Talk about School: Education and the Colonial Project in French and British Africa,

(1860-1960)
Author(s): Bob W. White
Source: Comparative Education , Mar., 1996, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Mar., 1996), pp. 9-25
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.

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Comparative Education

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Comparative Education Volume 32 No. 1 1996 pp. 9-25
CARFAX

Talk about School: education and

the colonial project in French and
British Africa (1860-1960)
BOB W. WHITE

ABSTRACT As a study in comparative colonialism, this research attempts to iden

differences in the French and British models of colonial education in Sub-Saharan
in colonial policy were conditioned to some extent by settlement patterns, the rol
variations in local politics and economies, but also by the moral stances underlyin
By calling attention to some of the 'signposts' of British and French colonial ed
research attempts to contrast British and French ideas about morality and the
Africa.

Introduction

There is a wealth of information on education in Africa, not only from recent yea
from the colonial period [1]. This research focuses on sub-Saharan Africa's t
prominent colonial powers, France and Great Britain, and limits itself primarily to
which addresses the problems of primary and secondary education. There is a wide
of information on the development of higher education in Africa, but this literatu
examined here, since the prominence of African universities occurred later than t
under consideration. As was expected, access to primary sources was limited,
impossible. Many of the sources used in this research were published during th
period between 1860 and 1960. Recently, written critical essays on the role of
education in the colonies were often useful because they referenced some primary
which this author had no access, but they also offered important historical insight
study of educational systems in Africa (Harik & Schilling, 1984; Kelly, 1984, 1986;
1985; Blakemore, 1988; Gadjigo, 1990).
It is the intention of this study to examine what is said about colonial education policy
in Africa, not what is done [2]. There is often a great discrepancy between policy and
practice, but that is not the focus of this research. Neither does this study attempt to
represent the indigenous or 'African' point of view, a project which is doomed to failure, in
particular when conducted from within the walls of a university library [3]. Instead, this
research limits itself to an examination of French and British statements of policy concerning
education in the African colonies. At a glance, statements of policy may seem uninteresting
and tedious, but a close examination shows to what extent mechanisms of colonial adminis-
tration reflect moral stances and cultural values. In order to draw out this argument, I will
discuss briefly the history of educational institutions in French and British colonial Africa,
after which I will present some of the 'signposts' of French and British colonial models which
were discerned by analysing discourse about schools and schooling in the African colon-
Correspondence to: Bob W. White, Department of Anthropology, McGill University, Canada.

0305-0068/96/010009-17 $6.00 @ 1996 Carfax Publishing Ltd

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10 B. W. White

ies [4]. Lastly I will compare and contrast these findings in an attempt to characterise French
and British ideas about the colonial project in Africa.

Historical Context

In the simpler life of earlier times when a son followed closely into the footstep
his father there was no problem. The boy from his earliest years saw the work
would do as a man being done by his father...(Nuffield Foundation and the
Colonial Office (Britain) 1953, p.14)
This description of pre-colonial education in Africa serves as a good starting point for a
discussion of European education policy in the African colonies. European colonialism paid
little attention to pre-existing forms of education in Africa, and this is reflected in the relative
lack of writing on the subject. Abdou Moumouni has written in some detail on 'traditional'
education. In his book, L'Education en Afrique, Moumouni (1964, p.34), divides traditional
education in Africa into four stages: first childhood (0-6 years), second childhood (6-10
years), third childhood (10-15 years) and puberty crisis/entry into adolescence (15-16 years).
Each stage is characterised by changes in the child's physical and cognitive abilities,
his/her role in the community and the figures of authority that guide the traditional education
process. Moumouni (1964) discusses educational institutions which are common to many
pre-colonial African societies; these include games and story-telling, apprenticeship and
initiation practices. The most common trait of indigenous education in Africa is the presence
of many 'teachers'. Since learning occurs in a community setting, the child can have several
teachers at any given stage of development. What the mother teaches is different from the
lesson of the grandmother or the uncle, which is in turn different from the reinforcement
provided by older siblings or members of the extended family. Moumouni's (1964) dis-
cussion is too general to address the intricacies of all pre-colonial education in Africa, but his
observations are useful in pointing out some of the aspects which distinguish African and
European systems of education [5].
In his book The Struggle for the School, Anderson (1970) further highlights some of these
differences:

The Europeans did not bring the idea of formal education to Africa; in many ways
this had been established in African societies long before their arrival. Yet through
such practices as grouping children into classrooms for regular daily lessons,
emphasizing the importance of reading and writing and showing particular concern
over examination results and certificates, Europeans have done much to shape
Africa's more recent understanding of schools. (p.1)

European Education in Africa

The first formal attempts at European schooling in Africa were made by Portugese mission-
aries and date back to the middle of the sixteenth century, but little is known about these
missions and very little remains from their work. The foundations for European education in
Africa were laid principally by nineteenth century missionaries from Great Britain, France
and later America. The missionary tradition in West Africa has a continuous history of 150
years and in some parts of Central and East Africa even precedes European colonial rule.
Evangelical missions, predominantly from Protestant churches in Europe, taught literacy and
manual skills, while the Anglican and Catholic missions generally had a more academic focus
(Cowan et al., 1965, p. 4).

