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Competing For A Stake in Africa
Competing For A Stake in Africa
Competing For A Stake in Africa
President Emmanuel Macron shakes hands with Chinese President Xi Jinping at a meeting in Beijing
in November 2019. Two decades of competition between France and China is playing out in Africa,
says the writer. Picture: Nicolas Asfouri/POOL/AFP
Published Jun 26, 2022
Written by
Koffi Kouakou
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“So let China sleep, because when China wakes up the whole world
will tremble,” said the attributed prediction to Napoleon Bonaparte
in 1816, to which no trace is found in his writings.
The 19th-century renewed anxiety about China as the pejorative “yellow peril” still
haunts the US-led West, including France. For years, I wondered about the supposed
awakening and rise of China in the world, what it means for the international order
and particularly for old colonial powers in Africa.
The case of France came to mind with two questions. In today’s great game of
geopolitics, can France successfully compete against China in Africa? And, more
importantly, how well do Africans understand such a competition, and its impacts on
their lives and learn to deal with it?
But before I attempt to answer the questions, three interesting anecdotes are worth
mentioning about the long colonial and revolutionary history of China and France.
(1) Did you know that in 1860, during the second opium war, British and French troops
pillaged, burnt and razed the summer imperial palace – a magnificent building in the
north-west of Beijing?
(2) The Chinese Communist Party was founded in 1921 in the French concession of
Shanghai, ceded to France during the colonial era after China’s loss of the opium wars
in 1842?
(3) Deng Xiaoping, the famous Chinese Communist Party member who replaced
chairman Mao in 1978, and known for cautiously instituting significant economic
reforms to modernise China, lived five formative years in France in the 1920s when
Marxism-socialism was a dominant idea and ideal in Europe?
Today, and to a large degree, the competition between France and China has been
under way for a little more than two decades. The Berlin Conference of 1884-85 and
its aftermath gave an early advantage to European nations to carve out Africa into
zones of exploitation and influence.
As part of this colonisation, France established itself as the most rapacious coloniser
in Africa, making it perhaps the most dominant colonial nation with Britain, Belgium,
Germany, Holland, Portugal and Spain.
After more than a century of wealth extraction, no African nations under French
tutelage can be said to be developed or economically independent of France. All of
them remain subservient, mostly poor, ravaged by the four horsemen of poverty,
inequality, unemployment and corruption.
While the disgraceful statistics about Africa’s challenges continue to make the cover
pages of special reports in the news media, France remains in denial of its role in the
misfortunes of Africa.
It blames African leaders and populations for the mismanagement of their polity,
unwarranted coups, shambolic economies, societal upheavals, and refuses to
acknowledge the horrific reports produced by international institutions and to assume
part of the blame.
Sadly, successive French governments maintained and portrayed France’s Africa Policy
as progressive, avant-garde and sustainable for development. However, the evidence
of colonial extractions by the French companies and corrupt business practices in
Africa persist in oil and gas, mineral deals, telecommunications and many sectors.
France’s geopolitical centre in Africa is not holding. Protests in Mali, the Central
African Republic, Algeria, Burkina Faso, Chad, Niger and South Africa by the EFF
political party are the testimonies of France’s troubled and waning reputation in
Africa.
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The French believe Africa is their future and they have no future without it, so
concludes a French Senate report published in 2013. However, their ideals hardly
match their actions on the continent. Once a golden goose, Africa is becoming an
albatross and, at worst, a slow noose black mamba around the neck of France.
The sentiment that France’s Africa foreign policy, mainly toward its former colonies,
remains patriarchal, parochial and patronising still holds. The geopolitical scramble for
Africa’s periodic table resource economy has heightened interests in the continent
and weakened France’s ability to maintain its colonial grip on many African nations.
This leaves room for the rising interests of other non-Western powers like Russia and
China to fill the discontent gap. China, especially, is filling the diplomatic and
economic vacuum left by France. According to a recent special report by The
Economist, titled “China in Africa”, “no other country comes near the depth and
breadth of China’s engagement in Africa.
China is the first investor partner in Africa with more than $300billion (about
R4.8trillion) while France is rapidly surpassed by China. In 2019, according to EY,
France ranked among the second largest investors “by a number of projects in Africa”,
the list comprising the US, France and the UK, respectively.
However, “China was the largest investor in terms of total capital, investing more than
twice the dollar amount of France or the US”. The report states that foreign direct
investment (FDI) flows from traditional investors are partially driven by strong
historical relationships: France, for instance, is a key investor in francophone Africa.
“Emerging partners, including China, the UAE and India, are playing an increasingly
important role in Africa, accounting for 34% of total projects and more than 50% of
jobs created and capital investments.
China and France are battling it out in Africa with clear evidence that rings in favour
of China, today and tomorrow. The intense geopolitical and geo-economics
competition for Africa shows that China has taken a lead and ranks much higher than
France.
In 2019, the International Monetary Fund reported that Africa was the world’s fastest-
growing region and the World Economic Forum predicted its population would double
to around 2.2billion by 2050, a huge potential market that China is serving well.
“China is Africa’s biggest bilateral trading partner, having surpassed the US in 2009.
Before the coronavirus crisis hit the world economy, the value of Sino-African trade
reached €161bn ($192bn) in 2019. As well as infrastructure, China has invested
massively in media in Africa, with the state-run Xinhua News Agency developing the
continent’s biggest network of correspondents.
Nairobi is at the centre of China’s African media presence, with Xinhua moving one of
its headquarters from Paris to the Kenyan capital in 2006.”
So, while France struggles to shed its toxic colonial credentials with military public
relations in the Sahel and in Central Africa, attempting to revitalise and redouble the
marketing of the French-speaking club of nations, the francophonie, China is
economically carpet-bombing France’s old fiefdoms across the continent.
That’s an act of sweet Chinese revenge against France in Africa for the destruction of
the Summer imperial palace in Beijing 162 years ago. However, as China’s economic
soft power grows in Africa, France’s influence in Africa may diminish, possibly
increasing economic tension with China.
The modern geopolitics of China and France in Africa and their impact on African
affairs and futures matter. Africans are grappling with the complexities of such
geopolitics.
Although China and France are nuclear powers and holders of UN veto powers, most
Africans have little clue about how powerful China has become and how fast France’s
influence is fading in Africa in relation to China.
It is best to assess these nations’ Africa policies and how to deal with them. And it is
equally important that Africans understand the geopolitical dynamics of such policies
that will redefine France’s future and probably spell her demise in Africa. The rise of
China’s geopolitical influence in Africa seems unstoppable.
That influence is also creating anxiety and fear for the US West-led countries. “The
West must try harder to offer African countries alternatives to China,” concludes The
Economist in its special report.
* Koukou is an Africa Analyst and Senior Research Fellow at The Centre of Africa
China, University of Johannesburg, South Africa.
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