pp. 307-308. ' I. :
11. Bemard Fay, Revolution and Freemasonry, p. 111.
12. Arthur Edward Waite, A New Encylopaedia of Freemasonry, (New York
Weathervane Books, 1970), pp. 51-52.
13. Bemard Fay, Revolution and Freemasonry, pp. 230-231. i ';
14. The New Age, (October, 1981), p. 46.
15. H . L . Haywood, Freemasonry and the Bible, (Great Britain: W i l l i a m
Collins Sons and Co. Ltd., 1951), p. 24.
16. "Freemasonry dispute flares anew," The Arizona Daily Star, (March 21,
1981), p 8 - H .
17. A r d i u r Edward Waite, A New Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry, p. 32.
18. Arthur Edward Waite, A New Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry, p. xxxiv.
19. Arthur Edward Waite, A New Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry, p. xxxiv.
20. Neal Wilgus, Thellluminoids, (Albuquerque, New Nexico: Sun Publish-
ing Company, 1978), p. 27.
21. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve, p. 211. r , : n ;'
22. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve, p. 25. ' 2. Donzella Cross Boyle, Quest of a Hemisphere, p. 237.
23. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve, p. 212.
24. Olga Suir, Let Us Understand Russia (New York: All-Slavic Publishing
House Inc.), p. 10.
25. Bemard Fay, Revolution and Freemasonry, p. 243.
26. Bemard Fay, Revolution and Freemasonry, p. 250.
27. Bemard Fay, Revolution and Freemasonry, p. 251. ! ' ' i
28. Bemard Fay, Revolution and Freemasonry, p. 246.
29. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve, p. 247.
30. A r t h u r M . Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson, (New York: Mentor
Books, 1945), pp. 6-7. v 5. Stephen Birmingham, Our Crowd, p. 93.
31. The Works of Thomas Jefferson, (Vol. 1), p. 130. :;- ;
32. Seventeen Eighty Nine, an Un-Finished Manuscript, p. 116.
33. John Robison, Proofs of a Conspiracy, p. 239.
34. Robert V. Remini, The Revolutionary Age of Andrew Jackson, (New
York: Avon Books, 1976), p. 117.
35. Marun Larson, The Federal Reserve and Our Manipulated Dollar.
36. Arthur M . Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson, p. 16.
37. Robert V. Remini, The Revolutionary Age of Andrew Jackson, p. 157.
38. Captain W i l l i a m Morgan, Free Masonry Exposed, p. I I I .
39. Robert V. Remini, The Revolutionary Age of Andrew Jackson, p. 133.
40. Captain W i l l i a m Morgan, Free Masonry Exposed, p. 19.
41. Arthur M . Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson, p. 18. ; •
42. W i l l i a m P. Hoar, "Mainifest Desuny," American Opinion, (June, 1981),
p. 43.
43. "Convenuons Aren't What They Used to Be," U.S. Newsir WorldReport,
(July 14, 1980), p 34.
44. Albert G. Mackey, An Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry, p. 65.
45. David Brion Davis, The Fear of Conspiracy, (Ithaca and London: Comell
Paperbacks, 1971), p. 73.
46. Albert G. Mackey, An Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry p 15
!o ^ ^ ^ ' ^ ^emmi' The Revolutionary Age of Andrew Jackson, p. 123.
48. Robert Remini, The Revolutionary Age of Andrew Jackson, p. 123
49. Robert Remini, The Revolutionary Age of Andrew Jackson, p. 125.
50. Robert Remini, The Revolutionary Age of Andrew Jackson, p. \28.
51. Messages and Papers of the Presidents, (Volume II), p. 1 1 3 9 . '
52. Arthur M . Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Jackson, p. 44.
53. Robert V. Remini, The Revolutionary Age of Andrew Jackson, p. 148.
54. Arthur M . Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson, p. 44.
55. The Occult Technology of Power, (Diearborn, Michiqan: Alpine Enter-
prises, 1974), p. 22.
56. Arthur M . Schlesinger Jr., The Age of Jackson, p. 42.
57. Robert J. Donovan, The Assassins, (New York: Harper & Brodiers, 1952),
p83.
58. Robert V. Remini, The Revolutionary Age of Andrew Jackson, p. 154.
59. Robert V. Remini, The Revolutionary Age of Andrew Jackson, p. 155.
60. Messages and Papers of the Presidents, (Vol. II), p. 1511.
CHAPTER THIRTEEN: T H E ROTHSCHILD FAMILY
1. Quoted i n Gary Allen, "The Bankers, Conspiratorial Origins of the
Federal Reserve," American Opinion, (March, 1970), p. 1.
2. Martin A. Larson, The Federal Reserve, p. 10.
CHAPTER FOURTEEN: T H E MONROE DOCTRINE
1. Donzella Cross Boyle, Quest of a Hemisphere, p. 237.
3. Congressional Record - Senate, (April 25, 1916), p. 6781.
4. Congressional Record - Senate, (April 25, 1916), p. 6781.
C H A P T E R FIFTEEN: T H E C I V I L W A R
1. Otto Eisenshiml, The Hidden Face of the Civil War, (Indianapolis and
New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1961). p. 5.
2. Otto Eisenshiml, The Hidden Face of the Civil War, p. 5.
3. Colonel Edward Mandell House, Philip Dru, Administrator, (New York:
1912), p 119.
4. Stephen Birmingham, Our Crowd, p. 93.
6. James D. Horan, Confederate Agent, a Discovery in History, (New York:
Crown Publishers, 1954), p. 16.
7. W i l l i a m H . M c l l h a n y I I , Klandestine, (New Rochelle, New Y o r k :
Arlington House, 1975), p. 12.
8. Committee to Restore the Constitution, (Fort C o l l i n s , Colorado),
January, 1976 Bulleun.
9. James P. Morgan, Abraham Lincoln, the Boy and the Man, (Grosett &
D u n l a p 1908), p p 174-175.
10. Gene Smith, High Crimes and Misdemeanors, The Impeachment and
Trial of Andrew Johnson, (New York: W i l l i a m Morrow and Company,
Inc., 1977), p. 98.
11. James P. Morgan, Abraham Lincoln, the Boy and the Man, pp. 152-153.
12. Donzella Cross Boyle, Quest of a Hemisphere, p. 293.
13. Otto Eisenschiml, The Hidden Face of the Civil War, p. 22.
14. Bmce Catton, Short History of the Civil War, (New York: Dell Publishing
Co., Inc., 1960), p. 27.
15. David Donald, editor. Why the North Won the Civil War, (London:
Collier - Macmillan, 1962), p. 57.
16. David Donald, editor. Why the North Won the Civil War, p. 58.
17. James Morgan, Abraham Lincoln, the Boy and the Man, p. 207. Opinion, (April, 1969), p. 11.
14. Frederick Lewis Allen, Life, (April 25, 1949).
18. American Opinion, (February, 1980), p. 24.
15. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve, p. 105.
19. Otto Eisenschiml, The Hidden Face of the Civil War, p. 25.
20. Jerry Voorhis, Dollars and Sense, (Washington: United States Govem- 16. "Footnote, Prelude to the Federal Reserve: The Currency Panic of 1907 "
ment Printing Office, 1938), p. 2. Dun's Review, (December, 1977), p. 21.
21. Otto Eisenschiml, The Hidden Face of the Civil War, pp. 18-19. 17. Frank Vanderlip, "Farm Boy to Financier," Saturday Evening Post
22. David Donald, Why the North Won the Civil War, p. 60. (February 8, 1935).
23. Thomas R. Dye and L . Harmon Zeigler, The Irony of Democracy, An 18. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve, p. 100.
19. Ferdinand Lundberg, America's 60 Families, (New York: The Vanguard
Uncommon Introduction to American Politics, (Belmont, California:
Press, 1937), pp. 110, 112.
Duxbury Press, 1972), p. 73.
20. Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, The Federal Reserve
24. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve Bank, p. 9.
System, (Board of Govemors: Washington D . C , 1963), p. 1.
25. Senator Robert L . Owen, National Economy and the Banking System of
21. Gary A l l e n , " T h e Bankers, C o n s p i r a t o r i a l O r i g i n s of the Federal
the United States, pp. 99-100.
Reserve," American Opinion, (March, 1978), p. 16.
26. Bmce Catton, Short History of the Civil War. p. 110.
22. Martin Larson, The Federal Reserve, p. 63.
27. Baron C. Wrangell-Rokassowsky, Before the Storm.
23. Gary A l l e n , " T h e Bankers, C o n s p i r a t o r i a l O r i g i n s of the Federal
28. Baron C. Wrangell-Rokassowsky, Before the Storm, p. 57.
Reserve," p. 1.
29. Speech given at Springfield, Illinois, January 27, 1837.
24. Board of Govemors, The Federal Reserve System, p. 75.
30. John G. Nicoley and John Hay, Abraham Lincoln: Complete Works,
25. The Review of the News, (August 30, 1978).
(New Vork: New York Century Company, 1920), Vol. I I , pp. 306, 354,
26. The Review of the News, (December 5, 1979), p. 2.
355. 27. The Review of the News, (February 27, 1980), p. 75.
31. Gene Smith, High Crimes and Misdemeanors, The Impeachment and
28. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, p. 49.
Trial of Andrew Johnson, p. 61.
29. Gary A l l e n , " T h e Bankers, C o n s p i r a t o r i a l O r i g i n s of the Federal
32. David Balsiger and Charles E. Sellier, Jr., The Lincoln Conspiracy, (Los
Reserve," American Opinion, p. 24.
Angeles: Shick Sunn Classic Books, 1977), caption under photograph
30. Gary A l l e n , " T h e Bankers, C o n s p i r a t o r i a l O r i g i n s o f the Federal
between pages 160 and 161.
Reserve," p. 24.
33. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve, p. 246.
31. W i l l i a m P. Hoar, "Henry Ford," American Opinion, (April, 1978), pp. 20,
34. David Balsiger and Charles E. Sellier, Jr., The Lincoln Conspiracy, p. 294.
107.
35. Gene Smith, High Crimes and Misdemeanors, The Impeachment of
32. Ferdinand Lundberg, America's Sixty Families, p. 221.
Andrew Johnson, p. 185.
33. Gary A l l e n , " T h e Bankers, C o n s p i r a t o r i a l O r i g i n s of the Federal
36. Quoted i n Dan Smoofs Report, (July 8, 1963), Volume 9. No. 27, p. 212.
Reserve," p. 27.
37. Gene Smith, High Crimes and Misdemeanors, The Impeachment of
34. H.S. Kennan, The Federal Reserve Bank, p. 70.
Andrew Johnson, p. 157, 185.
35. John Kenneth Galbraith, The Great Crash, 1929, (New York: T i m e
39. Gene Smith, High Crimes and Misdemeanors, The Impeachment of
Incorfxjrated, 1954), p. 102.
Andrew Johnson, p. 194.
36. John Kenneth Galbraith, The Great Crash, 1929, p. 111.
40. Del Schrader with Jesse James I I I , Jesse James was One of His Names,
37. Gary Allen, "Federal Reserve, the And-Economics of Boom and Bust,"
(Arcadia, California: Santa Anita Press, 1975), p. 187.
American Opinion, (April, 1970), p. 63.
C H A P T E R SIXTEEN: T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
38. Gary Allen, "Federal Reserve, the And-Economics of Boom and Bust," p.
1. "Milestones," Time, (March 29, 1982), p. 73. 63.
2. Gary Allen, "Tax of T r i m , " American Opinion, (January, 1975), p. 6.
39. Gary Allen, "Federal Reserve, the And-Economics of Boom and Bust," p.
3. W i l l i a m P. Hoar, "Lindbergh, T w o Generations of Heroism," American
63.
Opinion, (May, 1977), p. 8. 40. "Crash of '29," U.S, News ir World Report, (October 29, 1979), p. 34.
4. American Opinion, May, 1976. 41. Louis McFadden, "Congressman on the Federal Reserve Corporadon,"
5. Colonel Edward Mandell House, Philip Dru, Administrator, p. 210.
Congressional Record, 1934, pp. 24, 26.
6. Colonel Edward Mandell House, Philip Dru, Administrator, p. 70.
42. Congressional Record. Bound Volume, (May 23, 1933), pp. 4055-4058.
7. Colonel Edward Mandell House, Philip Dru, Administrator, p. 87.
43. Marun Larson, The Federal Reserve, p. 99.
8. Colonel Edward Mandell House, Philip Dru, Administrator, p. 221.
44. "Crash of "29," U.S. News ix World Report, (October 29, 1979), p. 32.
9. Colonel Edward Mandell House, Philip Dru, Administrator, p. 226.
45. John Kennedi Galbraith, The Great Crash, 1929, pp. 4, 174.
10. Harry M . Daugherty, The Inside Story of the Harding Tragedy, (Boston,
46. John Kennedi Galbraith, The Great Crash, 1929, p. 190.
Los Angeles: Westem Islands), p. xxvi.
47. Wright Patman's 1880th Weekly Letter, 1973.
11. W i l l i a m P. Hoar, "Andrew Carnegie," American Opinion, (December,
C H A P T E R SEVENTEEN: G R A D U A T E D I N C O M E T A X E S
1975), p. 110.
12. Nesta Webster, Surrender of an Empire, (London, 1931), p. 59. 1. Gary Allen, "Tax or T r i m , " American Opinion, (January, 1975), p. 75.
13. Gary A l l e n , " T h e CFR, Conspiracy to Rule the W o r l d , " American 2. Gary Allen, "Tax or T r i m , " American Opinion, p. 66.

447
446
 3. Review of the News, (March 20, 1974). V 31. Gary Allen, " L i t d e Brother," American Opinion, (April, 1975), p. 74.
4. Review of the News, (December 10, 1980), p. .53. , ; ,
5. The Arizona Daily Star, (September 13, 1980), p. 2-A. I 33. Gary Allen, "Foundations," American Opinion, (November, 1969), p. 3.
6. The Arizona Daily Star, (March 13, 1980), p. 8-R „ i
7. U.S. News if World Report, (April 27, 1981), p. 25.
8. Susan L . M . Huck, "Giveaways," American Opinion, (July-August,
1972), p 61.
9. The Review of the News, (February 20, 1980), p. 75. :,
10. U.S. News ir World Report, (October 20, 1980), p. 67.
11. The Oregonian, (May 22, 1973.)
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN: NON-VIOLENT ORGANIZATIONS
1. Eudocio Ravises, The Yenan Way, (New York: Scribners, 1951), pp. 256-
257.
2. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, pp. 130-131.
3. Gary A l l e n , " T h e CFR, Conspiracy to Rule the W o r l d , " American
Opinion, (April, 1969), p. 4. (Pamphlet reprint)
4. Gary Allen, "The CFR, Conspiracy to Rule die World," p. 6.
5. Rose Mardn, Fabian Freeway, p. 99.
6. Rose Mardn, Fabian Freeway, pp. 18-19.
7. Zygmund Dobbs, "Sugar Keynes," American Opinion, (January, 1970), p.
22
8. Zygmund Dobbs, Keynes at Harvard, (West Sayville, New York: Probe
Research, Inc., 1960), p. 92.
9. John Kenneth Galbraith, The Age of Uncertainty, (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin Company, 1977), p. 11.
10. The Works of Thomas Jefferson, (Volume 1, p. 130).
11. Gary A l l e n , " W h o They Are, T h e Conspiracy to Destroy America,"
American Opinion, (October, 1972), p. 65.
12. The Review of the News, (April 9, 1980), pp. 37-38.
13. Gary A l l e n , " T h e CFR, Conspiracy to Rule the W o r l d , " American
Opinion, (April, 1969), p. 1.
14. Phoebe Courtney, The CFR, Part II, (Littleton, Colorado: The Independ-
ent American, 1975), p. 4.
15. Medford Evans, " W a k i n g U p to the Conspiracy," American Opinion,
(June, 1980), p 38.
16. Gary Allen, "They Run America," American Opinion, (May, 1978), p. 71.
17. Gary Allen, Jimmy Carter, Jimmy Carter, (Seal Beach, Califomia, '76
Press, 1976), p. 71.
18. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, p. 73.
19. The American Economic System... And Your Part in It, p. 2.
20. Congressional Record, (February 9, 1917), (Volume 54), p. 2947.
21. Herman Dinsmore, All the News That Fits, (New Rochelle, New York:
Arlington House, 1%9), pp. 13, 167.
22. Whitaker Chambers, Witness, (New York: Random House, 19.52), p. 475.
23. Gary Allen, "That Music," American Opinion, (February, 1969), p. 62.
24. The Review of the News, (November 5,1969), p. 26.
25. Gary Allen, "That Music," p. 58. . y,
26. Tucson Citizen, (April 30, 1982), p. 12A.
27. Gary Allen, "They're Catching O n , " American Opinion, (November,
1977), p 87.
28. "Goodbye to Scandal," Parade, (March 23, 1980), p. 6.
29. "Bilderbergers," American Opinion, (November, 1964), p. 62.
30. Gary Allen, "Who They Are," American Opinion, (October, 1972), p. 69.
4«
32. The Review of the News, (March 15, — ) , p. 60.
34. Tax Exempt Foundations, (Provo, Utah: T h e Freeman Digest, June,
1978), p 2.
35. Tax Exempt Foundations, p. 2.
36. Alan Stang, The Actor, (Boston, Los Angeles: Westem Islands, 1968).
37. Alan Stang, "Foundations Pay die Way," American Opinion, (January,
1977). p. 5.
38. Gary Allen, The Rockefeller File, (Seal Beach, Califomia: '76 Press, 1976),
p. 49.
39. The Review of the News, (January 26, 1977), p. 15.
40. "Worth Repeanng," The Joumal of Insurance, (July, August, 1978), p. 7.
41. The Arizona Daily Star, (April 19, 1981), p. 2-D.
42. Francis X . Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, Volume I ,
(Boston, Los Angeles: Westem Islands, 1969), pp. 116-117.