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 Education and the Colonial Project in French and British Africa 11

Almost all early missionary work was funded by the churches. Travel between Europe
and Africa was expensive and time-consuming, and materials for education and construction
also had to be provided. Early missions, in particular those that ventured inland to establish
schools and churches, suffered great losses due to foreign climates and diseases. Despite the
fact that missionary resources were becoming depleted, many missions by the end of the
nineteenth century felt the need to expand operations, probably due to increased numbers of
European settlers and traders in the colonial territories.
Mission officials in the early 1900s, who took most of the credit for the establishment of
schools in sub-Saharan Africa [6], began to pressure their governments for more support of
missionary efforts in education. The governments of Great Britain and France heard these
pleas but more substantial financial support did not begin until after the First World War.
'Education, treated indifferently for decades, was suddenly recognised as an important aspect
of colonial policy and government grants to mission schools increased' (Cowan et al., 1965,
p. 5). This sudden change can be attributed, in part, to an increase in the value of African
agricultural exports in the post-war period. Not only were African territories becoming more
profitable, but they were also increasing in geo-political importance as the European powers
jockeyed for positions of control throughout the region. Furthermore, as mass education
began taking root in Europe the use of schools as centres for colonial activity also encouraged
educational spending.
In 1925, the Phelps-Stokes Education Fund of America and the Foreign Mission
Societies of North America and Europe published a study called Education in Africa. This
exhaustive survey, which was conducted in two parts, involved educators and administrators
from the US, Great Britain and Africa and significantly influenced the creation and im-
plementation of public policy concerning education in Africa.
The following sections will look in greater detail at factors which influenced the
development of French and British colonial education policy.

The French Context

Senegal was the first region in sub-Saharan Africa to be actively colonised by the French. As
was the case in most of Africa, European missionaries were the first to establish schools there,
but the French Government was not far behind. In 1854 there were four schools in Senegal,
two in Goree and two in St Louis, although they were primarily for training priests. The first
lay school was established in 1857. In French West Africa only 70 schools had been
established by 1900 and most of these were state-run (Hailey, 1945, p. 1260) [7]. Legislation
in France between 1903 and 1924 eventually gave complete control of the colonial schools
to the French Government. And while France made some allowances for subsidies to mission
schools, only 15% of the students were in non state-run schools (Hailey, 1945, p. 1261
France had a very tight grip on the development of educational systems in its colonies. In
1922, France put forth a decree which further limited missionary activity in educati
According to this decree, the establishment of a new school in the colonies required
government permission, government-certified teachers, a government curriculum and the
exclusive use of French as the language of instruction.
There are three features which can be said to characterise French colonial education in
sub-Saharan Africa. First is the widespread use of the French language. There were scatte
unsuccessful experiments with local languages and France would later permit the short-te
use of African languages in order to meet 'immediate' pedagogical needs such as healt
education and morality, but all instruction had the mastery of the French language a
ultimate goal. Second is the enrolment limitation which was based on estimates of jo

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12 B. W. White

availability for graduating students. By implementing this policy of educational supply and
demand, the French Government hoped to prevent the disillusion and disorientation experi-
enced by youths who were educated but unemployed. Third is the dual nature of the French
colonial school system. African schools were intended to educate the masses. European
schools, on the other hand, were more selective and were concerned with educating an
African elite that could eventually fill the lower ranks of the colonial civil service [8]. The
primary schools were divided into three categories: village, regional and urban. The village
schools were in the African category of schools, the regional schools (fewer in number) were
transitional and the urban schools were almost entirely European, following closely the
French structure and curriculum. Some tests were adapted locally as a part of the French
'mission civilisatrice' [9].
In 1944, the French-sponsored Brazzaville Conference met to discuss the current state
of colonial education in Africa. Among the conclusions reached were:

(1) education should be expanded to reach more people;

(2) classes should be taught in French;
(3) more African teachers should be recruited.

In 1948, the Report of the Commission for the Modernisation of the Overseas Territories was
completed. This report emphasised the increasing need for institutions of higher learning in
the colonies and spoke of a policy to bring more African students to France to complete their
education. In the early colonial period, European education in the colonies seemed beneficial
to the colonial government and Africans alike. Anderson (1970, p. 1) wrote

Almost as soon as it was established in Africa the European type of school was
assumed by both colonists and Africans to be one of the keys to economic and
political progress. The colonists were particularly interested in its possibilities for
training better skilled labour forces, and inculcating within 'native populations' a
proper respect for the European interpretation of 'law and order'. Africans, on the
other hand, noted the opportunities to learn the secrets of the European knowledge
and material success. For a brief period an apparent coincidence of interest between
the two groups allowed the early European educators to establish their conception
of the formal school relatively smoothly amongst many African communities.
In pre-independent countries, however, there was growing resistance to the European
educational system, which for many Africans became a symbol of political and cultural
domination. Many viewed rural education programmes, with their focus on agricultural and
artisanal training, as a masked attempt to keep Africans uneducated and powerless. And the
highly selective French schools were seen as elitist and insufficient in number. 'Rather than
an instrument of association, contributing to the separate development of African societies,
the school was a bridge from African to French culture' (Blakemore, 1988, p. 100).

The British Context

Following trails blazed by the missionaries, the British Government's involvement in formal
education in Africa came later and was much less visible than that of the French. The British
Government encouraged the activities of the missionaries by granting them full administr
freedom and providing them with occasional grants-in-aid. Groups such as the Churc
Mission Society (CMS), the African Inland Mission and the Church of Scotland are among
the oldest European institutions in sub-Saharan Africa and some are still active today [10].
Britain's laissez-faire attitude towards missions in the colonies relieved it of the responsibility

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 Education and the Colonial Project in French and British Africa 13

of educational administration and policy formation which the French assumed in their
colonies before the turn of the century. The strong influence of the missions in the British
colonies eventually led to increased government spending and the development of a dual
system of education, with mission schools and state schools existing side by side. The dual
nature of this system diminished with time, as the British Government responded to pressure
from White settlers to invest more in education in its dependencies.
In 1923, the Colonial Office formed the Advisory Committee on Native Education in the
British Tropical African Dependencies, which later became known as the Advisory Com-
mittee on Education irl the Colonies. In 1925, the committee produced the 'Memorandum on
Education Policy in British Tropical Africa.' This document covered a wide variety of topics
which were suggested as priorities for British colonial education policy. Among the recom-
mendations were that:

(1) the government should control the administration of education but should coopera
with the private voluntary organisations (missions);
(2) education should be adapted to meet local needs and conditions;
(3) local languages should be used in primary school instruction;
(4) the education of girls should be given more attention [11].

