1.

INTRODUCTION

There is a never-ending desire for the establishment of viable and sustainable

democracy in contemporary African societies. Even though political regimes in post-
colonial Africa have been characterised by authoritarianism, unconstitutional change
of governments, corruption, political assassinations, and food crises, almost all of
them have claimed to be democratic. The failures and successes of post-colonial
African states in the cause for democratisation have been measured against the
Western or liberal model of democracy. It is against this backdrop that this essay
tries to answer the question as to whether the Western or liberal notions of
democracy are well suited to and compatible with African politics. In doing so, the
author discusses the different models of democracy and examines the assertion that
there is a need for an African model of democracy which is aligned with the political
and cultural contextual realities of African societies. It is also important to highlight
that different writers have come up with different models of democracy but for the
purposes of this essay, the discussion is confined to the liberal/ Western model, the
traditionalism model, the eclecticism model, and the Chinese model. This essay is
divided into three sections with the first one dealing with the definition of democracy.
The second part discusses the four models of democracy stated above and
examines their compatibility with African society. The last section provides a
reflection for the future and key recommendations on the model of democracy which
is best suited for the African context.

2. DEFINING DEMOCRACY

Democracy is a nebulous concept and even though a lot has been written about
democracy, there is no universally accepted definition of democracy. Different
authors define the term democracy differently. Greece is widely regarded as the
birthplace of democracy. It is common knowledge that the word was derived from
Greek words demos which means the people and kratia which means to rule.1 This
means a system of governance that places emphasis on the people or the collective
good of the society as opposed to the rule by one despotic person. Contemporary
scholarship on democracy defines the ideal from a minimalistic and maximalist point
of view. The minimalistic understanding of democracy confines it to the electoral
1
A K Fayemi ‘Towards and African Theory of Democracy: Thought and Practice’ (2009) A
Journal of the Philosophical Association of Kenya Vol 1 103.
system.2 As for Popper, democracy is a system of governance where one ruler
replaces another without bloodshed and that means through elections. 3 Schumpeter
posits that democracy does not entail the rule by the people but it is a method by
which the power to make decisions is transferred to individuals who would have
gained power through a competitive process for the votes of the citizens. 4 Przeworski
defines democracy as a system through which political parties lose election. 5 These
views are in stark contrast to the understanding of democracy by maximalists who
view democracy as an ideal which goes beyond the electoral systems as shall be
demonstrated in the next paragraph.

It has been argued that elections alone do not constitute democracy. Maximalists put
emphasis on the need to ensure that civil liberties such as freedom of speech,
assembly, and association are guaranteed. 6 Diamond provides that democracy does
not only encompass civilian, constitutional, multi-party regime with regular free and
fair elections but also a guarantee of civil liberties. 7 He also puts emphasis on the
importance of separation of powers amongst the judiciary, executive and the
legislature.8 The maximalist understanding of democracy is more appealing
especially in light of findings by Schedler that regular elections have been
paradoxically the major reason for democratic regression, deterioration and
reversion in Africa.9 Therefore, to confine democracy to electoral systems is
improper because elections can be used as a means to justify and legitimise the
actions of popular but despotic dictatorships. Notwithstanding the different ways in
how democracy is defined, it can be argued that there are two basic elements of
democracy, and these are liberty and equality. 10 Further to that, certain minimum
conditions must be met for a system to be deemed democratic. 11 These include,
among others “respect for human rights and the rule of law; collective deliberation,

2
Fayemi (n 1 above).
3
K Popper The Open Society and Its Enemies (1963).
4
J Schumpeter Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (1959).
5
A Przeworski Minimalist Conception of Democracy: A Defense’ (1999).
6
Fayemi (n 1 above) 104.
7
L Diamond Ethnicity and Democracy in Nigeria: The Failure of the first Republic (1988).
8
Diamond (n 7 above).
9
A Schedler ‘Elections without Democracy: The Menu of Manipulation’ (2002) Vol 13 Journal
of Democracy 26-50.
10
Fayemi (n1 above).
11
Fayemi (n1 above).
choice and participation; representative and accountable government.” 12 Having
defined democracy, the next section discusses the different models of democracy
alluded to in the introduction and examine the feasibility of each of them in an
African context.