43. Francis X . Gannon, Biographical Dictionary of the Left, pp. 121, 123.
44. Robert Welch, Again, May God Forgive Us, (Belmont, Massachusetts:
Belmont Publishing, 19.52), p. 96.
45. The Review of the News, (November 12, 1975), p. 50.
46. Tax Exempt Foundations, (The Freeman Digest), p. 57.
47. Gary Allen, "Beuaying China," American Opinion, (October, 1971), p. 1.
48. Gary Allen, "Betraying China," p. 1.
49. Gary Allen, "Beuaying China," p. 2.
50. Robert Welch, Again, May God Forgive Us, pp. 156-157.
51. Gary Allen, "Beuaying China," p. 12
52. Robert Welch, Again, May God Forgive Us, p. 158. , / '
53. Gary Allen, "Betraying China," p. 12. ,
54. Robert Welch, Again, May God Forgive Us, p. 138.
55. Gary Allen, "Beuaying China," p. 12.
56. Gary Allen, "Beuaying China," p. 12.
57. Senator Joseph McCarthy, America's Retreat From Victory, (Belmont,
Massachusetts: Westem Islands, 1965), p. 90.
58. Senator Joseph McCarthy, America's Retreat From Victory, p. 90.
59. John T . Flynn, While You Slept, (Boston, Los Angeles: Westem Islands,
1965), p. 14. ,, ,;; ;
60. The Review of the News, (March 21, 1979), p. 25. y:'L.y<ri\:.,'r
61. The Review of the News, (Febmary 23,1972), p. 30.
62. The Review of the News, (May 9, mS), p. 29. "''•''';y.X'\.'y,: •
63. The Review of the News, (May 9, 1973), p. 30. i,' , ; ^
64. The Review of the News, (May 9, 1973), p. 29.
65. "From a China Traveler," David Rockefeller, New York Times, (August
10, 1973), p. L-31.
66. "Red China Chief Urges World to 'Defeat US,' " The Oregon Joumal,
(May 20, 1970).
67. "Weekly News Report," Congressman John Schmiu, (#71-30), released
July 28, 1971. ,, ,
68. "Weekly News Report" (#71-30).
69. Gary Allen, "Beuaying China," American Opinion, (October, 1971), p .
23.
70. Gary Allen, "Beuaying China," p. 23. ,
7\. The Review of the News, (May 9, mS), p. SO.
72. The Review of the News, (January 10, 1979), p. 7. . '
 73. The Arizona Daily Star. (May 7, 1979), p. 5-B.
74. David Emerson Gumaer, "Apostasy, The National Council of Churches,"
American Opinion, (February, 1970), p. 50.
75. David Emerson Gumaer, "Apostasy, The Nadonal Council of Churches",
p. 51.
76. David Emerson Gumaer, "Apostasy, The Nadonal Council of Churches,"
p. 55.
77. David Emerson Gumaer, "Apostasy, The Nadonal Council of Churches,"
p. .55.
78. David Emerson Gumaer, "Apostasy, The Nadonal Coundl of Churches,"
p. 57.
79. David Emerson Gumaer, "Apostasy, The National Council of Churches,"
p 68.
80. Father Francis Fenton, "Deceiving Catholics About the Councils of
Churches," The Review of the News, (November 1, 1972), p. 35.
81. The Review of the News, (May 21, 1975), p. 57.
82. Joseph A. Harriss, "Karl Marx or Jesus Christ?," Reader's Digest, August,
1982, p 131.
83. Oregon Journal, (November 29, 1975), p. 6.
84. Joseph A. Harriss, "Karl Marx or Jesus Christ?," p. 132.
85. Joseph A. Harriss, "Karl Marx or Jesus Christ?," p. 132.
86. John Rees, "Avraham Shifrin," The Review of the News, (May 11,1983),
p 33.
87. Nick F. Lucas, Compare, (Georgetown, South Carolina: Lighthouse
Bookstore, 1980), p. 24.
CHAPTER NINETEEN: POPULATION C O N T R O L
1. Gary Allen, American Opinion, (May, 1970), p. 1.
2. The Oregonian, (February 24, 1973), p. 23.
3. Gary Allen, American Opinion, (May, 1970), pp. 12-13.
4. Fusion Magazine, (August, 1980), p. 8.
5. Zygmund Dobbs, Keynes at Harvard, p. 57.
6. The Review of the News, (September 29, 1976), p. 67.
7. The Review of the News, (October 19, 1977), p. 45.
8. The Review of the News, (May 31, 1978), p. 59.
9. The Review of the News, (September 4, 1974), p. 20.
10. Fusion magazine, (July, 1981), p. 52.
11. Communist Persecution of Churches in Red China and North Korea,
House Committee on Un-American Acdvities, (March 26, 1959), p. 4.
12. Jack Nelson, Population and Survival, (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice Hall, 1972), p. 103.
13. American Opinion, (September, 1978), p. 96.
14. Alan Stang, "Zbig Brother," American Opinion, (February, 1978), p. 6.
15. American Opinion, (May, 1979), p. 17.
16. American Opinion, (May, 1979), p. 17.
17. The Review of the News, (September 19, 1979), p. 11.
18. "Subsidy predicted for childbearing," Arizona Dai/ySter, (April 12,1981),
p. A-11.
19. Gary Allen, "Ecology," American Opinion, (May, 1970), p. 2.
20. The Oregonian, (December 12, 1969).
21. The Oregonian, (February 23, 1970).
22. The Arizona Daily Star, (May 7, 1979).
23. The Arizona Daily Star, (October 18, 1981), p. 6-A.
24. Gary Allen, "Who They Are," American Opinion, (October, 1972), p. 65.
450
25. Pope Paul V I , This Is Progress, p. 57.
C H A P T E R T W E N T Y : T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
1. Robert L . Turner, I'll Never Lie to You, (New York: Ballanune Books,
1976), p. 48.
2. The Review of the News, (January 12, 1977), p. 29.
3. Robert W. Lee, " C o n f i r m i n g the Liberal Establishment," American
Opinion, (March, 1981), p. 35.
4. Barry M . Goldwater, With No Apologies, (New York: Berkley Books,
1979), p. 299.
5. Barry M . Goldwater, With No Apologies, p. 299.
6. The Rockefeller File, p. 28, Gary Allen.
7. Ferdinand Lundberg, The Rockefeller Syndrome, p. 205.
8. The Review of the News, (July 3, 1974).
9. William Hoffman, David, (New York, Lyle Stuart, Inc., 1971), p. 20.
10. The Review of the News, (August 11, 1976), p. 13.
11. New York Times, (March 21, 1978), p. 16.
12. New York Times, (May 23, 1976), p. 50.
13. J i m m y Carter, Why Not the Best?, (Nashville, Tennessee: Broadman
Press, 1975), p. 146.
14. Alan Stang, "Zbig Brother," American Opinion, (February, 1978), p. 6.
15. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Between Two Ages, (New York; Penguin Books,
1976), p. 300.
16. American Opinion, (July-August, 1980), p. 113.
17. New York Times, (January 18, 1981), p. L3.
18. Washington Post, (January 16, 1977).
19. The Review of the News, (July 21, 1976), p. 32.
20. .4nzorja DaiZy Star, (July 31, 1980), editorial page.
21. /American Opinion, (September, 1980), p. 6
22. Barry Goldwater, With No Apologies, p. 297.
23. The Review of the News, (October 12, 1977), p. 45.
24. American Opinion, (July-August, 1977), p. 12.
25. Alan Stang, The Actor, p. 101.
26. The Arizona Daily Star, (December 6, 1978).
27. The Review of the News, (February 21, 1979), p. 32.
28. The Review of the News, (February 21, 1979), p. 33.
29. The Review of the News, (February 21, 1979), p. 33.
30. Antony Sutton, Patrick M . Wood, Trilaterals Over Washington, II,
(Scottsdale, Arizona: The August Corporation, 1981), p. 173.
31. The Arizona Daily Star, (September 12, 1980), p. 10-A.
32. Norman Medvin, The Energy Cartel, (New York: Vintage Books, 1974),
p p 169-170.
33. The Review of the News, (December 12, 1979), p. 65.
34. The Review of the News, (April 19, 1978), p 9.
35. The Review of the News, (December 28, 1977), p. 59.
36. The Review of the News, (December 7, 1977), p. 59.
37. The Review of the News, (January 25, 1978), p. 40.
38. Antony C. Sutton, Pauick M . Wood, Trilaterals Over Washington, II, p.
3.
39. The Review of the News, (April 12, 1978), p. 53.
40. The Review of the News, (December 10, 1980), p. 75.
41. The Review of the News, (October 1, 1980), p. 25.
42. Anastosio Somoza, Nicaragua Betrayed, (Boston, Los Angeles: Westem
Islands, 19805, p 291.
451
43. Anastosio Somoza, Nicaragua Betrayed, p. 227. , i
44. Anastosio Somoza, Nicaragua Betrayed, p. 402. , i:
45. Anastosio Somoza, A^icaragua Betrayed, p. x i .
46. T/je «ei7iew o/</ie Newi, (July 30, 1980), p. 32. ; 17. W i l l i a m P. Hoar, "The Treaty," p. 41.
47. The Review of the News, (July 30, 1980), p. 38. ' 18. Ferdinand Lundberg, America's 60 Families, p. 201.
48. The Review of the News, (September 24, 1980), p. 21. ,;
49. The Plain Truth magazine, (August, 1978). ,\ , '
50. The Arizona Daily Star, (August 1, 1980), p. 1. :' i ! ;, i i /
51. U.S. News ir World Report, (Febmary 27, 1978). ?: ^ ' ;
52. U.S. News ir World Report, (]u\y S, 1978). i , J-V
53. C/.S.Afeu)5«!rH'or/d«ej&ort, (February 11, 1980). i r ' , ;' '
54. t/.S. N e w i «ir WorZd « e p o r t , (October 6, 1980).
55. "Ronald Reagan," American Opinion, (September, 1980), p. 99.
56. Antony Sutton and Patrick M . Wood, Trilaterals Over Washington, II.
57. Gary Allen, "Ronald Reagan," American Opinion, p. 90.
C H A P T E R T W E N T Y - O N E : T H E PURPOSE
1. Rose Mardn, Fafcian Freei/;ay, p. 242. ' .
2 Two Worlds, p. 152.
3. Congressional Record, (April 17, 1957), p. A-3080.
4. American Opinion, (April, 1982), p. 89.
5. /American Ojljinjon, (April, 1976), p. 9.
6. Gary Allen, "Richard N i x o n , " American Opinion, (January, 1971).
7. The Review of the News, (August 23, 1972 , p. 34.
CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO: IRON M O U N T A I N
1. Report From Iron Mountain, (New York: Dell Publishing Co., I n c ,
1967).
2. Gary Allen, "Making Plans for a Dictatorship i n America," A p r i l , 1971),
American Opinion, p. 16.
3. W i l l i a m A. McWhirter, Life, (December 6, 1968).
4. W i l l i a m A. McWhirter, Life, (December 6, 1968). ' ' ' i , i ;; i
5. W i l l i a m A. McWhirter, Life, (December 6, 1968).
6. Taylor Caldwell, Ceremony of the Innocent, (Greenwich, Connecdcut:
Fawcett Books, 1976), p. 289.
CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE: W O R L D WAR I
1. Bulletin, T h e Committee to Restore the Constitution, (Fort Collins,
Colorado; November, 1978), p. 1.
2. Illustrated Sunday Herald, February 8, 1920.
3. A r t h u r M . Schlesinger, Jr., The Coming of the New Deal, (Boston:
Hougton Miffin, 1958).
4. Charles Callan Tansill, America Goes to War, (Boston: Litde, Brown,
1938).
5. Colin Simpson, The Lusitania, (New York: Ballandne Books, 1972), p.
59.
6. Colin Simpson, The Lusitania, p. 89.
7. Colin Simpson, The Lusitania, p. 134. V' i, ' ' / ^
8. Colin Simpson, The Lusitania, p. 6.
9. Gary Allen, "Deadly Lies," American Opinion, (May, 1976), p. 33.
10. Colin Simpson, The Lusitania, pp. 3-4. , 30. Harry Elmer Bames, PeaW Harbor After A Quarter of a Century, (Tor-
11. Colin Simpson, The Lusitania, p. i . ; ; »
12. Harry M . Daugherty, The Harding Tragedy, p. xxxvi.
13. Joseph Lash, Roosevelt and Churchill, p. 429. ' '
14. William P. Hoar, "World War 1," American Opinion, (January, 1976), p.
91.
458
15. Gary Allen, "Federal Reserve," American Opinion, (April, 1970), p. 53.
16. W i l l i a m P. Hoar, ' T h e Treaty," American Opinion, (February, 1976), p.
35.
'; 19. W i l l i a m Hoffman, David, p. 51.
20. Nesta Webster, Surrender of an Empire, p. 59.
CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR: W O R L D WAR I I
' 1. Jean-Michel Angebert, The Occult and the Third Reich, (New York:
Macmillan Publishing Co., I n c , 1974), p. 4.
2. Trevor Ravenscroft, The Spear of Destiny, (New York: G.P. Putnam's
Sons, 1973), p 159.
3. Trevor Ravenscroft, T/je Spear o/De5«my, p. 102.
4. Trevor Ravenscroft, The Spear of Destiny, p. 102.
, 5. Walter C. Langer, The Mind of Adolf Hitler, (New York, London: Basic
Books, I n c ) , pp. 100-102.
6. Walter C. Langer, The Mind of Adolf Hitler, p. 234.
7. Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I . G. Farben, (New York:
The Free Press, 1978), p. 1.
8. A n t o n y C. Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, (Seal Beach,
Califomia: '76 Press, 1976), p. 33.
9. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, p. 308.
10. Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 163.
11. Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 93.
12. Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I . G. Farben, p. 49.
13. G. Edward Griffin, World Without Cancer, (Thousand Oaks, Califomia:
American Media, 1974), p. 254.
14. Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I . G. Farben, p. 51.
15. Daily Citizen, (November 4, 1977). '
16. Dai/y Citizen, (November 4, 1977). .ij v ; v ; ; !
17. Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 16.
18. W i l l i a m P. Hoar, "Reflections on the Great Depression," American
Opinion, (June, 1979), p. 101.
19. A n t o n y Sutton, Wall Street and FDR, (New Rochelle, N e w Y o r k :
Arlington House, 1975), pp. 14,15,17.
20. Whitaker Chambers, Witness, p. 472.
21. Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House, (New York: H a w t f i o m
Books, Inc., 1973), p. ix.
22. Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House, p. ix.
23. Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House, p. 25. i : ' ' '
24. Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House, p. 130. ,
25. Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House, p. 132.
26. Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House, p. 168. ^
27. Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House, p. 215.
28. "The Failure of die N R A , " The Review of the News, (August 4,1976).
' ' 29. James Farley, J i m Farley's Story, The Roosevelt Years, (New Y o r k ,
' Toronto: McGraw-Hill Book Company, I n c 1948), p. 39.
^ s rance, Califomia: Insutute for Historical Review), p. 22.
31. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, pp. 15-16.
32. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 79. '
33. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 110.
34. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 35. '
35. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 31.
36. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 31.
37. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 63.
38. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 65.
39. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 23.
40. W i l l i a m Stevenson, A Man Called Intrepid, (New York: Ballantine Books,
1976), p. 385.
41. Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I . G. Farben, p. 77.
42. Joseph Lash, Roosevelt and Churchill, p. 21.
43. Joseph Lash, Roosevelt and Churchill, pp. 32-33.
44. Life, (February 19, 1940), pp. 66-67.
45. Martin Larson, The Federal Reserve, p. 103.
46. Martin Larson, The Federal Reserve, p. 103.
47. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler, p. 31.
48. Joseph Lash, Roosevelt and Churchill, p. 232.
49. Albert C. Wedemeyer, Wedemeyer Reports, (New York: Devin-Adair
Company, 1958), p. 18.
50. John T . Flynn, The Roosevelt Myth, (New York: Devin Adair Company,
1948), p. 296.
51. Robert A. Theobold, The Final Secret of Pearl Harbor, (Old Greenwich,
Connecticut: Devin-Adair Company, 1954), pp. 22-23.
52. Robert A. Theobold, The Final Secret of Pearl Harbor, p. 43.
53. Joseph Lash, Roosevelt and Churchill, p. 298.
54. Joseph Lash, Roosevelt and Churchill, p. 402.
55. Joseph Lash,/?ooiei/e/< and C/jurc/j«7/, p. 413.
56. The Review of the News, (April 10, 1974), p. 46.
57. ]oseph'Lash, Roosevelt and Churchill, p. 360.
58. Dan Smoot Report, November 15, 1965.
59. American Opinion, (April, 1964), p. 33.
60. American Opinion, (April, 1964), p. 33.
61. American Opinion, (April, 1964), p. 34.
62. Joseph l^h, Roosevelt and Churchill, p. 456.
63. Joseph Lash, Roosevelt and Churchill, p. 480.
64. "Pearl Harbor," American Opinion, (December, 1981), pp. 71-72.
65. Herman H . Dinsmore, The Bleeding of America, (Belmont, Massa-
chusets: Westem Islands, 1974), p. 132.
66. Robert A. Theobold, The Final Secret of Pearl Harbor, p. 76.
67. Robert A. Theobold, The Final Secret of Pearl Harbor, p. 53.
68. W i l l i a m Stevenson, A Man Called Intrepid, pp. 328-329.
69. Harry Elmer Barnes, Pearl Harbor After a Quarter of a Century, p. 84.
70. Curds Dall, FDR, My Exploited Father-In-Law, p. 163.
71. Harry Elmer Barnes, Pearl Harbor After a Quarter of a Century, p. 52.
72. Harry Elmer Bames, Pearl Harbor After a Quarter of a Century, p. 58.
73. Robert A. Theobold, The Final Secret of Pearl Harbor, p. v.
74. George T . Eggleston, Roosevelt, Churchill and the World War I I
Opposition, (Old Greenwich, Connecticut: T h e Devin-Adair Com-
fjany, 1979), pp. xii-xiii.
75. American Opinion, (December, 1980), p. 33.
76. "Pearl Harbor," American Opinion, (December, 1981), p. 19.