A follow-up on this document was published 10 years later in 1935 and, in addition to
the recommendations of the first memorandum, it emphasised the need for adult educati
and the necessary interrelationship between school and community. These two docum
became the basis on which almost all subsequent education policy was judged and formulat
(Nuffield Foundation and the Colonial Office (Britain), 1953, p. 3). In 1944, the committee
published its third major work which was entitled 'Mass Education in African Society' and
1953 the Colonial Office, in conjunction with the Nuffield Foundation, produced a compr
hensive study of educational policy in British Africa. Statistics reflect an increase in Brit
colonial spending during the period 1930-1950; enrolment doubled in Northern Rhod
tripled in Nigeria and quadrupled in Kenya (Campbell, 1956, p. 99). However, despite
spending increases and well-intentioned statements of policy, opposition to rural vocation
training programmes and complaints of limited access to secondary education made clear
increasing dissatisfaction with education in the colonies. If 'decolonialisation' were to occu
in the British colonies of Africa, then education needed to be 'decolonised' as well (Thomp
son, 1968, p. 15).

Signposts

In order to understand the assumptions of the British and French colonial officials, i
necessary to examine what they themselves said about the policy that was being impleme
in Africa. This information comes from a variety of sources, including official policy
documents, government-funded studies and administrative reports from the colonies. Th
sources were scanned for phrases, sentences and paragraphs which made reference to
goals or intentions of colonial education policy. Of special interest were statements contai
ing moral claims or judgements. These references were treated as units of analysis and, ta
together, they became the data for this research. References were loosely categorised and
material was combed for recurring themes, key words and patterns that would prov
information about basic assumptions or cultural models [12]. Metaphors used to describe
educational development in colonial Africa include word categories related to cooking,
growing, birthing and building [13]. From the literature, I have teased out recurring themes
and patterns which can be seen as markers, or signposts [14] of French and British policy.

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14 B. W. White

French Signposts

Material on French colonial education policy Comes from a variety of different sources.
French colonial administrators are quoted extensively in W. B. Mumford's (1936) Africans
Learn to Be French and in Moumouni's (1964) L'Education en Afrique. The studies of
Blakemore (1988) and Harik & Schilling (1984) also have examples of French policy
statements. It is from these materials that the following signposts of French colonial policy
are drawn.

The French language

Moulai is a good student. He comes to school to learn to speak French well, he
knows he must listen to the teacher speak...He always speaks French-at school, in
the playing fields, in the street, in the shops. He is not ashamed to speak French. (in
Kelly, 1986, p. 173)
Throughout France's colonial history, the use and spread of the French language has bee
of primary importance. The French language is the cross that France bears on its universal-
ising 'mission civilisatrice'. The attention that was given to the French language is remem-
bered by students of the French colonial schools:
Since we were considered as French 'a part-entiere', nothing but French was taught.
The whole curriculum was based on France and anything that was French, whereas
Comorian, our mother tongue, was never considered to be a suitable medium of
instruction. (Bacar, 1988, p. 184)
The French view on African intelligence enabled them to justify this policy. Albert Charton,
Inspector General of French West Africa, attributed the 'technical inferiority' of Africans to
their 'ignorance of the language' (Charton, 1930, p. 120). In addition, in a government
report, Brevie (1930), Governor General of French West Africa, wrote that 'the native's mind
[can] become disciplined by the mastering of spoken French...' (p. 92), implying that
learning the French language is itself the education.
Georges Hardy, Inspector General of Education 1912-1919, commented on African
children returning to their villages after being schooled in French
He could not possibly forget the good ideas that were introduced to him via this
language:...these are our ideas, which constitute our moral, social and economic
superiority, and little by little they will transform the barbarians of yesterday into
disciples and assistants. (Hardy, in Blakemore, 1988, p. 93)
Antonetti (1925), a Governor General of French Equatorial Africa, justified the predomi-
nance of French from a different point of view. 'Because of their ability to use the French
language, they will be valued and sought after as servants, as labour foremen, as shopkeepers,
as chauffeurs and as workmen' (Antonetti, 1925, p. 56). Whatever the end, the means are the
same. '[The] use of vernaculars as a medium of instruction, nevertheless, is strictly limited
and intended in no way to replace instruction in French once that language has been learned'
(Mumford, 1936, p. 33). The use of French as the language of instruction will 'harmonise all
the work and help Africa take her place in the world at large' (Mumford, 1936, p. 42).

The Church

The State [France] is prepared to support the mission school only in so far as it
affords instruction in the French language and develops sentiments of loyalty to
France. The education given in the state schools is entirely secular. (Hailey, 1945,
p. 1262)

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 Education and the Colonial Project in French and British Africa 15

This statement comes from Lord Hailey's (1945) An African Survey, an exhaustive survey of
the people and institutions of Africa. This comment on the secular nature of French colonial
schools comes from a British observer and points to the French Government's distaste for
religious education, as well as, perhaps, to the British preference for it (see the 'British
Signposts' section). Mumford (1936, p. 39) wrote 'Mission schools, therefore, do not play
any important part in the general educational scheme, and as the French official view is
humanitarian and idealistic rather than religious, definite religious teaching has no part in the
curriculum'. Charton (1930, p. 126) discussed the 'importance accorded to evangelisation' as
an explanation for the limited success of technical training. Statements about French policy
were often cast in religious terms: 'The French themselves are obviously entirely convinced
that [assimilation] is a definite moral obligation; faith in their national mission is responsible
for the certainty and enthusiasm which are such attractive characteristics of their staff'
(Mumford, 1936, p. 79).