3. MODELS OF DEMOCRACY

As already highlighted in the introduction, different scholars have proposed different

models of democracy but the discussion in this essay is limited to the
liberal/universal model, the traditionalist model, the eclectic model, and the Chinese
model. As shall be demonstrated each of the four models has its strengths and
weaknesses. The following paragraph discusses the liberal/universal model of
democracy.

3.1. The liberal/ universal model

This is the most popular and dominant model of democracy. It is sometimes referred
to as the Western model of democracy owing to its roots in Western countries. The
model places emphasis on the separation of powers, independence of the judiciary,
respect for fundamental human rights, and the multi-party electoral system. As for
Fukuyama, this model of democracy is practicable anywhere in the world and the
one which he finds desirable to embrace. 13 Fukuyama argues that the Western
liberal democratic ideology has triumphed over other contesting democratic and
economic models.14 Jane argues that liberal democracy has the potential to unlock
development opportunities for Africa. This model of democracy has been described
as imperialistic15 in nature and to regard the liberal democratic model as the panacea
to the problems that African societies are facing has been described as an integral
part of neo-colonialism.16 This author is of the view that the liberal model of
democracy has some key elements which are indispensable. It is also argued that
these elements are compatible with the African contextual realities. What is
undesirable, however, is the attempt to impose the liberal/Western idea of
democracy on African states.

12
Fayemi (n1 above).
13
F Fukuyama The End of History and The Last Man (1992).
14
Fukuyama (n13 above).
15
Fayemi (n1 above).
16
Fayemi (n1 above).
Transplantation of the liberal model of democracy from the Western world to African
societies can only be effective and sustainable if the model adapts to the contextual
political and cultural realities. The same view is shared by Montesquieu who argues
that it is wrong to impose foreign laws and institutions on other states. Kahn-Freund
declares that politics determines the compatibility of foreign norms with the
institutions of a host country. Berkowitz, Postor, and Richard argue that laws and
institutions developed internally through a process of trial and error, innovation and
correction are effective.17 They also argue that where foreign norms are imposed and
legal and institutional evolution is external rather than internal, institutions tend to be
weaker.18 In light of the weaknesses of the liberal model of democracy, one may
want to know more about the other options. The next paragraph, therefore,
discusses the traditionalist model.

3.2. The traditionalist model

Proponents of this model argue that democracy, as it is currently being practiced in

Africa is unsustainable.19 Authors who subscribe to this ideology argue for what they
call an indigenous democratic model which they believe is more suited to the African
culture than the Western liberal democratic model. 20 Wambia dia Wamba argues that
Africans have been indoctrinated with the Western sense of democracy. 21 He is of
the view that the Western multiparty system is not suitable in the African context. 22
For him, it is not possible to democratise Africa by the imposition of the Western
liberal democratic system on the African situation from the top. 23 Conversely, he
supports a democracy from the bottom. 24 He posits that democracy in Africa should
not be viewed mainly as a form of politics; rather, it must be viewed as a process of
empowerment, self-determination, and meeting the specific needs of the people. 25
17
D, Berkowitz, K, Postor & JF Richard ‘The Transplant Effect’ (2003) The American Journal
of Comparative Law, Vol. 51 163-203.
18
Berkowitz, Postor & Richard (n18 above).
19
Fayemi (n1 above).
20
Fayemi (n1 above).
21
W.E Wamba Democracy in Africa and Democracy for Africa (1990).
22
Wamba (n21 above).
23
Wamba (n21 above),
24
Wamba (n 21 above).
25
Wamba (n 21 above).
Wiredu argues that Africa’s political redemption cannot be brought from the currently
known model of majoritarian democracy. 26 He notes that majoritarian democracy is
associated with a multi-party system of politics, in which the party that wins the most
seats at the election forms the government. 27 A close look at the writings of scholars
from the traditionalist school shows that their worry is a question of African identity.
28
Their arguments are focused on establishing that many traditional African societies
were democratic, even in their monarchical social organizations, and that resorting to
their values and principles in contemporary Africa would be a panacea to the
multitude of Africa’s problems.29