77. The Arizona Daily Star, (December 6, 1981), p. C-1.
78. Robert A. Theobold, The Final Secret of Pearl Harbor, pp. 184-185.
79. Robert A. Theobold, The Final Secret of Pearl Harbor, pp. 184-185, 197.
80. "Walter Scott's Personality Parade," Parade magazine, (February 28,
454
1982), inside cover.
CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE: COMMUNIST BETRAYALS
1. Robert W. Lee: The United Nations Today (pamphlet), (Belmont,
Massachusetts: American Opinion, 1976), p. 5.
2. P h i l l i p Knighdey, The First Casualty, (New York, London: Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich, 1975), p. 279.
3. Senator Joseph McCardiy, America's Retreat From Victory, p. 23.
4. Curds Dall, F.D.R. - My Exploited Father-In-Law, pp. 146-147.
5. Albert C Wedemeyer, Wedemeyer Reports, p. 418.
6. Curds Dall, F.D.R. - My Exploited Father-In-Law, p. 152.
7. Curds Dall, F.D.R. - Ny Exploited Father-In-Law, p. 154.
8. George Mardn, Madame Secretary, Frances Perkins, (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin Company, 1976), p. 456.
9. Frazier H u n t , The Untold Story of Douglas MacArthur. (New York:
Manor Books, 1977), p. 380.
10. The Review of the News, (May 31, 1972), p. 60.
11. Eldorous L Dayton, Give 'em Hell, Harry, (New York: The Devin-Adair
Company, 1956), p. 139.
12. The Oregonian, (August 2, 1973).
13. The Oregon Joumal, (December 28, 1970), p. 6.
14. Albert C Wedemeyer, Wedemeyer Reports, p. 430.
15. "The Conspiracy Threatens America," The Review of the News, (August
5, 1970), p. 21.
16. The Oregonian, (January 17, 1974), p. 19.
17. W i l l i a m Manchester, The Arms of Kmpp, (Boston: Litde, Brown and
Company, 1964), p. 720.
18. Robert Welch, Again, May God Forgive Us, pp. 68-69.
19. Alfred M . de Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam, (London, Henley and Boston:
Roudedge & Kegan Paul, 1977), p. 68.
20. Alfred M . de Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam, p. 66.
21. Alfred M . de Zoyas, Nemesis at Potsdam, p. 66.
CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX: T H E A T O M I C BOMB
1. Frazier Hunt, The Untold Story of Douglas MacArthur, p. 390.
2. Frazier Hunt, The Untold Story of Douglas MacArthur, p. 375.
3. John Toland, "The Secret Attempts to Surrender," Look, (September 22,
1970), p. 33.
4. John Toland, " M y God, What Have We Done?," Look, (October 6,1970),
p54.
5. John Toland, " M y God, What Have We Done?," p. 53.
6. Senator Joseph McCarthy, America's Retreat From Victory, p. 48.
7. Rose M a r t i n , Selling of America, (Santa Monica, Califomia: Fidelis
Publishers Inc., 1973), p. 46.
8. William Stevenson, A Man Called Intrepid, p. 491.
9. Spotlight, (October 15, 1979), p. 16.
10. Alfred de Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam, p. xx.
11. Alfred de Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam, p. x x i i .
12. Aldred de Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam, p. 203.
13. Alfred de Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam, p. 115.
14. Alfred de Zayas, Nemesis at Potsdam, p. xix.
15. Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, p. 1310.
16. Albert C Wedemeyer, Wedemeyer Reports, p. 92.
17. Prince Michel Sturdza, The Suicide of Europe, (Boston, Los Angeles:
Westem Islands, 1968), p. 68.
455
 C H A P T E R T W E N T Y - S E V E N : T H E EXPOSERS
1. American Opinion, (February, 1971), p. 14.
2. Medford Evans, The Assassination of Joe McCarthy, (Boston, Los
Angeles: Westem Islands, 1970), p. 113.
3. Congressional Record, (Decembers, 1950), p. 16179.
4. Charles L . Mee Jr., Meeting At Potsdam, (New York: Dell Pubhshmg,
1975), p. 26. ^ ,
5. Comell Simpson, The Death of James Forrestal, (Boston, Los Angeles:
Westem Islands, 1966), p. 7.
6. Comell Simpson, The Death of James Forrestal, p. 5.
7. Comell Simpson, The Death of James Forrestal, p. 9.
8. Cornell Simpson, The Death of James Forrestal, p. 15.
9. Congressional Record, Senate, (December 6, 1950), p. 16181.
10. Comell Simpson, The Death of James Forrestal, p. 41.
W. ComeW Simpson, The Death of James Forrestal, p. S2.
12. Comell Simpson, The Death of James Forrestal, p. 84.
13. Walter Scott, "Personality Parade," Parade magazine, (May 24, 1981),
inside cover.
14. Carrol Quigley, Trag«fy and Hope, p. 913.
15. Comell Simpson, The Death of James Forrestal, p. 147.
16. W i l l i a m F. Buckley, Jr., and L . Brent Bozell, McCarthy and His Enemies,
(Chicago: Henry Regnery Cximpany, 1954), p. 17.
17. Roy Cohn, McCarthy, The Answer to Tail Gunner Joe, (New York:
Manor Books, Inc., 1977), p. 9.
18. Senator Joseph McCarthy, America's Retreat From Victory, pp. 8-9.
19. Senator Joseph McCardiy, America's Retreat From Victory, p. 37.
20. W i l l i a m F. Buckley, Jr., and L . Brent Bozell, McCarthy and His Enemies,
p. 20.
21. Frank A. Capell, "McCardiyism," American Opinion, (January, 1973), p.
63.
22. James Dmmmey, "McCarthy," American Opinion, (May, 1964), p. 3.
23. Roy Cohn, McCarthy: The Answer to Tail Gunner Joe, p. 3.
24. Roy Cohn, McCarthy: The Answer to Tail Gunner Joe, p. 3.
25. James Drummey, "McCarthy," American Opinion, p. 3. 11 ' , li
26. James Dmmmey, "McCarthy," American Opinion, p. 3.
27. The Review of the News, (March 28, 1979).
28. James D r u m m e y , " M c C a r t h y , " American Opinion, back cover of
pamphlet.
29. W i l l i a m F. Buckley, Jr., and L . Brent Bozell, McCarthy and His Enemies,
p. 352.
30. W i l l i a m F. Buckley, Jr., and L . Brent Bozell, McCarthy and His Enemies,
p. 352.
31. W i l l i a m F. Buckley, Jr., and L . Brent Bozell, McCarthy and His Enemies,
p. 353.
32. W i l l i a m F. Buckley, Jr., and L . Bient Bozell, McCarthy and Hts Enemies,
p. 388.
33. David Brion Davis, The Fear of Conspiracy, (Ithaca and London: Comell
Paperbacks, 1971), p. 4.
34. Frank A. Capell, "McCarthyism," American Opinion, p. 75. , !
35. Frank A. Capell, "M<<iirthyism," American Opinion, p. 69. : i.^
36. Frank A. Capell, "McCarthyism," American Opinion, p. 73.
37. Frank A. Capell, "McCarthyism," American Opinion, p. 73.
38. Richard J. Rovere, Senator Joe McCarthy, (New York: Harper & Row,
1959).
39. Roy Cohn, McCarthy: The Answer to Tail Gunner Joe, p. xv.
40. D w i g h t D. Eisenhower, "We Must A v o i d the Perils of Extremism,"
Reader's Digest, (April, 1969), pp. 103-108.
41. James J. Dmmmey, "McCarthy," American Opinion, p. P.
42. Frank A. Capell, "McCarthyism," American Opinion, p. 77.
43. James J. Drummey, "McCarthy," American Opinion, p. 8.
44. Frank A. Capell, "McCarthyism," American Opinion, p. 75.
45. Senator Joseph McCarthy, America's Retreat From Victory, pp. 135-136.
46. Senator Joseph McCarthy, America's Retreat From Victory, p. 138.
47. Medford Evans, The Assassination of Joe McCarthy, p. 2.
48. Medford Evans, The Assassination of Joe McCarthy, p. 12.
49. Medford Evans, The Assassination of Joe McCarthy, p. 4.
50. Medford Evans, The Assassination of Joe McCarthy, p. 11.
51. Frank A. Capell, "McCarthyism," American Opinion, p. 78.
52. James J. Drummey, "McCarthy," American Opinion, p. 9.
53. Medford Evans, The Assassination of Joe McCarthy, p. 53.
CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT: T H E KOREAN WAR
1. American Opinion, (December, 1980), p. 35.
2. Caroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, p. 972.
3. Frazier Hunt, The Untold Story of Douglas MacArthur, p. 447.
4. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, (Greenwich, Connecticut:Fawcett
Publications, 1964), pp. 373-374.
5. Reed Benson and Robert Lee, "What's Wrong W i t h the United Nations,"
The Review of the News, (September 9, 1970), p. 9.
6. American Opinion, (December, 1980), p. 36.
7. G. Edward Griffin, The Fearful Master, (Boston, Los Angeles:Westem
Islands, 1964), p. 174.
8. Frazier Hunt, The Untold Story of Douglas MacArthur, p. 459.
9. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, p. 408.
10. Frazier Hunt, The Untold Story of Douglas MacArthur, p. 459.
11. Frazier Hunt, The Untold Story of Douglas MacArthur, p. 459.
12. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, p. 426.
13. G. Edward Griffin, The Fearful Master, p. 176.
14. G. Edward Griffin, The Fearful Master, p. 176.
15. G. Edward Griffin, The Fearful Master, p. 177.
16. G. Edward Griffin, The Fearful Master, p. 172.
17. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, p. 419.
18. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, p. 415.
19. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, p. 426.
20. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, p. 426.
21. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, p. 423.
22. W i l l i a m P. Hoar, "The Forgotten War i n Korea," American Opinion,
(November, 1977), p. 18.
23. William P. Hoar, "The Forgotten War i n Korea," p. 18.
24. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, p. 440.
25. Eldorous L . Dayton, Give 'em Hell, Harry, p. 200.
26. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, p. 447.
27. American Opinion, (July-August, 1980), p. 111.
28. New York Times, (June 10, 1953), pp. 1, 3.
29. Douglas MacArthur, Reminiscences, p. 464.
30. G. Edward Griffin, The Fearful Master, p. 178.
CHAPTER TWENTY-NINE: AID AND TRADE
457
 1. Report From Iron Mountain, p. 47.
2. Antony Sutton, National Suicide, Military Aid to the Soviet Union, (New
Rochelle, New York: Arlington House, 1973), p. 33.
3. Antony Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, (New Rochelle,
New York: Arlington House, 1974), p. 17.
4. " A i d and Trade W i d i the Enemy," Congressional Record, (August 17,
1972) , p. E 7551, (Extension of Remarks.)
5. Antony Sutton, National Suicide, p. 16.
6. Rose B. Christensen, "Betraying Our Friends," The Review of the News,
(June 2,1971), p. 24.
7. Dan Smoot Report, (June 22,1959).
8. The Review of the News, (May U, 1977), p. 45.
9. T o m Anderson, Utah Independent, (June 7,1979).
10. Antony C. Sutton, "The Sutton Testimony," The Review of the News,
(May 15, 1974), p. 41.
11. Rose Martin, Fabian Freeway, p. 238. , ,
12. The Review of the News, (May 20, 1970), pp. 29-30
13. Antony C. Sutton, National Suicide, p. 17.
14. Hans Heymann, We Can Do Business With the Soviet Union, (New York,
Chicago: Ziff Davis Publishing, 1945)
15. Gary Allen, "Budding Communism," American Opinion, (December,
1975), p. 88.
16. Gary Allen, The Rockefeller File, (Seal Beach, Califomia: '76 Press, 1976),
p 107.
17. Antony C. Sutton, Westem Technology and Soviet Economic Develop-
ment, 1945 to 1965, (Stanford, California: Hoover Institution Press,
1973) , p. xxviii.
18. Antony C. Sutton, Westem Technology and Soviet Economic Develop-
ment, 1930 to 1945, Stanford, California: Hoover I n s t i t u t i o n Press,
1971), p 274.
19. " A i d and Trade W i d i The Enemy," Congressional Record, p. E7551.
20. Antony C. Sutton, "The Sutton Testimony," p. 33.
21. Antony C. Sutton, Westem Technology and Soviet Economic Develop-
ment, 1945 to 1965, p. 283.
22. Antony C. Sutton, Westem Technology and Soviet Economic Develop-
ment, 1945 to 1965, p. 49.
23. Antony C. Sutton, National Suicide, pp. 156-157.
24. George Racey Jordan, From Major Jordan's Diaries, (Boston, Los
Angeles: Westem Islands, 1965), pp. 72-106.
25. Joseph McCarthy, America's Retreat From Victory, pp. 33-34.
26. Antony C. Sutton, Westem Technology and Soviet Economic Develop-
ment, 1945 to 1965, p. 39.
27. Senator Joseph McCarthy, America's Retreat From Victory, p. 65.
28. American Opinion, (October, 1966), pp. 6-7.
29. George Racey Jordan, From Major Jordan's Diaries, p. 42.
30. George Racey Jordan, From Major Jordan's Diaries, p. 50.
31. James Roosevelt w i d i Sam Toperoff, A Family Matter, (New York: Simon
& Schuster Building, 1980).
32. WaZ/S<r<?<?«/ournd, (April 25,1975), p 28.
SS. Rose Maidn, Fabian Freeway, p. S54.
CHAPTER T H I R T Y : TREASON
1. "Rcx:ket pioneer von Braun dies," Arizona Daily Star, (June 18,1977), pp.
1,12, Section A.
2. Robert Goldston, The Russian Revolution, (Greenwich, Connecticut:
Fawcett Publications, Inc., 1966), p. 206.
3. Leonid Vladimirov, The Russian Space Bluff, (New York: The Dial Press,
1973), p. 55.
4. Leonid Vladimirov, The Russian Space Bluff, p. 78.
5. Time, (April 7, 1980), pp. 76-77.
6. Leonid Vladimirov, The Russian Space Bluff, pp. 77-78.
7. Lloyd Mallan, Russia and the Big Red Lie, (Greenwich, Connecticut:
Fawcett Publications, Inc., 1959), p. 14.
8. Lloyd Mallan, Russia's Space Hoax, (New York: Science and Mechanics
Publishing Co., 1966), p. 27.
9. Lloyd Mallan, Russia's Space Hoax, p. 81.
10. Antony C. Sutton, National Suicide, p. 91. ,
11. The Review of the News, (March 26, 1975).
12. The Review of the News, (February 17, 1982), p. 67.
IS. Antony Sutton, National Suicide, p. 100.
14. Antony Sutton, National Suicide, p. 42. .
15. Antony Sutton, National Suicide, p. 46.
16. Parade, (March 18, 1973), p. 15.
17. U.S. News ir World Report, (August 19, 1968), p. 79.
18. U.S. News ir World Report, (November 18, 1968), p. 35.
19. The Review of the News, (September 3,1969), p. 23.
20. Export Control, 97th Quarterly Report, (3rd Quarter, 1971), p. 11. '':
21. Export Control, 97th Quarterly Report, p. 13.
22. American Opinion, (July-August, 1972).
23. Private Boycotts vs. The National Interest, Depiarttnent of State Publica-
tion 8117, pp. 18-19.
24. Quoted excerpts from the movie " N o Substitute for Victory," p. 5.
25. The Arizona Daily Star, (May 9, 1972).
26. Quoted excerpts from the movie " N o Substitute for Victory," p. 3.
27. The Review of the News (January 16,1980), p. 7.
28. The Review of the News, (May 7, 1980), p. 76. ,M
29. The Review of the News,(]une 25, 1980), p. 2.
30. Gary Allen, "Federal Reserve," American Opinion, (April, 1980), p. 67.
31. The Review of the News, (March 19, 1975), p. 15.
32. Gary Allen, "Building Communism," American Opinion, (December,
1975), p 95.
33. Don Bell Reports, No. 32, reprinted i n The Utah Independent, August 24,
1978).
S4. Don Bell Reports, No. 32.
35. Alan Stang, "Zbig Brodier," American Opinion, (Febmary, 1978), p. 6.
36. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Between Two Ages, pp. 56-57.
37. "Wells off China sought," The Arizona Daily Star, (July 20,1978).
38. The Review of the News, (August 10, 1977), p. 57.
' 39. Congressman John G. Schmitz, "Peking's Narcotics Offensive," The
Review of the News, (July 19, 1972), p. 34.
40. W i l l i a m E. Dunham, "Red China Pushes Dmgs," The Review of the
News, (August U, 1971).
41. Congressman John G. Schmitz, "Peking's Narcotics Offensive," p. 34.
42. The Oregonian, (December 29, 1972).
43. The Review of the News, (January 25, 1978), p. 54. . , ', , '
44. The Review of the News, (June 13, 1979), p. 12.
45. The Review of the News, (November 29, 1972), p. SO.
459

46. The New York Times, (July 10, 1975), p. 27.
47. Quoted in Imprimus, Hillsdale College, 1975.
C H A P T E R T H I R T Y - O N E : SCIENCE VERSUS REASON
1. Time magazine, (April 7, 1980), p. 65.
2. Publishers' Adverusement, The Evolution of Man, (Chicago: Charles H
Kerr & Company, 1905), p. 3.
3. Catalogue of Books, The Evolution of Man, pp. 9-10.
4. Sol Tax, Editor, Issues In Evolution, (University of Chicago Press, 1960),
p. 45.
5. " E v o l u t i o n . . . God's Method of Creating," Plain Truth, (June-July,
1974) , p. 19.
6. W . L . Wilmhurst, The Meaning of Masonry, (New York: Bell Publishing
Company, 1980), pp. 47, 94.
7. Henry M . Morris, "Evolution at the Smithsonian," ICR Impact Series,
(December, 1979), p. i .
8. Henry N . Morris, The Remarkable Birth of Planet Earth, (Minneapolis,
Minnesota: Dimension Books, 1972), p. 19.
