ii

Supervisor’s Certificate of Approval

This is to certify that the research work described in this thesis is the original work

of Shahid Imtiaz department of English Govt. Islamia College Railway Road Lahore and

has been carried out under my direct supervision. I have personally gone through all the

details in the manuscript and certify its contents and authenticity. I further certify that the

material included in this thesis has not been used in part or full in a manuscript already

submitted or in the process of submission in partial/complete fulfillment of the award of

any degree from any other institution. I also certify that the thesis has been prepared

under my supervision according to the prescribed format and I endorse its evaluation for

the award of Ph.D degree through the official procedure of the University.

Signature

Name

Designation
 iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It is a pleasure to express my gratitude to a number of people who helped, supported

and encouraged me to complete this thesis. I consider myself fortunate to have a scholarly

and learned advisor, Dr. Waseem Anwar. Without his professional commitment,

dedication and devotion, this research would have been impossible. I owe him a lot.

I am also indebted to Pro. Shaista Sonnu Sirajuddin, Chairperson of the Department of

English Language and Literature University of the Punjab Lahore for her generous

encouragement and criticism at every stage of my research. I have benefited a lot from

her scholarship, learning and experience. She gave me perhaps the greatest gift a teacher

and a mentor can give to a student. She believed in me and encouraged me to believe in

myself. She is a rare blend of simplicity and scholarship.

Friends and colleagues in the Department of English Language and Literature have

always supported and inspired me. I especially want to thank Dr. Amra Raza for her help

in the technicalities of notes and references and for her precious time she gave to me for

discussions. Especial thanks to Pro Zareena Saeed for being a source of encouragement

and help. The idea to initiate research on Lahore came to my mind after a profound

discussion with her.

I owe special thanks to Pro. Sajjad Haidar Malik, my friend and colleague, who gave

me a lot of encouragement when the chips were down in the course of my research. His

commitment to scholarship and simplicity of character always inspired warmth and

profound respect in all of us who were fortunate enough to come into close contact with

him. He led me through the intricacies of English Language. His company has shaped my

intellectual and professional life for the better. I am also indebted to Pro. Riaz Hussain,

my teacher and colleague at FC College Lahore, who helped me make sense of Lahore’s
 iv

past. Discussions with him revealed the fascination and magic of the ancient city and the

beauty of colonial Lahore. I am also indebted to Dr. Tahir Kamran, Chairman Department

of History GCU Lahore currently Iqbal Chair at Cambridge University for his help in

getting the much needed material for my research. He has been extraordinarily generous

with both encouragement and criticism at every step of my research. I have benefited

much from his knowledge of the history of Lahore. His learned and scholarly company

has always been a source of intellectual pleasure for me. I also owe a lot to my colleages,

Professor Anis Ikram Fitrat, Professor Saleem Mansur Khalid and Professor Nisar Butt

for their help and support during my research. Professor Mona Malik has been my main

support and inspiration during the hard days of my work on my topic. I would like to

thank all of my friends who prayed for me for my success.

Throughout my working on this research, I have enjoyed love and support of my

parents, though, my mother is no longer with me, but I am sure that she would be

watching me from her heavenly abode and would be extremely happy and satisfied with

the completion of my research. Without the prayers of my father this research of mine

would not have been possible. So I owe special thanks to him. I am also thankful to my

wife Sonia and children, Farid, Uzair and little darling Sara for bearing me during my

research with lot of patience. Special thanks to my brother Abid and sisters, Afshan Nasir

and Taskeen Imtiaz for their prayers and Arzoo and her husband in London who sent me

much needed books to make it possible for me to complete my thesis. Last but not the

least; I would like to thank my real uncle, Brigadier (Rtd) S. Ifzal Hussain for his concern

and prayers for my success.

Thanks are due also to the staff and directors of the Punjab Public Library Lahore, the

Quaid-e-Azam Library Lahore, the Dyal Sing Trust Library Lahore, the Punjab Provincial

Archives Lahore, The GCU Library Lahore, the Ewing Memorial Library Lahore and The
 v

Professor Sirajuddin Library, Department of English Language and Literature University

of the Punjab Lahore who were always helpful in providing me with the books I needed

the most. Special thanks to Mobeen Ahmad for keeping my computer in running

condition during my research. I am also thankful to Rashid sahib and Liaquat sahib from

the office of the Department of English Language and Literature for providing me with

much needed information to complete my thesis.

 vi

PREFACE

This study is primarily a literary discourse upon Lahore to discover its amorphous

nature. It is really unfortunate that with all its historical and literary importance very little

has been written on Lahore to explore its amorphousness.

In the light of its historical and literary significance, Lahore needs to be explored in

terms of its literature so that the world should come to know of its significance as a place

and the body of literature written about it. The research would not only inspire the

historians interested in its history to look for new historical interpretations, but also

provide the creative writers with the much needed impetus to write about it, making it a

locale of their writings. This kind of study would also prove beneficial in looking at the

city as it existed in the colonial times, and the changes which have occurred in the

postcolonial era. It would open up new angles and perspectives to examine the perception

of the colonial writers leading upto such questions as did they perceive the city in its true

colour and spirit or was their perception coloured by the biases and prejudices?

This thesis is certainly objective oriented and its objectives are broad based. One of its

main purposes is to highlight the historical importance of Lahore. To see a link between

the ancient and the modern city in order to emphasise its amorphousness and to bring it to

the world literary map giving it the importance in world literature it deserves. Another

aim is to see the locale of Lahore as a changing metaphor of values, traditions and

conventions. The range of its scope is wide. It covers history, etymology, culture,

religion, literature and architecture of Lahore for analysis.

 vii

ABSTRACT

Lahore has been the cradle of civilization and culture since antiquity: a space where

various communities and peoples have mingled together, a rendezvous of varied ways of

life, enriching its cultural, social, literary and religious life. The multifarious and diverse

aspects of its culture and civilization get itself reflected in the architectural structures,

folklore and literature. The locale of Lahore has always inspired the mystics, the

musicians and the creative writers to give went to their ideas, thoughts and expressions. It

has been the capital of various dynasties, cultural and political nerve centre and

administrative headquarter of various governments in the annals of its history. It has been

captured, occupied, destroyed and raised several times throughout its history but it never

lost its beauty and splendour of its culture and remained a city of civilization.

This research is focused upon Lahore as an amorphous city, both in the colonial and

postcolonial times. It takes into consideration the historical forces, the specific factors and

the plurality of social, political, architectural and religious ideas, concepts and thoughts

which have gone a long way to make Lahore an amorphous city throughout the various

stages of its history. This is neither a chronological history of Lahore nor a sequential

narration of fiction written in English on and about the city. Lahore has been chosen for

exploration and examination for being an amorphous city in the Sub-continent for specific

etymological, historical, cultural, social, religious, political and architectural reasons. The

strategic location of Lahore, it has been an invade-able city since the first invasion of the

Arians to the Sub-continent, has also contributed to its amorphousness. It is a sedimentary

city of diverse cultures, political, social and religious ethos. The amalgamation of all

these diversified elements and components has gone a long way of making what Lahore is
 viii

today. No other city in the Sub-continent, no matter how ancient that may be, can claim to

have such rich and diversified reservoir of cultural heritage.

Contrary to its general and specific meanings in the area and field of science, the

word ‘amorphous’ has been used and explored with special reference to literature, history

and culture of Lahore. This research, therefore, can claim to discover and explore a new

dimension of the word, concept and idea of ‘amorphous.’ While discovering this new

dimension of the idea of amorphous in culture and literature, no claim of coining a new

theory of amorphousness in the postcolonial or post-postcolonial era has been put

forward. Although, some theories of Orientalism and Ambivalence and other related

concepts of the postcolonial theorists and scholars have been studied and examined here

to present and explain my own interpretation and findings of the idea of ‘amorphous,’ yet,

the research remains focused on revealing the amorphous nature of Lahore and is not

transformed or converted into a post-postcolonial theory.

This research, on the other hand, is an attempt to answer a question. Can a city be

amorphous? In order to look for the answer I have ransacked and gone through the history

of Lahore, its legends, folklore and prose writings in English which also include fiction

with Lahore as a locale and memoirs of those whose emotional association and

attachment with Lahore has still remained unquestionably strong and unassailable. The

dust of time has not been able to clean the prints and images of glorious Lahore of their

childhood and younger days from the slate of their memory.

In order to put forward and presaent my idea of amorphous to a wide range of

audience of scholars and researchers of history, culture and literature I have specifically

analysed those novels of colonial and postcolonial writers where Lahore is the locale of

action. For my research I have confined myself to English prose writings only. Though,

references to English poetry and romances concerning the locale of Lahore are mentioned
 ix

in this research, yet no thorough analysis of these genres has been made. A

comprehensive and exhaustive study and analysis of the relevant novels from Dina Nath’s

The Two Friends: A Descriptive Story of Lahore Life (1899) to Mohsin Hamid’s Moth

Smoke (2000) with Lahore as a locale serves the purpose of this research effectively.

Bapsi Sidhwa’s Ice-Candy Man holds a significant space in my research as the novel

focuses the factors and forces just before and after the partition of the Sub-continent in

1947, profoundly and deeply affecting the city of Lahore making it amorphous. This

novel is also pivot of my research on Lahore as an amorphous city as it covers both the

colonial and the postcolonial scenario successfully. In addition to novels and memoirs

other prose writings focusing Lahore have also been reviewed, examined and analysised.
 x

Annex IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CERTIFICATE --------------------------------------------------------------------- ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ------------------------------------------------------ iii
PREFACE --------------------------------------------------------------------------- vi
ABSTRACT ------------------------------------------------------------------------- vii
INTRODUCTION ----------------------------------------------------------------- 01
PART I
The Idea of Amorphous
PART II ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 19
Literature Review
End Notes -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 23
CHAPTER ONE ---------------------------------------------------------------------- 25
The Making of Lahore: A Historical Survey of the idea of Amorphousness
End Notes -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 82
CHAPTER TWO --------------------------------------------------------------------- 84
Situating Lahore in the Colonial Time: An analysis of Dina Nath’s The Two
Friends: A Descriptive Story of the Lahore Life and Rudyard Kipling’s Kim
End Notes -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 139
CHAPTER THREE--------------------------------------------------------------------- 140
Transition from Colonial to Postcolonial: Things Fall Apart: An analysis of
Bapsi Sidhwa’s Ice-Candy-Man and The Bride
CHAPTER FOUR ----------------------------------------------------------------------- 210
Situating Lahore in the Postcolonial Time: An analysis of Bapsi Sidhwa’s An American
Brat, Sara Suleri’s Meatless Days and Mohsin Hamid’s Moth Smoke.
CONCLUSION ----------------------------------------------------------------- ------- 255
WORKS CITED---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 256
BIBLIOGRAPHY. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 262
 1

INTRODUCTION

Part I

The Idea of Amorphous

One who has not seen Lahore,

Cannot be said to have been born
I have seen all places; there is not another like thee
For thou wert established by the Creator-Lord Himself
Who Blest thee with Glory
O Ramdaspur, how thickly populated thou art, and weariest
Unparalleled beauty
And whosoever batheth in thy tank, is rid of his Sins.

The major thrust of my thesis is to initiate a debate on the concept of amorphous in

cultural and literary studies. Amorphous as a term is mostly and frequently used in the

field of science. Generally speaking, the word amorphous means having no real or

apparent crystalline form, no clear shape, structure and boundaries. Contrary to its general

usage and meaning I have used amorphous with special and specific reference to history,

culture and literature.

In my research I have attempted to explore the cultural and literary dimensions of

amorphous and confined myself only to English prose writings which include novels and

memoirs written in English language on or about Lahore. My thesis is an attempt to

answer a central question, can a city be amorphous? If so, what could those cultural,

social, historical, political, physical, architectural and literary factors, forces or trends be

that may make a city amorphous?

 2

After exploring the history of Lahore, its folklores, legends and fiction in English

language of the twentieth century where Lahore develops as a locale, I have endeavoured

to ferret out, uncover and expose the amorphous nature of the city. To me amorphousness

is a combination and amalgamation of similar and dissimilar, fixity and fluidity, different

things coming together to merge as a floating structure, possibly a physical shape of its

own kind, which is not permanent, amorphous then also transforms into a cultural pattern,

apparently, explicitly and at the surface level fixed, yet underneath, fluid, volatile,

violently active and non-static; ultimately falling apart and collapsing into new images of

destruction. A cycle of destruction and disintegration of things, then, is followed by a

cycle of construction and integration. The things invisible and hidden under the surface

disturb, upset and topple the existing form, cultural, religious, social and physical. The

new form or pattern which replaces the displaced one combines in itself the features,

characteristics and qualities of the previous pattern. The new shape and form of the city,

therefore, always imbibe, seldom reject or discard everything associated with the previous

pattern of things. They are adopted, twisted and absorbed generously to create new

physical, architectural, cultural, social and religious rings of a new pattern. My research

would also spotlight those forces and factors that have shaped, de-shaped and re-shaped

Lahore physically, geographically, demographically, culturally, socially, religiously and

politically, and in many other unseen as well as unforeseen ways.

This thesis is an effort to probe deeper into the multi-dimensional and multi-faceted

core of amorphousness in order to reach, grapple and comprehend one aspect, one

dimension of it where some glimpses and glimmers of some kind of physical structure,

cultural and social patterns and religious thinking may be seen paradoxically taking,

assuming or forming a definable, yet un-definable, discernable, yet in-discernable,

visible, yet in-visible, tangible, yet in-tangible shape of their own kind. Despite its
 3

paradoxes, parallels, contradictions and contrasts amorphous should not be confused with

muddle and chaos.

Given my study on Lahore I can make a claim that other than Lahore no city in the

Sub-continent presents an excellent study of amorphousness. Since its foundation to the

present time, Lahore has seen, experienced and witnessed dramatic and momentous

changes of far reaching consequences. It may be called a sedimentary city, a city of

diverse layers of culture, civilization, religious ethos, political thoughts and architectural

designs all pulled together to shape a city called Lahore.

In general and in particular as well amorphous might have its own histories,

etymological, linguistic, scientific, etc etc, but I have tried to explore it as mentioned

before, with reference to cultural, social, literary, political and religious contexts and

perspective limiting it to the city of Lahore. Before I proceed on further to present and

elaborate my own concept of what amorphous is, it is imperative and vital for me to pick

on some of the debate about the nature of amorphous as examined by other critics and

theorists in particular with reference to South Asia. Sara Suleri in her article “Amorphous

India: Questions of Geography” published in South West Review has also broached upon

the idea of amorphousness. Her major description is about a specific space and

geography, called India. For an elaboration of her idea she focuses on two texts on India,

Forster’s A Passage to India and Naipaul’s An Area of Darkness whose critical analysis

falls outside my thesis over here as they do not take up Lahore as their topic but discuss

India in general. Suleri, however, has built up her thesis on those narratives in English

which have high claims of representing India. In Suleri’s perspective their failure of

representation of India, consequently, is taken to be the failure of India itself. The

twentieth century English narratives regarding India, in fact, re-enact the drama of

nineteenth century British domination over India. The idea behind this intention is to
 4

portray and depict the intangibilities, vagueness and elusiveness which the West associate

with the East in a more logical and lucid way. This leads them to a point where they

“empty the area out of history, and represent India as an amorphous state of mind that is

only remembered in order for it be to forgotten” (389). Hence the geography of India is

dislocated and then an attempt is made here and an effort there to relocate it in the

imagination of the West. Such narratives focused on the Indian theme also try to “name

something so vague as to be nearly unnamable, implying that their subject is disturbingly

prone to spill into atmospherics rather than remaining fixed in the place to which it

belongs” (389). In fact, the Western writers approach India as their topic of study with

preconceived and fixed notions of the East. Consequently, they dismantle and dislocate

the space, geography in the case of the Sub-continent, India, in order to relocate it in

accordance with their own concepts of the East in totality. The real India, therefore, is

rendered unreal and replaced by an India which is the creation of a Western creative

imagination and mind.

Indeed, the Western mind approaches the non-Western world with preconceived

hegemonistic notions of culture, civilization, politics, society, geography and religion.

The motive may be to establish the superiority of the European mind over the non-

European one. Ever since the 16th century, the Europeans always desired to be there in

India, a land which invariably lured them not only as a land of strange people and riches,

always fascinated them as a land of opportunities for trade and commerce, but also made

them imagine that they would face very little resistance once they touch the shores of

India. The relationship which was conceived between the West and India was the one in

which the West always had an upper hand. Resultantly, India had become an interesting

topic of discussion and display in the West. Books on and about India were written in a

variety of fields, sociology, anthropology, political science, history and literature. There
 5

were diaries of civil and military colonial officials who served the British Raj in India,

notebooks, official documents, stories by the white women of their own experience in

India and a great body of literature on India. All this created a new India, the creation of

English mind and imagination steeped in superiority complex. The English writers,

thinkers and scholars like E.M.Forster and those men of letters and writers who were

influenced by them and their hegemonistic ideas like V.S.Naipual not only misread and

therefore misrepresented the colonized, in the case of Sub-continent the Indians, but also

transformed the historical and geographical reality, India, into an imaginary existence.

Suleri, therefore, has mentioned the obvious when she says that to the English, India

ceases to be geography of reality and becomes an amorphous state of mind. But the fact

which has been overlooked and ignored by the West is that India has always been a

political, geographical and cultural reality and that it never did and even today does not

exist in a vacuum.

My thesis, however, is not concerned with limited questions of geography, real or

unreal. It goes beyond geography and space into more comprehensive realms of culture,

literature, history, architecture and religion, all commingling together to create

amorphousness I intend to analyze with reference to the city of Lahore.

Suleri’s notion of amorphousness has been analyzed and revisited by some scholars

and researchers in Pakistan. But my research on amorphous is unique because these

researchers have not studied Lahore as an amorphous city, though they have explored the

notion of amorphous in general. Here in my thesis I try to connect their findings of

amorphous to my reading of Lahore as an amorphous city. Waseem Anwar, a Pakistani

scholar and researcher theorizes the idea of amorphousness as an extension of Bhabha’s

concept of ambivalence and Suleri’s notion of darkness as amorphous. But let us see what
 6

ambivalence means to Bhabha before we look at the relationship or link between

Bhabha’s concept of ambivalence and Anwar’s idea of amorphousness.

Ambivalence as Bhabha adumbrates is a significant concept in Colonial discourse.

According to Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin, Bhabha’s concept of ambivalence means a

“complex mix of attraction and repulsion that characterizes the relationship between the

colonizer and the colonized” (12). The relationship becomes ambivalent because the

colonized is not wholly and completely antagonistic to the colonizer. It is interesting to

note that some of the colonized subjects are resistant and others are complicit which

makes the relationship between the colonized and the colonizer a fluctuating one. For

Bhabha, “however, ambivalence disrupts the clear-cut authority of colonial domination

because it disrupts the simple relationship between colonizer and colonized” (13). The

colonial discourse lands into a difficult situation as it intends to create compliant subjects

who in return are expected to mimic the colonizer but the irony is that instead of

compliant subjects, such ambivalent subjects are produced whose mimicry is very close

to mockery. And “ambivalence describes this fluctuating relationship between mimicry

and mockery, an ambivalence that is fundamentally unsettling to colonial dominance”

(13). Robert Young while expressing his view on the ambivalence of Bhabha says:

For Bhabha mimicry itself becomes a kind of agency without a

subject, a form of representation which produces effects, a

sameness which slips into otherness, but which still has nothing to

do with any ‘other’… Compared to ambivalence, which describes a

process of identification and disavowal, mimicry implies an ever

greater loss of control for the colonizer, of inevitable process of

counter-domination produced by miming of the very operation of

domination, with the result that the identity of colonizer and

 7

colonized becomes curiously elided. (148)

To Bhabha, therefore, colonial relationship is invariablely ambivalent because it causes

its own destruction without any foreign intervention. In his introduction of The Location

of Culture Bhabha states:

The move away from the singularities of “class” or “gender” as primary

conceptual and organizational categories, has resulted in an awareness of

the subject positions – of race, gender, generation, instructional location,

geopolitical locale, sexual orientation- that inhabit any claim to identify in

the modern world. What is theoretically innovative and politically crucial,

is the need to think beyond narratives of originary and initial subjectivities

and to focus on those moments of processes that are produced in the

articulation of cultural differences. These “in-between” spaces provide the

terrain for elaborating strategies of selfhood – singular or communal- that

initiate new signs of identity, and innovative sites of collaboration, and

contestation, in act of defining the idea of society itself. (1-2)

Bhabha, in fact, throws light on how the process of cultural discourse takes place when

two contradictory and opposite groups, classes come into clash with each other. As a

result of that clash, some “new signs of identity” take place “in – between spaces.” And

these new signs of identity” may be called hybrid culture, the outcome of the clash

between the two groups. In this process a society is also defined, a society where the

opposites, the colonizer and the colonized act, react and interact. Bhabha’s concept of

culture is strongly and deeply linked with his idea of nation. He challenges the idea of a

nation being pure and holistic. He opines:

Cultures are never unitary in themselves, nor simply dualistic in their

relation of self to Other. [ … ] The reason a cultural text or system of

 8

meaning cannot be sufficient unto itself is that the act of cultural

enunciation – the place of utterance – is crossed by the difference of

writing. …It is this difference in the process of language that is crucial to

the production of meaning and ensures, at the same time, that meaning is

never simply mimetic and transparent. (35-36)

Ramos while discussing Bhabha’concept of culture in his article “Homi Bhabha: The

Process of Creating Culture from the Interstitial, Hybrid Perspective” says:

… a national culture can never be holistic and pure because its

meaning, like other products of language, is open to ambivalence,

open to interpretations by the audience which is different from the

originator’s intent. So in the post colonial discourse, the Colonizer’s

culture, far from being the simple, oppressive force upon the

colonized culture, is open to ambivalence. (2)

Anwar’s recent unpublished article based on his talks at Duke and various other

American universities entitled “Theorizing The Pakistani Post-Postcolonial Real:

Ambivalent, Emerging, Amorphous or Even Beyond” initiates a discussion on the

relationship between Bhabha’s concept of ambivalence and his idea of amorphousness as

it might be applicable to the current Pakistani Postcolonial scenario While looking at

some of the concepts of Homi Bhabha, representation difference, nation and culture,

mimicry, mockery, hybridity and above all ambivalence, Anwar gets engages himself in a

dialogue with Bhaba’s idea of nationhood and traces if the emerging in Pakistan still stays

‘ambivalent’ or has grown amorphous or even beyond! And then he claims that “I coin

and propose the amorphous and its divergent possible connotations as a literary term, a

theoretical concept to foreground and address the ‘real’ about Pakistani systems –

politico-religious, socio-cultural as well academic and other”(2).

 9

He further says that

Amorphous, to me, is an inevitable extension of ‘ambivalence’ that

switches us from the binary of in-between-ness to the beyond of among-

ness, that might function to appropriate the processes and procedures of

ever-emerging multiplicities, pluralities, particularities, and specificities of

the Pakistani post-independent.(8)

Anwar may be justified in his argument, but my thesis is not aimed at converting the idea

of amorphousness into any post or post-postcolonial theoretical space nor to link it with

Chaos Theory 1 or Bhabha’s concept of ambivalence. Although the focal point of my

research is to analyze Lahore as an amorphous city in the colonial and postcolonial era,

yet, I don’t pick on separate chapters on colonial or postcolonial theories.In fact,

references to such theories and to Orientalism have been incorporated in the main body of

the thesis wherever necessary.