Assimilation. 'Assimilation', perhaps the most prominent of the French signposts, was the
key principle of French colonial policy up until the turn of the century, when French colonial
expansion resulted in the development of the policy of 'association'. Much has been written
about the development of these two principles as policy, and there seems to have been a great
deal of confusion over their implementation (see Gifford & Weiskel, 1971; Blakemore,
1988) [15]. In the eyes of the coloniser, the policy of assimilation was based on a very real
need:

The black races of Africa have not attained a complete and coherent civilization of
their own, nor do they possess the necessary foundations on which to build up a real
system of education. The great contribution that we can make lies precisely in the
interweaving and blending of primitive civilizations with our own universally appli-
cable civilization, which will have to justify its position of superiority and authority
by the manner in which it acquits itself of the responsibility it has assumed.
(Charton, 1930, p. 100)
Charton later refers to colonisation as a 'positive, active obligation' (Charton, 1930, p. 106).
If Africans 'avouent aisement leur ignorance et reconnaissent nos avantages intellectuels et
techniques' (Hardy, 1929, p. 100) [16] then assimilation can follow. It is a step in the
assimilation process, one which is difficult, but nonetheless necessary. 'European civilization
comes as a tremendous shock to the native intellect, which though not a mere void, is yet
simple, as if it were virgin ground, requiring outside intervention before its possibilities can
be realised' (Charton, 1930, p. 102). But assimilation was not forced on Africans, for on the
whole they were a 'receptive and malleable native population' (ibid., p. 98), 'fundamentally
similar' (ibid., p. 104) by nature. 'Each new school that is opened is immediately filled to
overflowing. Everywhere in their multitudes they are clamouring to be educated' (Brevie,
1930, p. 88) [17].
References to the policy of assimilation fall into two categories. The first implies that
education will bring Africans into the modern world. The second, which occurs as a result
of the first, suggests that education will bring Africans to a higher level of civilisation and
understanding. Since 'Africa is not capable...of evolving a fully formed intellectual culture of
her own' (Charton, 1930, p. 11), France must bring Africa into modernity by 'holding out
a helping hand to the indigenous culture, which though more simple, is yet closer to life'
(ibid., p. 112). France must 'give birth to this French consciousness' (ibid., p. 110) in
Africans. 'I1 s'agit de faire connaitre aux indig~nes nos efforts et nos intentions de les
rattacher g leur place, la vie franqaise' (Brevie in Moumouni, 1964, p. 54). After they have

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16 B. W. White

been brought in they will most certainly be brought up to a 'fuller enjoyment of life, to a
higher level of civilisation' (Charton, 1930, p. 103). 'School is a focus for all the influences
at work for the uplift of native life' (ibid., p. 106) and
L'enseignement primaire a pour objet essentiel de rapprocher de nous le plus grand
nombre possible d'indigenes, de les conduire insensiblement au progres
economique par une evolution prudente de leur propre civilisation. (Brevie in
Moumouni, 1964, p. 55) [18]
Thus, according to colonial policy, the 'creation of a native culture' (Charton, 1930, p. 103)
can be achieved through the 'grafting of indigenous institutions upon a superior civilisation'
(ibid., p. 98) with the help of 'quelques indigenes d'elite pour nous aider dans notre oeuvre
de civilisation' (from Hailey, 1945, p. 1263) [19].

Selective. The main purpose of French colonial education, as explained by a General

Governor of French West Africa, was 2-fold: 'instruire la masse et degager l'Plite' (in Hailey,
1945, p. 1263) [20]. A preference for certain sectors of the colonial population and further
selectivity within schools is at least partly responsible for accusations of elitism in the French
educational system [21].
We can get to only a tiny minority of our native children, and our very concern for
the people placed under our guardianship imposes upon us the need for selection on
a rational basis. It makes it imperative that we reserve the all too rare openings in
our schools for those who are able to profit by our instruction. (Antonetti, 1925,
p. 54)
This plea for careful selection is echoed by another French Governor General: 'Mais
puisque nos moyens restreignent nos efforts ia une minoritY, choisissons judicieusement cette
minorit&. Choisissons nos eleves tout d'abord parmi les fils des chefs et des notables, la
societe indigene est tres hierarchis&e' (Roume in Moumouni, 1964, p. 56) [22]. The elitist
nature of administrators' comments is evident: '[the teacher] will have recognised certain
sons or nephews of chiefs whom it would be in our interest to draw closer to us and to
develop as far as possible because of the role reserved for them among their kind by virtue
of their birth' (Antonetti, 1925, p. 55). The effect that such policies had on access to
education in the colonies can still be observed today in many parts of French-speaking
Africa [23]. According to Blakemore (1988), 'pupil quotas' in colonial Senegal were carefully
monitored and were based on 'estimates of projected manpower needs' (p. 90). According to
French policy makers, the purpose of selection in education was to 'turn out useful men and
women...who will form the backbone of the new native civilisation' (Charton, 1930, p. 131).

Half-educated.
Too many students leave our schools with just enough knowledge to alienate them
from the soil and make them contemptuous of their brothers who have remained in
the villages, but they are incapable of using this semblance of education, of which
they are so proud, to earn a living. They are too often the declassed, the malcon-
tents, the parasites of the working community. (Antonetti, 1925, p. 53)
One of the greatest fears of French policy makers was that of the half-educated African or the
student with enough education to speak some French but not enough to earn a position as
a civil servant or businessman. In references to the 'Africain d~class', there is a strong sense
of remorse on the part of educators and administrators: 'In this country of farmers it is a very
serious thing to tear a child away from his natural vocation, the soil, and those who undertake

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 Education and the Colonial Project in French and British Africa 17

to do so must assume full responsibility' (Antonetti, 1925, p. 57). Antonetti's writings also
reflect a hopeful tone, perhaps even one of denial, with regards to the problem of school
leavers. 'The native no longer turns his back on his origins, he does not disown his country
and his race' (Antonetti, 1925, p. 55) and 'The little knowledge that they will have acquired
will be of some use to them in their lives as farmers and labourers' (ibid., p. 65). He insists
further

They will resume without difficulty their place in their homes and their role in the
family life. If they are destined to forget, as no doubt they are, the little they will
have learned, at least their minds will have been awakened and they will always
retain a few words of French...When they become adults they will be more receptive
to our suggestions for progress. (ibid., p. 55)
Other writers approach the problem from different angles, such as Rpume, who wrote 'les
eleves sans emploi et retournms au village risquaient de faire des declasses, rendant inutiles les
depenses faites et l'instruction donnee' (Roume in Moumouni, 1964, p. 47) [24]. But many
agree with Charton (1930) who said 'the educated native must not be denationalised'
(p. 111).