9. Henry M . Morris, The Remarkable Birth of Planet Earth, p. 19.
10. Henry M . Morris, "Probability and Order Versus Evolution, "/CfJ/mpact
Series, (July 1979), p. 1.
11. The Arizona Daily Star, (December 16, 1981), p. A-3.
12. "The Day the Dinosaurs Died," Plain Truth, (January, 191970), p. 70.
13. Jerry Bergman, "Does Academic Freedom Apply to Both Secular Huma-
nists and Christians?," ICR Impact, (February, 1980).
14. Henry M . Morris, "Circular Reasoning i n Evolutionary Geology," ICR
Impact Series, (June, 1977), p. i .
15. John C. Whitcomb, Jr., and Henry M . Morris, The Genesis Flood, (Grand
Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1961), p. 271.
16. Henry M . Mon-is, The Remarkable Birth of Planet Earth, p. 22.
17. Letter to the Editor From Duane T . Gish, The News-Sentinel, (March 4,
1975) .
18. John C. Whitcomb, Jr., and Henry M . Morris, The Genesis Flood, p. 177.
19. Clifford Burdick, Canyon of Canyons, (Caldwell, Idaho: Bible-Science
Association, Inc., 1974), pp. 42-43.
20. Gary E. Parker, "Creation, Selection & Variation," ICR Impact, (October,
1980), p. i i i .
21. John C. Whitcomb, Jr. and Henry M . Morris, The Genesis Flood, p. 430.
22. The Arizona Daily Star, (April 4, 1982), p. 2-B.
23. Gary E. Parker, Impact #101, (November, 1981), p. i i .
24. Gary E. Parker, Impact #101, p. i i .
25. Henry M . Morris, Impact #74, (August, 1979), p. 11.
26. Acts & Facts, (August, 1976), (Volume 5, No. 8), p. 1.
27. T . G . Barnes, Origin and Destiny of the Earth's Magnetic Field, (San
Diego: Institute for Creasion Research, 1973).
28. Max Blumer, "Submarine Seeps, Are They a Major Source of Open Ocean
O i l Pollution," Science, (Volume 176), p. 1257.
29. Impact, (June, 1981), p. i i i .
30. Henry M . Morris, "Evolution and die Population Problem," Impact No.
21.
31. Henry M . Morris, The Remarkable Birth of Planet Earth, p. 92.
32. Russell Akridge, "The Sun is Shrinking," Impact #82, (April, 1980).
33. Harold S. Slusher, Age of the Cosmos, (San Diego: Institute for Creation
Research, 1980), pp. 41-42.
460
34. Dake's Annotated Reference Bible, p. 55.
35. Claire Chambers, The Siecus Circle, (Belmont, Massachusetts: Westem
Islands, 1977), p. 101.
36. The Reinew of the News, (July 16, 1975), p. 33.
CHAPTER THIRTY-TWO: ABORTION AND LAETRILE
1. G. Edward Griffin, World Without Cancer, Part I I , p. 455.
2. G. Edward Griffin, World Without Cancer, Part I I , p. 250.
3. G. Edward Griffin, World Without Cancer, Part I I , pp. 250-251.
4. G. Edward Griffin, World Without Cancer, Part I , pp. 51-52.
5. G. Edward Griffin, World Without Cancer, Part I , p. 40.
6. The Review of the News, (February 1, 1978), p. 25.
7. "Laetrile," American Opinion, (Febmary, 1974), p. 6.
8. U.S. News 6^ World Report, (May 11, 1981), p. 18.
9. The Review of the News, (May 13, 1981), p. 21.
10. The Review of the News, (July 8, 1981), p. 16.
11. G. Edward Griffin, World Without Cancer, Part I , p. 19.
CHAPTER THIRTY-THREE: WORLD GOVERNMENT
1. The Review of the News, (May 2, 1973), p. 39.
2. James M . Warburg, The West in Crisis, p. 30.
3. American Opinion, (January, 1972), p. 69.
4. The Review of the News, (May 18, 1977), p. 60.
5. The Utah Independent, (September, 1977).
6. American Opinion, (February, 1977), p. 20.
7. American Opinion, (January, 1975), p. 25.
8. The Review of the News, (April 11, 1979), p. 15.
9. American Opinion, (April, 1977), p. 20.
10. The Review of the News, (April 7, 1976), p. 33
11. Don Bell Reports, (January 30, 1976), p. 2. .
12. Don Bell Reports, (January SO, 1976), p. 1.
C H A P T E R T H I R T Y - F O U R : PEACE
\. The Report From Iron Mountain, p. 47.
2. The Report From Iron Mountain, p. 58.
3. The Review of the News, (July 4, 1973), p. 28.
4. The Oregon Journal, (April 25, 1969), p. 5.
CHAPTER T H I R T Y - n V E : HUMANISM
1. Education USA, (September 24, 1979), p. 29.
2. Gary Allan, "Foundations," American Opinion, (November, 1969), p. 11.
3. "Bulletin," Committee to Restore the Constitution, (November, 1978), p.
2.
4. Alan Stang, The Actor, p. 117.
5. The Review of the News, (October 24, 1973), p. 49.
6. Claire Chambers, The Siecus Circle, p. 104.
7. The Review of the News. (October 24, 1973), p. 49.
8. Henry M . Morris, " T h e Gospel of Creation and the Anti-Gospel of
Evolution," ICR Impact, No. 25, p. i i i .
9. Humanist Manifesto I and II, (Buffalo, New York: Prometheus Bcx)ks,
1973), pp. 7-11.
10. "Education," Saturday Review, (August 10, 1974), p. 84.
11. G. Edward Griffin, This is the John Birch Society, (Thousand Oaks,
California: American Media, 1972), p. 46.
12. Two Worlds, p. 107
13. W . L . Wilmhurst, The Meaning of Masonry, p. 96.
14. The Review of the News, (June 20, 1979), p. 29.
461
 15. Gary Allen, "The Colleges," American Opinion, (May, 1973), p. 73.
16. Boston Herald American, (July 19, 1978).
17. "Parents Sue for 'Right,' 'Wrong,' i n Sex Education," Los Angeles Times,
(September 13, 1981), p. 3, Part 1.
18. The Review of the News, (January 19, 1977), p. 45.
19. Claire Chambers, The Siectis Circle, p. 92. ; 37. Gordon V. Drake, Blackboard Power, NEA Threat to America, (Tulsa,
20. Claire Chambers, The Siecus Circle, p. 93.
21. Barbara Morris, Change Agents in the Schools, (Upland, Califomia: The
Barbara M . Morris Report, 1979), p. 19.
22. Claire Chambers, 77je SieoAS Cirde, p. 77. ' ; ' ' - ; • /
23. Claire Chambers, The Siecus Circle, p. 346. ' j,
24. The Humanist Manifesto I and II, p. 13-31.
CHAPTER THIRTY-SIX: EDUCATION
1. R . M . Whitney, Reds in America, (Boston, Los Angeles: Westem Islands,
1970), p 55.
2. W i l l i a m L . Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, (New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1960), p. 249.
3. W i l l i a m L . Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, p. 249.
4. The Review of the News, (September 10, 1980), p. 37.
5. New Education: Order or Chaos, (Yorba L i n d a , Califomia: Granger
Graphics, Inc.).
6. John Steinbacker, The Child Seducers, (Educator Publicadons, 1970), p .
76.
7. Phyllis Schlafly Report, i n die Utah Independent, (December 23,1976).
8. W. Cleon Skousen i n the Utah Independent, (June 14, 1979).
9. Samuel Blumenthal, Is Public Education Necessary?, (Old Greenwich,
Connecticut: The Devin-Adair Company, 1981), p. 16.
10. Samuel Blumenthal, Is Public Education Necessary?, p. 17.
11. Samuel Blumenthal, Is Public Education Necessary?, p. 72. y 7. Alan Stang, "Red Indians," American Opinion, p. 85.
12. Samuel Blumenthal, Is Public Education Necessary?, p. 79.
13. Samuel Blumenthal, Is Public Education Necessary?, pp. 95-96. '
14. Samuel Blumenthal, /5 Public Education Necessary?, p. 95
15. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th Edidon, (Volume 11), p. 454.
16. Plyllis Schlafly Report, i n die Utah Independent, (December 23,1976).
17. Samuel Blumendial, Is Public Education Necessary?, p. 227.
18. James C. Hefler, Are Textbooks Harming Your Children?, (Milford,
Michigan,: Mott Media, 1979), p. 30.
19. Gary Allen, "New Education," American Opinion, (May, 1971), p. 4.
20. "Occasional Letter, No. 1," General Education Board, (1904).
21. Whitaker Chambers, Witness, (New York: Random House, 1952), p. 164.
22. Gary Allen, "New Educadon," American Opinion, p. 3.
23. Adam Ulam, A History of Soviet Russia, (New York: Draeger Publishers,
1976, p 102. ,,
24. The Review of the News, (March 9, 1977), p 45.
25. New Program of the Communist Party, 2nd Draft, (March, 1968), pp. 111-
136.
26. American Opinion, (September, 1979), p. 53.
27. American Opinion, (November, 1981), p. 45.
28. "NEA, Educadon For a Global Community," Freemen Digest, p. 25.
29. American Opinion, (May 1971), p. 17.
30. The Review of the News, (June 15,1979), p. 60.
31. American Opinion, (May, 1971), p. 17.
32. "Class Teaches Babies to Read," The Arizona Daily Star, (April 17,1982),
462
pH-A. , ;, ;
33. The Review of the News, (May 24, 1972), p. 31.
34. The Review of the News, (May 24, 1972), p. 32.
35. TAe/4rizona Dai/y Stor, (August 19, 1981), p. A-7.
36. The Review of the News, (March 10, 1976), p. 47.
Oklahoma: Chrisdan Cmsade Publications, 1968), p. 14.
38. W. Cleon Skousen, i n die Utah Independent, (June 14, 1979).
39. "N.E.A., Educadon for a Global Community," Freemen Digest, p. 1.
40. "N.E.A., Educadon for a Global Community," Freemen Digest, p. 29.
41. Gary Allen, "Red Teachers," American Opinion, (Febmary, 1970), p. 1.
42. "Schools for the 70's and Beyond: A Call to Acdon," National Education
Assocadon (Washington, D . C , 1971), p. 76.
43. "The Schools and die People's Front," The Communist, (New York: T h e
Communist Party of die U.S.A., May, 19375, pp. 439, 442, 444.
44. Quoted i n inside cover. New Education: Order or Chaos.
45. Medford Evans, "The Schools," American Opinion, (May, 1973), p. 34.
C H A P T E R T H I R T Y - S E V E N : VICTORIES
1. M . Stanton Evans, The Politics of Surrender, (New York: Devin-Adair,
1966), p. 26.
2. John Stormer, None Dare Call It Treason, (Florissane, Missouri: Liberty
Bell Press, 1964), p 9.
3. Whitaker Chambers, Witness, p. 25.
4. John Rousellot, "Civil Rights," American Opinion, (February, 1964), p.
7.
5. Julia Brown, "Please Don't Glorify Martin Luther King, (pamphlet,)
(Belmont, Massachusetts: T A C T Headquarters).
6. Alan Stang, "Red Indians," American Opinion, (September, 1975), p. 10.
8. Congressional Record, (April 2,1973), p. 6280.
9. Susan L . M . Huck, "Renegades," American Opinion, (May, 1975), p. 1.
10. Rex T.Westerfield, "Sour Grapes,"/4m«'ican Opinion, (December, 1968),
p. 49.
11. /American OpiMJon, (September, 1969), p. 3.
12. Rex T . Westerfield, "Sour Grapes," American Opinion, p. 56.
13. Susan L . M . Huck, " L i t d e Cesar," (reprint). The Review of the News,
(August 21,1974), p 13.
14. American Opinion, (September, 1969), p. 4. ,
15. Rex T . Westerfield, "Sour Grapes," American Opinion, p. 54.
16. " N R A Deputy Ousted i n Dogma Coup," Arizona Daily Star, (May 23,
1977.)
17. R.D. Patrick Mahoney, "The N R A Backfire," The Review of the News,
(April 13,1977), p 37.
CHAPTER T H I R T Y - E I G H T : T H E GREATEST VICTORY
1. Medford Evans, "The Rules and die New York Times," The Review of the
News, (October 21, 1970), p. 29.
2. Jerry Rubin, "Do It!," (New York: Ballandne Books, 1970). i
3. The Review of the News, (December 7, 1977).
4. Alan Stang, "The Great Con," American Opinion, (June, 1970), p. 57.
5. Alan Stang, ' T h e Great Con," American Opinion, (June, 1970), p. 59.
6. "Students Rate Revoludon As Primary Task," The Oregonian, (March
31, 1969), p 12.
7. i4m«-»can Opinion, (Febmary, 1972), p. 16. \
 8. The Review oj the News, (October 8, 1980), p. 19.
9. The Review oj the News, (August 5, 1970), p. 17.
10. "SDS Infiluator Talks," The Valley Times, (February 25, 1971), p. 18.
11. G . E d w a r d G r i f f i n , The Capitalist Conspiracy, ( T h o u s a n d Oaks:
American Media, 1971), p. 42.
12. James Simon Kunen, The Strawberry Statement, (New York: Random
House, 1968), p. 116.
13. Jerry Rubin, "Do It!," introduction.
14. The Review oj the News, (June 23, 1976), p. 33.
15. The Review oj the News, (June 16, 1976), p. 33.
16. The John Birch Society Bulletin, (October, 1977), pp. 17-18.
17. The John Birch Society Bulletin, (October, 1977), pp. 17-18.
18. American Opinion, (March, 1977), pp. 7, 9,
19. American Opinion, (April, 1981), p. 31.
20. Los Angeles Herald Examiner, (August 15, 1971), p. A-2.
21. John Hackett et al. The Third World War, August, 1985, (New York:
Berkeley Books, 1978).
22. John Hackett et al. The Third World War, August, 1985, p. 59.
23. The Review oj the News, (November 19, 1980), p. 37.
24. "N-War possible i n 10 years, poll says," The Arizona Daily Star p. 10-B;
and "Moral Revulsion fuels disarmament drive, churches say," The
Arizona Daily Star, (November 18, 1981) p. A-17.
25. "FEMA: Your Emergency Govemment i n die Wings?," Fusion magazine,
(August 1980), p. 13.
26. The Review oj the News, (April 25,1979), p . 57.
27. Paul Scott, "The Three Mile Island Mystery," The Utah Independent,
(June 14,1979), p. 4.
28. The Review oj the News, (May 16, 1979), p. 60. , 8. The Blue Book oj the John Birch Society, p. 115.
29. The Review oj the News, (April 14, 1982), p. 19.
30. "FEMA: Your Emergency Govemment i n the Wings?," Fusion magazine,
p. 14.
31. "Canada, H o w the Communists T o o k Control," American Opinion,
(April,1971), p. 61.
32. Herman Kahn and B. Bmce Briggs, Things to Come: Thinking About the
70's and the 80's, (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1972).
33. The Review oj the News, (July 29, 1981).
CHAPTER THIRTY-NINE: REMOVAL
1. "History Repeats Itself," Parade, (January 20, 1974).
2. Michael Kramer and Sam Roberts, " I Never Wanted to Be Vice-President
oj Anything!," (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1976), p. 3.
3. The Review oj the News, (March 6, 1974), p. 30.
4. Jerry Voorhis, Dollars and Sense, (a pamphlet,) (June 6, 1938), p. 21.
5. Frank Capell, Henry Kissinger, Soviet Agent, p. 110.
6. James Reston, "Cautious N i x o n Sttategy," New York Times, (May 21,
1979), p. 39.
7. Robert Welch, A Timely Waming, (a pamphlet,) p. 12.
8. Robert Welch, A Timely Waming, p. 5.
9. "Catholic Portfolio," Parade, (September 30, 1979) p. 15.
10. Victor Lasky, It Didn't Start With Watergate, (New York: Dell Publishing
Co., Inc., 1977), p 12.
11. Gary Allen, The Rockefeller File, (Seal Beach: '76 Press, 1976), p. 175.
12. Victor Lasky, "Was the Watergate Break-In Sabotaged?," Human Events,
(February 2, 1980), p. 16.
4&4
13. Gary Allen, The Rockejeller File, p. 184.
14. Victor Lasky, It Didn't Start with Watergate, p. 275.
15. Gary Allen, The Rockejeller File, p. 177.
16. Gary Allen, The Rockejeller File, p. 180.
17. Gary Allen, The Rockefeller File, p. 179.
18. Gary Allen, The Rockejeller File, p. 179.
19. Frank Capell, Henry Kissinger, Soviet Agent, p 10.
20. Gary Allen, The Rockejeller File, p. 182.
21. Gary Allen, The Rockejeller File, p. 168.
22. "Agnew sees himself as N i x o n pawn i n sttuggles," Tucson Citizen, (April
23, 1980), p 1.
23. "Assailants stalked 8 odier presidents," The Arizona Daily Star, (March 31,
1981), p A-7.
24. "Playboy Interview: Sara Jane Moore," Playboy, (June, 1976), p. 84.
25. "Playboy Interview: Sara Jane Moore," p. 85.
26. "Playboy Interview: Sara Jane Moore," p. 69.
C H A P T E R F O R T Y : ASSISTANCE
1. Jerry Rubin, "Do It!," p. 148.
2. American Opinion, (Febmary, 1974), p. 15.
3. The Blue Book oj the John Birch Society, (Boston, Los Angeles: Westem
Islands, 1969), p 114.
4. Robert Welch, " W h i c h W o r i d W i l l I t Be?," (Belmont, San M a r i n o :
American Opinion, 1970), p. 24.
5. The Blue Book oj the John Birch Society, p. 129.
6. "The John Birch Society, A Report," a flyer inserted i n the Los Angeles
Times, 1963.
7. The Blue Book oj the John Birch Society, p. 28.
9. The Blue Book oj the John Birch Society, p. 110.
10. The Blue Book oj the John Birch Society, p. 148.
11. W. Cleon Skousen, "Target for Smear: The John Birch Society," Temple
City, Califomia: Publius & Associates).