Let us move from the idea of amorphous and its interpretations by theorists to a

very brief survey of British occupation of Indian cities. This shall further help us to see

why Lahore as an amorphous city becomes the thesis statement of my research. The

colonization of India by the British is a fascinating tale of ruthless suppression of the

natives, of building new cities of trade and commerce and of modernizing the ancient

centers of culture and civilization. The drama of colonization started from Surat, in the

western India where the East India Company had set up a post in the fall of 1612 after it

had sought permission from the Mughal Emperor Jahangir ( 1569-1627). The eight

English businessmen who sat in London in 1599 to set up a charted commercial

corporation would have never thought even in their wildest of dreams that by constructing

a post they were laying the foundation of one of the greatest colonies, the biggest jewel in

the British crown, India. From subduing Bengal in the early 17th century to the annexation
 10

of the Punjab in 1849, the colonization of India in fact can be studied as a wonderful story

of various strategies of British domination over India.

During the British rule over India, Indian cities like Bombay2, Culcutta3, Madras4,

Delhi5, Agra6 and Lahore emerged as symbols of British colonial power on the one hand,

and on the other, centres of unique culture, architecture and life style. Amongst these

cities, Culcutta, Madras and Bombay were in the colonial era and are even today

predominantly British colonial cities in terms of their culture, architecture, and thinking

as British colonial imagination has shaped them into what they are. Delhi and Agra,

though oral literature and history mention these cities as ancient cities of the Hindus, were

the centres of Muslim culture and civilization before the arrival of the British in India.

After destroying Delhi to its foundations in 1857, when the British had captured it from

the mutineers, they did not rebuild it and left it into shambles. Delhi and Agra remained

the capital cities of Muslin rule over India during the Delhi Sultanate period7 and the

Mughal rule8 and rose to unprecedented glory and splendour which they never had before.

My research on Lahore leads me to state that Lahore is unique amongst these Indian

cities not for the fact that it came under the British control rather late in 1849 when they

had annexed the Punjab; Lahore was then the capital of the kingdom of Ranjit Singh. I

have chosen Lahore because the strategic location of the city renders it as an invadeable

city since the time of the Aryans in the Punjab in 1500 BC to the British occupation of the

city in 1849. Every invader who occupied Lahore and brought it under his rule and

subjugation added new architectural design to its old structures initiated new cultural and

social, practices, religious ethos and political philosophies. Most of the invaders came

from Central Asia and Asia Minor. They brought along with them the customs, culture

and social practices, religious and political ideologies and life style of their own areas.

The merger of the local and indigenous element with that of the alien and the foreign
 11

created a peculiar and unique culture, exotic, strange and mysterious, having its

components so varied, diversified and different. Consequently, Lahore had become a city

of people belonging to a variety of races, ethnic and linguistic groups of different cultural

and religious backgrounds and ideologies. The amalgamation of such diversified,

contradictory, similar and dissimilar elements, forces and ideas has created an amorphous

Lahore, a unique city which has remained adherent to its fundamental characteristic and

feature of amorphousness since its foundation to the present day.

To me Lahore is unique as there is so much mystery attached to its very name and

history and that legends, folktales and songs sung at the banks of the river Ravi celebrate

Lahore as a battleground of great heroes. It has appeared in the fiction written in English,

diaries and documents of various travelers whose hearts were captured and captivated by

the magic and appeal that Lahore had for them as an exotic city. It is unique because it

was the only Indian city before 1947, the year Pakistan came into being, which had been

ruled by the Hindus, the Muslims, the Sikhs and the British one after the other. It also had

the distinction of being the capital city and a citadel where the Hindu Rajas, the Muslim

kings and the Sikh Maharajas held their courts. Lahore was the provincial headquarter

during the British Raj as well. Therefore, the kind of cultural, religious, social, literary,

and architectural milieu which Lahore developed, as a result of interaction of ideas and

concepts emerging and oozing out of these dynasties and empires, has bestowed upon the

city a distinction, a color and a characteristic of its own kind, a specific amorphousness

which the other Indian cities neither experienced, nor imbibed and which had become the

hallmark of the city of Lahore.

My research further informs me that the very name Lahore involves amorphousness

as it never had a fixed name and has been known by various names through out its

history. Resultantly, the real city of Lahore has remained hidden in the fog and mist of
 12

history, remained sometimes illusive, as well as elusive, appearing and disappearing

rhythmically like the wave of an ocean but never lost its charm and characteristics of a

real city. It is this strange and mysterious mergence and mixing of real, unreal, visible and

invisible that makes Lahore an amorphous city. And above all, Lahore always had a

character throughout its history and that it always had the features, characteristics and

qualities of a city.

Even modern Lahore has retained some its ancient features and characteristics.

Today’s Lahore, the Florence9 of the Sub-continent, is the second largest city of Pakistan

with a population of roughly 8.5 million. It is called the city of gardens and colleges, a

cradle of cultural, intellectual, literary and political movements. Its busy and bustling

bazaars, bewitching buildings and edifices, an amalgamation of the ancient and the

modern architectural design, make it a city of mystic atmosphere, contrast and surprise.

Although, the city houses and accommodates a great variety of people belonging to

various racial and cultural groups and economic and financial background, inhabiting the

shanties and the palatial houses, yet what welds them together is the Lahori spirit which

pervades the slum and the posh areas giving the city a distinct character and quality in the

whole Sub-continent. It is this Lahori spirit that combines the similar and the dissimilar

aspects of Lahori life in all its manifestations. The people of Lahore, traditionally called

the zinda dilan-e-Lahore, are so vibrant, so enthusiastic, so zealous and so energetic that

they never let any opportunity slip away to enjoy life to the brim.

Lahore, undoubtedly, is a historical city. Its crumbling structures, edifices and once

awe inspiring architecture are the signs of glory and splendor which once Lahore was.

The city has witnessed the downfall of various dynasties since its foundation. From the

Rajput rule to the British rule, Lahore tells us a tale of gruesome occupations, of enduring

culture and civilization, of mighty rulers and of their tragic and painful decline. It is a
 13

unique city, attacked, destroyed yet never deserted. Its residents have always displayed a

unique kind of zest and zeal for life, determination to rebuild their beloved city out of the

ruins and ashes after every disaster and calamity it has undergone. Lahore has always

risen as a new city from its debris like the mythical Phoenix which burns itself to ashes

and then is reborn again after evry five hundred years. From a Hindu city of narrow and

stingy streets, buildings of mud and rigid culture it was amorphosized into a Muslim city

of exotic character, of enduring culture, of beautiful spacious structures of fine

workmanship and a city of ‘hundred gardens’. Since then it has not lost its Muslim

character though it has been occupied and ruled over by the Sikhs and the British

respectively after the Muslim rule came to an end in the Punjab in the 1760s. The Sikhs

took Lahore from the Muslims and lost it to the British in 1849. The British after the

annexation of the Punjab in 1849 remapped Lahore in accordance with the colonial

desire. The British gave it a colonial color and amorphosized it into a modern colonial

city, gave it a modern look and shape and initiated the process of urbanization which

Lahore had never experienced before.

A unique quality of Lahore, since its foundation, has been its characteristic

amorphousness, its physical development and expansion in various times of its history

and its cultural resilience to survive the ravages of time. Its ability to absorb and

continually frame the shapeless, to adhere to its original character of expansion and

absorption, to reflect and retain its indefiniteness and above all to accommodate the

customs and historical and temporal changes, has been an astonishing historical fact.

Since its foundation, it has understandably not only changed physically but also

demographically and culturally. From a walled city to a flourishing commercial

cosmopolitan modern city, the provincial headquarter of the Punjab, Lahore has seen

different periods of rise and fall, ebb and flow and destruction and construction. The
 14

ancient structures and edifices, the mosques and the domes of the Mughal era, the

churches and the official and commercial buildings, the educational institutions and the

hospitals of the British times and the modern construction after 1947 particularly in the

1990s speak volumes of Lahore as a city which constantly changed its face yet retained

its character as a city of unique cultural ethos.

Lahore existed as a city before Akbar, the Mughal Emperor, made it his capital in

1572. It had already witnessed various Hindu and Muslim mighty dynasties before, yet it

gained unprecedented glory in every field of life, trade, commerce, arts, architecture,

culture and civilization during the Mughal rule. Abul Fazl, one of the nine jewels of

Akbar speaks of Lahore of that time: “It was a very populous city, the resort of people of

all nations and a centre of extensive commerce…” (Latif 32). It was in Lahore that Akbar

developed a liberal and enlightened approach towards other religious faiths. He not only

encouraged religious tolerance but also promoted a rarified and academic atmosphere for

a dialogue and exchange of diverse religious views amongst various religious

communities of his kingdom. According to Latif:

…the Emperor’s partiality was not confined to the followers of Brahma

and of Zerdasht alone. He listened with patience to the advocates of every

religion and took the most genuine interest in their disputations … For the

third time, at the earnest request of the Emperor, the Portuguese

government at Goa sent missionaries with all their books of law and

gospel. (36)

On their visit the Christian missionaries described Lahore “as a delightful city.” They

were received by the Emperor who was delighted to receive an ornamented image of the

Virgin. Jahangir was even more liberal to the Christians and it was during his reign that

they were allowed to set up a mission, a church and a school at Lahore. Since then a
 15

religiously tolerant and peaceful culture has been a distinguishing feature of Lahore. For

the promotion of a tolerant and cosmopolitan culture and the setting up of a society free

from any ethnic and cultural prejudices the services of the Muslim saints cannot be

overlooked or underestimated. Before them, Lahore under the Hindu Rajputs was a class

ridden society based upon the rigid Hindu caste system. The break up and the collapse of

social and cultural integrity, cohesion and interaction amongst the communities which

accompanied the partition of the Sub-continent in 1947, has been elaborately discussed

and explained in the Third Chapter which deals with Bapsi Sidhwa’s novels particularly

Ice Candy Man (1984). In fact, cracks of hatred and rivalry began to appear in the social

fabric of the city of Lahore when in the first decade of the twentieth century major

communities inhabiting Lahore became conscious of their separate religious identities.

Religion, therefore, was fast becoming a cultural force and the interaction between the

British and the Lahorites created an atmosphere where all the communities felt the need

to adhere to their respective religious faith for their identities and survival. There emerged

various religious and social reform movements aiming at purification of their respective

religions. This new scenario with emphasis on religious identities has been discussed in

the Second Chapter of my thesis where Dina Naths’ novel Two Friends: A Descriptive

Story of Lahore Life (1899) has been analyzed to focus the amorphousness of Lahore.

The objective of my thesis is not to survey or trace such changes since the time of

Lahore’s foundation to the present day in historical or chronological terms, though the

history of the city would form a significant portion of my dissertation. The thesis is

primarily focused upon Lahore’s amorphousness as it developed from a colonial city to

a modern postcolonial Lahore. For this purpose I have specifically chosen English fiction

with Lahore as a locale of both, the colonial and post-colonial era especially from the year

1899 to 1999. I shall zoom in and magnify the amorphousness of Lahore as it appears in
 16

English fiction of the last one hundred years. I shall develop upon the physical changes

along with the cultural and social ones as perceived by the writers of these fictional

works, both of the colonial and the post-colonial times. This record should also help us to

look at the difference between the colonial and the post-colonial perspectives of

presenting the changing shapes of Lahore’s temporal reality. For this purpose I have

chosen Dina Nath’s novel Two Friends: A Descriptive Story of Lahore Life (1889),

Rudyard Kipling’s Kim (1901), Bapsi Sidhwa’s Ice-Candy Man (the novel was published

in 1984 but it covers the time just before partition of the Sub-continent in 1947) to cover

the colonial time, the British Raj. While discussing these works I would also be referring

to some of the seminal works of such writers as E.M.Forster, and Thomas Moore and

many others who are relevant for my argument. So far as the post-colonial era is

concerned I have also selected for analysis Sidhwa’s The Bride and An American Brat

(1993); Sara Suleri’s Meatless Days, (1989) which is set in Lahore in the 1970s and

Mohsin Hamid’s Moth Smoke (2000) which reflects Lahore of the 1990s have also been

examined. In order to fill the gaps I have also referred to other texts that portray Lahore as

an expanding yet examinable locale. Then there are some memoirs and autobiographical

writings of those who lived in Lahore before the partition, migrated to India after 1947,

had a chance to revisit the city, serve as a storehouse of knowledge and information about

Lahore of the pre-partition time. The analysis of such writings would enable us to see

Lahore in two different perspectives, Lahore before and after the partition of the Punjab

in 1947. All these writings help to understand Lahore what I argue as an amorphous city,

a changing, developing and expanding space in multiple ways.

I have divided my thesis into Four Chapters. The First Chapter is a brief survey of the

development of Lahore from its foundation to the British rule in the Punjab which ended

on 14th of August 1947. My study of the history of Lahore has made me perceive
 17

amorphousness in the very foundation of the city. The First chapter, therefore, is of great

significance as it deals not only with the historical amorphousness of Lahore but also

presents cultural, religious ethos and social pattern all combined together to contribute to

make the city amorphous the way I look at it. The emphasis, of course, falls on the

amorphousness of the city in terms of its physical shape, cultural, social and religious

developments instead of a chronological portrayal of historical events. An effort has been

made to trace and locate the original sight of the ancient Lahore and its development as a

city under the Rajputs and their contribution towards its architecture and culture if any,

before the arrival of the Muslims in the Sub-continent. The Muslims not only dominated

the Sub-continent physically but also culturally. It was under their rule that cities like

Delhi, Agra and Lahore rose to unprecedented glory and cultural dominance and became

the cradle of civilization in this part of the world. This chapter also reviews the Sikh rule

and last but not the least the British rule and the colonial color and shape which the city of

Lahore donned.

The year of 1899 is significant because it was in this year that the historical city of

Lahore was used by an Indian novelist as a locale for a colorful Lahori life, captured and

portrayed vividly in fiction in English for the first time. This representation set the

tradition of making Lahore a locale in English fiction of the succeeding writers. The

Second Chapter focuses upon the analysis of those works of fiction that have used Lahore

as a backdrop. Dina Nath’s Two Friends: A Descriptive Story of the Lahori Life (1899)

and Rudyard Kipling’s Kim (1901) form the main focal point. In the Third Chapter I have

chosen Bapsi Sidhawa’s works such as Ice-Candy Man, The Bride and An American Brat

to support my argument. Although, the locale in these novels shifts from Lahore to other

areas, in the former to Kohistan and in the latter to America, yet the major part of the

action takes place in Lahore and we come across the multifaceted development in almost

every aspect of Lahori life since 1947. Sidhwa’s Ice-Candi Man is a significant fictional
 18

landmark so far as the amorphousness of Lahore is concerned. It captures Lahore

graphically just before the partition in 1947 and after it, as life in the city begins to come

back to normalcy after the macabre game of death and destruction was over. The Fourth

Chapter is about Lahore from 1970s to 1990s. And in order to depict the amorphousness

of Lahore from the 1970s to 1990s I have selected Sara Suleri’s Meatless Days. It throws

light on the situation as it develops leading to some personal and national losses, the

dismemberment of Pakistan in 1971. Mohsin Hamid’s Moth Smoke has been has also

been chosen to spotlight Lahore in 1980s and 1990s. Lahore during these two decades

manifests itself in a new light, a city of fashionable and posh localities, drugs, crimes of

all types, load shedding and above all Lahore as a nuclear city.

Since its annexation in 1849 to the present time, Lahore has retained its colonial

character and outlook. The British set the tradition of keeping the natives aloof by

establishing themselves in new a locality called the Civil Lines. They also shifted their

military barracks from the Anarkali area to Mian Mir, about ten kilometers away from the

old city. Thus the British introduced the concept of bifurcation of the civil and the

military areas in the same city. The cantonments were set up at a considerable distance

from the Civil Lines. In these localities all the modern facilities of life were available to

the residents. It was a secluded world and the natives were not allowed to sneak into it.
The same pattern has continued even today and the expensive and lucrative cantonment

areas and the Defense Housing schemes inhabited by the opulent and the ruling class with
all the perks, privileges and prerogatives present a striking contrast not only with the old

city but also with those areas lying between the walled city and these posh localities,
small cities within Lahore. There are invisible walls of social, economic and cultural

differences and disparities isolating the poor Lahoris from the rich of the modern areas, a
world of power, domination and neo-colonists. Undoubtedly, Lahore has changed

conspicuously in each and every respect and the modern city is a beautiful blend of the

ancient and the modern life style.

 19

Part II Literature Review

From the destined walls

Of Cambalu, seat of Cathaian Can,
And samarchand by Oxus, Temir’s throne
To paquin of Sinaean Kings; and thence,
To Agra and Lahore of Great Mughal
(Milton Paradise Lost Book xi 337-41)

Most historians and writers, both ancient and modern, writing about Lahore have given

us history of the city, its monuments, architectural structure and design, how its walls and

gates were built, how it was captured, destroyed and rebuilt, expanded and shrunk

alternately as the time rolled on. They also mention the ruling dynasties in a

chronological order and give them the credit and appreciation of constructing the city

beautifully after every calamity and tragedy it has faced through out its history. Such

books as Syad Muhammad Latif’s Lahore: its History, Architectural Remains and

Antiquities, Maulvi Nur Muhammad’s Tahqiqat-i-Chishti, Kanhia Lal Kapur’s Tarikh-i-

Lahore, T. H. Thornton’s A Brief Account of the History and Antiquities of Lahore,

Muhammad Baqir’s Lahore: Past and Present, Nazir Ahmad Chaudhry’s Lahore:

Glimpses of a Glorious Heritage and Majid Sheikh’s Lahore: Tales Without End can be

mentioned in this regard. On the architecture of Lahore and on its modernization in the

colonial era William J. Glover’s book Making Lahore Modern: Constructing And

Imagining A colonial City is a good addition. Then there are reminiscences and memoirs

such as Colonel H. R. Goulding’s Old Lahore: Reminiscences of a Resident, Gopal

Mittal’s Lahore ka jo Zakir Kiya, Pran Nevile’s Lahore: A Sentimental Journey, Som

Anand’s Lahore-Portrait of a Lost City, The Vertical Woman, reminiscences of B.C.M.

 20

Sanyal, these reminiscences are more of a lament on the loss of a city which was once so

dear to their heart.

Latif’s landmark work Lahore: Its History, Architectural Remains And Antiquities

deals with the ancient and modern Lahore. The significance of Chapter One of the book

lies in the fact that it gives us the history of Lahore from its occupation by the Muslims to

its annexation by the British in 1849. We get a vividly chronological history of Lahore, its

glory, splendour, prosperity and decline under various Muslim dynasties, The Ghiznivide

dynasty, the Ghorian and Slave dynasties, the Khiljai and Toghlak dynasties, the Lodhi

dynasty and the Mughal Empire. The men of administrative skill and dexterity, kings,

sultans and governors who made Lahore as one of the jewels of culture and civilization of

the world have also found space in this chapter. Some of them have also been buried in

their beloved city, Lahore. Chapter Two of the book deals with the architectural remains

of the city, tombs, mausoleums, havlis, palatial residential buildings of the Mughals and

the beautiful gardens they built. The modern period of Lahore under the British Raj

describes Lahore as a colonial city of roads, educational institutions, hospitals and

buildings of modern architecture, Lahore conceived and constructed in accordance with

the colonial ideas. It also contains an elaborate and detailed discussion on the origin

of the name of the city and the date of its foundation.

Tahqiqat-i-Chishti is a monumental work on the history of Lahore, a book frequently

referred to by the historians of Lahore. The book describes in brief the ancient Hindu

period, combining Hindu legends and myths with history. In brief, it also gives us an

account of the Muslim and the Sikh rule over Lahore. The historical significance of the

book lies in its description of the eminent Muslim saints of Lahore, the tombs and graves

of the Muslim and the non- Muslim rulers of Lahore and people of high social ranks.

Famous gardens of Lahore have also been mentioned.

 21

Tarikhi- Lahore is another landmark work of the history of Lahore.What distinguishes

this book from other books on the history of Lahore is that it gives us the history and

location of the thirteen gates of Lahore which are still the distinctive feature of the city. It

describes in brief the occupation of Lahore by various invaders and the calamities which

befell on its people and also mentions various invaders who captured Lahore.

In Making Lahore Modern: Constructing And Imagining A Colonial City, Glover has

emphasized the forces and factors of urbanization and modernization of Lahore and has

stressed the architectural aspect of the city. The imagination of the British had gone a

long way to build a modern Lahore adjacent to the old city. The transformation of Lahore

from the city of the great Mughals and then afterwards the capital of the Sikhs, the civil

war after Ranjit Singh’s death in1839 had brought nothing but ruin and decline to it, a

fallen city, to a colonial city developed on modern principle and design of architecture,

urbanization of Lahore is the hallmark of the book. A distinctive feature of the book is the

idea that it was the amalgamation and interaction of the indigenous and the foreign, the

Lahorites and the British, which made what was Lahore in the British period. So the

process of modernization of Lahore was not monolithic it was rather collaborative.

Lahore: Tales Without End is not only about its tales but also about its history. The

book is about the thieves of Lahore, its rebels, ancient families, saints, ruins, havilis,

tombs, gates, and walls. It tells us about the lost splendour of the city, and the glory it

achieved during the British Raj. The book has a tale like atmosphere and reminds its

readers of the narrative of the Arabian Nights.

Old Lahore: Reminiscences of a Resident consists of two parts, reminiscences and a

historical note. The book provides us with valuable information of the early days of the

British Raj when Lahore became a part of the British Empire, a provincial headquarter of

the province of the Punjab.The writer recalls and recollects how the British devised ways
 22

and means to tackle the issues of adjustment and ruling a new land and its inhabitants, the

use of available old buildings for political, administrative and religious purposes, new

educational and commercial institutions and roads were also built. Some of these signs

and symbols of colonialism no longer exist, yet are an integral part of the history of

Lahore and those which have stood the test of time remind us of the days of the British

Raj. And the second part of the book deals with the various Muslim dynasties and the

Sikh regime ruling over Lahore.

These works, therefore, have their own historical, literary, social and cultural

significance. But none of the writers mentioned above of the colonial and postcolonial era

has studied, analyzed and explored Lahore from the angle of its amorphousness.

Moreover, books written on the history of Lahore have their own limitations and the

memoirs do not take into consideration cultural and historical forces whose role has been

enormously significant in making Lahore an amorphous city.

 23

END NOTES

Introduction

For further information see Jean-Francois Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition: A Report on

Knowledge.Trans. Geoff Bennington and Brian Massumi, Manchester: Mancheter University Press, 1984.
2
Renamed Mumbai in 1996 is an important commercial, film and financial centre of India. A fishing

community called the kolis is known to be the earlist settlers. Bombay and its surrounding islands in the

third century were in the possession of the Maurya Empire which made them the centre of Hindu and

Buddhist culture and religion. The Satavahanas, the Abhiras, the Vakatakas, the Kalachuris, the Chalukyas,

the Rashtrakutas dynasties were the rulers of these islands till the 9th century. The Muslim rulers of Gujrat

took possession of these islands in 1343 which put an end to the Hindu rule. Sultan Bahadur Shah of the

Gujrat Kingdom handed over these islands to the Portuguese inn 1534 as a result of a treaty called the

Treaty of Bassein. Charles II of England leased them to the East India Company in 1668 after he had

received the island as the dowry of Catherine de Braganza in 1661. British named the city as Bombay and

made it their headquarters of the Bombay Presidency.

3
Officially renamed as Kolkata in 2001, Culcutta was a small village when in 1690 it was selected as a site

for British Trade settlement by Job Charnok, an agent of the East India Company. Adjacent to this site,

there were three large villages, Sutanuti, Gibindapur and kalikata which the British purchased from the

local lords to transform the place into a city. In 1756 Siraj-ud-daullah, the nawab of Bengal captured to

from the British only to lose to to them in 1757. It was in 1772 that Kalcutta was made the capital of British

India. The British shifted their capital from Calcutta to Delhi in 1912. Culcutta is sitiated on the bank of

Hooghly river which is a branch of Ganges river.