However, these theorists have failed to explain in solid terms how these identified
African traditional democratic values and principles could be incorporated into
contemporary governance in Africa, such that they help to shape the contours of
politics and social conditions in Africa for the good of her people. Thus apologists of
the traditionalist school of thought have not succeeded in proposing an African
theory of democracy, which could be compared with and/or contrast to various
Western democratic theories such as liberal, radical, neo-idealist, elitist, and pluralist
democratic theories. In light of the flaws inherent in both the traditionalist and
universal models, it is important to have a look at how the best of both worlds can be
combined to come up with a sustainable model. This brings one to the eclectic model
of democracy.

3.3. The eclectic model

This model represents a compromise between the liberal/universal and the

traditionalist models. The idea is that the weaknesses of the traditionalist model are
mitigated by the strengths of the universal model. What is central to the eclectic
scholars is that in as much as the adoption of traditional African culture and its
democratic values is important, sight should not be lost on the usefulness of
democratic ideas and principles that have been developed in other cultures. 30 The

26
Wamba (n 21 above),
27
Wamba (n 21 above).
28
Fayemi (n1 above).
29
Fayemi (n1 above).
30
Fayemi (n1 above).
proponents of this model argue that some of the borrowed ideas can contribute to
the cause for sustainable democratisation in Africa.31

Ruch holds that our democracy must neither be a mere return to traditional Africa,
nor a replication of Western modes of governance. 32 Africa, he notes, cannot move
from one extreme to the other without mapping out its own original path, while taking
due cognizance of democratic development in other social formations. 33 Gyekye
concedes that for Africa to realize political stability, we should find,

“ingenious ways and means of hammering the autochthonous democratic elements

as well as elements inherited from alien source…into acceptable and viable
democratic form in the setting of the modern world.”

Owolabi posits that democratic values may exist in traditional culture as much as
anti-democratic ones.34 Thus, a return to the past in order to have a foundation of
democracy in contemporary Africa should be approached with serious caution, so
that we do not fall into the trap of venerating an obsolete and anachronistic culture. 35
For him, “there is nothing forbidding us from developing a new culture of sustainable
democracy from the amalgam of ideas from both our culture and that of other
societies.” In spite of the plausibility of the eclectic position over the claims of the
universalists and traditionalists, it is unclear, going by the claims of the eclectic
school, how to achieve this eclecticism in concrete terms. For instance, there are
dissenting views on the democratic credentials of traditional governance and its
potential compatibility with contemporary governance. 36 Such limitations, arising from
the extraordinarily complex nature of contemporary institutions and realities that may
render some of the workings of Indigenous values and institutions untenable, are left
untreated by the apologists of eclecticism. 37 As such the next part discusses the
Chinese model of democracy and examines its compatibility in the African context.

31
Fayemi (n1 above).
32
Ruch, E.A. & K.C. Anyanwu African Philosophy: An Introduction to the main Philosophical
Trends in Contemporary Africa (1981).
33
Ruch & Anyanwu (n32 above).
34
KA Owolabi Can the past salvage the future? Indigenous democracy and the quest for
sustainable democratic governance in Africa (2003).
35
Ruch & Anyanwu (n 32 above).
36
Owolabi (n34 above).
37
Owolabi (n 34 above).
 3.4. The Chinese model

This model is not clearly defined like the other models discussed in the preceding
paragraphs. There is also a general dearth of literature on the Chinese model of
democracy. In short, the China model is a combination of economic freedom and
political oppression.38 It is true that the Chinese government spends lavishly on the
security apparatus to preserve social stability and resorts to harsh measures to put
down perceived threats to one-party rule. 39 Its unique political development model is
not only distinct from the traditional Soviet Union model but also diverges from the
Western liberal democratic style. Some scholars even went as far as to claim the
reason for the successful Chinese economic modernization was precisely because
China did not have any accompanying democratic reforms. 40 In other words, the
Chinese model places emphasis on economic freedom at the expense of political
freedom.