Planning.

...education of the native is no mere matter of statistics. It demands clear thinking,

a definite line of action, serious consideration as to the most effective course to be
pursued, a systematic plan of campaign, and bold foresight, capable of looking
beyond the annual budget and balance sheet. (Brevie, 1930, p. 87)
Planning is not an end in itself for French education policy makers, but it is certainly a
necessary means for achieving any goal. The British literature shows several references to the
organised rational fashion in which the 'drawing masters of Europe' (Hailey, 1945, p. 1261)
conceived their policy. The French view of planning has three important features: clarity,
thoroughness and organisation. Clarity is achieved by elaborating the 'broad outlines of our
future activities' (Brevie, 1930, p. 91). In the same way it is necessary to 'evolve a plan, get
a clear view of the factors involved' (Charton, 1930, p. 114) because 'adaptation presupposes
a definite plan of action' (ibid., p. 105). Next there must be a thorough examination of the
information: 'It would be impossible for our proposals for the future to be too thoroughly
examined, too thoroughly put to the test...(Brevie, 1930, p. 89) and that the development of
an education programme 'will demand time, patience and deep thinking' (ibid., p. 92).
Brevie also wrote that colonial policy is a 'harmonious process of evolution which in one clear
and ordered progression shall raise the standard of life of the native populations' (ibid.,
p. 96). The last feature is orderliness. According to Antonetti (1925), 'the lack of success [in
education] in all probability lies in the fact that efforts have not been co-ordinated. Schools
have been established with no hierarchical relationship...(p. 53). He posited a very simple
solution: 'The remedy seems to me to lie in a more rational organisation of our education'
which will inevitably be dependent on the 'systematic character of steps taken' (ibid., p. 53).

The French family. According to French policy, education provided to Africans was meant
to make them a part of the French family. Mumford (1936) commented on the closeness
between the French and the Africans they visited:'...it was difficult to realise that we were in
Africa at all. In every way the students were like their brethren in Europe' (p. 48). At
numerous points in his book, Mumford (1936) described Africans as 'French in all but the
colour of their skin' (p. 18). Moumouni (1964) remembered what he was taught as a young
school boy in French-speaking colonial Africa: 'Nos ancftres Gaulois...dans ses colonies la

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18 B. W. White

France traite les indigenes comme ses fils' (p. 56) [25]. For Charton (1930), education in
Africa 'has to effect the fusion of the two races' (p. 111) and also the 'union of the two
cultures' (ibid., p. 112). This fusion became an important part of statements concerning
policies. The French of the day would no doubt be happy to hear a British visitor to their
colony say 'Indeed such colonies can be regarded as 'adopted children' who belong fully to
the French family of peoples' (Mumford, 1936, p. 14).

British Signposts

In the British colonial literature many interesting patterns emerged from sources such as the
Colonial Office's African Education and Mumford's (1936) Africans Learn to Be French.
Mumford's (1936) book, although presented as a review of French colonial policy and
practice, lends great insight into the assumptions underlying British policy during the same
period in other parts of Africa. Patterns emerging from his and other documents are
presented below.

The unofficial partner

The people of Akropong keenly felt [the missionary's] intending (sic) departure
from among them, and the Chief is quoted to have addressed him at a farewell
durbar in the following words: 'When God created the world, he made BOOK for
the whiteman, and JUJU or fetish for the blackman, but if you could show us some
black men who can read the whiteman's BOOK, then we would surely follow you'.
(Agyemang, 1967, p. 20)
This story, from Agyemang's (1967) A Century with Boys, reflects the prominent role of
missionary education in the history of the British African colonies. In fact, the missions
figured so prominently in the British conception of colonial education that they were often
referred to as Britain's 'unofficial partner'. There is also mention of the collaboration between
the government and the missions, a policy aspect which characterised British colonial
education and distinguished it from the French system (Nuffield Foundation in the Colonial
Office (Britain), 1953, p. 44) [26]. African Education, a joint study produced by the British
Colonial Office and the Nuffield Foundation, looks at the state of education in the British
dependencies in Tropical Africa and includes a long series of recommendations for policy.
Policy makers' statements reflect a strong belief in a Christian-based system of education
in the British colonies. There is a 'deeper confidence that the spread of enlightenment, which
is the aim of education, is the surest means of leading a people to the truth' (Nuffield
Foundation and the Colonial Office (Britain), 1953, p. 44). Campbell's (1956) African
History in the Making, which is a report of the 1952 Cambridge Proceedings on African
Education, warns against too wide a separation between church and state in the formulation
of colonial policy: 'Dichotomy must be avoided at all costs'. He discusses policy which 'may
open a history of Church and State...unparalleled anywhere in the world' (Campbell, 1956,
p. 45). The Nuffield report tries to account for resistance to missionary work in education:
'We have taken a lot of trouble in trying to analyse the causes for this feeling, which we
deplore' (Nuffield Foundation and the Colonial Office (Britain), 1953, p. 64). The report
recommends that 'governments should plainly declare their moral and material support for
deep and sincere religious belief as the basis of all education' (ibid., p. 69) because according
to many 'the highest public interest demands the inculcation of Christian values' (Campbell,
1956, p. 45). Religion is seen by officials as a necessary building block for the professional,
academic and moral training of their subjects. 'Religious and character training, this is of

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 Education and the Colonial Project in French and British Africa 19

the greatest importance; the central difficulty lies in finding ways to improve what is sound
in indigenous education' (Nuffield Foundation and the Colonial Office (Britain), 1953,
p. 3) [27].