4
Officially renamed Chenni in 1996, is the capital city of the Indian state of Tamil nadu. The city is situated

on the Coromandel Coast of the Bay of Bengal. It was established in the 17th century by the British. Madras

is supposed to be a Portuguese name and when the British took possession of the area the two towns

Madraspattinam and Chennapattinam

5
The name Delhi is derived from the word “Dhillu or Dilu, a king of the Mauryan dynasty who is supposed

to build the city of Delhi in 50 BC. It is also argued that the the Hindi word “Dhili” means ‘loose’ and that

Raja Dhava of the clan of Tuar Rajputs built an iron pillar which was of loose foundation. It was, therefore,
 24

replaced by a pillar of strong foundation. But the city retained its name, “Dhili”. There is another theory

suggesting that “Dhillika” was the original name of the city Delhi. Mahabharata, an Indian epic mentions

Indraprastha, a lengendary capital of the Pandavas and that site is supposed to be Delhi. When Muhammad

Ghori, an Afghan ruler, conqured Delhi in 1192, it was under the rule of Pithviraj Chauhan, a ruler in the

line of the Chauhan Rajputs of Ajmer. Delhi reached the pennacle of glory and splendour under the Muslim

rule( 1206-1707) as it was their capital and seat of power and glory. The last great Mughal Emperor

Aurangzab died in 1707 and his death heralded the decline of the Mughal rule in India and with the

banishment of the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar from Delhi in 1857 when the British captured

the city Delhi was lost for the Muslims. The British built New Dlhi situated within the metropolis of Delhi

and made it their capital in 1912.

6
Agra is said to be mentioned in Mahabharat, an Indian epic as “Agraban”, the land of Lord Krishna. The

city is situated on the banks of river Yumma. It was founded by Raja Badal Singh, the founder of

Radhaswami faith, in 1475. It was captured by Sikandar Lodhi, an Afghan, in 1504 who made it his capital.

Agra came to its full bloom in terms of its culture and architecture under the Mughals after 1526. The city is

best known for the famous Taj Mahal built by Shah Jahan for his beloved wife Mumtaz Mahal.
7
Generally speaking the Delhi Sultanate period, covesr the years from 1206 to 1526 when the various

Muslim dynasties had made Delhi their capital.

8
The Mughal dynasty began when Zahir-ud-din Babur took over Delhi from the Lodhis in 1526 and laid

the foundation of the Mughal rule in India, and ended with the banishment of the last Mughal emperor

Bahadur Shah Zafa from Delhi in 1857.

9
Florence is a city in Italy. It is supposed to be the cradle of the Renaissance Movement in Europe. For

further information consult Encyclopaedia Bertinica.

 25

Chapter One

The Making of Lahore: A Historical Survey of Amorphousness

 26

“On the Banks of River Ravi”

Muhammad Allama Iqbal

Lost in its own silent rhythm, the Ravi sings its song
In it undulating flow I see the reflections in my heart—
The willows, the world, in worship of God

I stand at the edge of the flowing water

I do not know how and where I stand—
In the wine-coloured dusk
The old man shakily sorinkles crimson in the sky

The day is returning to where it came from

This is not dew; these are flowers, gifts from the sun
Far off, a cluster of minarets stand in statuesque splendour
Making where Mughal chivalry sleeps
This palace tells the story of time’s tyranny
A saga of a time long spent

What destination is this?

A quiet song only the heart can hear?
A gathering of trees speaks for me.
In midstream, a boat hurtles by
Riding the relentless currents,
Darting beyond the eye’s curved boundary.

Life flows on this river of eternity

Man is not born this way; does not perish this way
Undefeated, life slips beyond the horizon,
But does not end there.

(Translated by Parizad N. Sidhwa)

My objective in this chapter is not to approach the history of Lahore in a chronological

order but to look for amorphousness even in the bricks and mortar of the city. It is but

imperative to explore the history of Lahore as it would be of great benefit and advantage

for us to trace and track its amorphousness back to the day Lahore was founded. The

emphasis, in the first place falls on finding out the origin of Lahore, its original location

and how the city assumed the name it bears today. Although, folklore, legends and history

enveloping Lahore complicate the matter further as the city of Lahore which appears in

folklore and legends evaporates and dissolves in the mist of the early history of this area
 27

to emerge in the chronicles of India of the 2nd century, yet, knowledge and cognizance of

such legends, folklore and historical facts of Lahore would be of great help to see that

amorphousness of Lahore is not a recent development in the modern times. It has been

rather an integral and significant feature and characteristic of the city since its very

foundation.

So far as its physical location is concerned “the present city of Lahore is situated on a

slightly rising ground about a mile from the left bank of the river Ravi at its nearest point

in 31 35’ north latitude, and 740 10’ east longitudes” (Kipling, Thornton 23). The Ravi is

a small river in comparison with the other four rivers which water the plains of the Punjab

giving it its name and making it fertile and green. The Ravi figures in many romantic and

chivalric tales and folk literature of the Punjab and at the same time it has been a witness

to numerous battles in which crowns had been lost and won. It is the life breath of the city

of Lahore. In the Hindu Shastras, which in Hindu religion are social laws and conduct to

be observed by individuals living in a society, it was known as “Iravati”, the name of

Indra’s elephant. Latif states that:

The river, which makes a very circuitous bend from the East, passes in a

semi-circle to the North of Lahore. At one time it flowed by the city

walls… The river soon afterwards abandoned its old channel, and has

never since returned to it, though an arm of the main stream at present

flows at a short distance from the fort. (84)

This arm of the river, for a long time, was called Budda Ravi by the Lahorites. To the

disappointment of them it also disappeared gradually. The Ravi, therefore, has played its

role in the amorphousness of Lahore by giving it an ill-defining shape and also by

determining its border from the eastern side of the city. For centuries in its history, the

river washed the eastern wall of the Fort and only recently it slowly but gradually moved
 28

away from the Fort towards a neighboring town of Lahore called Shahdara, generously

allocating more space to the city for its expansion and at the same time re-allocating its

boundaries. The river itself seems to have imparted its flow and fluidity to the city itself, a

significant feature of the amorphousness of Lahore. The Ravi was called “Parushni” or

“Iravati” by the Indians in the Vedic period1 and “Hydraotes” by the Greeks. It is

interesting to note that the river also had different names in different times of its history

like the city situated on its eastern bank, Lahore. In each era of its history, the river

remained a symbol of a specific cultural, religious and political ethos, folklores and

legends transferring them to the peoples and communities replacing the previous ones.

The inheritors of such traditions, customs and conventions added a set of their own

folklores, legends, customs, religious and cultural activities, rites and rituals to what they

had received. In this way a continuity of cultural traditions was maintained in which

every community contributed its share to its capacity creating unity in diversity.

How Lahore acquired its present name and the date of its foundation are shrouded and

enveloped in the mystery of etymology. Goulding has given a brief but interesting history

of how the city acquired its present name:

The name ‘Lahore’ (which is, of course, connected with the name of its

mythical founder, the son of Rama) is not peculiar to the capital of the

Punjab.There is a Lahore in Afghanistan; the seat of an old Rajput colony;

another in Peshawar district; still another in Hindustan proper and even a

Lahore in the Mewar state of Rajputana as well. It appears in the

Muhammadan writers under the varied forms of Lahore, Lahar, Lohe,

Lahawar, Lehawar, Luhawar, Lohawar Loha-nur, and Rahwar. In the

chronicles of Rajputana it has been mentioned under the name of Loh-kot;

and in the ‘Desh-v-Bhaga’it is called Lav-por. Lok-awar is the oldest and

 29

probably the most correct form of the name; as it is the form under which

it appears in the writings of Abu Rehan al Baruni, a contemporary and

companion of the Emperor Muhmud of Ghazni and the one who is known

to be well versed in the literature of the Hindus. The termination of awar is

no doubt a corruption of the colloquial Sanskrit awarana, meaning a

‘fort’or‘enclosure’which is found as a termination on the names of many

other Rajput cities as for example, Peshawar, Rajawar and Sonawar,

Lohawar, therefore, will signify ‘Fort of Loh, and the name will thus

correspond in significance with the Loh-kot of the Rajputana chronicles,

and give a key to the legend respecting its foundation. (82)

The very cloudiness and mist of traditions and legends surrounding the origin of

Lahore in itself is fascinating to make the city a subject of historical exploration. That the

city of Lahore never had a fixed name and that it had been called by various names

throughout its history is indicative of its amorphousness. In the absence of recorded

historical evidence we have no alternative but to fall back upon the legends and traditions

regarding the foundation of the city of Lahore.

From its amorphousness of etymology let us move to its amorphousness of physical

location. Although, the exact date of the foundation of Lahore is not easy to determine,

yet we see that the local Hindu traditions trace the origin of Lahore to Rama, king of

Ayodha (Oude) the hero of the Ramayana2. His son Love, or Loh and Kash, are believed

to have established the cities of Lahore and Kasur respectively. It is not only the local

Hindu traditions but also the legends and quasi historic traditions of other neighboring

localities which celebrate Lahore as a battlefield of heroic adventures and deeds. The

“Raja Tarangini3, an old chronicle of Kashmir makes mention of Lahore as a

dependency of the great Lalitaditya .In the ‘Desh-v-Bhaga4 compiled at the behest of the
 30

famous Raja Jai Sing Saiwal of Jaipur, mentions Ban Mal of Lahore who was

unfortunately defeated and held prisoner by Bhin Sen. The victorious Bhin Sen made the

kingdom of Lahore as his tributary. “The Adventures of Raja Rasalu5 a popular Punjabi

legend, narrates the heroic and chivalric character of Lahore and describes it as a

battleground where Russalu, the son of Salvahn, the hero of Sialkot fought and killed

Rakhas. Keneksen, a Solar Rajput prince who is said to have migrated from Lahore, later

on founded the state of Mewar. The Solankhi tribe of Anwhara Pattan and the Bhatis of

Jasulmer, whose name is still borne by one of the city gates (Bhati Darwaza) also,

mentions Lahore as the citadel of their power. The legends and the traditions referred to

establish nothing beyond the idea that Lahore had been established by the Rajputs and

that the city was a significant center of Rajput power. It was their capital city and the seat

of power when the Muslims in the seventh century launched a series of attacks against the

city.

Contrary to the legends and traditions referring Lahore as a city of the Rajput

kingdom of the first century AD, a prized city which stirred and instigated the Rajput

princes of antiquity to capture it and to add it to their kingdoms and principalities, there is

little historical documentation to locate Lahore to a physical site and geography and to

portray Lahore as a city of any cultural significance. In the first place, there is no mention

of Lahore, nor of any city with which it may be fairly identified, in the writings of the

Greek historians of the expedition of Alexander to the East .The Greek historians who

accompanied Alexander to his expedition to the Sub-continent do not mention Lahore,

though he is said to have crossed the Ravi in the vicinity of Lahore. Chisti narrates in his

famous book of the history of Lahore, Tehkekaat-e-Chisti that after defeating Raja

Pourus, “Alexander planned to ransack the rich and opulent state of Magdht, crossed the

Ravi to attack and capture it. Haggard and exhausted his army refused to act.
 31

Consequently, Alexander came back to Lahore and then proceeded to his own country

where he died after two years” (53-4). Baring this reference, there is no contemporary

historical evidence which mentions Lahore as a city of any significance. It means that

Lahore did not exist as a city of any significance on the eve of Alexander’s expedition to

the Sub-continent. Lahore is not mentioned in the writings of the historians and the

travelers between 66 BC and 24 AD. While giving a description of royal road between the

Indus and Allahbad Pliny (23-70 AD), an ancient Roman nobleman, scientist and

historian, does not mention Lahore. According to Goulding, “Lastly, no coins of the Indo

Bactria or Indo Seythic dynasties have…, been discovered at Lahore, although the

locality formed a portion of the kingdom of Menander and his successors and probably

also of the Seythic dynasties of Azes, Kadphises and Kenekis” (83).

It may, therefore, be so far concluded, that Lahore must have been founded between

the first and the seventh centuries of the Christian era. Ptolemy, the Greek geographer

flourished at Alexandria about 150 A.D. has referred to a city called Labokla, an

important city of the kingdom called Kasperia. This Kingdom had extended along the

rivers, Bidaster (Jhelum) Sandabal (Chandra Bhaga or Chenab) and Adris (Ravi). This

place has been identified by Wilford6 as Lahore by its location and name and Major

General Cunningham7 who has made this identification more probable after he had

discovered Amakatis of Ptolemy. Ptolemy8 mentions a place in the vicinity of Labokla, in

the ruins of Amabakapi situated about 25 miles away from Lahore. Goulding states:

Lastly if Tod’s chronology is to be trusted, we have a further proof that

Lahore must have been a place of some importance at the time Ptolemy’s

Geography was written in the fact that the middle of the second century is

assigned by Tod as the date of the migration of Prince Keneksen from

Lahore (84).
 32

However, from the mentioning of that city by the Greek geographer, we may

infer the date of the foundation of Lahore at the end of the first century AD. There is a

city named Tahora mentioned in the famous itinerary of the Roman Empire believed to

have been penned down in230 AD. Tahora is believed to have existed on the route from

the Indus to the Ganges. So far as the position and location of this city is concerned it

corresponds with the position of Lahore “that it is made to follow on the list a city named

Spatura, on the river Chenab” (Kipling Thornton 119). Major General Cunningham calls

this city Lahore. Whereas, Wilford prefers to identify this city as an ancient city situated

on the Sutlej which Mahabharata has also mentioned; “and philologically the latter

identification would appear most probable, as the Sanskrit a is frequently represented (as

before observed) by the Greek or Latin o; but the interchange of t and l is contrary to

analogy” (119). Hwan Twan Thesang, the Chinese traveler, who came to the Punjab in

the fall of A.D.630 has described a large and populous city containing many thousand

families chiefly Brahmans, situated on the eastern border of the kingdom of Cheka

stretching from the Indus to the Bias. Goulding opines:

From this city he made a bee line to China Piti and thence to Jalandhara,
the modern Jalandhara. Now Jalandhara is situated in the east of Lahore,

and midwaybetween the two cities is a village called Patti to this day.
There can be little doubt, therefore, that the great Brahmanical city of

Hwan Thsang was the city of Lahore. (85)

Lahore has witnessed the change of dynasties since its foundation. The earliest

princesses who ruled Lahore were the Rajputs of Ayodha.When did the Rajputs of

Solankhis and Bhatti tribes replaced the Ayodha Rajputs are not easy to determine. But

when the Muslims appeared in front of the gates of Lahore, a Chohan prince of the family
 33

of Ajmer was ruling the city. And during the Muslim invasions of the tenth century the

reigning family was that of the Brahmanicals. When Mahmud of Ghazni occupied

Lahore, he found it as a deserted city because of the fact that it is situated on the high road

from Afghanistan, therefore, exposed to the invader’s attacks. Ferishta9 the famous

historian of the time of Muhmud has referred to a province called Lahore. It is stated in

the ‘Hadiqa Kulaqlim’ of Murteza Hosein that before the invasion the capital had been

shifted to Sialkot and that it was transferred to Lahore during the reign of Musad II. The

traditions of the Bhattis also confirm Salvahapor as the capital of the city. Then Al

Barune10 also makes mention of Lahore as a region and not as a city when Muhmud of

Ghazni established his occupation over these areas. Madokor was the capital of this

region. According to Kipling and Thornton, “Madokor might easily, from the similarity

between ‘h’ and ‘n’ and ‘r’ and final‘t’, in the Arabic character be corrupted from Mankot

or Mandhukot, a place near Sialkot” (119).

It is interesting to note that al- Masudi11, the Herodotus of the Arabs in his geography

written in the tenth century, has mentioned Lahore. He had stayed at Multan, two hundred

miles from the modern city of Lahore. In A.D.682, according to Ferishta the Afghans of

Kerman and Peshawar had taken possession of some of the areas between Peshawar and

Lahore from a Hindu prince. Consequently, a major and decisive war between the

Muslims and the Hindus had become unavoidable, therefore, inevitable. Several

skirmishes ensued and in order to win the conflict the Afghans had entered into an

alliance with the Ghakkars, a wild and unruly tribe of the salt range of the Punjab. This is

mentioned in the chronicles of Rajputana, where Bussas of Lahore, a Rajput tribe had

gone to Chittore to defend it against the avalanche of the Afghans in the ninth century. At

length, in A.D.975 Sabaktagin (977-997), governor of Khorassan and father of the

illustrious Mahmud made his advance beyond the Indus. Jaipal, the raja of Lahore
 34

blocked his way. His dominion is said to have spread over a large area from Sirhind to

Lamghan, and from Kashmir to Multan. After the death of Alptigin (963- 977) his slave

sat on the throne of Ghazni. He led his army against Jaipal and inflicted a crushing defeat

on the Rajput army. In return for peace, he agreed to part away a major portion of his

kingdom to the Muslim ruler. He did not keep his words and imprisoned those who had

been sent by Sabaktagin to remind him of his solemn pledge. On receiving this news

Sabaktagin became outrageous and fell upon the Raja like a hungry lion. In the battle the

Raja was once again defeated. The invaders occupied the territory to the west of Indus.

Another battle was fought between Muhmud the son and successor of Sabaktagin and

Anandpal the son of Jaipal. Again in the fall of 1022, he suddenly came down from

Kashmir and took Lahore without any tough resistance. Thus the Hindu principality of

Lahore came to an end once for all. Malik Ayyaz Mahmud was made the governor of

Lahore. He is said to have built the walls and the fortress of Lahore miraculously in a

single night. Although, a great damage had been done to the city, a major portion of it

was burnt to ashes, yet the whole city was not demolished to rebuild a new city form its

foundations. New Muslim localities were constructed within the old city. Minarets and

domes of mosques appeared along with the temples and other places of worship of the

Hindus adding a new dimension of religious and cultural ethos to its already existing

religion and culture. This new material, concrete and physical manifestations of new

power and domination also changed the landscape of the city. The amorphousness of

these diverse ideas, thoughts, customs and traditions began to take place gradually as the

Muslims strengthened their rule in Hindustan. Lahore Fort, the citadel of power and the

symbol of glory of those who made Lahore their seat of rule, the Hindus, the Muslims,

the Sikhs and last but not the least the British is a true image of amorphousness in terms
 35

of architectural changes which each ruler brought in the existing design of this impressive

fortress.

As the exact date of the origin of the city is unknown, hidden in the debris of its

history so is the foundation and exact location of the fort is wrapped in the dust, fog and

mist of history. There is no disagreement amongst the historians that the city of Lahore

always had a fort since times immemorial, a Hindu fort before the Muslim fort which

stands today at its present site. But they disagree on its exact location as it is hard to pin

point the site where the ancient fort stood before the arrival of the Muslims in Lahore.

The efforts of the historians are further complicated by the fact that “the city and its

citadel have been razed and rebuilt time and again” (Chaudhry 40). And that “Lahore has

been aptly described as a city where some localities are built over the graves; and as the

wheel of time turns round, the graveyards reclaim the stately mansions and the smiling

orchards” (40). It is also difficult to determine whether the fort was built first or the city.

According to a tradition Valmiki, a famous poet of antiquity composed Ramayana, a

Hindu epic in Lahore. Majid Sheikh states that “in this epic the pregnant Sita is located,

during her second exile, in the Ravi area that “curls around the mound that has been

inhabited since centuries” (15). It is also believed by many historians that she reared her

son Loh on the mound which later on was called Lahore, the Fort of Loh. According to

Sheikh, “One version which is popular with the academics, puts the location where the

Lahore Fort stands today, just next to where the road curls upwards from Haathi

Darwaza” (15). This is further confirmed by the fact that there is a temple called the

temple of Loh in the Lahore fort. But Sir Edward Maclagan has questioned the validly of

this tradition by opining that “the small Hindu Mandir or shrine in the Hazoori Bagh,

attributed to Loh, the titular founder of Lahore, seems to date no further than the period of

the Sikhs” (Chaudhry 42).

 36

The exact location of the city of Lahore is not easy to determine as it has been an in-

vadeable city. The successive invasions had made the vast area around Lahore a city of

ruins. The Muslims initiated their attacks on Lahore in 665 AD. Where was that city

called Lahore, which came under the attack of the Muslims, located? This is the question

which has disturbed the historians:

On account of a vast harvest of ruins and graves round the city, it is not

easy to locate the site of the original (city) set up by Loh, if the tradition is

worthy of any credence. There was a graveyard in the area of Ichhra and

suburb of Mozang. It was known as ‘Bhairon-Ka-asthan.’ This is supposed

to be the site of the old Hindu town of Lahore. (40)

In the confusion of its location and the date of foundation one thing is clear and that is

that Lahore, before it was captured by Muhamud of Ghaznivi in 1021 A. D., was

primarily and fundamentally a city of the Hindus where no other culture than the culture

of the Hindus held its swa: “A Persian book of geographical information complied in 982

A.D describes Lahore as a city of idols, almonds and idolaters” (42). There are folk tales

and legends regarding the name and the origin of the city of Lahore but history is

mysteriously silent on such issues and of course, on the question of the first site of human

dwellings in Lahore. This leads us to a burning and simmering issue of the exact site

where the first human dwellings in the city sprang up and what the original physical

shape of the city was. The answer to this question would definitely help us to study the

amorphousness of the city on the one hand, and on the other, the development and

enrichment of its culture and literature. Referring to the beginning of human dwellings in

the city Sheiks states:

There is a generally accepted theory that the very first dwellings that we

know as Lahore started from where the citadel of the city stands. The
 37

existence of the temple of Lahu inside the fort, and the fact that he was the

son of Ramah and Sita, does support this theory. But then this does not

have any support from any written text from the pre- Islamic era. The very

first mention of this “fact” was made by the famous Hindu historian, Sujan

Rai Bhandari, in 1695-96 in his famous discourse ‘Khulasat-at- Tawarikh.’

Though he quotes from folklore and other sources, the time frame of the

existence of the legendary Raja Ram Chandra is difficult to pinpoint. One

source puts it at 5300 B.C, another in 2200 B.C. (22)

In order to determine how old the city of Lahore is, the department of archeology

initiated an archaeological strata analysis inside the Lahore Fort in the year 1959. It

revealed some interesting facts about the human dwellings there. Sheikh continues to

state:

A 52-feet deep sample was taken and every foot carbon-dated… In this

sample, scientists found three specific layers of definite proof of dwellings,

each one almost 700 to 800 years older than the one above. The lowest,

found at almost 45 feet, “had fine brick earlier occupation compacted

soil.” The estimate was that this was a 3,000- year old dwelling. (21)

The archeology department took another archaeological strata study, this time in the

Haveli of Raja Dhayan Singh situated inside Masti Gate near Choona Mandi, the reason

being that this site along with the Fort is a high mound. The study revealed four levels of

human dwellings. An aerial view of the ancient city of Lahore reveals the fact that the

city within its wall has some sites or localities which are situated on high mounds such as

Paniwala Talaab and Langa Mandi, Mohallah Maulian near Paper Mandi and Tibbi. A

book called Hudud-i-Alam written by an anonymous writer in A.D. 982 mentions Lahore

“as a small ‘shahr’ with impressive temples, large markets and huge orchards” (23). It
 38

also referred to “two major markets around which dwellings exist… and the mud walls

that enclose these two dwellings to make it one” (23 ).The mud walls mentioned in

Hudud-i-Alam then existed where now Bazaar Hakeeman inside Bhatti Gate is situated.