12. "Twelth Report, Un-American Acdvides i n California, 1963," die Senate
Factfinding Sub-Committee on Un-American Acdvides, publisished by
die Senate of die State of California, 1963), pp. 61-62.
13. Robert Welch, More Stately Mansions, (Belmont, Massachusetts: Ameri-
can Opinion, 1964), p. 28.
14. The John Birch Society Bulletin, (Belmont, Massachusetts: T h e John
Birch Society, Inc.,) (January, 1982), p. 2.
15. Robert Welch, "What is the John Birch Society?," (Belmont, Massachu-
setts: American Opinion), p. 14.
C H A P T E R FORTY-ONE: T H E RESPONSIBILITY
1. Robert Welch, The Blue Book oj the John Birch Society, p. 160.
466
 Selected Bibliography
T h e following are some of the many books on this subject that can assist
the student i n better understanding die machinadons of diis Conspiracy. The
author is aware diat several of diese books are no longer i n print but urges
serious readers to make every attempt to locate any book diat interests diem.
The author recommends the following source for books on this subject:
Any American O p i n i o n Bookstore:
T h i s nadonwide bookstore chain is an excellent source of books
of interest to the student of the Conspiracy. Should the student's
hometown not have an American Opinion bookstore, or one nearby,
i t is recommended diat the reader contact eidier:
American O p i n i o n
Bookstore For hard to locate books or •
19 John Sims Parkway,
North manuscripts, contact , A tme account of the effort to bribe a well known America general named
Valparaiso, Florida 32580 '(;; '
or: v'v,
American O p i n i o n Alan Davidson
Bbokstoie American O p i n i o n Bookstore
140 N.E. 28di Avenue P.O. Box 391
Pordand, Oregon 97232 Downey, Califomia 90241
Bodi of diese bookstores specialize i n mail-order purchases and w i l l be
happy to place your name on a mailing list to keep you advised of current and
past book dties.
AID AND TRADE .
EAST M I N U S WEST E Q U A L S ZERO, by Wemer Keller
The Russian nadon has been built by Westem aid and trade since its
founding i n 862 A.D. Written by a German and translated into English.
N A T I O N A L SUICIDE, M I L I T A R Y A I D T O T H E SOVIET U N I O N , by
Antony Sutton
This book documents the enormous aid that Russia has received from the
Westem nations. Includes die names of die companies diat sell diese goods to
the Soviet Union.
W A L L S T R E E T A N D T H E B O L S H E V I K R E V O L U T I O N , by Antony
Sutton
Details how die Russian Revolutions of 1905 and 1917 were financed by
European and American bankers.
F R O M M A J O R JORDAN'S DIARIES, by Geoige Racey Jordan
America supplied Russia w i d i die strategic material i t needed to wage a
successful war against the Germans i n World War I I . T h i s program was called
Lend-Lease and it included the plans and materials to b u i l d die atomic bomb.
This book is written by die American military officer who was charged w i t h
expediting the goods as they were being transshipped to Russia. The book
indudes copies of die bills of lading uansferring uranium to the Russians.
CANCER A N D L A E T R I L E , When this book was first published i n 1962, almost no one but its
W O R L D W I T H O U T CANCER, by G. Edward Griffin
Presents the overwhelming evidence that vitamin therapy is effective i n
die treaunent of cancer and die powerful forces at work to prevent this fact
from becoming k n o w n to the public. Also introduces the reader into the
chemical worid of die holding company known as I.G. Farben, die oil world
466
of Standard O i l , and the interlocking agreements between the two of them.
T H E CIVIL WAR
T H E L I N C O L N CONSPIRACY, by David Balsiger and Charies Sellier Jr.
Presents shocking new evidence that indicts the Conspiracy behind the
assassination of President Abraham Lincoln. Includes speculation that John
Wilkes Booth was not killed i n the bam after the assassination, but that he was
in a conspiracy w i d i Edwin Stanton, Lincoln's Secretary of War, w h o had the
most to gain by die deaths of Lincoln and the odier top officers i n Lincoln's
cabinet ^,
COMMUNISM
P H I L I P D R U , A D M I N I S T R A T O R , by C o l o n d Edward M a n d d l House
T h i s novel, written i n 1912 by President Woodrow Wilson's closest
advisor, is about how it is possible to give an advanced country like die United
, States "Socialism as dreamt of by Karl Marx." The author wished for the
Russian Revolution still 5 years away.
T H E P L O T T O SEIZE T H E W H I T E HOUSE, by Jules Archer
Smedley Butler i n t o creating a dictatorship i n the United States, just as
oudined i n Colonel House's book, Philip Dru, Administrator. Fortunately
for the United States, General Butler was a patriot and he exposed the entire
plan.
PROOFS OF A CONSPIRACY, by John Robison
This book, read by George Washington, exposes the secret group knovm
as the Illuminati after i t was revealed by the Bavarian govemment i n 1786. I t
details the secret plans and goals of this organization and its founder, Adam
Weishaupt
S E C R E T S O C I E T I E S A N D S U B V E R S I V E M O V E M E N T S by Nesta
Webster
T h i s book exposes the role of the I l l u m i n a t i and the French Grand
Orient Lodge of the Freemasons, among odiers, i n the French Revolution of
1789. Written i n 1920.
CONSPIRACY A G A I N S T G O D A N D M A N , by Rev. Clarence K d l y
A study of the beginnings and early history of die Great Conspiracy (the
I l l u m i n a t i and the Grand Orient Lodge of Freemasonry, among others).
Written by a Catholic priest
T H E N A K E D C A P I T A L I S T , by W. Cleon Skousen
A review of the book written by Dr. Carroll Quigley (Tragedy and Hope)
that exposes the banking arm of the Conspiracy. This book covers the more
important parts of Dr. Quigley's 1300 page book.
T R A G E D Y A N D HOPE, by Dr. Carroll Quigley
A 1300 page history of the banking arm of the Conspiracy by one w h o
claims to have been made privy to its secret pajiers. Dr. Quigley states diat "he
has no aversion to its aims," and was attempting to force the Conspiracy out
of its secret meeting rooms. A must reading for diose who want proof that the
Conspiracy exists, from one who is a well known supporter.
T H E COUNCIL O N FOREIGN RELATIONS
T H E I N V I S I B L E G O V E R N M E N T , by Dan Smoot
members had heard of the Council o n Foreign Relations, but today i t is
discussed by both the liberals and conservatives. The book includes recent
membership lists to show the connection between the business world and the
communist w o r l d
467
T H E CFR - P A R T I I , by Phoebe Courtney
A n excellent book that exposes the CFR. Written i n 1975.
ECONOMICS
ECONOMICS I N O N E LESSON, by Henry Hazlitt
A short and sure way to understand basic economics, i n simple and
understandable terms, by a brilliant and lucid free-market economist.
W H A T Y O U S H O U L D K N O W A B O U T I N F L A T I O N , by Henry Hazlitt
This book explains the elements of infladon i n simple terms: what i t is,
what is its cause, and what can be done about it.
U N D E R S T A N D I N G T H E D O L L A R CRISIS, by Percy LGreaves, Jr.
Exanmines the monetary problems of inflation and credit expansion, as
well as the causes and cures of recessions and depressions. Written by a student
of the dean of the Austrian (free market) economists, L u d w i g von Mises.
Includes an examinadon of the 1929 stock market crash.
EDUCATION
A R E T E X T B O O K S H A R M I N G Y O U R C H I L D R E N , by James C. Hefley
Today's textbooks have substituted o p i n i o n shaping for teaching,
personality molding for basic skills, and ideological propaganda for factual
content.
C H A N G E A G E N T S I N T H E SCHOOLS, by Barbara M . M o n i s
Discusses humanism, sex education, drug educadon (to promote drug
use?), the "one world" mentality, and the desire to get "back to basics."
T H E FEDERAL RESERVE
T H E FEDERAL RESERVE A N D O U R M A N I P U L A T E D D O L L A R , by
Dr. Martin Larson
Examines the nature of money, its function i n an indusdial sodety, and
h o w i t has been m a n i p u l a t e d by powerful i n t e r n a t i o n a l forces w h i c h
constitute an invisible empire. Details die early history of the Federal Reserve
Law passed i n 1913, the Civil War, etc.
T H E FEDERAL RESERVE, T H E M O S T F A N T A S T I C A N D U N B E L I E V -
A B L E F R A U D I N H I S T O R Y , by H.S. Kennan
Starting i n 1912 w i t h the election of President Woodrow Wilson, this
book examines the greatest money grab i n the history of America. Includes a
discussion of the confiscation of America's gold supply i n 1933.
FREEMASONRY
R E V O L U T I O N A N D FREEMASONRY, by Bemard Fay
The early history of the Freemasons, including their roles i n the French
Revolution of 1789 and the American Revolution of 1776.
GOVERNMENT
T H E L A W , by Frederick Bastiat
This is fierhaps the most brilliant book ever written on the subject of the
government. First published i n 1850. I t was written by Bastiat, a French
economist, statesman and author.
HUMANISM
H U M A N I S T MANIFESTO I A N D I I
The complete texts of these two Manifestos, the first being printed i n
1933, the second i n 1973.
SECULAR H U M A N I S M , by Homer Duncan
A brief history of humanism, called by the author the "most dangerous
religion i n America."
T H E J O H N B I R C H SOCIETY
T H E B L U E BOOK OF T H E J O H N B I R C H SOCIETY, by Robert Welch
468
Records the speeches that Mr. Welch made at the founding meedngs of
the Birch Sodety i n 1958. Presents the vision of the conspiratorialists: "the
upward reach i n the hearts of man."
T H I S IS T H E J O H N B I R C H SOCIETY, by G. Edward Griffin
A n introduction to the John Birch Society, its ideological prindples,
p r o g r a m of action, and long-range objectives. T h i s is an i n v i t a t i o n to
; membership. Written by a long-time member of the Sodety.
PERSONALITIES
T H E P O L I T I C I A N , by Robert Welch
Mr. Welch called President Dwight Eisenhower (the subject of this book)
a "consdous, dedicated agent of the Communist Conspiracy." The American
people were told by the media that Mr. Welch had called h i m a "Communist,"
but hundreds of thousands of the book were still purchased so that the readers
could read the well documented facts that led Welch to that conclusion. The
book became a best seller i n the early beginnings of the "anti-conspiracy"
movement.
T H E ROCKEFELLER FILE, by Gary Allen
Starts w i t h John D. ("Competition is a sin"); includes a discussion on
David; ends w i t h the story about Nelson (the man who desperately wanted to
be president.) Includes a discussion on Cyrus Eaton, a prime promoter of US-
USSR trade, and the Council on Foreign Relations and Trilateral Commis-
sion. Some believe that this book kept Nelson out of the presidency after the
artifidally contrived Watergate affair was created for that purpose.
KISSINGER, by Gary Allen
The connection of Kissinger to the mightiest combine of power, finance
and influence: the Rockefeller family. Includes the claims of the Communist
agent who charged that Kissinger was a KGB agent (he claimed that Kissin-
ger's code name was Bor).
H E N R Y KISSINGER, SOVIET A G E N T , by Frank Capell
Details the incredible charge that the former Secretary of State was a
Soviet agent before he went to Harvard University after World Weir I I .
WAS K A R L M A R X A SATANIST?, by Richard Wumbrand
The author examines the drcumstantial evidence that Marx was a Satan
worshiper.
RED C H I N A
AMERICA'S R E T R E A T F R O M V I C T O R Y , by Senator Joseph McCardiy
H o w Secretary of State George Marshall assisted i n the beuayal of Free
China into the hands of the Communists. This bcx)k probably prompted the
destmction of the Senator.
W H I L E Y O U SLEPT, O U R T R A G E D Y I N ASIA A N D W H O M A D E I T ,
by John Flynn
H o w American was deliberately propagandized that Chaing Kai Shek
was " e v i l , " and that Mao Tse T u n g was " g o o d , " (not a C o m m u n i s t ) .
Implicates the Rockefeller-supported Institute of Padfic Relations.
WEDEMEYER REPORTS, by General Albert C. Wedemeyer
H o w Russia won World War I I w i t h American assistance; how America
assisted the Communization of China; how Pearl Harbor was planned by the
American government; and how this great American general, who was at
many of the meetings that shaped these events, was ostracized by the media for
trying to prevent them from occurring.
RUSSIA
CZARISM A N D R E V O L U T I O N , by Arsene de Gouleviteh
469
 T h e truth ab6ut Russia under die reign of die Czar of Russia, written by
a Russian. Russia was die most rapidly indusuializing nadon i n the world
before die Revoludon of 1917. Includes statements about die funding of die
revoludon by wealthy "capitalists."
BEFORE T H E S T O R M , by Baron G Wrangell-Rokassowsky
T h e story of Russia since about 1850 ( i n c l u d i n g the sending of the
Russian fleet into American waters d u r i n g the C i v i l War). Discusses the
evidence that Russia was indeed developing a middle class and an industrial
base prior to the Russian Revoludon of 1917. , ; i, ,
T H E RESCUE OF T H E ROMONAVS, by Guy Richards
There are two versions of what happened to the Czar of Russia and his
family: die offidal version, and die trudi! The truth is diat they survived (die
Czar lived to 1952). Possibly their safety was guaranteed by an agreement
between the C o m m u n i s t s and the German government (the Kaiser of
Germany was a reladve of the Czar's).
I M P E R I A L A G E N T , T H E G O L O N I E W S K I - R O M A N O V CASE, by Guy
Richards
T h e son of the Czar (the c h i l d w i t h the h e m o p h i l i a ) survived the
revolution of 1917 and became a Colonel i n the Polish Secret Police. H e
named a series of Communist spies i n various westem govemments when he
defected, each of which was found guilty i n courts of law. The American
govemment, under the direcdon of die CIA, kept h i m hidden, even though
diey knew his claims to be the son of the Czar were tme, and dien attempted
to discredit h i m when he charged diat Henry Kissinger was a K G B agent
T H E C O N S P I R A T O R W H O SAVED T H E ROMANOVS, by Gary N u l l
Further evidence that the Czar and his family were not massaaed.
T H E H U N T FOR T H E CZAR, by Guy Richards
Another version of the rescue of the Romanovs.
T H E H L E O N T H E TSAR, by Andiony Summers
Another explanadon of h o w the Czar and his family survived the
Bolshevik Revolution and the purported "massacre."
T H E SECOND BANK O F T H E U N I T E D STATES
T H E R E V O L U T I O N A R Y A G E O F A N D R E W JACKSON, by Robert V.
Remini
Details the battle between President Andrew Jackson and the Second
Bank of the United States. Jackson nearly paid w i t h his life.
SOCIALISM
T H E F A B I A N FREEWAY, by Rose Mardn
Details the history of the Fabian Society of England, whose goals have
always been to capture the English speaking world (including the United
States) for the forces of socialism. Details the "non-violent"' forces of Marxism,
and how they frequently cooperate w i t h the "violent" arm.
KEYNES A T H A R V A R D , by Zygmund Dobbs
H o w the leftists-socialists have infiluated Harvard University. Discusses
the economically deceptive ideas of John Maynard Keynes, the Bolshevik
advisor to President Franklin Roosevelt Includes the quote from George
Bemard Shaw ("You might be executed i n a kindly manner").
SPACE
T H E RUSSIAN SPACE B L U F F , by Leonid Vladimirov
This book, written by a Russian space writer who defected to the free
w o r l d (England), exposes the Russian space effort as a giant hoax. For
instance, the author reports that Russia bunches its rockets on a single column
470
because i t does not have die technology to develop a single-stage lodcet and
that they learn their technological i n f o r m a t i o n from A m e r i c a n t r ^ e
pubhcauons. He asks die quesuon as to why die free worid doesn't know thP
ttudi: "Are diey all fools i n die West?" ona aoesn t know die
RUSSIA'S SPACE H O A X , by Lloyd Mallan
Over 14 months of research uncovers evidence that Russia faked the
"walk i n space," the "moon probe," the "manned probes," etc
T H E T R I L A T E R A L COMMISSION
T R I L A T E R A L S O V E R W A S H I N G T O N , Volumes I and I I , by Antony
Sutton and Pattick M . Wood
Excellent sources of information about the Trilateral Commission.
Written i n 1978 and 1981.
T H E UNITED NATIONS
T H E FEARFUL MASTER, A SECOND L O O K A T T H E U N I T E D
N A T I O N S , by G. Edward Griffin
This book sets forth the double standard which guides the U N along its
devious and treacherous path toward world domination through a world
govemment Included is a discussion of the U N war against Katanga, (the U N
"peace-keeping" forces murdered, pillaged, and raped many women i n that
country). Probably the most honest and authoritative book -.vritten about the
United Nations.
WARS
T H E F I N A L S E C R E T O F P E A R L H A R B O R , by A d m i r a l Robert
Theobold
H o w President Roosevelt planned the attack on Pearl Harbor by fordng
the Japanese into that posidon. Roosevelt's plans required that no word be
sent to alert the Pacific fleet i n Pearl Harbor.
T H E L U S I T A N I A , by Colin Simpson
H o w the British government, w i t h the assistance of the American
govemment, planned the sinking of this passenger ship, carrying munitions
being sent from America to England (by J.P. Morgan) i n order to lure America
into World War I . The book indicts Morgan, Winston Churchill, Colonel
Edward Mandell House, and Franklin Roosevelt i n the planning of America's
entry into the War.
T H E O C C U L T A N D T H E T H I R D R E I C H , by Jean-Michd Angebert
The story about how Hitler became involved w i t h an occult sodety, the
T h u l e Society, that believed that "good" was Aryan and "bad" was Jewish.
Includes the connection of the "music with the theme of the master Aryan
race" of the compxjser Richard Wagner, and Adolf Hitler's anti-semitism.
REPORT FROM I R O N M O U N T A I N O N T H E POSSIBILITY A N D
DESIRABILITY OF PEACE, no audior indicated
The incredible document that calmly explains why wars are desirable;
why drafts of young jjeople are instituted; why govemments are obligated to
be wasteful; and why the govemment feels compelled to control the size of
population.