Culturally sensitive. Throughout most of the British literature, there is a sense of apprecia-
tion for local culture and tradition in the colonial setting. 'Education should be adapted to
the mentality, aptitudes, occupations and traditions of the various peoples' (Nuffield Foun-
dation and the Colonial Office (Britain), 1953, p. 3). Other statements in the report address
the question of language: 'To preserve the vernacular languages of Africa is to preserve the
tribes that speak them' (ibid., p. 80). Some of the suggestions for educational improvement
are rooted in an appreciation of this cultural diversity. One such suggestion involved bringing
a Masaai grandfather into the classroom to tell stories which would develop oral expression
skills as well as reinforce local values and traditions (ibid.). Other suggestions included
experimentation with seating arrangements to encourage dialogue in the classroom in an
effort to reduce the 'deadly monotony of teacher-child interlocation' (ibid., p. 53) and the
recruitment of visiting teachers from the students' own ethnic groups.

Rational. Another signpost which emerges from the literature is an emphasis on rationality.
A rational approach to education will bring the educational effort closer to truth and reason
and will therefore develop better minds and souls. 'The development of this ability to
distinguish the true from the false must be a fundamental aim of education' (Nuffield
Foundation and the Colonial Office (Britain), 1953, p. 11). And again, in the same report,
'Knowledge of the good and the beautiful...is...perhaps best approached in connection with
knowledge that is gained by rational processes applied to facts established in experi-
ence,...whereby truth can be established and distinguished from falsehood' (ibid.), reasoning
which reflects the empiricist tradition commonly associated with the British academy.
In some documents, the term 'wastage' is used to refer to secondary school attrition:

'The extent of the wastage in the schools in...Africa is at present so great in all
territories that it detracts very largely from the efficiency of the education system and
leads to an immense waste of money, and what is even more important, of good
human material'. (Nuffield Foundation and the Colonial Office (Britain), 1953,
p. 77, emphasis added)

The language in this passage reflects the rational, calculating spirit of colonial policy. A table
on 'wastage' illustrates the extent of the British preoccupation with drop-out rates and
underlying its figures is a feeling of dismay with the results of the irrational practices that led
to these conditions.

Separate but equal? The British colonial education system, like the French, has been
described as a dual system. Not only did many British colonies have segregated schools, b
there is also a long tradition of technical and vocational training which is separated f
purely academic institutions. These schools have been promoted and opposed on and
throughout most of British colonial history and they continue to be the subject of
much-debated issue [28]. The early vocational schools had an agricultural emphasis. It
the opinion of the Nuffield Foundation that African educators should 'inspire in their pu
a deep and abiding affection for rural life and the things of the countryside' (Nuff
Foundation and the Colonial Office (Britain), 1953, p. 70) and that the 'whole of the
curriculum should be integrated with agriculture and other work in it' (ibid., p. 11).

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20 B. W White

According to the report, the success of the educational system should be judged
degree to which it allows Africans to work in an 'agricultural environment', a pr
good citizenship (ibid., p. 66). Many educated Africans wondered what room, if
suggestions left for academic training and they accused the British of racism, c
to 'separate but equal' policies of the colonial government [29]. They were perh
in questioning separate vocational training programmes since some colonial edu
of the 'danger that colleges in Africa...will merely be a copy of colleges in England'
(Campbell, 1956, p. 106) and the threatening 'sacrifice of racial individuality' in the French
school system (Mumford, 1936, p. 76). However, the British explained their position: 'We
are not advocating an education to produce labourers. On the contrary, we envisage an
education for Africans designed to enable them to understand their environment and lead the
most complete life that is possible in it' (Nuffield Foundation and the Colonial Office
(Britain), 1953, p. 71). It is difficult to know the exact intentions of these policies, but it does
seem clear that colonial education meant different things to different people and according
to some, the African student in the British colonies was 'emphatically not taught to be a black
Englishman' (Mumford, 1936, p. 81).

Black and White. Although not always overtly racist, a preoccupation with racial differences
and racial intermingling is common in the British literature. Reference has already been made
to Mumford's (1936) recurring mention of 'the colour of their skin' (p. 18). He also writes

...to have seen African children side by side in school and to have seen African and
French soldiers serving together in the French Army and living together side by side
in barracks in terms of complete understanding and equality-these were unforget-
table experiences for the Englishman'. (Mumford, 1936, p. 28)

The picture of interracial mingling which so impressed Mumford is given a prominent

position facing the title page and a hand-drawn representation of the same appears on both
the inside and rear covers. He also makes repeated mention of colour bars in colonial
practice. The prevalence of comments such as these in the British literature is interesting
when compared to the French literature which makes very little mention of racial character-
istics. The Nuffield Foundation and the Colonial Office (Britain) (1953) report concludes,
'The ideal school, if it were acceptable to parents, would be an interracial school. There are
no insurmountable practical difficulties in the way of interracial education at any stage, but
there are many difficulties in men's minds' (p. 69).

Liberty. The last signpost in the British literature deals with the importance of freedom and
the rights of individuals. '[The student] must be treated as an individual personality with his
own rights at every stage of growth' (Nuffield Foundation and the Colonial Office (Britain),
1953, p. 64) and later 'there should be no religion bar to admission...and that any parent
should be free to withdraw his child from religious instruction if he wishes to do so' (ibid.,
p. 68). Women's rights were also discussed; the British missionaries were well known for the
pioneering work they did early on with women's education and the British Government held
this as a priority as well. The Nuffield Foundation and the Colonial Office (Britain) (1953,
p. 95) report devotes more space to women's education than any other topic in its Central
and East Africa study group section. Mumford (1936) writes in detail about the 'problems
and prospects' for African women in education (p. 77). Possible explanations for this will be
discussed below.