Sheikh states that:

On the Southern side the old mud wall ran very much inside where the

present wall exists. on the northern side the wall starts from the top of

the‘tibba’ that is today known as Tibbi Chowk. The word Tibbi is derived

from the word ‘tibba’, meaning a mound. The wall then ran along this high

mound and turned Southwards at where today we have the Rang Mahal

Chowk at Gumti Bazaar. The word ‘gumti’ means a curved mound.The

eastern wall ran as evidence shows us, just to the west of the main

Shahalami road right up to Said Mitha Bazaar. (23-4)

So the ancient city of the Hindus called Lahore which was attacked and taken over by

the Muslims according to this research existed within this area mentioned above. Was it

the city of Jaipaul, the Rajput ruler of Lahore which was put to fire and sword by

Muhamud of Ghazni? Or was it some other city? The historians are not certain about this

fact. The wall and the gates, however, are the distinguishing feature of the old city of

Lahore which has given the city its physical space. Despite its physical amorphousness in

various times of its history, the old Lahore has never lost its distinct character and form of

a city of wall and gates. When Mahmud of Ghanzi attacked Lahore it had seven gates and

out of these seven Mori Gate is the one which has risen to prominence in the history of

the city. Sheikh further reveals that:

Almost 1,000 years ago the city walls, then made of huge mud blocks

slightly baked and still muddy in color, had six gates and a ‘mori’ a hole of

a gateway. According to one account, a man riding on a donkey had to

 39

dismount and barely walked through. A horseman had to make his mount

manage through with bent knees with difficulty, a hole that served as a

passage for the under-privileged. (66)

The ‘Mori’, therefore, was a very narrow passage, unlike the other gates of the city; it was

seldom used by the respectable and honorable inhabitants of the city for transportation

purposes. The Hindu society was then and even today is a caste ridden society. It believes

in the stratification of masses in accordance with their profession. The untouchables are at

the bottom of this social stratification. It is said that this ‘mori’ was their main entrance

into the city. It is the same ‘mori’ gate which was breached by Mahmud of Ghazna to

capture Lahore. Again in the year of 1526 Zaheer-uddin- Muhammad Babur entered

Lahore to capture it through this ‘mori’ gate. When the British annexed the Punjab in

1849 they demolished the old ‘mori’ gate and rebuilt it as a large gate.

Lahore is famous for its thirteen gates, each gate bears its peculiar name, and some of

the names have been corrupted for popular use by the Lahoris. A few of them are more

important by virtue of their location. Delhi Gate is situated in the east of the city and is so

called as it faces the city of Delhi, the capital of the Mughal Empire. This was the most

populated part of the city. It was the main entrance of the business and commercial class

till the rule of the Sikhs. Even during the British rule it was most frequented as the British

built Railway Station out side this gate. Bhatti Gate is another important gate of Lahore. It

reminds us of the fact that the Bhatts, a branch of the Rajputs were once the rulers of

Lahore. Lahori Gate is another important gate of Lahore. Sultan Mahmud Ghaznivi after

capturing Lahore appointed Malik Ayyaz the governor of the conquered areas who

planned to rebuild the city. The rehabilitation of the city began from the area now called

the Lahori Mandi. A gate was also built which was named Lahori Darwaza. It was rebuilt

in the days of the British Raj. Beyond Lahori Gate, towards the south, there is another
 40

famous gate called Shahalami Gate, named after Moazzam Shah, the son of Aurangzeb,

who succeeded his father as the Emperor of India. Akbari Gate had been named after

Akbar the Great, these days a very busy market of spices. Masti Gate, a corruption of

Masjadi Gate, named after the mosque of Mariam Makani, the mother of Akbar the Great.

She built a mosque there. Mochi Gate drives its name from the fact that a large number of

cobblers inhabited that locality. Kashmiri Gate is so named because it faced the direction

of Kashmir. Zaki Darwaza is another famous gate which now in its popularly corrupted

form is called Yaaki Darwaz. There is a popular tradition associated with its name.

According to that tradition Pir Zaki Shaheed was entrusted with the task of defending the

gate against the avalanche of the enemy. He fought valiantly till his body was cut into

two. It is said that his headless body continued fighting and fell at a spot, a few yards

inside the gate. His body was buried where it had fallen; a tomb had been constructed

over his body which is called ‘grave of the body.’ And the ‘grave of the head’ is situated

just inside the gate where his head had fallen. People even today in large numbers visit

both the graves to pay homage to that saint who laid down his life to save the city. Khizri

Gate had been named after Hazarat Khizr, the patron saint of waters. Ranjit Singh had

placed two caged lions at the Khizri Gate and, gave it a new name, Shernwala Gate.

Taxlali Gate owned its name from the fact that there was a royal mint, a Taxal, nearby.

It was in the Mughal period that Lahore’s true amorphousness in terms of its

expansion, architectural development and cultural enrichment came to full bloom. It was

Akbar the Great (1556-1605), who gave Lahore its beauty and splendor and made it

famous amongst the other cities of the orient. Lahore remained his capital for fifteen

years. He not only built new structures in the fort but also new localities within the wall

of the city:
 41

Over time we see more settlement outside this enclosure coming up. The

earliest settlements can be traced inside Lohari Gate, just along the road

south to this enclosed settlement. We see that over time this settlement

expanded to enclose the entire area starting from Lohari Gate, probably the

oldest gate of the ancient walled city, enclosed on the west by a wall to the

east of Bazarar Hakeeman and on the west by a wall to the west of the

main Shahalami Bazaar leading up to Rang Mahal and heading towards

the fort. (272)

But it was in the field of culture, architecture and literary activities that Lahore had

surpassed and excelled other cities of culture and civilization in India during the Mughal

period. The Mughal Lahore covered a large area is confirmed from the number of ruins

discovered or excavated in the areas surrounding Lahore. Traveling from the city walls

towards Shalimar Gardens, Mian Mir and Ichhra, a large number of ruins of mosques,

mounds gateways attract our attention. It is also interesting to note that the city in its

heydays of glory and splendor consisted of thirty-six quarters and guzars. Historians refer

to Icchra, a village but now a very busy shopping center, as the site of old Lahore. No

archeological ruins have been discovered to ascertain the idea that Lahore had achieved

its grandeur during that period. Only two small mosques in the heart of the city, the

Nimiwala masjid and Shiranwala masjid and two or three shrines are the only exceptions

which belong to the early period than that of Humayun.The absence of architectural relics

along with the dearth of information regarding the city in the writings of early writers

indicate that Lahore though an important place was not a beautiful city with awe inspiring

architectural design. It rose to glory and prominence during the Mughal era. And it will

not be an exaggeration to claim that from the architectural point of view Lahore is

essentially and exclusively a Mughal city. The buildings, palaces, and tombs etc, etc,
 42

constructed in Lahore during the Mughal period, in fact, is the beginning of

amorphousness of various and diverse architectural concepts and ideas borrowed from

Iran, Central and Minor Asia. The Mughal architecture of Lahore, in fact, is a synthesis of

the foreign and the indigenous architectural design which reached its culminating point

during the British Raj when a new dimension of building design was added to the one

already in existence.

It would be of great significance to have a look at the architecture which developed in

Lahore during the Mughal rule. The early Lahori architecture is a beautiful blend of the

Pathan and the Mughal art of building construction. The early buildings of Lahore

excluding the tomb of Shah Musa situated by the railway station betrays the Pathan

influence .The mosque of Maryam Makani or Maryam Zamani situated by the eastern

gateway of the fort is a marvelous structure of a transitional phase of architectural design

of the Pathan and the Mughal. The tomb of Malik Ayaz, the first governor of Lahore, the

tomb of saint called Syed Izhak situated in the quadrangle of Wazir Khan’s mosque and

the tomb of Data Gang Bakhsh, a very famous saint of Lahore who came to the city with

the triumphant Muhmud of Ghazni are the buildings of the Ghaznivid period.

The structures raised in the gateways to the fort display a bold and massive style of

construction which is characteristic of Akbar’s reign. The carved structures built on

pillars of red stone, which support the slopping roof standing in the quardrangle of the

fort adjacent to Emperor Jehangir’s Khawabgah are excellent examples of a style which

shows a perfect fusion of Hindu and Muslim architecture.The khawabgah of Jahangir is

made of marble which stands in a large quadrangle is enclosed on three sides by a

colonnade of red stone pillars. The whole structure is carved with bird and animal figures

like the figures of peacocks, pigeons, elephants and griffins. There is a pavilion in the

centre of the fourth side which is built in the Mughal style of construction “and on either
 43

side at the point of contact of the colonnade with outer wall are two chambers with

verandahs of three elaborately carved pillars supporting a chhaja in the Hindu style”(

Chaudhry 17), and “The quadrangle of Jahangir lies immediately behind the State

balcony of Akbar. The buildings at the sides of the quadrangle still show the broad eaves

and heavily carved brackting. These are of Hindu origin and are characterized as

Jahangir’s architecture” (55). The tomb of Jehangir at Shahdara, the mosque of Wazir

Khan on the South side of the city, the pearl mosque, the tomb of Asif Khan and the

imperial mosque of Aurangzeb are specimens of Indo-Mughal style known for its unique

characteristics of bulb like domes, supported on elaborately pedantries, engrailed arches,

marble lattice windows, and brilliantly enameled walls. A special feature of the Mughal

buildings was the profusion of colored tiling and enameled frescoes. Prince Kamran,

brother of Emperor Humayun, is credited with initiating the Mughal architecture in

Lahore. He built a palace and a garden near the suburbs of Naulakha and extending

thence to the river Ravi. A baradari built by him is supposed to be the oldest specimen of

Mughal architecture in Lahore.

During the years when Lahore was the capital of Akbar, architecture in Lahore

received a new impetus. The Emperor himself patronized the construction of buildings

and encouraged the builders to come to Lahore even from Iran, Turkey and Central Asia.

Consequently, new buildings were constructed and the old ones were repaired. The tomb

of Shah Chiragh, the tomb of Kasim Khan, the Tomb of Shah Musa, and a mosque called

the mosque of Kala Khan situated on the right hand of the road leading to Mian Mir

remind us of the architecture flourished during the reign of Akbar. The Emperor Jahangir

built but little, but there are specimens of his architecture in the great Khawabgah, or

sleeping palace, in the tomb of Anarchali and possibly in the Moti Masjid, or Pearl

Mosque.
 44

During the reign of Shahjahan the palace was enlarged and beautified under the

supervision of Asif Khan and the entire facade covered with brilliantly colored designs in

title work: “Turning to the left of Jahangir’s quadrangle we come to a third group of

buildings, the erection of which is attributed to Shah Jahan. These betray less of the

Hindu influence in their composition than the quadrangle of Jahangir” (57). The Shah

Burj generally called Samman Burj built in the reign of Shah Jhan is a wonderful

specimen of Mughal craftsmanship. According to Manucci this structure had

“architectural adornment of curious enamel work and many precious stones” (qtd. in

Chaudry 58). While highlighting the uniqueness of this structure Khan says:

Lying within Shish Mahal and popularly called Naulakha or the edifice

which cost nine lakhs, it is a dainty little marble pavilion of chaste

workmanship renowned for its extremely minute and delicate pietra dura

work wrought in semi-precious stones such as agate, jade, gold stone,

lapis-lazuli. It is one of the finest architectural achievements of the Mughal

in the Sub-continent. (34)

Adjacent to the Shish Mahal, there is a court leading to a well-decorated gate called the

Hathi Paon or Elephant Gate. The descending passage to the Elephant Gate is covered

from all sides by huge walls with no roof. The side and the front wall display an excellent

work in title decoration. The construction and the decoration work of the walls was

intiated by Jahangir towards the end of his rule and were completed in the reign of Shah

Jahan in 1631-32 A.D. The construction of this part of Lahore Fort betrays a mixture of

Indo-Iranian architectural design. Khan says in this regard:

A feature of special merit of Shah Burj Gate and this wall is the gorgeous,

elaborate and vivid mosaic decoration in pleasing colours on plaster base,

done all over the wall and its extension on the north. This famous
 45

specimen of Pak- Iranian art unequalled for its vastness, variety of designs

and magnificence of its glowing colours, which though than 300 years old,

still retains its freshness and brilliance. (37)

Chaudhry has refered to the influence of the Christian art so far as the figures of angels on

the wall is concerned: “Other spandrels show original cherubs, exactly resembling those

of Christian art… borrowed from church decoration” (59). The beautiful tomb of

Jahangir, at Shahdara, the mosque of Wazir Khan, on the south side of the city, the

Gardens of Shahlamar; the gateway of the Gulabi Bagh, the Idgah, the tomb of Mian Mir,

the summer house of Wazir Khan, the gateway of Zeb-ul-Nissa, and lastly the tombs

which line the road between Anarkali and the Shalimar Gardens, are among the works of

that period.

Lahore may have originated in antiquity, but its evolution has been determined

essentially by the nine centuries of Muslim rule in India. It is an Islamic city both

physically and culturally. This is not to suggest that only the Muslims have lived in it or

ruled over it. It is only that the Islamic Turko-Iranian ethos had a dominant influence in

the evolution of the city. The walled city is the historical core of the city. Its labyrinthine

streets, calm quarters, congregational squares, bustling bazaars, turquoise mosques,

imposing walls, gates and ramparts are living testimony to its Islamic heritage. The

Muslim rule in the Sub-continent has witnessed the rise and fall of several dynasties.

Each dynasty has contributed towards the enrichment of its culture and civilization.

Nevertheless India rose to its unprecedented glory and splendor under the Mughals. Its

fame had spread to other parts of the world. John Milton (1608-74) the famous English

poet of the 17th century England has mentioned Lahore in his epoch making epic

Paradise Lost Book xi ranking it with other centres of glory and splendor in the orient:

From the destined walls

 46

Of Cambalu, seat of Cathaian Can,

And samarchand by Oxus, Temir’s throne

To paquin of Sinaean Kings; and thence,

To Agra and Lahore of Great Mughal (337-41)

And Thmos Moor, an Irish poet has also made the Mughal Lahore as an exotic setting for

his famous romance, Ralla-Rookh (1817). Lalla Rookh, the princess and daughter of

Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, sorjorns at Lahore while on her journey from Delhi to

Kashmir for her marriage with the king of Bucharian:

They had now arrived at the splendid city of Lahore, whose mausoleums

and shrines,magnificent and numberless, where Death seemed to share

equal honours with Heaven, would have powerfully affected the heart and

imagination of Lalla Rookh , if feelings more of this earth had not taken

entire possession of her already.( 149)

Again Lahore is described with all its beauty and splendour when the princess along with

her entourage is about to leave the city:

Such brilliant displays of life and pageantry among the palaces and domes

and gilded minarets of Lahore made the city altogether like a place of

enchantment; particularly on the day when Lalla Rookh set out again upon

her journey, when she was accompanied to the gate by all the fairest and

richest of the nobility, and rode along between ranks of beautiful boys and

girls, waved plates of gold and silver flowers over their heads as they

went, and then threw them to be gathered by the populace. (151)

Mughals not only gave Lahore an enduring architectural heritage but also laid the

foundation of the social organization. A military-administrative hierarchy was the basis of

Mughal social order where nobles were appointed as local vassals responsible for
 47

providing a prescribed number of soldiers to the imperial army, collecting revenue and

administering an area. The Mughal social order was based on territorial and communal

pattern. Cities were divided into quarters or districts, each inhabited by a tribe or a clan

under the patronage of a noble family. These neighborhoods were villages of a kind

wherein rich and poor were knit together through customary obligations and privileges.

There were also commercial districts and market bazaars specializing in commodities

such as jewels and species. Lahore was also organized on these lines. There were

originally nine such quarters within the walled city of Lahore. Its suburbs consisted of 27

quarters of different sizes. Each quarter had its own peculiar name given to it because of

the profession of its inhabitants; they also speak of the social origin and profession of the

dwellers.

With the death of the last great Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, the Muslim power in

India began to decline. It was beyond the ability of the later Mughal kings to keep India

united and strong. The recurrent civil wars of succession amongst the Mughal princes, the

emergence of unruly and wild military groups and bands of the Marahats in the South of

India and around Delhi and the Sikhs in the Punjab had further aggravated the situation.

India began to slip out of the control and power of the Mughals. And with the weakening

of their power in the centre, Delhi, various provinces began to assert their independence.

In the Punjab the rise of the Sikhs was phenomenal. They ravaged the Punjab and by the

year 1780 three of the Sikh chiefs, Gujar Singh, Lahna Singh and Sobha Sing took

possession of Lahore and divided the revenue of the city amongst them.

The city of Lahore was once again amorphosized under the rule of the Sikh Sardars.

They were the Bhangi Sirdars who belonged to the Bhangi Misl of the Sikhs. They

divided Lahore into three zones. Gujar Singh became master of the area between

Shalamar Gardens and the walled city of Lahore. Lahna Singh took control of the fort and
 48

extended his dominion over the Masti, Khizri, Kashmiri and the Raushnai Gates. Sobha

Singh established his power over the area surrounding the gardens of Zebinda Begum, the

area is now called Nawankot. The history of Lahore of the last two decades of the

eighteenth century, in fact, is the history of loot and plunder. There was hardly any

literary and cultural activity worth mentioning. The art of building and architecture did

not receive any official patronage and impetus. On the other hand, the existing structures

of the Mughal period, known for their beauty and excellence suffered irreparable

damages. Some were demolished to their foundations and others were robbed of their

precious stones and were reduced to skeletons of broken bricks. Mosques were

desecrated, tombs of Muslim saints were converted into residential buildings and the

Mughal gardens lay waste. Lahore had become a ghost city, ugly in physical appearance.

It had been stripped of its Mughal beauty and splendour. Gujar Singh, Lahana Singh and

Sobha Singh, the triumvirate Sardars were philistines in nature and character and their

interest laid some where else. They were devoid of aesthetic sense and were philistine in

nature. Lahore had shrunk to its walls. Glover describes Lahore as a city which had lost

its beauty and glamour:

By the end of the eighteenth century, a traveler to Lahore described the

city’s entire population as living within the Mughal citadel, all other areas

having been entirely deserted. In only half a century or so, Lahore’s

population had declined dramatically and its remaining residents were

huddled within Akbar’s walls for mutual protection while it’s once

populous suburbs lay abandoned and ruined. (12)

It was in 1799 that the chaotic and disorderly reign of these three Sikh Sardars ended.

Ranjit Singh, a nineteen years old lad after obtaining a formal grant of the city from the

Afghan king, Shah Zaman, entered Lahore from the Lahori Gate and took possession of
 49

the city. He made the Mughal citadel his palace and constructed a second wall around the

city to strengthen its defense. A moat separated the two walls. Thalassa Ali while

describing the day break in Lahore gives us a realistic picture of the city and the streets of

Lahore of the Ranjit Singh’s era. “The light strengthened and found its way into the

narrow lanes and bazaars of Lahore city. It spread over the wet pavilions and courtyards

of Maharajah Ranjit Singh’s Citadel, the great marble fort that shared with the city the

protection of its ancient fortified wall” (2). The setting up of a court at Lahore and

administrative machinery restored law and order in the city till 1839, the year the Raja

died. In comparison with the Mughal rulers, Ranjit Singh did but very little to restore

Lahore to its previous grandeur. Although, he did some repair work to the Shah Jahan’s

Shalimar Gardens and some of his ministers and courtiers build for themselves private

gardens, yet they could not match with the beauty and grandeur of the Mughal gardens.

Lahore despite being the capital of Ranjit Singh’s kingdom cannot boast of being

decorated with awe inspiring architectural structures. According to Khushwant Singh:

After the decline of the Mughals, most of the styles of architecture evolved

were hybrid products of earlier ones. Sikh architecture {if indeed the term

can be used} is a typical example of this evolution. All the most important

Sikh shrines have a pattern of their ownvery much in he line with the style

of the Golden Temple at Amritsar – with a large dome shaped like a

squashed onion surrounded by smaller ones fashioned after the Mughal

style. The domes adorn the open courtyard where the congregation sits.

This design was used in buildings other than temples. A notable example

is Ranjit Singh’s mausoleum in Lahore. (252)

After the death of Ranjit Singh in 1839 the Sikhs broke into a series of civil wars.

Their mutual conflicts and strifes provided the British, who were waiting in the wings,
 50

with a long awaited opportunity to take Lahore under control. After a couple of decisive

wars with the remnants of Ranjit Singh’s once mighty army, the British ultimately

annexed Lahore in 1849. After its annexation, Lahore had been amorphosized from being

a capital city of the Ranjit Singh’s kingdom to a provincial headquarter of the province of

the Punjab under the British rule. Their rule initiated a new era of urbanization of the city

of Lahore, a process of transformation and change from a medieval city to a modern city.

New ideas and concepts of social structure, architecture appeared which helped in setting

up of new social, political and educational institutions. Urbanization of Lahore under the

colonial rule brought a profound and momentous revolution of ideas in each and every

field of Lahori life.

Although, the British constructed a new Lahore in more than one sense, yet, they did

not reject or discard completely and thoroughly the notions, concepts, traditions, customs

and norms of religion, culture, education, and architecture of Lahore they had occupied.

The British Lahore was a combination of the similar and dissimilar, an amalgamation of

varied and different things and opposite thoughts coming together forming a new locale, a

new cultural milieu, life style and above all a novel architectural design combining the

indigenous and the foreign concepts of construction. The buildings constructed in the

1860s, 70s and 80s on the Mall Road are an ample testimony of that new amorphous

architectural design where the local engineers like Bhai Ram Singh, Sir Ganga Ram, and

English engineers like Swinton Jacob, Lieutent Colonel Napier and last but not the least

DuCane Smythe created a new concept of building construction combing the dissimilar

design and architecture of the Gothic and the Mughal and thus created a new architecture

which had given Lahore some of its finest buildings on the Mall Road.

The initiatives of the British in the area of educational and religious culture, the

setting up of educational institutions and church schools made the Lahoris doubtful and
 51

apprehensive of their designs. The reaction of the Lahoris was immediate and

spontaneous and they responded with the same verve and energy to protect themselves

against what they perceived a threat to their way of lifen, further led to certain movements

in these areas, movements which were reactionary to the idea of whatever was English

and at the same time profoundly and thoroughly effected and influenced by the ruling

English elite. The system of English education produced a class of Lahoris which was

only Lahori in blood but English in culture. They were the product of such educational

institutions as The Chief College and other missionary educational institutions in Lahore.

The Chief College was founded for a specific and definite purpose. And it was to

safeguard the British interests against the rise of the Lahori middle class coming out of

such colleges as DAV College Lahore and Islamia College Lahore. For the construction

of the Chief College the hereditary Sardars and the feudal lords of the Punjab made

generous contributions. Whereas the lower middle classes of the city gave donations for

the building up of DAV and Islamia College Lahore. The aim of education in these

institutions was to emphasize nationalism rather than loyalty with the British. It is

interesting to note that English language along with oriental languages was taught with

equal enthusiasm at these colleges. The new Lahori elite class consisted of the Muslims,

the Hindus and the Sikhs, all the three communities belonged to three different religious

and cultural ethos, thoroughly westernized, and yet retained their individual identities and

entities intact. And when the partition of the Punjab came in the fall of 1947, they found

themselves at loggers head against one another. The British education, political and social

culture and hundred years of British rule could not bridge their religious differences and

social prejudices against one another. Apparently they were westernized Lahoris, yet,

underneath the covering of that culture they remained conscious of their separate

identities and began to fall apart with the approach of the partition of India. The British
 52

Lahore, therefore, is a true manifestation of my concept of amorphousness. The following

pages of my thesis explain and elaborate how Lahore became an amorphous city under

the British rule. First of all I would like to throw light on the physical and architectural

amorphousness of Lahore during the British rule over Lahore.