W A L L STREET A N D T H E RISE OF H I T L E R , by Antony Sutton
, The book that makes every previous book on World War I I obsolete. The
incredible story of the American financiers who provided some of the capital
and material that Hitler needed to launch and fight World War I I .
T H E C R I M E A N D P U N I S H M E N T OF I.G. FARBEN, by Joseph Borkin
T h e s t a r t l i n g account of the u n h o l y alliance of A d o l f H i t l e r and
Germany's huge chemical combine, the I.G. Farben Company. Details the
471
connection between the Standard O i l Company of the Rockefellers and Glossary
Farben. T h e author points out how certain of the board of directors of I . G .
Farben, the German members, were tried as war criminals at die Nuremberg The Accidental Theory of History: Historical events occur by accident, for no
Trials after die war, and certain odiers, die American members, were n o t apparent reason. Govermental mlers are powerless to prevent the event
P E A R L H A R B O R A F T E R A Q U A R T E R O F A C E N T U R Y , by Harry from happening.
Elmer Bames Capital Good: Goods utilized for producing or a c q u i r i n g consumption
A n explanadon of how America planned the attack at Pearl Harbor to goods.
start Worid War I I . The Conspiratorial View of History: Historical events cxrur by design, for
T H E SPEAR OF DESTINY, by Trevor Ravenscroft reasons that are not made known to the people.
"Since i t pierced die side of Christ nearly two thousand years ago, i t is Cartel: A few sellers i n a market place set the price of a good or service sold.
said diat whoever claims the Spear of Longinus (die Roman soldier w h o Conspiracy: A combination of people, w o r k i n g i n secret, for an evil or
possessed the spear that was used against Christ) (currently i n Vienna,
unlawful purpose.
Austtia), and understands the Occult Powers i t serves, holds die desdny of die
Consumpuon Good: Goods acquired for consumption purposes.
world i n his hands. T h i s is the story of die power-crazed leaders from Herod
the Great to Hitler, w h o sought to dominate the w o r l d w i t h the Spear's Capitalism: Any economic system that udlizes capital goods i n acquiring or
remarkable force for Good or E v i l . " Includes a discussion of the T h u l e p r o d u d n g consumpuon goods.
Scxiety. Creadonism: The dieory that all basic animal and plant types were brought
into existence by acts of God using special processes w h i c h are not
operadve today.
Demagogue: A speaker who seeks to make capital of social discontent and
gain political influence.
Economic Systems:
Free Enterprise System: Where die capital goods are owned and conttolled
by the individual.
Fascism: Where the capital goods are o w n e d by the i n d i v i d u a l a n d
conttolled by the state.
Socialism: Where the capital goods are owned and conttolled by the state.
C o m m u n i s m : Where the capital goods are owned and controlled by
coercive monopolies.
Fiat Money: Paper money of govemment issue which is legal tender by fiat ac
law, does not represent nor is i t based u p o n gold and contains no
promise of redemption.
Govemmental Types: i
Anarchy: Rule by no one
Democracy: Rule by the majority ,
Dictatorship: Rule by one man
Oligarchy: Rule by a few, or the minority
Republic: Rule by law !
Theocracy: Rule by God
Humanism: T h e religious belief that man shapes his o w n destiny. I t is a
constmctive philosophy, a non-theistic religion, a way of life.
Inflation: A relatively sharp and sudden increase i n the quantity of money, or
credit, or both, relative to the amount of exchange business. Inflation
always produces a rise i n the price level.
Liberty: Rights w i t h responsibiUties. i
License: N o rights w i t h no responsibUities.
Money: Anything that people w i l l accept i n exchange for goods or services i n
a belief that they may i n t u m exchange i t for other goods and services.
Monopoly: One seller of a particular good, or a provider of a particular
service, i n a given market place.
Natural Monopoly: Created freely by the personal preferences of the
 people i n the marketplace. INDEX
Coercive Monopoly: Created by the govemment, where force is used to A.
restrict the access of others to the marketplace. Access to Energy: 410
Monopsony: One seller i n a marketplace. Accidental V i e w o f H i s t o r y ,
Organic E v o l u t i o n : T h e theory that a l l l i v i n g things have arisen by a definition: 6
materialistic evolutionary process from a single source w h i c h itself Acheson, Dean: 310
arose from a dead, inanimate world. Acton, Lord: 9, 86
"Acts and Facts:" 426-427
Privilege: A freedom to act morally but only after permission has been granted
Adams, John: 35, 79, 127
by some govemmental entity. Adams, John C : 312
Repudiation: The refusal of a nadonal or state government to pay real or Adams, John Quincy: 135,143
alleged pecuniary obligadons. Adams, Robert: 166
Right: A freedom to act morally without asking permission. Adams, Samuel: 405
Symbiosis: The intimate l i v i n g together of two dissimilar organisms i n a Adams, Sherman: 312
mutually beneficial reladonship. Adverdsing Council: 200
A Family Matter. 331
Treason: "Treason against the United States shall consist i n levying war
Afghanistan: 343-344
against them, or i n adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and Age of the Universe, (science): 360
comfort." (Ardcle 3, Section 3, U.S. Consdtudon). Agnew, Spiro: 418, 422
Alabama Consdtudon: 26
Alcoa: 273
Aldrich, Nelson: 169-171, 186
Alexander I I , Czar: 101,155,158,161,
163
Alexis, Czarevitch: 104, 106
Allen, Edian: 127
Allen, Frederick Lewis: 169
Allen, Gary: 202, 209, 229, 327, 396,
420, 432
Allen, Richard: 199
Allende, Salvador: 55
All the News That Fits: 202
American and Foreign Power: 178
American Broadcast Co. (ABC): 201
American Economic System, The:
200
American Essolube: 275
American Federation of Teachers:
391
American Friends of Viemam: 430
American H u m a n i s t Association:
376, 380
American I.G. Farben: 273
American Independent: 242
American Indian Movement (AIM):
394-395
A m e r i c a n I n s t i t u t e o f Pacific
Relations: 210
American Legion Convention
(1980): 340
American Negro Problems: 393
American Opinion magazine: 428,
433
America's Retreat From
309, 314
America's Sixty Families: 172
Anarchy, definition: 32-33
Anastasia: 106
474
Anderson, Jack: 422
Anderson, John: 246, 397
Anderson, Robert: 207
Anderson, Samual E.: 320
And Not a Shot is Fired: 36-37
Andrew, A. Piatt: 170
Anglo-Iranian O i l : 74
Animal Farm: 11
An International Morality Lottery:
228
Anti-Masons Party: 135-136
Antoinette, Marie: 85
Approach Magazine: 221
Archer, Jules: 270
A R C O (Atlantic Richfield): 207,241,
242, 397
Arizona Daily Star. 51, 219, 353, 358
Arizona State University: 358
Army T r a i n i n g Manual: 33
Ash, Roy M . : 370
Assassination and History of the
Conspiracy, The: 160
Assassination of Joe McCarty, The:
314-315
Associated Press: 51, 174, 188, 190,
201, 209, 415
Atlantic Monthly: 201
Atomic Bomb: 330
Augusta Courier: 40
B.
Bakunin, M i k h a i l : 10, 92
Balance of Power Politics: 125
Ball, George: 207
Ballantine Books: 401
Bank of America: 210, 243, 344
Bank of England: 124
Bank of Nanhattan: 274
Banker's T m s t Co.: 243
Barlow, B i l l : 398, 432
Bames, Harry Elmer: 282
Barrett, Katherine: 390
Barmel, Abbe: 84
Bartlett, Charles: 243
Bamch, Bemard: 66, 181, 197, 271
Bastiat, Frederick: 29-30
Bastille Prison: 85
Batista, Fulgencio: 115-116
Bauer, Amschel Moses: 139
Bayer Co.: 364
Bay of Pigs Invasion, Cuba: 117-118
Bazata, Douglas: 301
Victory: Beades, The: 203-204
Beckman, Petr: 410
Belmont, August: 152
Bendix Aviation: 294
Benjamin, Judah P.: 160
475
Berglund, Bob: 229 Burke, Edmund: 434
Berle, Adolf: 118 Burmeister and Wain: 328
Bemhard, Prince: 207, 422 Bums, Ardiur: 55, 58-59,174
Bedieseda Naval Hospital: 305-307, Bush, George: 199, 206, 246-248
314, 423 Business International
Between Two Ages: 236, 345, 405, Roundtables: 404
414 Buder, Major General Smedley: 269-
Bicentennial (July 4, 1976): 395 271,401
Bickley, George W.L.: 152 Byrd, Richard R.: 186-187
Biddle, Nicholas: 135-137
c. ''••;!;^'''
Bilderbergers, T h e : 199, 206, 232,
Caldwell, Taylor: 255 . .
247, 422, 432
Calhoun, John C : 132
B i l l of Rights: 13, 16, 28
Califomia Senate Subcommittee on
Birch, John: 429
Un-American Acdvides: 431
Bismarck, The: 279
Califomia Young Republicans: 417
Bissell, Richard: 118
Callaway, Oscar: 200
Black Panthers:, die: 403-404
Callo-Italian Sodety: 83
Block, John: 229
Calso: 74
Blue Book: 430
Bolsheviks, The: 101, 195 Cambridge University: 361 ,j,
Booth, John Wilkes: 160, 162 Canaris, Wilhelm: 286-287 ! :
Cancun: 230 - '
Borah, W i l l i a m : 187
Bordon: 364 Capell, Frank: 105
Capital Good, definidon: 42
Bor-Kormorowski, General: 290
Capitalism, definidon: 42
Boston Globe: 219
Carbonari of Italy: 160, 163 , , , ,
Boston Tea Party: 128
Carmichael, Stokely: 396 ., '
Boulding, Kennedi: 225
Camadon: 364 I i ii,
Boume, Geoffrey: 359
Camegie, Andrew: 208
Bradford, Robert: 365
Camegie Corporadon: 210
Bradley, B i l l : 193
Carnegie Endowment for
Brady, Lawrence J.: 348
International Peace: 210, 257,
Braun, Wehmer von: 334-335
376
Brave New World: 380
Camegie Foundadon: 228, 403
Breshnev, Leonid: 406
Camegie United Kingdom Tmst: 95
Briggs, B. Bmce: 412-413
Carter, James: 7,48,51,55, 174,189-
Brigham Young University: 426
190, 199, 219, 229, 231-236,239-
Bristol Myers: 364
244,380,409,412,433
British Petroleum: 242
Carter, R u b i n "Hurricane": 405
Briush Shell O i l Company: 275
Cartel, definidon: 71
Brown, Harold: 372
Cartwright, Monsignor John K.: 315
Brown, Julia: 394, 432
Case for a Simple Life-Style, The:
Brown, Pat: 417, 431
Brown, Sam: 48-49 228
Brownell, Herbert: 312 Casuo, Emilio: 222
Browning, Orville: 162 Casuo, F i d d : 115-116,324 ! !!
Bryan, W i l l i a m Jennings: 172, 258 Catherine the Great: 129 , 'i
Bryant G r i n d i n g Co.: 338-339 Catholic Church: 45
Central Intelligence Agency: 106-
Brzezinski, Zbigniew: 7, 228, 232,
235-237, 345, 405, 413 107, 109, 117, 119-120, 196, 198,
Buchanan, James: 127 206, 420
Buck, Pearl: 9 Ceremony of the Innocent: 255
C.F.P.: 241-242
Buckley, W i l l i a m F. Jr.: 49, 206-207
Chance as Factor i n Evolution: 351-
Budenz, Louis: 315
Bukharin, Nikolai: 112 352
Bullitt, W i l l i a m C : 288-289 Chandler, Zachariah: 151
Bundy, McGeorge: 118, 253 Chaing-Kai-Shek: 212-213, 216, 219,
Burke, Arleigh: 118 305, 318
Chamber of Commerce: 58, 268, 283
Chambers, Claire: 362
Chambers, Whitaker: 202, 269, 386,
392
Chase Bank: 102, 109, 111, 162, 210
Chase Manhattan Bank: 155, 162,
210, 233, 241, 243, 344, 419
Chase, Salmon P.: 155-157, 161-162
Chavez, Cesar: 395-396
Cheeinski, Michael: 326
Chef-Boy-Ar-Dee Foods: 364 ,
Chicago Sun-Timw: 201
Childs, Marquis: 201
Chisolm, Brock: 370
Chiu-Yuan-Hu: 219
Chou-En-Lai: 212, 215-218, 346
Christiana, S.S.: 103
Chu, Valentin: 216-217
Church, Frank: 193
C h u r c h i l l , W i n s t o n : 39, 181, 257-
259, 276-279, 283, 288, 317
Church of Satan: 222
Cides Service: 241
/ Daugherty, Harry M . : 263
Civilian Police Review Boards: 394
Q a r k , Joseph: 52-53, 371
Clark, Mark: 321-322
Clark, Robert S.: 269
Clark, W i l l i a m A.: 163
' Clay, Henry: 132, 135-136
Cleaver, Eldridge: 404
Clement X I I , Pope: 127
Coan, Blair: 9
Collaboration with
Countries...: 238
Color, Communism, and Common
Sense: 393
C o l u m b i a Broadcasting System
(CBS): 200
Columbia University: 201, 386
Commission on Mental Health: 387
Committee for Freedom of Choice i n
Cancer Therapy: 365
Communist League: 94
Communist Manifesto: 383
Communist Persecution
Church...: 227
Comparre O i l Company: 327
Conant, James B.: 387-388
Confrereries of France: 163
Conklin, Edward: 352
Conspiratorial View of History,
definition: 6
Constitutional Educational League
of New York: 314
Consumption Good, definition: 42
Cond, Samual: 424
Conueras, Emesto: 366
Costello, Frank: 38
C o u n d l o n Foreign Relations: 196,
232-233, 244-245, 247-248, 261,
283, 316, 321, 369, 381,388,397.
406, 416, 418-419, 432-433
Cox, Eugene: 376
Coxe, Daniel: 127 ,
Crane, Charles: 103 ;
Creationism: 349-362
Crisis of Democracy, The: 412
Crown of St. Stephen: 234
' " Culbert, Michael: 365
Cunard Lines: 257
Cuneo, Emest: 407-408
Curzon, L o r d George N a t h a n i a l :
261
Daily Worker: sn
Dall, Curtis: 66
Daniels, Joseph: 260 '
Danton: 83
Darwin, Charles: 355 i
Davidson, Henry: 170
Davis, Angela: 78 ,
Davis, Deborah: 420
Davis, Jefferson: 162 ' ,,
Davis, John W.: 269 \
Dawes, Charles: 267 ' ' ,
Dayton, Eldorous: 112
Dean, John: 420 v
Deane, John R.: 329
Communist Decay o f the M a g n e t i c F i e l d ,
(sdence): 360
Decay of the Sun, (sdence): 361
D e c l a r a t i o n o f Interdependence:
370-371
Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire, The: 329
DeConcini, Dennis: 61
"Deep Throat": 420
Democratic Convention, 1968: 401
Democracy, definition: 32-34
Department of Health, Education
of the
and Welfare: 189
d'Estaing, Giscard: 207
Deuoit Free Press: 105
Dewey, John: 378-379, 386, 387
Dickinson, W i l l i a m L.: 339
Dictatorship, definition: 32
Dies, Martin: 279, 304
D i l l o n , Douglas: 118, 181, 238, 405-
406
D i l l o n , Reed and Co.: 267, 305, 406
Dimiuov, Georgi: 193
Dinsmore, Herman: 202, 432
477
Diocletian: 55
Disraeli, Benjamin: 76
Dodd, Bella: 78, 313
Dodd, Norman: 11, 209, 257, 376
Dodd, W i l l i a m : 268, 272
"Dolt!": 400, 428
Dolfuss, Englebert: 265-266
Dollars and Sense: 156, 415
Donovan, " W i l d B i l l " : 301
Douglas MacArthur: 288
Dow Chemical: 273
Dow Jones and Co.: 201
Drake, Edward L . : 99
Drury, Allen: 412-413
DuBois, Jules: 116
DuBois Clubs, W.E.B.: 403
Dulles, Allen: 109, 116-118, 196-197
Dulles, John Foster: 109, 196, 198,
240, 261
DuPont: 272
Durham, Doug: 395, 432
Dusseldorf Rules: 399-400
E.
Earle, George: 286-287
Eaton, Cyrus: 324
Eckart, Dieuich: 265
Economic Consequences of the
Peace, The: 57
Economic Pinch, The: 176
Education for the 70's: 383
E d u c a t i o n a l Resource Services
Center: 389
Ehrlich, Paul: 225
Eichmann, Adolf: 290
Eisenhower, Dwight David: 47,117-
118,196,199, 234,250,261,289-
290, 313, 335-336, 416, 428
Ekaterinberg, Russia: 104-105
Electric Bond and Share: 178
Elmhirst, Mrs. Ernest: 195
Emancipation Proclamation: 156-
158
Emerson, Peter: 55
Energy Cartel, The: 241
English Boat Company of Groton,
Connecdcut: 328
Encyclopaedia Britannica: 401
Encyclopaedia of Freemasonry: 83,
128, 135
Engels, Frederick: 91, 93-94, 185
Equal Rights Amendment: 397
Equitable Trust: 111
ESSO: 74, 404
Esguire Magazine: 205
Ethyl Gasoline Corporadon: 274
Evans, Medford: 315, 391
478
Evoludon, dieory of: 349-362
Evolution of Man: 349
Export Control Act: 341-342
ExfKjrt-Import Bank: 344-345
E X X O N : 242, 346
F.
Fabian Freeway: 332
Fabian Society: 101, 108, 193, 226-
227; 332, 386
Fairbank, John: 213-214
Fall, Albert: 263
Farben, I . G . : 266268, 272-276, 280.
364
Farley, James: 271
Fascism; definidon: 45
FDR, My Exploited Father In Law:
66
Federal Bureau of Invesdgadon: 41.