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 Education and the Colonial Project in French and British Africa 21

Discussion

When the Portuguese colonialised, they built churches; when the Brit
nialised, they built trading systems; when the French colonialise, they build
(Mumford, 1936, p. 50)
This epigram in Mumford's (1936) Africans Learn to Be French begins the cha
'Comments and Comparisons' in which he discusses differences in French
colonial education policy and practices. Mumford's (1936) first observation
orientations in colonial policy. He suggests that Britain began colonising in A
compete with Portugal and that this mercantilist activity had lasting effects o
policy. France, however, evolved policies based on her new doctrine of liberty
fraternity and the spread of French civilisation.

Cultural Relativism versus Universalism

The British policy of educating Africans 'on their own lines' reflects a strong undercurrent of
cultural relativism which is common in the British literature. The Christian missions in
Kenya, predominantly of British origin, are credited with being the first immigrant group t
take

a human interest in the native people. Their knowledge of customs and languages
predated, and in many cases gave rise to, modem anthropological relations about
small scale societies and the consequent sociological sophistication with which
African customs are viewed today. (Leakey in Anderson, 1970, p. 29)
This sensitivity is evident in the British-backed Phelps-Stokes studies and in other official
British colonial documents, which emphasise the importance of integrating local traditions
and local languages into the educational process [30].
The French model corresponds more closely to the idea of cultural universalism. Th
French 'mission civilisatrice' sought to bring all dependents together under one roof a
unify them through the French language and culture. The stated policy of assimilation (and
later association) and the metaphor of the French family are good examples of the universalis
trend in French policy.
Mumford (1936) compared the British 'centrifugal' system with the French 'centripetal
system. The hands-off, decentralised approach of the British is attributed to their loss of the
American colonies and is clearly manifested in the British state policy of 'indirect rule'. Th
French system, on the other hand, was heavily centralised arid sought an even clos
relationship between the dependency and the mother country.

Quality and Quantity

Although both the French and British literature show a great concern with the success of
education, there is not a consensus on how that success should be achieved or measured.
Both French and British colonies in Africa made demands at one time or another for wider
access to education, but the British had substantially more students enrolled in schools an
a higher percentage of the total of British revenue was spent on education (Cowan et
1965). It was noted, however, that the figures for British schools include large numbers o
students in mission schools, a fact which may exaggerate these observations.
As far as the French are concerned, education would seem to be a matter of quali
rather than quantity. The French educational system is highly selective, but this means t

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22 B. W. White

the education is of a higher quality because the government spends more money per
to ensure good teachers, materials and resources. The preference for selection a
academic standards is still prevalent in many former colonies of France (see for
Bacar, 1988).
For the French, access to quality education was too important a job to be entrusted to
mission schools. Liberty was granted in the British colonies, where anyone who had the
means to pay school fees could enjoy an education, but the French wanted qualified students,
not just those who were willing or able to pay, so French education was compulsory and free
(Mumford, 1936, p. 63).

Professional Distance

The degree to which British officials created a distance between themselves and the people
in their colonies is striking in the literature on colonial education:
External agencies may be able to assist, but the nature of the growth will be
determined largely by internal factors and incalculable forces and local conditions.
(Mayhew in Anderson, 1970, p. 36)
According to Mumford (1936), 'The African is taught to develop along his own lines, and to
work out his own salvation' (p. 81) and later, 'The goal is, in fact, self-government without
any trace of control or interference from London' (ibid., p. 71). This is in sharp contrast to
the French approach. The French educator is intimately involved in every step of the
educational process. His views are well known and his presence is reflected in the value
judgements which characterise the French literature.
In discussions with young African students who had attended both French and British
schools, Mumford (1936) found evidence which supports these claims. They commented
that the French were kinder to students in an urban setting, where the French language and
culture were widely embraced, and that the British were more accepting of 'untutored
Africans in the bush, but found it difficult to mix with educated Africans on terms of mutual
respect' (Mumford, 1936, p. 68).

Conclusions

Many of the ideas contained in the 1925 report on educational policy in

Tropical Africa-the adaptation of courses to African life, the introducti
technical and vocational instruction, the encouragement of voluntary ef
education, the use of African teaching staffs, and the development of textb
the various vernaculars-still preoccupy policy-makers in the independent na
(Cowan et.al., 1965, p. 43)
The outside observer is surprised by the timeliness of a British study published in 1925. But
even the well-read Africanist or sociologist is struck by how little has changed in the field of
educational development in Africa since the turn of the twentieth century. Countries
throughout Africa are still struggling to find a balance between curricula that are culturally
relevant and that prepare students to participate in larger, global settings. And all over (or
under) this problematic issue is the colonial legacy. How can any African country develop a
'modern' agenda for education without somehow referring back to a colonial educational
system? This study obviously lays no claim to solutions.
One result of this research which was totally unanticipated was the number of passages
which defied categorisation by nationality or time period. Exceptions took various forms and

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 Education and the Colonial Project in French and British Africa 23

constitute fascinating fields of further research. The clearest example is that of the Phelps-
Stokes report (1925), which despite its progressive nature, was for the most part ignored for
this research because it did not fit neatly into either the French or British colonial discourse
model. James Booth, whose bottom-up approach to educational development in Nyasaland
clearly set him apart from his contemporaries of the 1800s is another good example. And
Mumford's attempts to develop schooling in Tanganyika were almost entirely based on local
traditions and customs. Obviously the methods in this research cannot account for a voice
from the past which is ahead of its time or, worse yet, a voice of today which echoes racist
thinking from the past. This only points to the fact that analytical methods based on
generalisation, interpretation and mass amounts of information must necessarily have their
limits.

In this research I have attempted to outline the patterns that emerge from French and
British colonial education policy in Africa. These 'patterns', however, may be too general to
account for variations in colonial institutions and, in the end, there is no evidence that
variation among colonial regimes is greater than variation within them.

