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The University of Chicago Press and Medieval Academy of America are collaborating with
JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Speculum
Richard P. H. Greenf
This may well be Dyan Elliott's best book - and that is saying a great deal. Disturbing
heartbreaking, and even - at points - hilarious, The Bride of Christ Goes to Hell offe
both an homage to, and a sharp critique of, the intricate choreography that kept ma
authority figures and consecrated women waltzing with the imagined persona of the brid
of Christ over the course of some thirteen hundred years. What did it mean for a bish
or hagiographer to identify a real woman - individually and imperfectly embodied an
ensouled - with this mystical figure? What did it mean for a woman to claim such
persona for herself? The answer, of course, is that it meant different things at differen
times and in different places.
Elliott's story begins in the earliest centuries of Christianity, "when the bride was just
metaphor unattached to any particular body - before she tumbled from the symbolic orde
became entangled in text, and finally came to land with a thump upon the body of t
virgin who has dedicated her life to God" (1). It was Tertullian, writing around the ye
200, who first attempted to "squelch" some consecrated virgins' "misguided pretension
to androgyny, by demanding that they assume the veils that would clearly identify them
wives, firmly united to sexed bodies, rather than angels or honorary men (as some virgin
had apparently been wont to claim).
Over the next few centuries, Tertullian's successors made the title sponsa Christi one o
"supreme honor," by applying it to the female figure in the Song of Songs (Origen) a
to the Virgin Mary (Athanasius and Ambrose), as well as to consecrated women. For t
women, however, the title implied strict control as well as honor. The Christ of the la
church fathers was a jealous husband, and the clergy who represented Christ on earth we
zealous on his behalf. The earthly Brides of Christ were bidden to wear veils, but forbidd
to wear makeup; they were advised to stay inside their homes and urged to obey the
clerical advisors. The possibility of a relatively free, ungendered lifestyle retreated, as th
role of bride became the "core identity" for pious women. Even the ceremony in wh
virgins assumed their veils echoed that of earthly marriage (46-49). By the fourth and fif
centuries, women themselves had begun to imagine themselves as brides, abandoning t
androgynous identities of earlier centuries.
At the heart of the bridal persona was the physically virginal body - the body tha
patrician families demanded from their brides, and that (in the view of someone l
Ambrose or Augustine) Christ expected from his Bride as well. In Cyprian's time, it w
already agreed that the consecrated virgin who willingly lost her physical virginity was
adulteress. But among the later fathers, the status of holy virgins who had been raped al
became a matter of great concern. Some concluded that a truly pious virgin would comm
suicide rather than allow herself to be defiled; others suggested that God would only allo
one of his Brides to lose her virginity if she were already sinful in some way. By the beginni
of the Middle Ages, then, the spiritual status of consecrated women had become powerfu
linked to a particularly limited and fragile element of human physicality. According
Elliott, virgins alone bore the honor - and potential danger - of being Christ's Brides.