309, 312, 405, 423, 427
Federal Council of Churches: 221
Federal Emergency Management
Agency: 409-412,
Federalist Papers: 29
Federal Office of E c o n o m i c
Opportunity: 395-396
Federal Register: 412
Federal Reserve System^ Purposes
and Functions, The: 173
Fellowship of Religious Humanists:
381
Fels, Joseph: 101
Ferdinand, Archduke Francis: 256
Fichte, Johann: 383
Field Enterprises: 201
Field Museum: 355
Fields, Uriah J.: 41
Final Secret of Pearl Harbor, The:
284
First Nadonal Bank: 102, 182
First Nadonal Bank of Chicago: 243
First Nadonal City Bank: 243
Fiugerald, Garrett: 207
Flanders, Ralph: 313
Fletcher, Joseph: 379
F.L.Q.:412
Flynn, John T : 215
Focke-Wolfe: 272
Fonda, Jane: 405
Ford, Edsel: 273
Ford Foundation: 53, 207, 209, 228,
397, 403
Ford, Gerald: 50, 127, 174, 189, 199,
207, 218, 235, 243, 422-424
Ford, Henry: 177, 267
Ford, Henry, I I : 209
Ford Motor Company: 272-273
Forecast for the 70's: 388
Foreign Affairs: 197, 283, 369
Forrestal, Henry: 306
Forrestal, James: 305-308, 312, 314,
423, 436
Fortune Magazine: 201
Fossil Evidence, (science): 353
Foster, W i l l i a m Z.: 383
Foundation for Economic
Education: 426
Frank, Hans: 266
Franklin, Benjamin: 9, 124, 126-130
Fraser, Malcolm: 235
Freedom From War;
Department Publication 7277:
370
Free, Arthur: 221
Free Humanist, The: 380
Freeman, The: 426
Freemasons: 222
French Revolution, The: 86
Freyn E n g i n e e r i n g C o m p a n y of
Chicago: 327
Friedman, M i l t o n : 50, 210, 254
Fromme, Lynette "Squeaky": 423
Fulbright, W i l l i a m J.: 118, 193
Fusion Magazine: 410
G.
Gaither, H . Rowan: 204
Galbraith, John Kenneth: 23-24, 59,
181, 183, 195, 250
Gallup, George: 92-93
Gardner, Richard N . : 235, 238, 369
Garfield, James: 124, 127
Gates, Frederick T : 386
General Education Board: 386
General Electtic: 339
General Dynamics: 333
General Mills: 364
General Motors Company: 272-274
"General Welfare" Clause: 28-29
Generale Immobiliaire: 419
George I I I : 129
Georgetown University: 8, 271
German General Electtic: 8
Gibbon, Edward: 329
Give 'em Hell, Harry: 112
Givens, Willard: 390
Glacier Park: 355
Glen Rose, Texas: 356
Glycerol: 343
Goethe, Johann von: 134
Goldsmidi, Arthur: 78, 313
Goldsmidi, Harry S.: 287
Goldston, Robert: 112
Goldwater, Barry: 219,232,239,242-
243, 346, 406-407, 413, 416-417
Goloniewski, Michael: 105-107, 242
Good Samaritan Clinic: 366
Go Quietly or Else: 418
Gouzenko, Igor: 48
Grand Canyon: 355
Grand Lodge of London: 126
Grand Orient Lodge of Freemasory:
88, 262
Grapes of Communist Wrath in
Delano, The: 396
Great Crash, The: 181, 183
Grew, Joseph G : 278
State Grey, Sir Edward: 258
Griffin, G. Edward: 365, 432
Guaranty Bank: 102
Guaranty Trust: 111, 269
Guevera, Che: 402
Gulf O i l : 74, 242, 263
Gumaer, David: 103, 432
Gun Conttol: 296
H.
Hackett, Sir John: 407
Haig, Alexander: 198, 409, 418-422
Haldeman, H.R.: 420
H a l l , Gus: 78,221,311
Halsey, W i l l i a m F.: 282
Hamilton, Pierpont Morgan: 165
Hancock, John: 127
Hanover Trust Bank: 102
Harding, Warren G.: 127, 262-263
Harper's Magazine: 201, 225, 419
Harriman, Henry: 268
Harriman, W. Averill: 238, 327
Harris, Forbes & Co.: 267
Harris, James: 388
Harvard Law School: 428
Harvard University: 8, 201, 250
Hayek, Frederick: 57, 195
Hays, W i l l : 263
Hazlitt, Henry: 185
Healey, Denis: 207
Heath, Edward: 246
Heikal, Mohammed: 346
H e l i u m Decay, (science): 360
Helms, Jesse: 395
Hemingway, Ernest: 379
Henderson, Arthur: 108
Henderson, Robert: 365
Henry Kissinger, Soviet Agent: 105
Herald Tribune : 215
Herter, Christian: 109, 196-197
Hesburgh, Theodore: 207
Hickey, W i l l i a m : 242
Hiedler, Johann Georg: 265
Highlander Folk School: 40-41
479
 Hill of Summer, The: 412-413
Hiroshima, Japan: 299-300
Hiss, Alger: 198
History of the Great American
Fortunes, The: 139
H i t l e r , Adolf: 14, 37, 68, 261, 264,
267, 274, 278-279, 286, 382
Hitler, Alois: 265
H o C h i M i n h : 340
Hoffman, W i l l i a m : 99
Holt, Marjorie: 371
Hooker, Joseph: 159
Hoover, Herbert: 110, 268-269, 279,
Hoover, J. Edgar: 309,427
Hougan, J i m : 419
House, Colonel Edward Mandell:
109, 151, 157-158, 166-168, 196,
257-259, 401
House Committee on Un-American
Activities: 110
House Intemal Security Committee:
403-404
House, Thomas: 157
Hoveida, Amir: 242
Howe Brodiers: 130
Howe, Frederick Clemson: 73
Hoyle, Dr. Fred: 352
H u a n g Hua: 347
Huck, Susan L . M . : 189
Hudson Insutute: 253, 412
Hughes, Charles Evans: 263
H u l l , Cordell: 289
Human Cost of Communism
China, The: 216
Human Cost of
Communism, The: 112
Human Events: 405
Humanism: 375-381
Humanism, A New Religion: 391
Humphrey, Hubert: 172, 199, 250
H u n t , Frazier: 288
H u n d n g t o n , Samuel: 412
Hunzas, die: 364-365
Huxley, Aldous: 380
Huxley, Julian: 349-50, 362,376-377
Huyser, Robert E: 241
Hyperinfladon: 288
I.
Ichord, Richard: 403
Ickes, Harold: 278
Illinois Joint Legislative Committee
on Regional Govemment: 376
I'll Never Lie to You: 231
n i u m i n a d : 77-85,87-88,94,108,132-
133, 159, 206, 223, 369, 419
Illustrations Illustrating Masonry,
by Capt. W m . Morgan: 134
Inflation, definition: 56
Inside Cuba Today: 114-115
Inside the Third Reich: 302
Institute for Creation Research, The:
426-427
Institute of Pacific Relations: 210,
220,232
Intelligent Woman's Guide
Socialism, The: 46
Intercollegiate Socialist Society: 386
I n t e r n a t i o n a l Basic E c o n o m y
Corporation: 344
I n t e r n a t i o n a l Business M a c h i n e ,
(IBM): 210
Intemational Covenants on H u m a n
Rights: 13
Intemational General Electric: 210,
273
Intemational Harvester Company:
272
International Telephone
Telegraph: 210, 272-273
Intimate Papers of Colonel House,
The: 258
Iranian Offshore Peuoleum: 241
Iranian O i l Consortium: 241-242
J-
Jackson, Andrew: 31, 127, 134-138,
257
ackson, Jesse: 405
in . acobins: 132, 159, 161-162
. ames, George: 154
Soviet . ames, Jesse: 154, 162-163
. efferson, Thomas: 12, 79, 84, 124,
127,131-134,142,196, 371,384
Jekyl Island, Georgia: 170
J o h n B i r c h Society: 405-406, 418,
427-433
. ohnson, Andrew: 127, 159-162
, ohnson, H u g h : 271, 276
. ohnson, Lydon Baines: 49, 63,250,
420
Johnson, Manning: 221, 393
Jordan, George Racey: 330
Jordan, Hamilton: 232
Joseph, King, of Portugal: 79
Judd, Walter: 212
/UMO, H M S : 258-259 , J
K.
Kadar, Janos: 234 '
Kahn, Alfred E.: 55
Kahn, Herman: 253, 412-413
Kahn, Otto: 197
Kaiser W i l h e l m Institute (Berlin): Lamont, Thomas: 109
331 Landers, A n n : 202
Kama River T m c k Factory: 343 Landgrebe, Earl: 341-342 11 i
Katkov, George: 101 Langer, Walter: 265-266
Katyn Forest: 275 Lansing, Robert: 259
Katzenbach, Nicholas: 193 Lanz, Pedro Diaz: 116
Kaufman, Irving: 330 Larson, Martin: 208
Kautsky, Karl: 46 L a r r y M c D o n a l d Crusade to Stop
to Kelley, Clarence: 405 Financing Communism: 432
Kellogg Company, M.W.: 364 Lasky, Victor: 419
Kemp, Jack: 246 Lavaan Peuoleum Co,: 241-242
Kennecly, John: 8, 38, 118-122, 181, LaVey, Anton: 222
189, 196, 199, 336, 339, 396, 416 Law, The: 30
Kennedy, Joseph P.: 8, 10, 38, 181, Law, John: 62-63
196
Lawrence, Richard: 137
Kennedy, Joseph P. Jr.: 196
League for Industrial Democracy:
Kennedy, Robert: 120, 196, 396
Kennedy, Robert Jr.: 196 386-387
League of Nations: 196, 260,-263
Kennedy, Rose: 9
Leahy, W i l l i a m : 300
Kennedy Women, The: 9
Kenyatta, Jomo: 196 Leary, T i m o d i y : 203 '
Kerensky, Alexander: 102, 104, 109 Led Zeppelin: 204
and Keynes, J o h n Maynard: 57-59, 68, Legal Plunder, definition: 30
195, 226, 261 Lenin, Nikolai: 57-59, 101-102, 104,
Khomeini, Ayatollah: 242 106-111, 325, 378-379, 383, 390
Khrushchev, N i k i t a : 110, 120, 235, Lemniuer, Lyman: 118
324, 392 Lend-Lease: 214, 279, 328-330, 332,
Kimmel', Husband: 282-284 343
Kimsey, Herman: 106-107 Lennon, John: 204
King, Martin Ludier, Jr.: 40,394,396 Leo X X I I I , Pope: 127
Kirk, James: 403 Leonov, Alexie: 337
Lemer, Max: 428
KISS (Knights i n Service to Satan):
203 Lewin, Leonard: 252
Life of John Birch, The: 429
Kissinger, Henry: 195, 207, 218-219,
Liberty, definition: 16 '
254, 344, 407-408, 419-421
"Liberty ships": 48
Klonsky, Michael: 403
License, definition: 16
Knickerbocker Bank: 169
Knights of the Golden Circle: 152- Liddy, G. Gordon: 419, 422
Life Magazine: 89,108,112,169,201,
154, 160, 163
Knowles, John: 369 275, 331
Knox, Frank: 277, 281 Lincoln, Abraham: 15,124,135,152-
Kohlberg, Alfred: 211-212 160, 163, 165, 436
Kondratyev, Nikolai: 55 Undbergh, Charies A., Sr.: 166,173,
Korean War: 306 176
Kosygin, Alexei: 324 Linowitz, Sol: 243
Kozak, Jan: 36-40, 57, 87, 101,166 L i n Piao: 320
Kraft, Joseph: 201
L i p p m a n , Walter: 109, 196-197
Krasnov, P.N.: 290
"Lishnetzy": 48
Krebs, Ernst: 364 Lodge, Henry Cabot, Sr.: 262, 312
Kreps, juanita: 219 London Express: 242, 352
Kmpps, Alfred: 272 London School of Economics: 195
' Kuhn, Loeb fe Co.: 105, 111, 174,182 London Sunday Times: 47
^ u Klux Klan: 163, 427 Los Angeles Herald Examiner: 242,
kunen, James Simon: 404 406-407
Kuntzler, W i l l i a m : 395 Los Angeles Times: 201, 259, 396
Louis X V I , King: 62-85, 87, 88
L.
Luce, Henry: 238
Laeuile: 363 Lundberg, Ferdinand: 172, 233

480
4ii
 " L u n i k : " 337
Lusitania, The: 257-259
Luttwark, Edward N . : 220
Lyttleton, Oliver: 283
Lyttleton, R.A.: 361
M.
Maas, Peter: 38
MacArthur, Douglas: 214, 275, 285,
317-321
Mackey, Albert: 84, 135
Madison, James: 26, 29, 35, 127, 384
Macmillan (publishers): 354
Malcolm X : 396
Male and Female (science): 360
Malik, Jacob: 318
Malkin, Maurice: 209
Mallan, Lloyd: 337
Man vs. the Welfare State: 185
Manhattan Bank: 162
Manhattan Project: 330-331
Manley, Michael: 222
Mann, Horace: 385
Mann, Thomas: 118
Manufacturers Hanover Trust: 252
Manufacturers Trust Bank: 102
Many Crises of the Soviet Economy,
The: 348
Mao Tse T u n g : 212, 215-218, 401,
405
Marcos, Ferdinand: 230
Marijuana: 401
Marine Midland Bank: 243
Marshall, George: 215-216, 220, 275,
281, 284, 286, 299, 305, 308-309,
320
Marshall, John: 127, 134
Martens, Ludwig: 209
Martin, Joseph: 321
Marun, Rose: 332
Marx, Karl: 48, 91-98, 101, 107, 111,
152, 155, 185, 192,204,236,376,
398, 383
Mau-Maus: 196
Mazzini, Guiseppe: 223
May L i n Soong: 212
Maximillian: 156
Maximus, Quintus Fabius: 193
McBimie, Stuart: 120
McCarthy, Joseph: 286, 308-315
McLeod, Scott: 314
McCloy, John: 198
McCord, James W.: 419-420
McCormack-Dickstein Committee:
270
McCormack, John W.: 270
McCulloch vs. Maryland: 134
48?
McDonald, Larry: 244, 333, 432 Mothers of Invendon: 203 New World News: 399
McFadden, Louis: 66, 103, 182-183, Moyers, B i l l : 201 New York Daily News: 201, 281
344, 436 Moynihan, Daniel: 196 New York Times: 116, 119-120, 122,
McGovern, George: 172, 199 Munsey, Frank: 172 201-202, 215, 219, 235, 338, 344,
Mclntire, Ross: 287 Murphy, Frank: 304 346,404,418
McKee, Arthur G. & Co.: 327 M u r p h y , Grayson Mallet-Provost: Nicaragua: 244-46
269 Nicaragua Betrayed: 244, 433
McKenna, Reginald: 123-124
McKinley, W i l l i a m : 127, 166 Murphy O i l : 242 Nicholas I I , Czar: 99-102, 104-105,
Murphy, Robert: 302 107
McNamara, Robert: 118, 207, 253
Meaning of Masonry, The: 350 Mussolini, Benito: 45, 195 Nihilists of Russia: 162
Myers, Gustavus: 139 Nitze, Paul: 118, 238
Medvin, Norman: 241
Mein Kampf: 274 N i x o n , Richard: 55, 174, 189, 199,
N.
Mellon, Andrew: 263 217-218, 250, 312, 336, 339-343,
Nagasaki, Japan: 300
Memoirs I : 151 370, 389, 414-418, 420-422, 424,
Naked Capitalist, The: 426
Mencken, H . L . : 362 430
Napoleon: 100, 140
M e t e o r i t i c Dust o n the E a r t h , Nobel Brothers: 100, 327
Nation, The: 215
(science): 360-361 Nordhausen, Germany: 334, 339
National Association of Nordel, John: 105
M e t e o r i t i c Dust o n the M o o n , Manufacturers: 428
(science): 361 N o r t h A m e r i c a n A i r Defense
N a t i o n a l Broadcasting Company
Metropolitan Club: 260 Command: 337-338
(NBC): 200
Metz, Herman: 273 North American Treaty
National Cancer Institute: 365
Midlands Bank of England: 123 O r g a n i z a t i o n ( N A T O ) : 198,
National Center for Constitudonal
M i l l , John Stuart: 31 324, 328, 407, 409
Studies: 426
Miller, William: 175 Northem Securities: 165-166
National City Bank: 102, 182, 210,
Millis, Walter: 307 Norton, Charles: 170
273
Mills, Walter: 260-261 Not A Shot Is Fired: 87, 166
Nadonal Committee for an Effective
Mind of Adolf Hitler, The: 265 Novak, Jeremiah: 240
Congress: 313 Nuremburg, uials at: 302
Mindszenty, Cardinal: 233-234
N a t i o n a l C o u n c i l for U.S.-Red
Mises, Ludwig: 69, 174, 402
China Trade: 345 O.