In Lahore new buildings with new material were constructed. These buildings included

hospitals, prisons, penitentiaries, lunatic asylums, colleges, hotels, cinema halls,

universities court houses and clubs. Streets and roads in Lahore were constructed using

new material and were given new names. In the Civil Station of Lahore a new kind of

residential house appeared which was called bungalow, separated from its surrounding

houses by green grassy belts and hedges. Initially the British altered and reshaped the

Mughal administrative system making it correspond with their own concepts, needs and

requirements. They set up various civil and military offices in the old Mughal structures,

tombs and havilis. Glover observes:

Finally, the kinds of buildings British authorities chose to reuse were more

often those whose scale, architectural features, and sitting resonated

closely with Anglo-European notions of civic architectural grandeur…

Like the authoritative civic monuments familiar to Anglo-European urban

tradition, Mughal buildings were often massive in scale, finely built and

finished, and set apart from their surroundings as isolated objects in space.

(19)

Such massive and colossal changes and developments transformed the physical and

cultural outlook of Lahore. And the scale on which the physical, demographical,

geographical and cultural amorphousness of Lahore took place under the British can be

judged from the statements and comments recorded in the diaries and memories of the

travelers and diplomatic missions visiting Lahore in the rule of Ranjit Sing. A British
 53

officer in Lord Charles T. Metcalfe’s diplomatic mission, who came to Lahore in the fall

of 1809, recorded a “melancholic picture of fallen splendour. Here the lofty dwellings and

masjids [mosques], which fifty years ago raised their tops to the skies and were the pride

of a busy and active population, are now crumbling into dust” ( xi ). After going through

the city and the surrounding areas he observed that “on going over these ruins I saw not a

human being; all was silence, solitude and gloom” (xi). In 1831 Lieutenant Alexander

Burnes on his arrival in Lahore found the streets of Lahore narrow and filthy. In 1838, a

year before the death of Ranjit Singh Charles Masson an employee of the East India

Company recorded his impressions of Lahore by saying that “ the extravagant praises

bestowed upon the [the city] by the historians of Hindustan … must be understood as

applicable to a former city” (xi). While the Mughals laid the physical and social outlook,

the British developed it on modern colonial lines and on the concepts and ideas of

urbanization and Lahore soon was amorphosized as a colonial city. Glover has referred to

new developments in Lahore:

The Imperial gazetteer of India for 1908 provides a sense of the range of

new institutions that structured urban life in Lahore by that time, most of

them located in several-square-mile “civil station” adjacent to the older

walled city. In addition to the provincial government’s executive and

administrative offices, Lahore had three prisons (one exclusively for

women), two British hospitals, and a large lunatic asylum located alongthe

banks of the Ravi River. Although the literacy rate amount the city’s

200,000 residents was less than 5 percent in 1901, Lahore had 5 liberal arts

colleges, 3 professional colleges, 28 secondary schools, 112 primary

schools, and several religious institutions offering instruction. The largest

manufacturing facilities in the city were a mill for spinning and weaving
 54

cotton that employed over 770 workers and the massive North-Western

Railway workshops that employed over 4, 500 in its machine shops,

foundry, and cavernous engine sheds. There were iron foundries,

mechanized oil and flour mills, and scores of printing presses in the city; a

cable tram carried passengers from Lahore’s new railway station to

“Charing Cross,” an intersection at the geographic centre of a new

commercial district arrayed along Mall Road... At the end of thenineteenth

century, Indian residents of Lahore sometimes called their city a

“metropolis,” using the English term. As these people looked out over

their city; they no longer felt the sense of abandonment and gloom of only

fifteen years earlier.(xii)

The British made Lahore the seat of provincial government and also gave the modern

concept of social, economic and political institutions. With them began a new era of

systematic exposure of the Lahoris to Western influence. They changed the landscape of

Lahore by remapping it and built for themselves a new town to the south and south east of

the walled city. Later on this area came to known as Civil Lines:

The Civil Lines extended approximately from the McLeod Road in the

west to the Canal in the east, and from the Railway Station in the north to

Jail Road in the south. Here are the Government officers’ residences

(GOR), the Governor House, the Gymkhana Club , the Race Course, the

cricket Ground and until recently (1960s), the Civil and Military Gazette’s

offices where Kipling did a journalistic stint.” (Qadeer180)

It was built as a locus of British civilian administrators. It was an exclusive world of

British officials, their homes, clubs shopping centers and playgrounds. Lahore witnessed

a rapid increase in the European population. Accordint to Talbot:

 55

The growing European population secured its groceries and general

merchandise from Parsi and European traders at Anarkali bazaar, which

had developed as a new commercial shopping area ‘stretching from Lahori

Gate to Nila Gumbaz.’ It was spiritually fed by St. James’ Church at

Anarkali, the Anglican Cathedral. When the later liberal imperialist

Charles Dike visited the city as a young man in 1867, he recorded that

Lahore ‘is far more English than Bombay. (4)

The British were not bound by the social obligations of kinship, century’s old

tradition in India, so they created for themselves an island in the sea of natives. The idea

that as colonizers they were superior to the natives in all respects also created in them a

feeling of seclusion and isolation. The creation of secluded areas called the Civil Lines

was a common feature of British way of life in India. It had even become an integral part

of their creative imagination. While describing the stereotypical imaginary colonial city

of Chandra pore in Passage To India EM Forster says:

As for the civil station… it is sensibly planned, with a red-brick club on its

brow, and farther back a grocer’s and a cemetery, and the bungalows are

disposed along roads that intersect at right angles. It has nothing hideous in

it, and only the view is beautiful; it shares nothing with the city except the

overarching sky. (10)

The Civil Lines in every colonial city in India was an exclusive area for the Britons. It

shared nothing with the rest of the city: “On the second rise is laid out the little civil

station, and viewed hence Chandra pore appears to be a totally different place. It is a city

of gardens. It is no city, but a forest sparsely scattered with huts. It is a tropical

pleasaunce washed by a noble river” (9). Whereas the same part of the city inhabited by

the Indians presents the picture of a different city where “the streets are mean, the temples
 56

ineffective, and though a few fine houses exist they are hidden away in gardens or down

alleys whose filth deters all but the invited guest” (9).

In time the Indian officials and professionals also began to live in the Civil Lines. A

wide tree lined boulevard known, as the Mall became the spine of the Civil Lines. The

Lahoris began to call it the thandi sarak because of its greenery and spaciousness. Along

this artery were constructed most of the new buildings of the British administration, the

Government House (1849) the High Court (1889) Central Telegraph Office (1880) the

University Hall (1876) the General Post Office (1912). These buildings are not only

monuments commemorating the rule of the new dynasty, but also symbols of social

institutions and practices that came with the British. The British government also built

railways, introduced public transport, and established schools, hospitals and other

buildings for public use. In the 1860s the British built a cantonment for the troops at a

distance of five miles from the Civil Lines. All these modern measures and practices

changed the face of Lahore. It became three towns in one. This kind of amorphousness

Lahore never experienced before. According to Qadeer the British introduced a new

idiom of good life in Lahore:

The bungalow, the flush toilet, wide roads, the clubs and the cricket

grounds became the necessities of life. Obviously this life style could only

be available to the rich and the influential in the Civil Lines. In the old city

and the surrounding villages, where the majority lived, there were few

changes. Thus began the process of dualization of life style and economy

that divides the city of the elite from the indigenous town of the masses.

(72)

The network of roads and the traffic pattern introduced by the British in the areas

called the Civil Station clearly indicates the fact that all the facilities and modern
 57

necessities of life were only meant for them and there was little change for the natives

living in the walled city in terms of availability of the necessities of life and social

development. Rudduck, an Australian town planner, remarks that the roads built by the

British were designed to “enable sahibs to drive sedately from office to their homes or

clubs,” (qtd. in Qadeer 6) and little notice was taken of existing street patterns and traffic

needs, thus creating a dual and conflicting system of roads and traffic representing, as it

were, two different cultural phases” (qtd. in Qadeer 7).

The British conquest of the Sub-continent turned out to be a turning point in its

history. It exposed the Indian Sub-continent to the western influence. New institutions

were built and new social patterns were introduced during the British Rule. The road

development along with railway system and the telecommunication system brought a

great revolution in the popular thinking of the Indians. It not only changed the landscape

but also altered the Indian society and further accelerated the pace of social change.Yet

these institutions and facilities were available to the elite class loyal to the British

interests. “For the majority of the Indians remained unaffected by such changes which

however, could not seep down to the poverty-stricken and deprived Indians. The British

transformed the life of small elite, and turned them into an island of modernity in a sea of

tradition and poverty” (73).

The British took Lahore from the Sikhs in the fall of 1849. The civil war amongst

the various claimants of Ranjit Singh after his demise in 1839 had turned Lahore into a

city of ruins. The residential areas and the gardens outside the walled city were in

shambles. And the residential area in the walled city was narrow and crowed; there was

no concept of independent space for the commercial activity. Consequently, the narrow

streets of the walled city remained over crowed and stingy. Glover mentions the building

design and structure of the old city:

 58

The architectural idiom of the walled city is a three storey house covering

100 percent of its lot, having a flat roof, high walls, screened balconies and

frequently, a light well. Along the main streets, houses have shops at the

ground floor. Houses are crammed together along narrow alleys,

sometimes so narrow that three persons cannot stand shoulder to shoulder.

With the exception of a few market squares, open space is almost

nonexistent. Overall density in the walled city is about 500 persons per

acre. (81)

The commercial markets or mandis in the walled city were not separate from the

residential areas which had made the walled city crammed and crowded. The commercial

activity from morning till evening created great hustle and bustle in the streets of Lahore.

However, “the British introduced the practice of separating commercial areas from

homes. This was not only a transplantation of a European town planning notion, but also

an expression of their rigid, formal and highly differentiated life routines wherein work,

play, home and shopping were compartmentalized” (88).

The British remapped Lahore on colonial lines. Mapping and re-mapping of the

conquered lands and areas was an integral part of colonial strategy of domination:

The English word “map” is a shortened version of the French

mappamonde, derived from the Latin phrase mappa mundi, or ‘sheet

(napkin) of the world.’” Maps might hence be defined as a “textual”

product of geography. Thus as a “written” representation, maps might be

described as something “scribed” upon landscape—an imposition.

(White1)

Maps, therefore, are the symbol of political and cultural domination of the colonizer upon

the colonized. They further define the power relationships between the colonizer and the
 59

colonized. Maps also enabled the colonizing powers to explore the regions dominated or

occupied to bring under control their potential resources. David Turbull is of the view that

mapping of the conqured lands made “possible the building of empries, disciplines like

cartography and the concept of land ownership that can be subject to juridical processes”

(55).

The British gave Lahore a new shape and form. First of all they set up a network of

roads and established educational institutions. They also set up a political structure to

govern the conquered areas. The idea of political dominance was not enough. The

colonization was further emphasized by establishing places of worship. And for this

purpose the old edifices were utilized. The first building, which served this purpose, was

the tomb of Anarkali. It was modified to perform the religious service. The Protestant

community of Lahore used it as a church. But there is a record of using Dian Sign’s

Haveli as a church as well. The haveli was fitted up as a place of public worship for the

Christian garrison of the fort. The garrison engineer was recorded to spend Rs.341-7-6

“for fitting up Raja Dhian Singh’s house at Lahore as a temporary place of worship”

(Goulding 11) and “the fittings constituted of 40 benches, three punkhas, a book stand

and bamboo chicks” (11). In the early days of their rule the British built few new

buildings, they introduced some structural changes in the buildings, which already existed

and used them according to their administrative requirements. Many of the old tombs and

mosques of the Mughal were used as residences or offices. Mr. Cope, editor of the Lahore

Chronicle used the mosque of Dai Anga situated near the Lahore railway station as his

residence and when Mr. Cope vacated it, the Traffic Manager of Railway department

made it his office. The masjid of Shah Chiragh served the purpose of the office of the

Accountant General for many years and later on it also housed the session courts as well.

The tomb of Muhammad Kasim Khan, a famous saint of the Mughal period was the first
 60

Government House in the British Lahore. The tomb of Anarkali has a very interesting

history since its construction. It had been built over the grave of Anarkali a dancing girl in

the court of Akbar, the Mughal Emperor. She was bricked alive by the orders of the

Emperor who suspected her having an affair with his heir apparent Jahangir. Her tomb

was completed in the year of 1615. During the Sikhs rule, Sardar Kharak Sing Maharaja

Ranjit Singh’s heir apparent took possession of it. Later on it was given to General

Ventura who used it as a private residence .When the Punjab was annexed by the British

Government in 1849 the clerical staff of the Government made it as their office after a

few rooms were added to the main building. After the clerical staff had vacated the tomb

in 1851 it was decided to use it for Divine Service on Sundays after some modifications

and alterations in the building. It was in 1891 that the tomb was again converted into an

office for the storage of Secretariat records and is still being used for that purpose. This

was the beginning of the physical and architectural amorphousness of Lahore where the

two different and opposite styles and designs of architecture intermingle and mixed

together to create a new architecture in Lahore.

The British were Christian by faith. Wherever they had gone as colonizer, they made

concentrated efforts to preach and propagate their religion. Lahore was no exception to

this practice and tradition. With the arrival of Christian missionaries in Lahore there

started a new kind of amorphousness, the amorphousness of Lahori culture with

Christianity as the dominant element officially patronized. The missionaries established a

number of churches, hospitals and schools in Lahore to impress upon the Lahoris a

benevolent aspect of colonization. They further augmented the work of the rulers who

were bent upon consolidating their hold over the land. The churches built in Lahore also

changed its landscape. Along with the mosques, temples and gordwaras, the concrete and

physical manifestation of religion, the churches added a new dimension to the religious
 61

culture of Lahore. Of course, there was resistance to the spread of new faith, but gradually

with the unrelenting support and patronization of new faith by the rulers Christianity

began to make headway not only in Lahore but also in the whole of the Punjab. The

poverty of the people facilitated their work. They lured the people to Christianity by

catering to their social and economic needs and requirements.

The missionaries began to set up schools in Lahore. The main objective behind the

idea and concept of missionary education was to capture and colonize the mind of the

natives in order to perpetuate and prolong the British rule in the Punjab. Soon after the

arrival of the missionaries, Lahore witnessed a mushroom growth of missionary

institutions.The Revd.C.Sloggett took the lead by opening up a school for the European

and Eurasian children in the Fort in the fall of 1886. Amongst the 44 students enrolled 20

were girls. Another school, the Lahore High School was established in the old barracks in

the Anarkali bazaar .The best teaching staff was selected to teach the students and with

the appointment of Mr. Henry Thompson as the headmaster, the school established its

reputation as the best school in the town. The school committee took a very important and

judicious step when it appointed Rev.E.H.Gulliver, M.A.Cambridge as the headmaster of

the school. Under him the school improved its standard and quality of education. Through

the untiring efforts of Mr. Baldwin another institution was set up. It was the orphanage

for European and Eurasian boys and girls.

Rev.C.W. Forman of the American mission applied to the government in 1852 to

open up an educational institution in Lahore. The permission was granted and the well-

known Rang Mahal School came into existence. The Rang Mahal building was

constructed in the reign of Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan. Some time in the Mughal rule it

had also been used as a courthouse. Before it was sold to the American Mission, it served

the purpose of a police station. The Board of Administration accepted the offer of Rs.1,
 62

000 made by the Rev, though its estimated price was Rs.4, 000.The Board kept the

philanthropic object in view. The Rang Mahal School developed in course of time into

Forman Christian College. It was in 1856 that a proposal for setting up a central college

in Lahore came under consideration. The Director of Public Instructions corresponded

with the Dean of Carlisle and the Rev.G.E.L.Cotton, the headmaster of Marlborough

School, in order to have the services of two competent graduates from London for

appointment as Principle and Physical Tutor or Professor of Natural Philosophy in the

proposed college. It was also emphasized that the men selected as teachers should be

graduates of Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin or Durham. Mr. John Lawrence did not agree to

the proposals and suggested that the scheme be postponed for a couple of years. The

Director of Public Instruction readily agreed and remarked:

I fully recognize the institution of the central college at Lahore as an

indispensable part ofthe Punjab educational scheme .It is too important a

feature of that scheme ever to lostsight of, and I shall be eager to submit its

accomplishment for the sanction of governmentas soon as I see a favorable

opportunity of doing so. I would rather, however, wait till theeducational

growth of the Punjab were at a loss for want of a college than establish

acollege into which the few representatives of the educated class had to be

collected. (Goulding11)

After seven years of this correspondence and considerations on January 1, 1864, in

Dhian Singh’s Haveli, inside the Taxali Gate of the city Government College Lahore was

established. Dr.G.W. Leitner was appointed as the first Principal of this newly established

institution. Along with missionary education, the British also followed the practice of

cartography as an integral and indispensable part of the strategy of colonialism.They

mapped and remapped Lahore. According to Ashcroft, Gareth and Tiffin, “In all cases the
 63

lands so colonized are literally reinscribed, written over, as the names and languages of

the indigenous are replaced by new names, or are corrupted into new and europeanized

forms by the cartographer and explorer” (32).The British, therefore, laid down a network

of roads and set up new localities. The main attraction of Lahore is the Mall of which the

Lahorites are so proud of. It is still called the ‘thandi sarak’. The big beautiful trees on

either side add beauty and coolness to the atmosphere and keep the temperature at least

two degrees down even in the scorching heat of summer. It was first aligned in 1851 by

none other than Lieu-Colonel Napier, the Civil Engineer, who described it as “a direct

road from Anarkali to Mian Mir” (Goulding 47). It is interesting to note that “Napier

submitted alternative estimates for its construction, one for Rs.12, 544 and the other for

Rs.10, 428. The former was for kankar throughout, the latter for an under layer of bricks

with a kankar surface” (47). Napier favored the cheaper design. Consequently, the British

Government accepted the proposals put forward by Napier and the lower estimate had

been sanctioned in April 1851. Sir Ganga Ram had made some alterations in the original

design when he was the Executive Engineer in charge of the Lahore Provincial Division.

Extensive improvements were made in the areas east of the Post office. Later on

Mr.DuCane Smythe, Chief Engineer, supervised by the then Lieutenant Governor, Sir

Charles Rivaz made major altearions and the road on its present lines came into shape. No

record is available to confirm when the direct road from Anarkali to Mian Mir was first

officially called the Upper Mall. In the maps previous to 1876 it was referred to as

Lawrence Road. It is interesting to note that the road now known as the Lower Mall from

the Deputy Commissioner’s court to the Multan Road junction was originally called Mall

Road. In commemoration of Sir Donald McLeod’s Lieutenant Governorship the portion

between the Government House and Anarkali, Civil Station, was named as Donald Town.

It is possible that the road acquired its new name during this time.
 64

In the early years of the British occupation of Lahore there was hardly any building

from Mian Mir towards the Government House after crossing the canal. There were

barren plains on both sides of the road. One could only see an old double storeyed

bungalow on the left. It was owned by the Maharaja of Patiala. This building remained in

possession of Anglican Bishop of Lahore for some years and was called Bishopsbourne.

Further down towards the Charing Cross were the Lawrence Gardens and the Lawrence

and the Montgomery Halls, with Government House on the opposite side stand, next to

the Government House was a place called Arundel, occupied by Mr.R.Burney, I.C.S

officer. A little distance away from the Arundel gateway on the same side there stood the

famous old Punjab club, an unattractive structure resembling a barrack with its racket-

court at the back. It was the famous rendezvous of young and old I.C.S. officers. Later on

Nedou’s Hotel was built on this site. The Mall did not have any buildings on the opposite

side of the road. The Masonic Lodge was raised in 1916, which was a structure worth

seeing. There were no buildings on the left between Charing Cross and the Hall Road

crossing, except the one where Mr. Bremner had his studio and on the opposite side of

this section of the road there were only three bungalows. The office of the Director of

Industries occupied one of the three bungalows. Later on this building was taken by the

Ford Motor Company. This is the same building which housed the Civil and Military

Gazette where Mr. Rudyard Kipling worked as a journalist. This building also served as

the office of the Military Secretary to the Punjab Government for a couple of years in the

early 1880s.

Between the Hall Road crossing and the spot where the Lawrence statue once stood

with full glory, there stood only one building, which was occupied by the late Mr. Jas

Davison who had his carriage shops there. On the left there were two buildings, the one

was known as “The Exchange has now been demolished to make room for Sir Ganga
 65

Ram’s block of business premises. The other was the building occupied for many years

by Messrs Phelps Co, which was demolished to make room for the show rooms and

workshops of the Bombay Cycle and Motor Agency” (50). The only edifice on the place

where the High Court building now stands was the shrine of Shah Chiragh well known

saint of the time of Emperor Shah Jahan.The tomb of the saint was used by an office by

the Accountant General. This shrine was also the office of the Principal Assistant to the

Deputy Commissioner for many years. Opposite to the shrine on the other side of the

road, there was only one building which was occupied by Messrs Richardson & Co, the

predecessors of Messer Plomer & Co. They were the only chemists in the town. After

crossing Shah Chiragh’s tomb no building could be seen on either side of the road. The

General Post Office and the Alliance Bank on the left, and the telegraph office, Imperial

bank, Forman Christian College, Mool Chand’s shop and the Y.M.C.A. had not been

constructed yet .The whole place was open. The open spots and sites were later on filled

up with the construction of such imposing buildings as the Masonic Hall, Shah Din

Buildings, and Mela Ram’s buildings, the Post and Telegraph Offices and the High Court.

Some of the old structures such as Nedou’s and Sniffle’s hotels, the Civil and Military

Gazette offices, Salim Buildings and the show rooms and workshop of the Bombay Cycle

and Motor Agency were demolished and replaced with some new structures in the 1920s

and 1930s.

In addition to the Mall Road, there were a good number of roads named after the

former Governors-General and Viceroys, Commissioners, Civil Administrators and

Civil Engineers. On the one hand, these names commemorate the services rendered by

these British officials to serve the British Empire; some of them laid down their lives

during the days of Indian Mutiny and on the other, they are the living signs and symbols

of their imperial power and domination. The famous roads such as:
 66

Beadon, Brandreth, Cooper, Cust, Lake, Hall and Nisbet, perpetuate the

reign of former Deputy Commissioners and Commissioners of Lahore

some of whom, notably Mr. Cooper and Colonel Parry Nisbet did so much

to develop and improve the station; Durand, Davies, McLeod, Edgerton

and Montgomery Roads have been named after former Lieutenant-

Governors; Maclagan Road after Major-General Maclagan, Temple Road

after Sir Richard Temple… Thornton Road after a very distinguished civil

officer who served for many years as Secretary to the Government,

Roberts Road after Mr.A.A. Roberts, Judicial Commissioner, who

established the first Punjab Volunteer Corps and was its first commandant;

Edwardes Road after the famous soldier and administrator, Sir Herbert

Edwards, Napier Road after the first Civil Engineer of the Punjab, Colonel

R.Napier; Lawrence, Mayo and Lytton Roads are named after former

GovernorsGenerals and Viceroys. (52-3)

The act of naming the roads after these officials, who did yeomen service to strengthen

the British rule in this part of the Sub-continent, in fact, is an acknowledgement of their

dedication and selfless commitment to British Raj.

An important feature of British occupation of Lahore was that the city was organized

on modern lines. In the early days of their occupation the English were preoccupied to

establish themselves as rulers. The focus was on having a strong and efficient

administration. Along with the civil structure it was considered essential to display

military power as well. The Indian mutiny of 1857 brought a sea change in their

thinking and they evolved a new strategy to deal with any eventuality in future. The

construction and structural design of the buildings used as offices and residential areas

indicate the fact that in case of another mutiny or armed uprising of the natives such
 67

buildings could be used as citadels. They felt secured in such edifices. Lahore,

therefore, began to give the look of a colonial city.