The Chinese model has been characterised by a three-pronged approach. It places

democracy at the bottom, experimentation in the middle, and meritocracy at the
top.41 This means that the lower the level, the more democratic it is, and the higher
the level, the more meritocratic it becomes. Ascendency to the highest offices, at
least on paper, is based on political meritocracy and not revolutionary energy or
popularity. As for Bell, this model cannot be accurately labelled as a bad
authoritarian dictatorship in the tune of North Korea or the Middle East. 42 The model
places less emphasis on regular multi-party elections. This author is of the view that
meritocracy should be an important consideration in determining ascendancy to
higher offices, but the challenge is that what constitutes merit may not be as obvious
as it may seem to be. The system is open to abuses because there is a risk of the
ruling elite giving meritocracy a meaning which suits their needs. In light of the
drawbacks of the Chinese model, it is necessary to analyse whether Africa should
adopt its own model of democracy and the form that the proposed model should
take.

38
DA Bell The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the limits of Democracy (2016).
39
Bell (n 39 above).
40
S Shirk The Political Logic of Economic Reform in China. Berkeley (1993).
41
Bell (n39 above).
42
Bell (n39 above).
 4. REFLECTIONS FOR THE FUTURE

It has been established that the four models of democracy discussed above are not
without weaknesses. Considering those weaknesses, two key questions arise, and
they are as follows: a) Which of the four models discussed above is compatible with
African societies? Should Africa adopt a new form of democracy which speaks to its
peculiar needs? Regarding the first question, this author is of the opinion that in their
strict senses, none of the four models is completely adequate for Africa. This
author’s answer to the second question is, therefore, in the affirmative.

Fayemi is one of the scholars who argue that the eclectic model, with necessary
modifications, is one which is compatible with African society. 43 He argues that it is
desirable for Africa to retain the democratic elements of its culture and then
supplement them with the progressive ideas of the universal or liberal model. 44 He
further stated that while there are clearly important elements of traditions like
patriarchy that are incompatible with democratic principles, it is argued that formal
democracy is incapable of protecting these traditions and the identities which they
produce.45 Oyoo proposes an alternative African model of democracy which he calls
an integrated consensual theory.46 Basically, his theory reinforces the eclectic model
of democracy. He argues that it is wrong to think of democracy in contemporary
Africa in a purely foreign or Western manner. He further states that for African
democracy to be meaningful and sustainable, it is necessary for the liberal ideas of
democracy to be adjusted to the contextual realities of African society.

This author is not aligned with any of the four models discussed above but proposes
an assorted theory of democracy that encompasses progressive elements from all
the models. Culture is indispensable in Africa and this means that elements of the
traditional model should be included. The liberal model is inherent with progressive
elements like the separation of powers, independence of the judiciary, and protection
of fundamental rights. The eclectic model brings the best of both the traditional

43
Fayemi (n 1 above).
44
Fayemi (n1 above).
45
Fayemi (n1 above).
46
https://researchspace.ukzn.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10413/16940/
Yaye_Christopher_Oyoo_2018.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y (Accessed 14 November
2022).
model and the liberal/universal model. From the Chinese model, the concept of
meritocracy is an important takeaway. This author, however, suggests that
meritocracy should not be at the top but at the bottom. In other words, the
assessment of competence should be the first step in choosing people who occupy
political offices.

5. CONCLUSION

It has been established that democracy is a nebulous and dynamic concept.

Different writers define it differently. Others define it from a minimalist point of view
while others define it from a maximalist point of view. There are different models of
democracy and among them are the liberal model, the traditional model, the eclectic
model, and the Chinese model. Fayemi and other scholars have proposed a new
model of democracy suited to the African continent. It is concluded that the new
African model of democracy should be an assortment of progressive values and
principles from different models of democracy.
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