"Missing Links": 358-359
National Council of Churches: 220- Ober, Richard: 420
Mitchell, Charles E.: 273
Mobil O i l : 242 222, 396 O'Campo, Mel: 396, 432
Molotov, Viachiaslav: 290 N a t i o n a l Education Association: O c c u p a t i o n a l Safety and H e a l t h
Mondale, Lester: 380-381 383, 389-91 Organization (OSHA): 398, 432
Mondale, Walter: 199,239, 246, 380- N a t i o n a l E n d o w m e n t for the O'Donnell, John: 281
Humanities: 405 Odom, Howard: 226
381 National Iranian O i l Co.: 241 Office of Child Development: 389
Monetary Conuol Act of 1980: 175 N a t i o n a l Monetary Commission: Office of Strategic Services (OSS):
Money, definition: 60 169-170 301
Money magazine: 201 National Review: 201 O'Hair, Madlyn Murray: 380, 388
Monopoly, definidon: 70 National Rifle Association: 396-397 Ohio County Women's Republican
Monopsony, definidon: 71 Nadonal Security Advisor: 198
Club: 310
Monroe Docuine: 142 National Suicide: Military Aid to the
O i l Seepage (science): 360
Monroe, James: 132, 142-143
Soviet Union: 324 Oligarchy, definidon: 32-33
Moore, Sara Jane: 423-424
Naziism: 264-265 Opel: 273
Moral Re-Armament: 399
Neanderdial Man: 359 Operation Keelhaul: 289
Morals and Dogma: 222-224
Nebraska Man: 359 Organization of Petroleum
Morain, Lloyd: 380
Necker, Jacques: Exporting Counuies, (OPEC):
Morgan, Gerald: 312
Morgan, Captain William: 134 Negroes in a Soviet America, The: 73-75,241,327
Morgan, J.P.: 102, 109, 165, 168-171, 393 Organic Evoludon, definition: 350
Nestles: 364 Orleans, Due d': 87-88
178, 182,196,200, 258,260,267, New Harmony, Indiana: 385 Orwell, George: 11, 194
269 New Intemational Order: 229, 369 Out of Debt, Out of Danger: 415
M o r g a n , J.P. and Company: 179, New Lanaark, Scodand: 384 Overman Committee: 103
210, 257, 270, 273 New Republic, The: 215 Owen, Robert (the Socialist): 384,
Morgenthau, Henry: 181, 328 Newsweek Magazine: 201, 420 395
Morris, Henry: 351 Newton, John E.: 282
Moseley, George Van Home: 434
48S
 Owen, Robert (the Senator): 142-143.
166,176-177
O w l Drug: 364
P.
Paine, Thomas: 495
Paluxy River: 356
Panama Canal: 199, 243
Parade Magazine: 38, 284, 308, 324,
419
Parisian Outlaws League: 94
Parke Davis & Co.: 364
Patman, Wright: 174, 184
Patterson, Leonard: 393
Patton, George S.: 234, 301-302, 334
Paul, Ron: 343-344
Paul I I , Pope: 79
Paul V I , Pope: 50, 230, 233
Pauling, Linus: 365
Pawley, W i l l i a m D.: 115
Pearl Harbor: 214, 272. 278-283, 407
Pearl Harbor, Roosevelt, and the
Coming oj the War: 271
Penn, W i l l i a m : 12
Pennemunde, Germany: 334
Pennzoil: 346
People: 201
People's Bicentennial Commission:
404-405
People's World: 431
Pepper, John: 393
Percy, Charles: 369
Perkins, Frances: 271
Perkins, George: 172
Peny, W i l l i a m : 344
Pet M i l k : 364
Philip Dru, Administrator. 151,166-
168, 196, 401
Phillips, L i o n : 93
Phillips Petroleum: 346
Pike, Albert: 222-224
Piltdown Man: 359
"Pincers Movement": 36
Pinochet, Augusto: 55
Pius V I I , Pope: 79
Planned Parenthood: 228
Playboy Magazine: 423
Plot to Seize the White House, The:
270
"Plumber's Squad": 421
Pogany, Joseph: 393
"Pogo": 200
Politician, The: 428
Polk, James K.: 127
Population Bomb, The: 225
Population Council: 228
"Populadon Explosion": 226
Populadon Growdi, (sdence): 360
Populadon Reference Bureau: 228
Potsdam Conference: 317, 328
Potter, Charles Frands: 391
Potter, Philip: 222
Preobrazhensky, Leo: 111
Presidential Review Memorandum:
412
Private Boycotts vs. The National
Interest: 342
Princeton University: 8, 169
Privilege, definidon: 14
Program to Combat Radsm: 222
Prohibidon: 38
Proojs oj a Conspiracy: 83, 132
Prussion, Karl: 41
Q Rockefeller, John D. Jr.: 221
Quigley, Carroll: 8, 68, 74-75, 124,
199, 267, 308
R.
Radio Corporation of America
(RCA): 200
Radio SWAN: 117-118
Raines, George N . : 305-306
Rathenau, Walter: 8
Rather, Dan: 239 „; , ,
Raup, David: 355
Rauschenbusch, Walter: 221
Reader's Digest: 201, 220, 228, 313
Reagan, Ronald: 52, 189-190, 198-
199, 206, 219, 246-248, 409, 411
Real History oj the Rosicrucians,
The: 125-126
Reece, B. Carrol: 208
Reece Committee: 197, 375
Reeves, John: 152
Regan, Donald: 198
Reid, Ed: 346
Reminiscenses: 317
Report jrom Iron Mountain: 252,
324, 372, 412
Republic, definidon: 34
Republic National Bank of Dallas:
243
Repudiation, definidon: 125
Reston, James: 418
Reuther, Victor: 326
Reuther, Walter: 326, 396
Revere, Paul: 127
Review of the News, The: 433
Revolutionary Age oj Andrew
Jackson, The: 134
Rhodes, Cecil: 193
Rhodes Scholarships: 193
Richardson, J.O.: 277-278
Ridgeway, Matthew: 321
Rifkin, Jeremy: 404-405
Rigby, Dr.: 86-87
Right, definition: 14
Ritalin: 384
Robison, John: 83-84, 132, 197
Rockefeller, David: 196, 207-208,
210, 217, 228, 232-234, 240, 245,
386, 403
Rockefdler Family: 178, 210, 262,
327, 420
Rockejeller File, The: 420
Rockefeller Foundation: 195, 207,
209-211, 228, 365, 369, 376, 386,
406
Rockefeller, John D.: 73, 99, 386
Rockefeller, Laurence: 228
Rockefdler, N d s o n : 198, 386, 414-
415,417-418,422-424
Rockefeller, Rodman: 344
Rockejeller Syndrome, The: 233
Rogers, William: 312
Rolls-Royce: 332, 339
Roosevdt, Franklin D.: 7, 47, 65-66,
73, 112, 127, 168, 182, 188,214,
250, 257, 260, 269-271, 275-282,
284-289,291,300, 304,311,317,
328, 330-331,333, 344,418
Roosevelt, James: 330-331
Roosevdt, Theodore: 127, 166, 171-
173, 260
Root, Elihu: 260
Rosenbaum, Ron: 205-206
Rosenburg, Ethel and Julius: 330
Rostow, Walt Whitman: 193
Rothbard, Murray N . : 55
Rothschild Bank (London): 157
Rothschild Bank (Paris): 102, 419
Rothschild, Cari: 139
Rothschild, Edmond de: 207
Rothschild Family: 100, 152, 155,
160, 168, 193, 265
Rothschild-Freres: 258
Rothschild, James: 139
Rothschild, Meyer: 139-140
• Rothschild, Nathan: 139-141
Rothschild, N . M . Co.: 66, 165, 344
Rothschild, Solomon: 139
Rothschilds, the Financial Rulers oj
Nations, The: 152
Rovere, Richard H . : 312-313
Royal Dutch Shell: 74, 327
Rubin, Jerry: 400-402, 404, 428
( ^ Rubottom, Roy: 116
Rudd, Eldon: 216
Rusk, Dean: 118, 193, 238,253
Russell, Beruand: 383
485
Russia, 1917: 101
Russian Revolution, The: 112
Russian Space Blujj, The: 335
S.
Salinger, Nicole: 22-23
Sandinistas: 245
Santa Ana Register: 336
Satanist Church: 91
Satterfield, John C : 41
Saturday Review: 40, 378
Saturday Review oj Literature: 215
Schickelgruber, Maria A n n a : 265-
266
Schiff, Jacob: 102, 197
Schlesinger, Arthur Jr.: 47, 118, 428
Schmidt,, Helmut: 207
Schmiu, John: 9, 346
Science oj Evolution: 354
Scientijic American: 338
Scopes T r i a l : 362
Scott, Walter: 284, 308
Seal of the United States: 127
Secretary of Defense: 198
Secretary of State: 198
Secretary of the Treasury: 198
Secular Humanism: 376
Select C o m m i t t e e to Investigate
Foundations and Comparable
Organizadons: 208
Senate Internal Security
Subcommittee: 403-404
Senator Joe McCarthy: 312-313
Sequence (science): 357-358
Sevareid, Eric: 196
Seward, W i l l i a m : 135, 156, 159, 161
Seymour, Charles: 168
Shah of Iran: 240-242
Sharp, U.S. Grant: 342
Shaw, George Bemard: 46, 194
Shearer, Lloyd: 340
Sheehy, Monsignor Maurice: 306-
308
Shdl, Joe: 417
Shell O i l : 210, 242, 252
Sherman, W i l l i a m Tecumseh: 151
Shifrin, Avraham: 222
Shiite Moslem Sect: 242
Short, Walter C : 284
Simon & Schuster: 401
Simpson, Colin: 259
Sinclair, Harry: 263
Sinclair O i l : 263
Singer Sewing Machine: 269
Sirica, John: 421
Situation Ethics: 379, 401
Skousen, Cleon: 426, 430
 Skull and Bones: 205-206
Sloan-Kettering Insutute for Cancer
Research: 365
Smidi, Earl T . : 115-116
Smidi, Howard K.: 193
Smithsonian Insutute: 338, 350
Smoot, Dan: 197
Snyder, G.W.: 84
Socony-Vacuum: 74
Social Democradc Labor Party: 101
Socialism, definidon: 45
Sodal Security: 50
Soldier's Guide: 33-34
Solzhenitsyn, Alexander: 289, 291,
348
Somoza, Anastosio: 244-245, 433
Sorenson, Theodore: 238
Sorge, Richard: 281
Southcott, Joanna: 91
Soviet Negro Republic: 393
Speer, Albert: 302
Spengler, Oswald: 77-78
Sperry Gyroscope: 338
Spock, Benjamin: 405
Sports Illustrated: 201
Spumik: 334
Squibb & Sons: 364
S t a l i n , Joseph: 102, 288-289, 291,
317, 325, 387
Stamp, Josiah: 124
Standard O i l : 74, 100, 263, 267-268,
270, 272, 274-275, 327
Standard O i l of Califomia: 242
Standard O i l of New Jersey: 178,252,
273
Standard O i l of New York: 268
Standard-Vacuum O i l : 210
Stang, Alan: 395, 432
Stanton, Edwin: 159-161
Stark, Harold: 281-284
Stark, Peter: 343, 432
Stephen, King: 234
Stetdnius, Edward: 198, 319
Stevenson, Adlai: 198-199
Sdmson, Henry: 198, 271, 280-281
Suaight, Willard: 195
Suauneyer, George: 320-321
Strawberry Incident, The: 404
Suong, Benjamin: 170, 174
Students for a Democratic Society:
403-404
Study No. 7: 197
Sturdza, Prince Michael: 303
Suicide of Europe, The: 303
Summit Minisuies, The: 427
Sun-Yat-Sen: 212, 219
Superior:241
486
"Support Your Local Police": 432
Sutton, A n t o n y : 73, 241, 324, 327-
328,338,340,343 ,< .
Sylyester I I , Pope: 234
Symbiosis, definidon: 361-362
T.
Taft, Robert: 416, 428
Taft, W i l l i a m Howard: 127,171-173,
263
Taiwan: 216
Tansill, Charles C : 271 :'
Tax Foundadon: 187
"Tax Freedom Day": 187
"Tax Reform Immediately"
( T R I M ) : 432
Taylor, John: 133
Taylor, Robert H . : 420
Teagle, Walter: 273
Teapot Dome, Wyoming: 263
Teller, Edward-411
Texaco: 242
Thatcher, Margaret: 207 ' U n i o n Theological Seminary: 221
Theobold, Robert: 284
Theocracy, definidon: 32
Thermodynamics, Laws of: 351
Things to Come: Thinking About
the 70's and the 80's: 412
Third World War, August, 1985,
The: 407
Thirteen Days: 120
Thomas, Norman: 47, 249-250, 313
Thompson, James: 246-247
Thompson, John: 162
Thompson, W i l l i a m B.: 109
Thomson, Hans: 275
Three Mile Island 410-411 I University of Jena: 93
T h u l e Sodety: 264-265
Tijerina, Reies Lopez: 395
Time Magazine: 201, 238, 336
Time, Inc.: 201, 210
T i m e i n sdence: 356
T i w « - M i r r o r : 201 ; . ;
T i t o , Josep Broz: 48
Tocqueville, Alexis de: 220
Tojo, General: 280
Tolstoy, Nikolai: 289
Torcase vs. Waddns: 380
Torrijos, Omar: 243
Toward A Soviet America: 383
Tower, John: 408
Trading W i t h the Enemies Act: 341
Tragedy and Hope: 74, 199, 308
Treason, definidon: 347
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk:
Treaty of Versailles: 67,109,196,261,
T r i l a t e r a l C o m m i s s i o n : 199-200,
206, 219, 231-232, 235-238, 240
Volcker, Paul: 175
243-244, 246-248, 381, 412, 432 '
Trilaterals Over Washington: 241 Voorhis, Jerry: 156, 415-41
Trinidad, City of: 117-118 W.
Tripartite Treaty: 276, 283, 300 Wade, Benjamin: 161
Triumph and Tragedy: 288-289 Wane. Arthur Edward: 76 126
Trotsky, Leon: 50-51, 101-104, 257 Wane Robert G . L : 266 '
Tmdeau, Pierre: 218, 412 Waldheim, Kurt: 230
Wallace, Henry: 73
T r u m a n , Harry: 127, 300, 305, 308-
Wall Street and FDR: 73
311,313,317-318, 321,331,414
Wall Street and the Bolshevik
T r u t h About Civil Turmoil
Revolution: 73, 324
( T A C T ) : 394
Wall Street Journal: 201, 332 411
Tuatara lizard (science): 355
Walker, Walton 319
Tucson Citizen: 20i i
Warburg family: 162
Tydings, Millard: 310
Warburg, James: 6, 59, 74-75, 230,
Tyler, Alexander Fraser: 31
370
Tyler, John: 138
Warburg, N . M . and Co.: 109, 261
U. Warburg, Max: 109, 261, 273
Undersecretary for P o l i t i c a l a n d Warburg, Paul: 109, 170, 174, 197,
Security Affairs: 319, 370 261,273
U n i o n O i l : 242, 346 Ward Chester: 197
W a r d Fred: 114
United Auto Workers: 326, 403 Ward, Harry: 221
United Fruit: 270 War Measures Act: 412
United Nations: 198, 229-230, 288, Warnke, Paul: 238
316-317, 395, 403 War on Poverty: 396
United Press: 201 Wauen, Eari: 416
United States Naval Academy: 428 Washington, George: 26-27, 36, 84,
United States Steel: 350 127,130, 132,190, 256, 258,261,
United States vs. Seeger: 380 Washington Post: 201, 228, 239
University of Arizona: 356 Waterioo, Battle of: 140
University of Chicago: 210, 386, 403 Watergate: 414-419
' University of Colorado: 225, 410 Weather Modification: 345-346
University of Florida: 226 Webb, Sidney: 195
University of Gotdngen: 152
Webster, Daniel: 135
Webster, Nesta: 37, 82, 85-87
University of Kazan: 101
Wedemeyer, Albert: 303, 317
University of Massachusetts: 389 Weekly Review: 239-240
University of North Carolina: 428
Weinberger, Casper: 198
U.S. News ir World Report: 79, 114, Weishaupt, Adam: 78, 82, 84, 108,
121,246, 365, 373
257, 378
Weissman, Benjamin: 110
V.
' ' ; W e l c h , Robert: 418-419, 428-431,
'i Vacuum O i l Company: 268 434-435
Valachi Papers, The: 38
^ Wellington, Arthur Wellesley: 140
Van Buren, Mardn: 137 Wells, Gideon: 162 ,
Vance, Cyrus: 207, 232, 238, 369
' Wells, H . G . : 194 '
Vanderiip, Frank: 170 West in Crisis, The: 6, 59, 74, 368
Vehmgerict of Germany: 163
Wesdnghouse Company: 103
Vergennes, Charles Maurice: 129 Westphalen, Jenny von: 93
Vietnamese War: 311, 340, 400 West Point: 198
V i k i n g Press: 307
" W h a t ' s M y L i n e ? " television
Virginia B d l of Rights: 26
program: 231
Vishinsky, Andrei 331
While You Slept: 215
Vladmirov, Leonid: 335-337
White, Byron: 193
Vlasov, A n d r d : 289-290
White, Gemian: 389
487
 White, Harry Dexter: 214, 216
Whitehall Laboratories: 364
Why Not The Best?: 235
Wickramisinghe, Chandra 352
Wieland, W i l l i a m : 116, 122
Wiener, Alexander: 106
Willard, Joseph: 133
W i l l i a m , Maurice: 212
Williamson, H u g h : 29
Wilmhurst, W.L.: 377
W i l s o n , W o o d r o w : 103, 105, 108-
109, 158, 168-169, 171-173, 198,
•^157-262, 271-272, 325, 418
Wiseman, W i l l i a m : 105
With No Apologies: 232, 239
Witness: 202
Wood, Leonard: 241, 260, 262
Wood, Robert C : 388
Worker's Manifesto: 396 Ralph Epperson started
World Affairs Council: 370-371
World Council of Churches: 222 researching this book
World Health Organization: 368 twenty years before it was
World Revolution: 37
World Without Cancer, Parts I and published even though he
II: 365 didn't realize it at the time.
Wormser, Rene: 375
Wright, Edmund 160 A graduate of the Univer-
Wright, Loyd: 41
Wright-Patterson A i r Force Base:
sity of Arizona, his interest
333 in reading in the areas of
World Population Conference: 229 history, political science,
Y. economics, and science
Yale University: 206
Yalta Conference: 287-288, 311, 317, didn't start until after
328 college. Students in his
Yarroll, W i l l i a m : 204
Yerkes Regional Primate Research classes praise his thor-
Center: 359 ough research and con-
Young, Ardiur: 213
sider him to be a provoca-
Zappa, Frank: 203 tive and stimulating in-
Zinchenko, Constantine: 319
Zinjanthropus Man: 359 structor, able to present
Zyklon B Gas: 267, 280 his controversial material
in an easily understood
manner. His lectures are
well attended whenever
he speaks on these sub-
jects in the Southern
Arizona area.

488