Acknowledgements

In writing this manuscript I have benefited from the helpful comments of Judy Whitehead
and from the ongoing support of Dan Aronson and John Galaty. I do, however, assume full
responsibility for the ideas contained herein.

NOTES

[1] For an excellent overview of colonial education, see Altbach & Kelly (1978). Cowan et
broad collection of articles and excerpts which discuss the tenuous relationship between ed
in colonial and post-colonial Africa. Scanlon's (1964) study details the plural developm
systems in Africa, including an in-depth look at indigenous education (among the Po
German and Belgian educational systems as well as the more prominent systems of the Fr
French West Africa (AOF), see Bouche (1975).
[2] Back to back articles by Gardinier (1985) and Yansane (1985) in Wesley Johnson's Dou
Africa in the age of imperialism discuss the implications of French colonial education in A
authors set out to trace the impact of the French educational system in Africa, Yansane's
concerned with the consequences of French policy than its influences.
[3] Gadjigo's (1990) study of colonial education in francophone African literature is a usef
on African perspectives.
[4] By 'discourse' I am referring to the articulation of relations of power through lang
conceptions of what is true and proper knowledge.
[5] For an excellent overview of various pre-colonial indigenous and Islamic systems of
Hiskett (1975). In their introduction they argue that indigenous forms of education we
but all shared three common elements: unconscious socialisation, informal education a
(p. 22).
[6] Anderson (1970) explained that the missions had neither the money nor the expertise to
areas. He argued that besides scattered strategic mission locations, the educational inve
Africa came mostly from Africans themselves, especially after they became committe
education.

[7] Notably the William Ponty School for teachers and the Dakar School of Medicine. Missionary schools
less prominent and with a few exceptions, the White Fathers Primary School in Dakar, for example, they b
known as the 'bush' schools of the French colonies.

[8] There were no colour bars in French schools. The primary concern was to have intelligent children or p
children of high-status families who were most likely to become loyal civil servants. Mumford (1936)
surprised to see children of White settlers in African schools.
[9] For a fascinating interpretation of French colonial primary school texts, see Kelly (1986).
[10] Many of these groups have been active even in predominantly Muslim areas. The African Inland Missio

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24 B. W. White

example, was permitted to work (not prosyletise) in the Federal Islamic Republic of Comoros under the
condition that it remove the word 'mission' from its name.
[11] An unpublished masters thesis by Schulman (1992) examined education policy for women and girls in French
West Africa. Schulman (1992) showed how colonial ideas about women and domesticity were promoted by the
French and later embraced by an emerging African bourgeoisie. Hunt's (1990) article on foyers in the Belgian
Congo shows how educational institutions outside the public schools were used by colonial and missionary
authorities to 'refashion gender roles and instil a Western family ideology into African urban life'.
[12] 'Cultural model' refers to a set of culturally specific assumptions or beliefs that can determine the way a person
interprets the world around him/her.
[13] Some of the metaphors which were common in the colonial educational literature: 'leaven social progress', 'virgin
ground', 'native soil', 'growing points', 'uprooted', 'awakening to education', 'birth of civilisation', 'ladders of
social progress', 'educational scaffolding' and 'doors of advancement'. For more on keywords and metaphors, see
Williams (1985).
[14] I am indebted to Professor Ron Burnett, Director of the Graduate Program in Communications at McGill
University, for this term.
[15] Although, as Kelly (1984) has argued, recent research has called attention to the fact that colonial schools
attempted to teach Africans about their own societies also. Kelly's (1984) article looked at the presentation of
indigenous society in French colonial schools (see also Gifford & Weiskel, 1971; Sabatier, 1985). In particular,
she discussed the texts which were used in primary schools and government manuals. I would argue that in many
cases these texts were forms of myth which explained or justified colonial rule, and as such tell us more about
the authors than the subjects.
[16] '... to admit their ignorance and recognise our intellectual and technological advantages'.
[17] Sabatier (1985) argued that most of these evolues were 'not "Black Frenchmen" but black Africans with a deep,
if sometimes reluctant, admiration for France' (p. 185).
[18] 'The goal of primary schooling is to bring the largest possible number of natives close to us, to bring them
unknowingly to economic progress through a careful evolution of their own society'.
[19] 'With the help of several native elites who will help us in our civilising mission'.
[20] 'Educate the masses and "separate out" the elites'.
[21] According to Sabatier (1985), there were several areas in which French colonial policy reflected a deliberate
attempt to 'prevent large numbers of Western-educated Africans from becoming too French' (p. 180).
[22] 'Since our means limit us to a small number, we should choose this minority carefully. We should take our
students from among the children of chiefs and leaders, African society is very hierarchical.'
[23] In the Comoros Islands, rates of incoming students in the primary schools were 33% of those children eligible.
In the secondary schools, this figure drops as low as 8%. These figures come from statistics compiled in 1979
(Bacar, 1988, p. 185) and seem to have worsened in recent years.
[24] The unemployed students who return to the village ran the risk of becoming caught in between two worlds,
thereby wasting money and education.
[25] 'Our forefathers the Gaulles, France treats its natives like children.'
[26] Gifford & Weiskel (1971) discussed the British grants-in-aid for missionary schools, assistance which helped
expand educational infrastructure but perpetuated an ambiguity of purpose in the development of education
policy.
[27] It is also true that missions' expenditures reduced the cost of colonial education to the colonial government.
[28] For an interesting study of the history of resistance to vocational education in Kenya, see Harik & Schilling
(1984).
[29] Although not even equality was necessarily achieved, as evidenced in the official British policy to pay African civil
servants three-fifths of their British counterparts in similar positions (Anderson, 1970, p. 45).
[30] It can also be argued that a heightened awareness of cultural differences is itself a form of racism. The highly
segregated social spheres in the British colonies are often given as an example. See the 'Separate But Equal'
section for more on this point.

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