The setting up of G.O.R. at a distance from the areas inhabited by the natives was

again an attempt to keep them at arms length to show their racial and cultural

supremacy, a display of contempt and abhorrence for the natives whom they claimed to

rule with justice. They either altered and modified the existing structures, the mosques,

shrines and havalis, or set up camps with full display of military pomp and show on

open spaces. The Lahore Fort initially served as their headquarter with the Union Jack

fluttering in the air. It was in the 1880s that the new construction of buildings and

private houses began to catch the sight of people. The city of Lahore under the British

began to expand. The roads developed and the houses began to appear on their sides. It

was a new city not like the walled city with narrow and dark streets and bazaars

bustling with people. Till 1890s there was not a single house on the Davis Road, which

soon developed itself into one of the best residential areas, with beautifully laid out

Railway Colony in the Mayo Gardens just behind it. The Chief’s College and its

bungalows added importance to it. Mr.R.L.Davis, Assistant Secretary to Government,

had a great passion for building houses. He constructed a couple of houses on the Lake

and Ferozepur roads; a couple more on the Mozang Road. The bungalows built on the

Mozang Road were opposite to a double-storeyed house built by Mr.R.H. Haviland

another Secretary to the Government. Later on this bungalow was purchased by Justice

Shah Din. Mr. Davis constructed another beautiful house on the Ferozepore Road later

on the same building came under the use of the Church of England Zenana Mission.

Another palatial house built on the opposite side of the same road was taken by Nawab

Sir Zulfikar Ali Khan and hence became his property. Mr. Havilland was the only

European who owned a large property in that locality. Nearest to his house was the
 68

Bahawalpur House on the west and still further west was the large estate known as the

Poonch House situated on the Multan Road near the Chauburji. Sayad Muhammad Latif

in his book Lahore: Its History, Architectural Remains and Antiquities claims that the

Poonch House was owned by Sir John Lawrence who built it in the year of 1848. But

Goulding disagrees with Sayyad Latif and claims that:

Mrs. Higgings, who at the time of her death, two years ago, was by far the

oldest inhabitant of Lahore, that she and her husband owned this house and

occupied it before it was acquired as a residence for the Chief

Commissioner. In later years it was owned by Mr. Boullnois, first judge of

the Punjab Chief Court, who lived in it until his retirement.It was then

known as the Old Park. (59)

Mr.T.Evans of the Punjab Police and J.A. Robinson Treasury Officer at Lahore are

credited with building of houses on the section of Lawrence Road from the Ferozepur

Road crossing to Race Course Road. The houses which Mr. Robinson constructed came

to be known as The Peak houses. Previous to this construction the only bungalow

existed there, was called The Park. It was originally occupied by Mr. Justice Lindsay,

one of the first Judges of the Chief Court and later on by Mr. Alexander Anderson,

Financial Commissioner. Malik Feroze Khan purchased the house built by Mr. Evans.

There were quite a few old houses at the northern end of the Multan Road. Amongst

those who lived there mentioned may be made of some of the distinguished

personalities such as Colonel Ralph Young, Commissioner, Mr.C.H. Spitta, Barrister-

at-law, Mr. Stogdon, and Sir Frederick Robertson, all judges of the Chief Court and Sir

Alexander Diack, Financial Commissioner. The Pipals popularly known as “Pincher-

sahib-ki-kothi” was another distinguished house of that locality. Mr. H.C. Fanshawe

was secretary to Government whose name the natives could hardly pounce correctly. So
 69

they corrupted his name to “Pincher” which became popular even amongst his

colleagues. Messrs Richardson & Co purchased this house. They were the Chemists,

who were the pioneers in this business. It was in the year of 1881 that the Telegraph

Office was constructed at the junction of the Mall and McLeod Road. Previous to this it

was housed in an old bungalow, behind the Pipals, in the vicinity of Anarkali’s tomb.

The Settlement Commissioner and Director of Land Records also used it as his office

for some time, till it became the office of the Director of Agriculture. In the

neighborhood of this bungalow, there were some other fine buildings also. The

Government Press was situated in the old building near the Veterinary College before it

was removed to one of the old bungalows already mentioned. Before that the

Government Press was situated in the old barrack between the Financial

Commissioner’s and Commissioner’s office. In the same neighborhood, there was

another important street called the Court Street; so because it’s southern end opens into

the compound of the Chief Court. This street was parallel to the Lower Mall. Since it

was inhabited by the members of the local bar, it was also referred to rather

sarcastically as “Shark’s Lane,” The bar was later on shifted to another street called

Fane Road, which came to be known as the new “Shark’s Lane or “Thieves’ Alley”. It

was in 1889 that the Chief Court was shifted to its present place on the Mall Road, its

previous premises on being vacated was given to the office of the Financial

Commissioner and the Inspector General of Police moved his office into the building

left by the Financial Commissioner.

In the Early eighties two of the bungalows in the Court Street were occupied by

Civil and Military Gazette Press before it was shifted from there. The Deputy

Commissioner also had his house in that locality as it was convenient for him to go to

his Kachari close by. Mr. Jones was the original owner of the Nabha House, later on
 70

occupied by Lala Lajpat Rai and before him it was occupied by “ Mr.E.W.Trotter,

Assistant Secretary to Government and afterward Inspector-General of Registration and

Superintendent of Stamps, a most efficient and enthusiastic volunteer officer who did

very valuable work in the days when paid Adjutants were unknown” (62). During the

days when Anarkali was the cantonment, most of the old bungalows in the Court Street

were officer’s quarters. When the Arya Samj and other institutions were set up there,

some of the old bungalows were demolished. In 1849 the General Post Office was set

up in an old building resembling a barrack on the site occupied by the Public Works

Secretariat and:

adjacent to this building was the Postmaster’s House, a large

bungalow situated in an extensive compound. Both these buildings and a

small cottage opposite the Public Library, known as Lackland and used

for some years as the headquarters office and armoury of the 1st

Punjab Volunteers were demolished to accommodate the new Secretariat

building…”(62).

This was the Lahore the British built presenting a contrast with the ancient walled

city. And the Englishmen inhabiting this new and modern Lahore added a new

dimension to the life of the city. Their grand and palatial edifices and residences gave

Lahore a true colonial appearance and form by adding an English color to an Indian

landscape, a landscape, a space already possessed by the Muslims, the Hindus and the

Sikhs. The amalgamation of the similar and the dissimilar added a new dimension to the

city of Lahore. Lahore had become a city where the colonizer and the colonized

inhabited two diametrically opposite worlds and at the same time these two different

worlds came together and met at the fringes to form a new cultural and religious ethos,

a new society and a new city.

 71

The British in Lahore devised and followed a dual strategy of relationship with the

local people. They ostracized the commoners on the one hand, and on the other

cultivated cordial relationship with the aristocracy and the landed gentry of the Punjab.

The native chiefs of the Punjab had supported the British in the war of 1857.

Consequently, the British had decided to reward their allies. They generously

distributed and awarded big chunks of land to them. And in order to raise their social

prestige in the eyes of the people made specific arrangements for the education of their

children. Their children were made honorary magistrates in the civil administration and

honorary majors and colonels in the British army. The collaboration between the native

chiefs of the Punjab and the British created a unique amorphous culture in Lahore

which manifested and translated itself through new architectural design which

flourished in Lahore during the early period of the British Raj. The edifices raised in the

1860s in Lahore are the symbols of this new relationship. Lawrence Hall and

Montgomery Hall are the two initially constructed buildings in Lahore, Lawrence Hall

was constructed in 1861-62 and Montgomery Hall in 1866, which express and elaborate

the kind of collaboration the British had with the elite class of Lahore. These buildings

were raised in the honor of these two British administrators and the construction work

was financed and sponsored by the local aristocracy. Their architectural design was

strikingly differently from the one the city of Lahore had before the British Raj. These

buildings laid the foundation of a new kind of architectural amorphousness and cultural

milieu in Lahore. Both the Halls according to Glover:

were joined by an eighty foot passage with a prominent clock tower at its

midpoint. Portraits of living and deceased British officers of the province

lined its interior walls; these men’s putative accomplishment was to place

the British Raj at the apex of Punjab’s ruling hierarchy, whose aristocratic
 72

“chiefs and nobles” now played am important, if largely rhetorical, role in

the new imperial system. The joining of the Lawrence and Montgomery

Halls thus helped materialize a metaphorical joining of interests between

the elite European and the aristocratic Indian patrons who donated the

buildings to the city while presenting a tangible model of British and

Indian elite collusion in vivid concrete form. (66)

The Lawrence Hall was specially conceived and constructed as an exclusive structure

for the European community of Lahore and its approach was from the Mall Road to

which it faced. The natives were not allowed to mix with the British. Local theatrical

companies along with the visiting traveling troupes used to give captivating

performances in the Hall. Montgomery Hall on the other hand hosted functions where

the British officials and the Lahori aristocracy could easily interact. A botanical garden,

a zoo and a civic park, later on collectively called the Lawrence Gardens were also

constructed on the surrounding areas. Like the two halls, “the garden’s major elements

were all financed through a combination of provincial, municipal, and private funds

from both the British and the elite Indian residents of the city. The Lawrence Gardens

thus formed a carefully isolated place of controlled cultural interaction underwritten by

elite collaboration” (66).

The building which is the embodiment of the true architectural amorphousness in

Lahore is The Punjab Chief’s College, later on renamed Aitcheson Chief’s College in

1886. This institution is a true manifestation of the collaboration between the British

and the Punjabi aristocracy, a symbol of meeting of interests of both the collaborators.

It was in the 1860s that the idea of educating the local ruling class in a rarified academic

environment very much similar to the English boarding school atmosphere came to the

surface. “The Chief College scheme was conceived as an academic setting that would
 73

confer on the indigenous aristocracy both modern academic training and, importantly,

new modes of personal character” (69). Another idea behind the setting up of such an

inclusive institution was to protect the interests of the “hereditary leaders” of the Punjab

which had come under threat as a result of the rise of a small but educated Punjabi

middle class. So their patrons came to their rescue aiming at equipping them with the

much needed leadership qualities to serve their masters. Charles Aitcheson spoke his

mind at the ceremony lying the foundation stone for the institution, “let it be our earnest

hope that there may rise a still finer edifice in which the aristocracy of the Punjab shall

be the polished corner stones, bright examples to their fellow countrymen of true

manliness, of the highest culture and the gentlest manners that the times can boast”

(72). Great care was taken while designing the various blocks of the college. They were

particularly designed to reflect the concept of political and cultural relationship the

British were embarking upon to cultivate with the exclusive class of the feudal lords.

Marble plates affixed to the various blocks of the college bearing the names of the

honorable donors, the Sardars, the Nawabs of the Punjab and the elite philanthropist

aristocracy of Lahore; the Indians and the British as members on various committees of

the college are indicative of a new culture and relationship between the ruler and the

ruled. According to Glover:

At the same time, each setting used a range of architectural and spatial

devices whose purpose was to mark differences in social status between

people of different classes and races. At Lawrence Gardens, the key

separation was between the Anglo-European worlds of entertainment and

sociality housed in Lawrence Hall and the more socially promiscuous

forms of mixed-race entertainment and passive instruction provided in

Montgomery Hall, the botanical gardens, the pleasure grounds, and the
 74

zoo. At Aitcheson College, the rhetorical equality between aristocratic and

“scholarship” students, reflected in the identical exterior treatment of

housing blocks accommodating each group, was belied by the unequal

distribution of personal living space and disparate regimes of discipline

and surveillance that took place within them. (74)

The larger building design was the combined work of one native engineer named Bhai

Ram Sing, the then head assistant to John Lockwood Kipling, the then principal of

Lahore’s Mayo School of Art and a British engineer named Swinton Jacob, who had

already earned his reputation as an engineer who could understand and perceive the

local conditions, traditions and the ideology of the British. The final architectural design

of the college includes pre-Mughal umbrella like pattern on each corner of the building,

the brickwork on the lower story betraying the Mughal pattern and the arches and

marble screens used in the Umayyad Spain. A distinguishing feature of the main block

is a “large bronze click of English manufacture on the domed octagonal tower rising

over the build’s centre” (72).

Parallel to the British colonial education system followed in the Government

College, and institutions patronized by the British government and the Christian

missionaries, there was another kind of educational system initiated and followed by the

natives, both the Muslims and the Hindus. The natives were apprehensive and fearful of

the British educational designs which they considered were meant to promote

colonialism on the one hand, and on the other convert the natives to Christianity. The

response and reaction of the natives manifested itself in the form of such educational

institutions as Dayanand Anglo Vedic (DAV) College, Diyal Sing College and Islamia

College Lahore where great care was taken in the designing of syllabus and other

literary and cultural activities. These institutions opened their doors to the middle and
 75

lower middle class students who were barred from taking admission to those colleges

exclusively meant for the elite of the Punjab and aristocracy of Lahore. Socio-religious

associations and the philanthropists of Lahore were in the forefront of the movement

aiming at meeting with the educational needs and requirements of the middle class and

the lower middle class students. In addition to inculcating education and discipline these

institutions aimed at hammering the ideas of nationalism into the minds of the students

in order to save them from being Anglicized. So, Lahore in the mid 19th century was

fast becoming a city of colleges where dual system of education was being followed

and this duality in the present day Lahore is still continuing in the manifestation of

English medium and Urdu medium schools.

With the arrival of the British the commercial activities began to pick up pace. Soon

the city became an important center of business in the Sub-continent. The banks were

opened to cater to the commercial activities of the traders and businessmen. The Bank

of Bengal, the National Bank of India, the Alliance Bank of Simla opened their

branches in Lahore. It has already been mentioned that Lahore in the 1880s was fast

becoming a commercial center with a mercantile class determined to flourish its

business. Messrs. Jamsetji & Sons, one of the oldest firms established in Lahore in

1862, enjoyed monopoly for sale of general European stores, wine and spirits, toys and

ammunition. The firm had its office on the Lower Mall later on demolished to make

room for the Government College hostel. Gradually European tailors, milliners or dress-

makers, drapers’ shops, miscellaneous stores chemists, music shops began to appear on

the Mall Road and Anarkali area. Before that Mian Mir was the shopping center for the

Europeans. At Mian Mir Nur Hussain and Rahim Bakhsh were the well known

merchants who shifted their business to Anarkali later on when Anarkali had become

the main shopping center of Lahore. William Ball was perhaps the first European who
 76

initiated business enterpriser in Lahore. He was Superintendent of the Government

Printing Press. He left Government job to set up his own printing press. He also opened

a bookseller’s shop, an auction room, and a stationer’s shop. He also opened the first

general store of its kind in the city. He published “Punjab Record” along with reference

books for the lawyers and the judicial officers. His son-in-law, Mr. J.J. Davis took over

his business on his retirement and shifted the press to his private residence in the Court

Street. On his retirement the press was amalgamated with the Civil & Military Gazette.

With the arrival of the British in Lahore after its annexation new fashions of dress

had set in. Tailoring business began to thrive and gradually new tailor shops sprang up

in the area of Mian Mir. Messrs Clark & Co, Adlard & Co, or Davidge Brothers at Mian

Mir set up their tailoring business and set also new designs in stitching. Phelps & Co.

took the lead in establishing their business on the Upper Mall, while Mr. Garrioch

inaugurated similar enterprise on the Lower Mall. It should be kept in mind that only

the Europeans could afford to place their orders to such tailors. Majority of the local

people would stitch their clothes by themselves at home and most of them were

shabbily dressed. There was also a different class of merchants, called itinerant cloth

merchants, selling cloth moving from one house to another. And “they were

accompanied by a kahar carrying a banghi consisting of two large bundles; they were

also the moneylenders and in the course of time became the founders of certain wealthy

firms which still exist and are now well-known bankers and house-owners”(70-1).

Chhota Lal, Dina Nath and Pehlad Das were such prominent figures. So in the city of

Lahore two different life and dressing styles ran parallel to each other.

Amongst some of the new professions which gained currency with the arrival of the

British in Lahore, photography became a popular profession. Mr.W.Barthelemy had a

studio in the Lahore fort and did quite a good business. Mr. James Craddock another
 77

successful businessman opened his studio on the Lower Mall. He already had his studio

at Simla. Before the British occupied Lahore, there was hardly any tradition of dinning

in the hotels. This tradition had been introduced by the British. Goulding states:

the hotels in Lahore are poor, though there is little doubt that a really good

hotel would pay, owing to the flux of travelers at certain seasons of the year.

The Punjab hotel, Mrs. Clark’s hotel, the Victoria and the Montgomery are

the most frequented by European visitors. But in the late sixties, Miller’s

and Goose’s situated on McLoad Road, were the two best known and most

prosperous hotels then open for travelers.(73)

Some of the old bungalows were used as hotels. Some Mrs. Hiller opened a hotel of a

superior class in Caversham, the house at the junction of Ferozepur and Mozang Roads.

The hotel business during those days largely depended on the patronage of “birds of

passage”. This business began to thrive when the residents of Lahore developed the

habit of visiting hotels. In order to meet the demand of good hotels, equipped with

sufficient facilities more bungalows were converted into hotels. The hotel that soon

acquired the reputation of an up to date hotel was established in the bungalow by Mr.

Nedou. It was situated on the Upper Mall. The hotel which Mrs. Cunningham opened in

an old bungalow on the Lower Mall did fairly good business. The bars and the dance

halls of the hotels drew young soldiers and civil servants out of their tents and made

their evenings colorful and exciting. This was a new culture, unfamiliar and unheard of

in the days preceding the British Raj.

The British military and civil officials promoted various sports and pastimes.

Amongst the games promoted mention may be made of polo, cricket, football etc, etc.

The idea was to spend the leisure time in a healthy activity on the one hand, and on the

other, to display strength and togetherness against the “others”. The sports were used as a
 78

means of exhibiting the physical power and the sense of superiority of the colonial power

over the natives. The first race-course was laid out on the Lahore Fort parade ground later

on named the Minto Park. It should be borne in mind that during those days the Fort and

Anarkali constituted the cantonment and the civil lines. When Mian Mir was made the

cantonment the race-course was shifted there. There was a big swimming bath of pucca

brick, with a fine racket court close by in the area just behind the shrine of Data Ganj

Bakhsh and Mela Ram’s Mills. This swimming pool and the racket court were situated in

the garden popularly known as The Soldiers’ Garden. It is believed that this garden was

laid out by one of the members of the Rattigan family. The garden was converted into a

“place of public resort” by the orders of the Chief Commissioner. This could be called the

forerunner of modern Gymkhana:

Viewing the spot as it is now, it is difficult to picture it as the gathering

place of the beauty and fashion of old Lahore—fair ladies in enormous

crinolines, with attendant swains in peg-top trousers and tall hats, wearing

beards and whiskers of portentous size, strolling about among the flower-

beds, listening to the strains of the band. (10)

Probably the European garrison stationed at the Fort played cricket under the shade of

the walls of old Fort. This was the beginning of cricket in Lahore. Later on cricket clubs

were established whose membership was restricted to civil and military officers. Schools

and colleges were encouraged to have cricket teams and “each school and college had its

own cricket club and inter-school matches were frequently played in the early seventies”

(77). Football was another game which was popular amongst the ruling white junta, a

game to exhibit physical power and prowess. Supports and outdoor games were also an

essential part of the imperial culture in Lahore. Cricket, football and the like were taken
 79

to be the display of power and manhood. Chakarty has made a very perceptive

observation in this regard:

It was widely believed that the Raj would be more faithfully served by a

disciplined football eleven than by an average member of parliament. By

teaching skill in cricket, a Harrow inscription added, the boys were taught

the values of manliness and honor. It was an image of a set of well-paid

secular missionaries who embellished their exacting Indian commitment

with a judicious selection from varied manly sports like pig sticking,

shooting, fishing, riding, tennis, racquets, bridge and shikar regardless of

the climate of assassinations and riots around them. (24)

Lahore, therefore, after the annexation of the Punjab in the year of 1849 was fast

becoming a modern city with all the prominent characteristics and aspects of a colonial

headquarter of the province of the Punjab. The colonial part of the city, its new face, was

a striking contrast with that of the walled city. The modern educational institutions,

government offices, the gardens, the roads and other monuments generating a new culture

and approach, fresh and modern outlook, had brought an unprecedented amorphousness

of the city that it was inevitable for the natives to be fascinated and captivated by the

newness of Lahore.

Like the other colonial cities of the Sub-continent, Lahore, slowly but steadily, was

on its way to modernity after it had been annexed by the British. The beginning of the

twentieth century witnessed so many upheavals, social, political, and religious in the Sub-

content. They also cast their shadows on Lahore. In Lahore as in rest of the Sub-continent

the forces of modernity were creating some problems of adjustment and absorption for

the natives. Referring to the dilemma of the Muslims Ayesha Jalal in her book Self and

Sovereignty: Individual Community In South Asian Islam Since 1850 writes, “By far the
 80

most emotive was the multifaceted question of how Muslims could go about

accommodating western cultural influences without contravening the religious precepts of

Islam” (67). The launching of religious reformation movements by the Hindus and the

Sikhs had further multiplied their problems. On the one hand, the Lahoris were

increasingly becoming conscious of their social, political and religious identities and on

the other, they attempted to combine the modern with the traditional. This consciousness

of having separate identities was driving them towards two contradictory directions,

political separatism and religious cohesiveness. And their attempts at combining the

modern with the traditional was germinating confusion and split of identity. Lahore,

therefore, experienced a new kind of amorphousness not only in terms of its cultural,

political and religious realities but also in terms of human relationship. Lahore was fast

becoming politically and religiously agitated and there was a constant rise of tension in

the communal situation. Things began to melt in the crucible of politics and religion.

With the advent of the nineteenth century there were some new developments in the

international relations of world powers. The expansion of the Russian Empire on the

northern border of the Sub-continent was a matter of great concern for the British who

found themselves at loggers head with the Russians whom they imagined were hovering

over the northern boarder of India inhabited by the azad tribes and the valiant Pathans.

The Russian revolution in 1916 further aggravated the situation for the British. They

considered it a ‘white man’s burden’ to save India from the communist revolution. The

setting up of an elaborate and effective espionage system to check the activities of the

Russians was a significant part of an overall strategy which the British had evolved to

check the expansion of Russia. The Punjab being adjacent to the northern areas served the

colonial purpose rather effectively. The expansive railway and road network to provide

logistic support to the British forces stationed in the northern areas speaks volumes of
 81

British strategy to deal with any future eventuality. The setting up of cantonments in the

length and breath of the Punjab was also an important part of British preparations for a

possible military clash with the Russians. Lahore being the provincial headquarter of the

Punjab was the centre of all those activities and preparations which the British made

against the Russians. Kipling in his book Kim (1901) has highlighted Lahore as an

important centre of espionage and has used the conflict between the British and the

Russians as a backdrop of his book under analysis in Chapter Two of my thesis.

My research so far has explored Lahore’s amorphousness in terms of its etymology,

location, geography, demography, history and architecture. The main source which has

been thoroughly and exhaustively ransacked and explored for this purpose is the history

of Lahore its legends, myths and folktales. From Chapter Two to Chapter Four my

research would move from history to non-history, fiction and novels where Lahore is the

locale and in between I would like to refer to memoirs and reminiscences of those who

lived in Lahore before 1947, the partitioning year, migrated to India, yet preserved what

was Lahore in their writings. This effort of focusing on fiction and other prose writings

would thread history and non-history together and provide continuity in my research on

Lahore as an amorphous city.

 82

END NOTES

CHAPTER ONE
1
Roughly this period is the mid second to mid first millennium BCE during which the Vedas texts related

to early Indo-Aryan religion were composed.

2
The Ramayan is an ancient Sanskrit epic. Valmiki, a Hindu sage is considered to be its writer. It forms an

important part of the Hindu Canon. The epic consists of 24,000 verses in seven books and 500cantos. The

epic narrates the story of Rama and his wife Sita.

3
“The Rajatarangi” is a metrical chronicle of the kings of Kashmir from earlist time written in Sanksrit by

Kalhana. It is believed that it was written sometime during 1147-1149 CE.

4
It is a compilation, drawn up from the puranas by the order of the learned raja jai sing saiwa
5
This legend is of great value because of its historical and folklore bearings. It provides us with informstion

of the history of that Indo-Scythian hero, who is identified with Sri Syalapati Deva, whose cions are still

found all over the Punjab. He is supposed to have lived between the period of first Arab invasions of

Sindh and Kabul and the rise of Ghaznavid Dynasty.

6
Tod’s complete name is James Tod. He is also referred to as Captain Wilford, Major Wilford and also Col

Wilford. He is considered to be an an authority on ancient geography of India in the Asiatic Researches.

7
Sir Alexander Cunningham (23 Jan 1814- 28 Nov 1893) was a British archaeologist and army engineer.

He is called the father of Archaeological Survey of India.

8
Caudius Ptolemy (90 AD.-168 AD.), was a Mathematician, Astronomer, Geographer and Astrologer. He

flourished in Egypth under Roman rule. His astronomical treatise, “Almagist”, Geographical treatise,

“Geographia” and Astrological treatises, “Apotelesmatika” are works of great genius.

9
Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah Firishta (1560-1620) was a Persian historian. He served under various

Muslim rulers of India. His Tarikh-I Firishta is a monumental work on the history of Muslim rulers in India.
10
Abu Rayhan Biruni (973-1048), was a Persian Muslim scholar and polymath of the 11th century. He came

to India in 1030 along with Muhmud of Ghazi. He learned Indian language, religion and philosophy. His

book Tarikh-al-Hind is considered to be one of the best books written on ancient India. He was also a great

scholar of Astronomy, Astrology, Mathematics Natural Science History and Philosophy.

11
Abu al-Hasan Ali ibnal-Husayn ibn Ali al-Masudi (896-956), was an Arab historian and geographer. He

traveled to Indus valley, Arabiqa, Syria, Caspian Sea and Armenia. He wrote many books on a variety of
 83

scholarly topics but his major work is “Akhbar az- azaman”, (The History of Time) in 30 volumes. Al-

Masudi was one of the first to combine history and scientific geography in a large-scale work, Muruj adh-

dhahab wa ma'adin al-jawhar translated ( The Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems), a world history.
 84

Chapter Two

Situating Lahore in the Colonial Time

An analysis of Dina Nath’s The Two Friends: A Descriptive story

of the Lahore Life and Rudyard Kipling’s Kim
 85

City of Lights
Faiz Ahmad Faiz
The greenery is drying in a pallid afternoon;
Parched walls are wet hued with a lonely poison.
Far to the heart’s horizon shrinks, rises, falls again
The fog of an undimmed grief, a heavy tide;
And yet behind this fog rises the City of Lights.
----O, City of Lights---
Who can tell how to attain your illumimated paths?
Here, in broken light, in nights of separation,
Listless you see sitting the soldiers of desire.

(Translated by Sara Suleri Goodyear)

. This chapter highlights the amorphousness of Lahore resulting from the opposite,

dissimilar and contradictory ideas, concepts and worlds, the world of the colonizer and

the colonized. Their interaction had far reaching and deeply profound influence and

impact upon every aspect of the Lahori life. It gave birth to a new life style which

combined within it, both the eastern and the western ethos. In order to spotlight my idea

of amorphousness I have picked on one Indian novelist, Dina Nath and one British

novelist Rudyard Kipling. Of the two writers, Nath and Kipling, the latter is more focused

on the colossal issues of British imperalism and colonialism. Although, Kipling’s

character Kim takes us to the pith of Lahore, the winding dark gullies and stingy smell of

the walled city, yet he takes us away from the marrow of the city on the Grand Trunk

Road to open up a an amorphous world of characters. Whereas, Nath confines the action

of his novel The Two Friends: A Descriptive Story of the Lahore Life to Lahore only. It
 86

covers both, the colonial and the walled city of Lahore, juxtaposing the ancient with the

modern. Moreover, these novelists under discussion for analysis provide us with the

contrasting perspectives of looking at Lahore’s amorphous nature.

The main characters Nath’s novel shuttle between the colonial Lahore and the old

Lahore fascinated and awed by the former and dismayed by the latter part of the city. It is

interesting to note that Nath does not refer to this new development, the clash of interests

between the British and the Russians and the building up of tension between the two

powers. Instead, he remains focused on the local and indigenous changes which were

taking place in the domain of politics, culture and religious beliefs of the Lahoris and in

the process would award and add an amorphous feature to the city of Lahore. He had a

great fascination for the new city, colonial Lahore. And like a renaissance man he was

over-excited and spell-bound to discover it and to portray it with unspeakable and

inexplicable enthusiasm. Kipling, on the other hand, makes the conflict between the

British and the Russians as the backdrop of his book Kim (1901).

Both, Nath and Kipling were contemporaries but it is interesting to note that both treat

Lahore differently in their novels under discussion in this chapter. In Nath Lahore is the

locale where political, social, cultural and religious differences and clashes amongst the

major communities, the Muslims, the Hindus and the Sikhs were beginning to manifest

themselves. As a result disintegrating forces found their way in the social and cultural

fabric of the Lahori society bringing about an amorphousness of relationship amongst the

various communities residing in Lahore. Kipling, on the other hand, has confined himself

to the Great Game1 being played between the British and the Russians. Furthermore, he

looks at Lahore from the point of view of an orientlist. However, a distinctive feature of

Kipling’s Kim that my research discoveres is that the novel portrays the Lahori characters

as amorphous human beings, such human beings who live, inhabit and move
 87

simultaneously in two diametrically opposite social set ups, the ancient and the modern,

the colonial and the colonized. In fact, Kipling himself may be called an amorphous

character as he was born in India, received his education in England and came back to

Bombay and Lahore to work as a journalist. He, therefore, imbibed and assimilated the

cultural opposites of both, the west and the east. Lahore as a city comes alive before us

when Kim, the main character of the book takes us beyond the walls of the city into its

narrow and dark muhalas, and localities, stingy and winding streets, penetrating deeper

and deeper into the marrow of the city. One can sense a different kind of amorphousness

of relationship in Kipling’s Kim. It is an amorphousness of relationship between the

colonizer and the colonized that was the result of colonial education which “form a class

who may be interpreters between us, with and the millions whom we govern; a class of

persons, Indians in blood and color, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in

intellect.” (qtd.in Suleri 67). In this way Kipling and his Kim emerge as a new species of

amorphous Indians who came into being during this time period.

It was in 1899 that Nath wrote The Two Friends: A Descriptive Story of the Lahore

Life. Lahore is the locale of his book. The novel very graphically depicts Lahore with its

social, religious, cultural and intellectual life which had by that time come to full bloom.

This way Lahore had been amorphozised into a cosmopolitan city opening its gates to so

many diverse and different communities and peoples with multitude cultural, religious

and social patterns. With the influx of such a great variety of people the demography of

Lahore also changed. This change in the demography of the city contributes towards its

amorphousness.

After the annexation of the Punjab in 1849, the British had set up a new

administrative structure at Lahore, making it the provincial headquarter of the province of

the Punjab. Since there was dearth of discreet and competent officials to run the
 88

administration, they encouraged the people with administrative skill and knowledge to

come to Lahore from across the Punjab and northern India and even from Bengal. Punjabi

nobility, the Bengalis and the literati hailing from the United Provinces were the most

prominent communities in the 1880s. A social intercourse and cultural interaction

amongst these peoples had added an element of newness to the Lahori life. According to

historian Kenneth Jones, “of all the cities of the Punjab (recorded in the 1881 census),

Lahore had the highest percentage of strangers, of citizens born outside of the city and

district”(qtd in Grover). Referring to the presence of various communities and peoples

with disparate cultural backdrop, Grover in his unpublished article “The City in Colonial

Modernity: Living the Lahore Life” states:

The scions of Punjabi nobility were prominent in Lahore’s society, but so

were Bengalis and literati from the United Provinces, people whose fathers

had followed the British Raj to Punjab to occupy key positions in the new

administration. Over time, their descendants and those of the upwardly-

mobile fractions of Punjabi society formed an elite administrative cadre,

one whose reputation for intellectual achievement extended beyond the

geographical limits of the province. Their presence lent the city an ealing

luster in the minds of many, one that lingers on nostalgically, for some, up

to the present. (3)

The social and cultural interaction amongst these communities added newness to the city

and consequently, the city assumed the true color of an amorphousness cosmopolitan city.

Nath’s novel primarily focuses on the two Lahori characters, Rama and Nath and it is

through them that we discover the true divisions of Lahori life of that time, with all its

miscellaneous and dirverse signs, symbols and sounds of the city. Their regular meetings

and long walks through the Lawrence Gardens, on the Mall Road to Gol Bagh, the Hide
 89

Park of those days provide us with the opportunity of knowing what Lahore was a century

ago. Possessed with keen observation, wit and penetrating eye, they pass apt remarks and

“giving to every passerby a suitable certificate according to his or her credentials,

gossiping over all those topics which enjoyed public attention, now thoughtful, the next

moment hilarious, in short making merry in a tremendous method” ( 4). The Gol Bagh

which is now called the Nasir Bagh where a literary club called Chopal, a literary club,

has recently been established for men of letters and creative writers to give went to their

literary ideas and thoughts, has been a place for the students and the scholars to sit and

gossip over topics light and serious. This tradition dates back to the time when the British

had set up educational institutions in Lahore after the annexation of the Punjab in 1849.

Immediately after its annexation, there came a team of dedicated and devoted

Christian missionaries with a burning desire and simmering ambition to convert the

Indians to Christianity. They set to their task by establishing educational institutions and

churches in the nock and corner of the Punjab. Lahore being the provincial headquarter

became their centre of educational and religious activities. As the time rolled on the

missionary institutions began to churn out an exclusive class of students, endowed with

the rare qualities of perception and analytical reasoning, which could be seen gathered in

the gardens or roaming on the roads discussing a variety of topics ranging from politics to

religion, also having delight in gossip and foul jokes. Nath’s characters Rama and Nath

embody the culture of discussion and gossip. It was not only the Gol Bagh but also

various road side hotels which were fast becoming students’ rendezvous where students

of Lahore in groups big and small would “hover like fairies in celestial regions”

(Nath111). Small roadside hotels serving tea and snacks sprang up at the Mall Road near

Anarkali where students would cluster up in the evening for a session of “ cracking

immoral jokes, using the first rate slang, discussing all impious topics, ridiculing their
 90

betters, fighting hand to hand, and in fact what not” (Aziz 33). This was the beginning of

a vibrant culture of literary discussion and a wide range of social, political and religious

issues. The intellectuals and men of letters of Lahore made various tea houses and road

side hotels as their habitats where they spent their evenings over a hot cup of tea and

heated literary and cultural discussions would start. K.K.Aziz has highlighted the culture

of coffee house in Lahore:

As coming to a coffee house was a habit rather than a necessity, the

habitués spent a lot of time on their cups and talked and gossiped with

their friends. In this way the coffee house emerged as an urban, public,

radical and egalitarian club where middle and upper middle classes

congregated and discussed the affairs of the world. (2)

The emergence of coffee house culture and the thronging habitués was a distinctive

feature of Lahore which in fact had surpassed the other centers of culture and civilization

of the Sub-continent such as Delhi, Aligarh and Lucknow. In many ways Lahore in the

1920s was even ahead of Paris of the 1930s in the field of literary and cultural activity. If

Paris could boast of having Jean Paul Sartre, Simone Beauvoir, Charles Dullin, Andre

Breton and many other French and Continental intellectuals, Lahore could also claim to

have such literary giants as Allama Muhammad Iqbal, Faiz Ahmad Faiz, Noon Meem

Rashid, Hafeez Jullunderi Akhtar Shirani, M.D. Taseer, Sufi Tabassum and many others.

Most of the tea houses were situated at the Mall Road near Anarkali. But for the

westernized elite class there were cosmopolitan clubs and Gymkhana where the members

discussed, danced and drank. Mention may be made of some of the tea houses frequently

visited by the intellectuals of Lahore. The Arab Hotel, Nagina Bakery, Muhkam Din’s

teashop, India Teahouse and India Coffee House were some of the literary dens for men

of letters poets and painters. In addition to that there were some baithaks inside the walled
 91

city which were the gathering places of the musicians, singers, poets and writers of great

merits. Referring to the vibrant culture of Lahore Aziz states:

From the 1920s onwards, perhaps even earlier, Lahore was the most highly

cultured city of north India. From here appeared the largest number of

Urdu literary journals, newspapers and books and two of the best English

language dailies. The Mayo School of Arts were flourishing. The Young

Men Christian Association was active and its premises and halls were used

by all communities for literary and social activities. The Government

College was a distinguished intellectual centre whose teachers were

respected and students considered to be the best representatives of modern

Western education. The Oriental College was engaged in first class

research. The annual plays staged at Government College and Dyal Singh

College were awaited by the city’s elite with high expectations. Eminent

journalists and columnists wrote for newspapers and graced literary

gatherings. (5)

It was during those days that a figure of an impressive student, confident and proud

emerged. Charismatic and imperial, this figure commanded respect and reverence. People

would lend him their hears and would sit spell bound and enthralled by the authoritative,

eloquent and persuasive voice whose resonance would leave an indelible impact upon the

minds of the listeners:

Go where you will in this religious assembly or that, in all social

conferences, in patriotic meetings, in political institutions, in private clubs

or in public entertainments, the same singular youth of a talkative nature is

visible. He seems all-pervading. No subject or critical importance but he

puts his opinion about it, no question of even the least moment where he
 92

neither fails or argue… nor again is his enthusiasm lost, for people seem to

hear him with relish. There is a curious magic about him. (Nath 58)

Referring to the emergence of such a talkative student figure during those days Glover

has quoted Iqbal Kishen’s article that appeared in “The Punjab Magazine” in 1890 which

describes a trip through the civil station’s Anarkali Bazaar, where he noticed several

clusters of students “at a little distance from each other” discussing “topics of vital

importance, such as the transmigration of soul, the existence of God, Christianity, the so-

called Aryanism, and a number of other similar questions” (qtd. in Glover 4-5). So with

the advent of modern education and the untiring efforts of the Christian missionaries

aiming at the spread of Christianity, there emerged a specific culture of discussion and

debate on religious issues among the literati of Lahore. At the same time the natives were

also stirred to launch counter movements of religious revival when they felt threatened by

the onslaught of Christianity. Their motivation and determination to safeguard their

religion against the impurities matched with the zest and zeal of the Christian

missionaries to preach Christianity amongst the poverty-stricken natives. Taking

advantage of the poverty and rapidly deteriorating economic conditions of the natives, the

missionaries had doubled their endeavors to convert the poor natives luring them to new

religion by providing them with the necessities of life and promise for a better future and

an improved standard of life. Lahore, then, witnessed the emergence of a new culture, the

priests and the clergy of all the main religious communities, the Muslims, the Hindus and

the Christians throwing challenges to one another for an exchange of religious dialogue,

manazara, to establish the supremacy of their respective religions. Lahore in the first

decade of the 20th century, in fact, had become a battle ground and a theatre for acting out

the exchange of religious ideas amongst the various communities, each aiming at
 93

establishing the supremacy of their respective religion on the one hand, and on the other,

purifying their respective religious ideologies.

Replacing Delhi after the Mutiny of 1857 as the centre of literary and cultural

activities, Lahore had initiated a cultural and literary ‘renaissance’ inviting the literati of

other Indian cities to Lahore in great numbers who brought cultural, religious and literary

traditions along with them. Coming from other areas of the Punjab and North-West,

Ludhiana, which had already gained importance as a center of Christian missionaries

“when the American Presbyterian Mission established its new headquarters there,” (Jones

87) to Lahore the leaders and Gurus of socio-religious reform movements of Islam,

Sikhism and Hinduism took to their task of defending their respective religions against

the avalanche of Christianity. The missionaries focused on translating their Scriptures in

Punjabi, Urdu, Persian, Hindi and Kashmiri languages. They had the printing press at

their disposal. So, they printed books of grammar and dictionaries in the languages of the

natives to facilitate their preaching. Jones states:

Theirs was an aggressive and uncompromising Christianity, which was

expressed in print and through open preaching in the streets. During the

second half of the nineteenthcentury, Christian converts rose from 3,912 in

1881 to 37,980 by 1901 – small numbers for Punjab but percentage

increased that frightened indigenous religious leaders. The Christian

missionaries were seen as part of government machine that first defeated

thePunjab, next sought to govern him, and then to convert him. (87)

Consequently, there emerged quite a few religious reformation movements amongst

the various communities and peoples inhabiting the Punjab, adumbrating to go back to the

original and pure form of religion in order to stop the march of Christianity. These

movements focused on the reforms not only in the domain of religion but also in social
 94

and moral fields. Amongst the Sikhs the movement of Nirankaris in the 19th century was

a movement of purification and return to the Sikhism of Guru Nanuk. Baba Dayal (1783-

1855) who initiated this movement declared that Sikhism had become decadent and

impure filled with falsehood and superstitions. He, therefore, emphasized the need of

returning to its origin and further stressed “the worship of God as nirankar (formless).

Such an approach meant a rejection of idols, rituals associated with idolatry, and the

Brahman priests who conducted these rituals” (88). The founder of this movement also

chalked out a strict social code and moral doctrine for his followers. According to Jones

Dayal Das, the founder:

taught that women should not be treated as unclean at childbirth; disciples

should not use astrology or horoscopes in setting the time for ceremonies;

the dowry should not be displayed at marriages; neither lighted lamps nor

blessed sweets, prasad, should not be placed in the rivers; and no one

should feed Brahmans as payment for conducing rituals. Eating meat,

drinking liquor, lying, cheating, using false weights – all were forbidden.

Each should follow a strict moral code and use only the proper life-cycle

rituals as taught by Dayal Das. (88)

The denunciation of the Brahams by the Nirankaris on the one hand, broke their hold

and domination over Sikhism and on the other, demarcated a line indicating Sikhism as a

distinct religion from Hinduism. Nirankaris were wise enough not to clash with the rulers,

the British. They rather flourished and thrived under them. Baba Ram Singh (1816-85) of

Ludhiana laid the foundation of another reformation movement aiming at purification of

Sikhism called the Namdharis which differed from the Nirankaris movement on certain

religious points while sharing with it some of the social and moral doctrines. Baba Ram

Singh, himself a solider in the army of Ranjit Singh till the year 1845, shaped and
 95

modeled his movement on the teachings and precedents set by Guru Gobind Singh and

his Khalsa. In order to become a member of this community, the new entrant had to

observe some rituals, the wearing of “five symbols with exception of the kirpan (sword)”

(91). As the British had banned the carrying of kirpan, the Namdharis were expected to

carry a lathi. In order to distinguish themselves from the other Sikhs, “they wore white

clothes with a white turban and carried a rosary…” (91).

The impact of such reform movements on the Lahori society was so deep and profound as

the writers like Dinna Nath were greatly influenced by them. Nath’s The Two Friends is

one such example.

The Two Friends, undoubtedly, highlights the inclusive and thorough picture of

Lahore’s quasi-religious and social institutions of civil society in the late nineteenth and

early 20th century. It was the impact of colonial rule and the influence of western

education that there emerged a new educated middle class comprising of professionals,

lawyers, traders, merchants, teachers and doctors with new sensibility and the desire for

adjustment with the new colonial milieu. This new class found itself on the horns of a

dilemma. On the one hand, it was swept away and shaken by the colonial situation and by

a strong wind of modernism and on the other, it did not want to loose its hold on its

religious faith. Consequently, there emerged a strong and unassailable desire to reform

religion in accordance with the changing situation. These professionals “sought to reform

the inherited religious tradition in the light of the new notions of rationality, justice and

progress which they had imbibed from western education and which also accorded with

their own class aspirations and goals” (Tuteja, Grewal 5).

It is through Nath, one of the main characters of the book The Two Friends that the

novelist has very dexterously captured the new colonial cultural milieu. Nath in the novel

is a member of Lahore’s Arya Samaj founded by Swami Dayanand aiming at the

 96

purgation of those elements of Hinduism which came into clash with progressive and

rational ideals upheld by the newly emergent class. With its emphasis on Indianness and

indigenousness and the purity of Vedic culture, establishing the superiority of Hindu

identity and Hinduism (Hinduism was considered superior to all other foreign faiths,

Christianity and Islam), “the revivalism of the Arya Smaj played a role not only in

demarcating the religious particularism of Hinduism but also heightened a sense of pride

among the Hindus” (Mir 6). The novelist Nath by giving a realistic description of some of

the social issues, the question of widow remarriage, which were also the concern of Arya

Samaj, has revealed the qasi-religious atmosphere rent with religious conflicts as the

Samajists were fast becoming violent and aggressive in their approach towards the

contemporary social, political and religious issues. They targeted the Muslims as their

arch opponents, “… As the sentiment gained momentum, it became increasingly

venomous towards the Muslims who as their past rulers needed to be painted black and,

as modern rivals, deserved to be suppressed” (24). They were very active in politics as

well and began to influence The Indian National Congress on national issues of grave

significance through their leader, Lajpat Rai. “Through him the Samajists captured the

Punjab Congress, in fact, the whole of the nationalist movement… Extremism appealed

most to the emerging western-educated class which swelled the ranks of the Arya Samaj”

(24). It was their political extremism and sense of social and religious superiority that led

the Muslims to think in terms of demarcating a different political course for themselves,

“Anyhow, the constant hymns of hate against the Muslims completely vitiated the

intercommunity climate” (24). These cracks and complete collapse of mutual confidence

and the idea of tolerating each other reached its culminating point in 1947 in the division

of the Sub-continent into Bharat and Pakistan. Arya Samaj immediately attracted the
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educated class in Lahore, “In Lahore Dayananda quickly attracted a group of dedicated

disciples, many of whom were students and graduates of the Lahore colleges” (Jones 97).

After the annexation of the Punjab in 1849, Lahore was made the provincial

headquarter by the British. Consequently, the setting up of a civil secretariat to provide

the newly annexed areas with an elaborate and efficent administrative system was the

need of the hour. Initially the spacious buildings, the mosques, the tombs and the havalis

of the ancient Lahore were utilized. But gradually, the new rulers laid the foundation of a

new Lahore, a colonial Lahore set up outside the walled city with new building structures,

an elaborate road network, educational institutions and they also built for themselves

what was called the Civil Station for residential purposes, away from the hum drum of the

city life. A detailed description of the colonial Lahore had already been given in the First

Chapter. As a result of the British rule the Lahori society began to manifest a new face, a

new social structure and social etiquettes. Spatially also the old and the colonial Lahore

presented two different realms. Nath’s The Two Friends is a vivid and realistic

description and portrayal of the colonial era which is an inseparable part of our history.

The novel describes the old city as enclosed by the high wall around it, narrow and

winding streets, in some of them the sun had never shone and the cold wind cut through

the bones. The walled city has also been described as the city of gutters ejecting out a

damp stink coming in greater gusts and with heaps of offal and waste material in its

streets. The old mohallahs and quarters of the old city are “poisonous as the deadliest herb

yet untested by medical criticism,”(Nath 58) and polluted as the dangerous effervescence

from a marshy ground” (58). The city does not present a pleasant look:

Why! With its dirty and dingy streets where sunlight is conspicuous by

entire absence, with its baffling and crooked lanes defiant to

remembrances of memory, with its ‘bazaars’ where none but men of stout
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physique and stouter heart can manage way and lastly enough not leastly

with the shrew typical ‘Lahori’, sly of look, cunning by temper and sloth

of movement- with all these sights Lahore is wonderful … It has roads

whereupon sanitation is totally prohibited, it has gates with entrances

guarded by huge masses of filth enough to frighten away every body

(provided though he be with the mostIndifferent nasal organ), it has

wretched streets, ruined houses, tottered walls and in fact what not. (112)

The description of the Civil Station in the novel presents a complete contrast with that

of the old city. This is the area inhabited by the British inclusively. A number of

government institutions, shops, clubs, bungalows and markets sprang up. The Mall Road,

connecting Mian Mir, the British cantonment, situated several miles to the east, to the

civil offices “lying just beyond the western boundary of the city” (Glover 6). “At one end

of the developed portion of the Mall, in the direction of Mian Mir, were the Botanical

gardens and Zoo. The Lawrence and Montgomery Halls fronted onto the Mall at the

northern edge of the Garden, forming an important nucleus of European social life” (6).

The area between the Garden at the one end on the Mall Road and the secretariat at its

other, housed the colonial offices and the educational and religious institutions.The Mall

Road, therefore, serves an important link between the institutions of political power, the

secretariat, and the educational institutions, producing a class of educated young men

whose loyalty with the British Raj was an indisputable fact. The novelist is so fascinated

and enthralled by the beauty of the road, “I dare not depict the multifarious charms of this

exquisite road----the ‘Upper Mall.’ Its beauty is indescribable … It is verily a road for the

European community. All sorts of White people can be had here” (Nath 115). The

exclusiveness of the road has been described very vividly. The natives are rarely seen

traveling on that road as it links the English military cantonment with the civil offices of
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the British ruling elite. But even in the colonial part of the city there are some places

where all and sundry, people hailing from a diverse social and religious background get

their chance to mingle together. One such place is the famous Anarkali bazaar:

It is a good ‘bazaar’ out and out. The shops are clean and respectable. In

the evening time when the student folks give up their studies for a little

recreation, it presents an extremely busy aspect. Even the dry-as-dust

Lahori yields to the temptation of an evening ramble. Side by side with the

spirited Native student, giving vent to his English in a very destructive

fashion, may be seen the Herculean rustic who has come to see the

metropolis from the adjacent village. There again we see the N.W.P

{North West Provinces} man whose tongue runs with a locomotive

velocity, so fluently, so hurriedly as to leave the audience in a dilemma

whether the speaker was using Latin or his own vernacular. Here and there

the red coated, bare-legged Highlander soldier from {Lahore’s}

cantonment can be seen walking always and invariably in a tipsy but

wherewithal a strutting mode. Amongst this variety of people may also the

famous Lahori ‘goonda’ (lit. Scoundrel) with his pick-pocket looks and

sullen scowling cut-throat face—a hated bully. (113)

In contrast with the Mall Road and the Civil Station, where it is the prerogative of the

white community to ramble and roam about the Anarkali bazaar presents somewhat a

different spectacle. In the bazaar one finds God’s plenty in terms of the diversity and

variety of people. Here the intermingling of the natives, the pathans, the rustics, who even

today come to see Lahore, its hue and color and light, and the typical Lahori vagabond

with the highland stout Scottish soldier gives us a picture of a motley group of characters

and of a culture, an amorphous culture, which was and still is the distinctive characteristic
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of Lahore. Even today people visit the Anarkali bazaar for various purposes. Some go for

real shopping, others just for window shopping and to cut remarks on women. Students

from University of the Punjab, National College of Arts and Govt. College University are

seen roaming through the bazaar with agility and the frankness of young souls. They are

also the custodians of one of the oldest Lahori culture and tradition of having a chit chat

sitting in small cafes and tea houses situated on the Mall Road and even on the footpaths:

Do you see those girls, walking there, in jeans speckled with paint? Yes

they are attractive. And how different they look from the women of that

family sitting at the table beside ours, in their traditional dress. The

National College of Arts is not far – it is, as a matter of fact, only around

the corner – and its students often come here for a cup of tea, just as we are

doing now. (Hamid 10)

Nath makes another significant observation regarding the exclusiveness of the Civil

Station by describing the area where the white community, young and old, male and

female is seen in great numbers roaming about fearlessly. Nath, the writer observes that,

“old folks bent double on the account of the ravages of age,” (Nath 7) and “stout

gentlemen superfluously red but often very handsome … grown up misses barely on the

verge of womanhood but already looking wise and serious” (114). Montgomery Hall was

the rendezvous of the white community, “verily a talismanic lodge” where all around us

we see civilization and excellence” (115). In an unambiguous language Dina Nath is full

of praise for the white community whom he considers the embodiment of wisdom and

power and the paragon of beauty.

So we see the ancient and the colonial Lahore from the perspective of a native writer

who is fascinated by that part of Lahore which the British built. It was in 1901 that

Rudyard Kipling wrote Kim, the novel’s initial setting was in the colonial part of Lahore,
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the famous Mall Road and from that part of the city the central character, Kim, takes us to

the walled city whose narrow and winding streets have a great attraction for him. It is

through him that we come across the amorphous nature of the city of Lahore. The novel

also reveals the strategy of the British to hold the Russians at bay. For this purpose, the

British used Lahore as a centre of espionage to check the Russians’ march against the

British colonial interests in India. Unlike Nath, Kipling neither glorifies nor idealizes the

colonial part of the city of Lahore. He rather remains focused on the walled city of

Lahore. Kipling, in fact, was using the walled city for the stereotypical presentation of the

natives. He saw the walled Lahore as a typical oriental city and used it to put forward his

own colonial discourse. In Nath the amorphousness is of socio-religious nature, whereas,

in Kipling it is of socio-political nature.

Kim holds a unique place in the colonial literature of the British Raj in the

Subcontinent. The novel was published in 1901, twelve years after its author had left

India. Kipling, the future “Poet of the Empire”, who’s name has become synonymous

with India, was born in 1865 at Calcutta and spent most of his time in Lahore. Nobody

could better understand India than Kipling who also worked as a journalist in the Civil

and Military Gazette1, a Lahore based newspaper. Sir David Masson, the then managing

proprietor of that journal, the Civil and Military Gazette, recalls the incident of appointing

Kipling on the staff of the journal by saying that “he gave the youthful Kipling his first

appointment, at the request of his father, Mr. Lockwood Kipling, then Principal of the

Lahore School of Art” as the boy was “disqualified for any of the public services by

reason of his defective eyesight” (Goulding 32). The book Kim is lure of the Empire and

the Orient seen through a westerner’s eyes. According to Said Kipling believed that “it

was India’s best destiny to be ruled by England” (176).

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The book is about Kim, who “knew the wonderful walled city of Lahore from the Delhi

Gate to the outer Fort Ditch; was hand in glove with men who led lives stranger than

anything Haroun al Rashid dreamed of; and lived in a life wild as that of the Arabian

Nights,…” (Kipling 6-7). And a ‘Friend of the World’, who becomes a disciple of a

Tibetan lama, on a holy pilgrimage to see the Four Holy Places before he dies. He, then,

along with the lama embarks upon a holy journey to find a holy River. Their journey

starts from Lahore on a train and after facing numerous situations and encountering

motley of Indians along the Grand Trunk Road ends in the mountains.

It has been argued that some Mr. F. Beaty who retired from the police service in

Quetta (1922) was the original of Kim. But the unromantic and uneventful career of the

“Beauty of Baluchistan” does not support this suggestion or argument. Tracing the origin

of Kim Goulding states that:

There is, however, substantial reason to believe that when Kipling created

Kim, he took for this model a European boy, named B…., who was a

familiar yet unusual figure in the streets of the Anarkali bazaar . The

market crossing, where the Zamzammah then stood, was one of his

favorite haunts. Hatless and barefooted, with all the cunning of a typical

street Arab, this boy roamed about at will, and anything he did not know

about bazaar and serai life was not worth knowing. For some time, when

he was about13 or 14 years old, he was to be seen driving a tikka gharri

owned by an Indian who had married one of his sisters. This boy’s father

was a clerk in one of the local Government office’s, but was believed to

have been a soldier in early life. After his death, his widow and children

lived in the bazaar near Kapurthala House where young B…. reigned

supreme over his youthful inhabitants. (34)

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The identity of Kim along with his original has baffled the readers and the critics alike.

Kim, in fact, contains within his character all those elements, contrary, contradictory,

paradoxical which make him an amorphous character, a blend, an amalgamation of the

local and the foreign:

… and Kim was white. Though he was burned black as any native; though

he spoke the vernacular by preference, and his mother-tongue in a clipped ,

uncertain sing-song; though he consorted on terms of perfect equality

with the small boys of the bazaar; Kim was white-a poor white of the very

poorest. (Kipling 5)

This quality, feature and characteristic of his physical appearance, the appearance of a

native had underneath, hidden, invisible, a white man, a colonizer. The camouflage was

complete, disguise was skillfully performed and mask was put on successfully and

masterly. Like a true colonizer he had many tricks under his sleeve. He would put on any

identity, the identity of a Muslim or a Hindu so conveniently and easily. It is because of

this quality of his that the British used him as a spy in their Great Game against the

Russians: “The woman who looked after him insisted with tears that he should wear

European clothes-trousers, a shirt, and a battered hat. Kim found it easier to slip into

Hindu or Muhammadan garb when engaged on certain business” (7). Along with Kim,

Mahbub Ali also fulfills the features and characteristics of an amorphous character,

visibly a horse dealer but invisibly a spy. He is a character, a person and a personality, yet

given a number, a non-person, a non personality.

Kipling initiates the action of the novel in that part of the historical city of Lahore

which the British had built after the annexation of the Punjab in the year of 1849. Kim,

the main character is sitting on the Zam-Zamma, a cannon placed on a platform on the

Mall road where the Lahore Museum, the Lahore School of Arts (now the National
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College of Arts) and University of the Punjab face each other. The Tolenton market and

the Town Hall are the other buildings of the colonial era reminding us of the British Raj,

situated a few yards away from the cannon. The Mall Road just in front of the National

College of Arts where the famous Kim’s Gun (Zam-Zamma) is placed takes a right turn

and along with the Gol Bagh now popularly called the Nasir Bagh, on the left side and the

Govt. College Lahore (now Govt. College University Lahore) on the right, leads towards

the tomb of Data Ganj Baghs and to the walled city. From the colonial Lahore the writer

takes us to the narrow and winding streets of the old pre-colonial walled city through his

main character, Kim:

the stealthy prowl through the dark gullies and lanes, the crawl up a water

pipe, the sights and sounds of the women’s world on the flat roofs and the

head-long flight from the housetop to housetop under cover of the hot

dark. Then there were holy men, ash-smeared faquirs by their brick shrines

under the trees at the riverside, with whom he was familiar—greeting them

as they returned from begging-tours and, when no one was by, eating from

the same dish. (7)

The description, therefore, puts up the picture of a city whose streets are narrow, dark

and overcrowded, the buildings are constructed so close as they share each other’s roofs

blocking the sun light and creating an unhealthy atmosphere of dampness and foul smell.

There is no privacy and even the world of women is conveniently accessible and exposed

to gaze and openness. The city is largely inhabited by the beggars, the holy men who

roamed about the city begging the whole day. Nights are highly unsafe as ‘thieves are

abroad.’ Along with the beggars the animals tread the streets with the freedom and

boldness of a fearless colonizer stealing and robbing people of their belongings. “Thou
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hast as much grace as the holy bull of Shiv. He has taken the best of a basket of onion

already, this morn; and forsooth, I must fill thy bowl. He comes here again” (17).

Moreover, they are unashamed of their begging always pestering the people with their

clamor for alms and food. According to a native proverb, “those who beg in silence starve

in silence” (17). Kim looks at the walled city of Lahore as a city where the beggars

wander freely in the “cramped and crowded Lahore streets” (64). He also refers to the

various castes of faquir and their disciples wearing their peculiar outfits. Some of the

faquirs would roam in the streets at their fixed time both in the morning and in the

evening and they would go from one street to another knocking at the doors of the houses

asking for alms. Every faquir or beggar had his own unique way of begging, some would

sing a holy verse, or a ghazal of a classical Urdu poet, still others would sing some bujhan

blessing the people in anticipation of alms. Kim was well acquainted with all kinds of

faquirs and beggars, “He knew what the faquirs of the Taksali Gate were like when they

talked among themselves, and copied the very inflection of their lewd disciples” (52). He

also took delight in telling tales about them, “carried away by enthusiasm, he volunteered

to show Lurgan Sahib one evening how the disciples of a certain caste of faquir, old

Lahore acquaintances, and begged doles by the road side…” (160).

In addition to the city of beggars as Kipling perceives it, Lahore was also a

commercial centre, a city of trade and commerce, a prosperous and thriving city. The

traders came to Lahore on business trips from as far of places as the Central Asian cities

and to accommodate those traders many serais had been constructed just outside the gates

of Lahore. Delhi gate was the busiest of all the thirteen gates of Lahore. The merchants

and traders used that gate to enter the walled city. Muhammad Sultan, the famous

contractor built a grand and specious serai outside the Delhi gate where thousands of

travelers would stay along with their camels and horses. In the north of the serai there
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sprang up a bazaar popularly called the Landa Bazaar with shops of concrete verandas in

front of them on either side of the bazaar. Adjacent to the bazaar, Lahore Railway Station

was built which further increased the pace of commercial activities and soon Lahore

became one of the famous commercial centres in the whole Sub-continent. Another serai

called the serai of Dewan Rattan Chand had been built outside the Shah Allam gate. A

distinctive feature of the serai was the construction of a huge water pool in the centre of

it. Traders and grain dealers used to sojourn here. Another philanthropist, and constructor,

Rai Mela Ram built a serai and a palatial bungalow outside the Bhatti gate. Kim mentions

Lahore as a busy manufacturing city with rest houses to accommodate the visitors:

It was his first experience of a large manufacturing city, and the crowded

tram-car with its continually squealing breaks frightened him. Half pushed,

half towed, he arrived at the high gate of the Kashmir Serai: that huge

open square over against the railway station, surrounded with arched

cloisters where the camels and horse caravans put up on their return from

Central Asia. Here were all manner of Northern folk, tending tethered

ponies and kneeling camels; loading and unloading bales and bundles;

drawing water for the evening meal at the creaking well-windlasses;

piling grass before the shrieking, wild-eyed stallions; cuffing the surly

caravan dogs; paying off camel-drivers; taking on new grooms; swearing

shouting, arguing, and chaffering in the pack square. (21)

Kim, therefore, projects Lahore in the last decade of the 19th century and in the first

decade of the 20th as a city of contrasts, beggars, vagabonds, poor Lahoris, the new

emerging commercial class, the English men and the locals, all inhabiting Lahore

producing an amorphous culture of a unique kind. In the novel the walled city is a noisy

city, beggars, some of them are poor and needy and some are professionals, begging,
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clamoring, singing for alms and traders, shopkeepers and their customers are involved in

a noisy bargain. The modern Lahore, on the other hand, is calm and quiet, the roads are

spacious, properly aliened having footpaths for the pedestrians. The buildings on the Mall

Road are built in accordance with the modern trends in architecture and building

designing. This contrast and contradiction between the ancient and the modern Lahore

gives a great shock to the lama on his visit to Lahore. He is also fascinated by the

amorphousness of the city.

Kipling wrote Kim at a specific moment in his career. It was the time when the

relationship between the British and the Indian people had undergone a marked change.

The British had dominated India for three hundred years but now at that time their rule

was beginning to exhibit the increasing unrest which would culminate in decolonization

and independence” ( Suleri 114). The forces of amorphousness of relationship between

the colonizer and the colonized had set in. Referring to the events determining the nature

of relationship between the ruler and the ruled in the Sub-continent Edward Said in his

book Culture and Imperialism says:

In both Indian and British history, the Mutiny was a clear

demarcation…We can say that to the British, who brutally and severely

put the Mutiny down, all their actions were retaliatory; the mutineers

murdered Europeans, they said and such actions proved, as if proof were

necessary, that Indians deserved subjugation by the higher civilization of

European Britain; after 1857 the East India Company was replaced by the

much more formal Government of India. (177)

As a result of the Mutiny of 1857, there occurred a marked and discernable change in the

attitude of both the military and the civil British officials towards the Indians. Suspicion

and hatred replaced sympathy and understanding. The breach between the two
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communities had become unbridgeable. The emergence of the native rapist figure in the

fiction and other stories written after the Mutiny in 1857 is important to note. It indicates

the extent to which the relationship between the colonizer and the colonized had

deteriorated and that the administrative polices and the attitude of the British officials

towards the natives had stiffened to a large extent: “Jenny Sharp (1993) demonstrates that

the dark skinned rapist is not an essential feature at all but discursively produced within a

set of historically specific conditions and that such a figure had become a commonplace

during and after what the British called the Mutiny” (qtd. in Loomba 78). This image of

the native brought a sea change in the existing stereotype; from a mild native into a

savage rapist of white woman. A critical analysis of various reports, memoirs and

fictional narratives of the Mutiny year brings out the fact that the British administration

had been completely shaken and left “without a script on which they could rely” (qtd.in

Loomba 80). Even though there was no evidence of systematic violence of this sort, she

suggests that the “fear provoking stories have the same effect as an actual rape, which is

to say, they violently reproduce gender roles in the demonstration that women’s bodies

can be sexually appropriated” (qtd. in Loomba 80). This lead them to believe that they

should consolidate their authority on the one hand, and on the other, present themselves

as a part of ‘civilizing mission.’ Therefore, “a crisis in the British Authority is managed

through the circulation of the violated bodies of English women as a sign for the violation

of the colonialism” (qtd. in Loomba 80).

In Kim, there is an ‘old withered man’ who rendered yeoman service in the Mutiny2

as “a native officer in a newly raised cavalry regiment and in return of his services

received a good holding in the village” (Kipling 54) as a reward, while recalling that

‘dark year’ says that:

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A madness ate into all the Army and they turned against their officers.

That was the first evil, but not passed remedy if they had then held their

hands. But they chose to kill the ‘Sahibs’ wives and children. Then came

the Sahibs from over the see and called them to most strict account…So

they turned against women and children? That was a bad deed, for which

the punishment cannot be avoided. (55)

So Kipling like a true westerner holds the natives responsible for the Mutiny by

calling it an act of madness, therefore, justifying the brutal punishment they deserved and

received. The War of Independence of 1857 which the British termed as Mutiny, in fact,

started over the issue of cartridges used by the Indian army. It was rumored that the skin

of cow (cow is a sacred animal for the Hindus) and that of pig (pig is haram for the

Muslim) had been used to manufacture the covering of the cartridges which had to be

removed by mouth before its use. The soldiers refused to use such cartridges and rose in

open rebellion at Meerath cantonment against the British commanding officers. Soon it

spilled over to other areas of the Sub-continent. In Delhi the Indians killed the British

officers and made their families hostage. In Delhi and in some other Indian cities the

wives and children of the British officers were killed. Consequently, the British fell upon

the Indians with a vengeance and indulged in carnage, killing them mercilessly.

Although, the Hindus along with the Muslims took part in the war, yet the wrath of the

British fell on the Muslims. Ahmad Ali has drawn our attention to the massacre of the

Muslims in his novel Twilight in Delhi:

And she began to relate how ruthlessly Delhi had been looted by them at

the time of the ‘Mutiny’ and the Mussalmans had been turned out of the

city, their houses demolished and destroyed and their property looted and

usurped by the ‘Prize Agency’; and the city was dyed red with the blood of
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princes and nobles, poor and rich alike who had happened to be

Mussalmans… (143)

Kim brings into focus a very pertinent issue of Kipling’s portrayal of the Indians. Have

they been portrayed as inferior, or as somehow equal but different? For this purpose he

has used Lahore as a locale. Edward Said is of the view that “Obviously, an Indian reader

will give an answer that focuses on some factors more than others (for example, Kipling’s

stereotypical views-some would call them racialist- on the Oriental character), Whereas

English and American readers will stress his affection for Indian life on the Grand Trunk

Road” (163-4). Jan Mohamed in his recent article on colonial fiction, “The Economy of

Manichean Allegory: the Function of Racial Difference in Colonist Literature” has called

Kim a novel aiming at exploring the possibilities of bridging the chasm which sets the

colonizer and the colonized apart. He goes further than this, “We are thus introduced to a

positive, detailed and non-stereotypic portrait of the colonized that is unique in colonist

literature… What may initially seem like a rapt aesthetic appreciation of Indian culture

turns out, on closer examination, to be a positive acceptance and celebration of

difference” (qtd. in Loomba 481). Undoubtedly, the Indians occupy much space in Kim as

compared to other novels written on the Sub-continent under the British Raj and we do

find some derogatory remarks about the white men and that the Indians deserve a fair

treatment. But all this should not lead us to believe that the book reflects the Indian in a

sympathetic light and that the rulers were eager to treat the natives with equality. On the

very first page of the novel, Kim is shown sitting, “in defiance of municipal orders,

astride the gun zam-Zammah on her brick platform opposite the old Ajaib Gher-the

Wonder House as the natives called the Lahore Museum” (Kipling 5). Being white,

though with Irish background, Kim has the privilege and the prerogative to deify the

order or any law to occupy the ‘fire breathing dragon’, the Zam-Zammah as who holds
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the cannon holds the Punjab. He, therefore, is justified in frustrating the efforts of his

Muslim and Hindu playmates to climb up to equal right and claim to the cannon, a

symbol of power and domination, by kicking them off it. Since the British were holding

the Punjab, so Kim had every right to sit alone on the Zam- Zammah, and there is little

possibility of sharing it with the natives. They are always kept at arms length. Kim,

therefore, is determined to safeguard his right to possess the cannon. To Abdullah’s

pleadings to sit on the cannon, Kim’s stern reply smacks of his sense of superiority, “Thy

father was a pastry cook. Thy mother stole the ghi… All Mussalmans fell off Zam-

Zammah long ago” (8). Although, little Chota Lal whose “father was worth perhaps half

a million sterling is also kept at bay,” The Hindus fell off Zam-Zammah too. The

Mussalmans pushed them off” (8). The novel, therefore, from the very outset, establishes

the legitimate right of the white to rule over the natives. The division between the white

and the non-white in the novel is absolute and is of racial in nature: “The division

between white and non-white, in India and elsewhere, was absolute, and is illuded to

throughout Kim as well as the rest of Kipling’s works; a Sahib is a Sahib and no amount

of friendship or comaraderie can change the rudiments of racial difference” (Said 162 ).

“Once a Sahib is always a Sahib…” (Kipling 91). This pattern of power and rule

continued till the time the British had to leave the Sub-continent in 1947. A young

Englishman coming to India to be a part of the much coveted Indian civil service would

invariably consider himself belonging to a specific and inclusive group whose aim and

objective was to have dominance and control over each and every Indian, irrespective of

his social status or class.

It is said that Kipling has displayed great regard for the Indian religions in Kim. Noel

Annan claims that “Kipling…implied that the Indians were as superior to the British in

matters of religion as the British were to them in material power” (qtd. in Willaims 483).
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It is true that the priests in the book have not been portrayed in the positive light as

selfless and dedicated missionaries. Reverend Bennett is even insulted by Kim in the

book and in comparison with the Lama, Reverend Bennett and Father Victor show dearth

of honor and probity. Despite the fact that the Lama is the most sympathetic of all the

holy men depicted in the book, yet “none of the characters seems to have the slightest

qualms about abusing his spiritual quest by turning it into the cover for a counter

espionage mission, and, moreover keeping him in the dark about the fact” (Williams 484).

The book Kim unambiguously establishes the domination and superiority of the white

man over the natives. Even Lama the holy man has to fall back upon a white man, the

curator in the Lahore Museum and later on Kim in his search for truth: “A white- bearded

Englishman was looking at the Lama” (Kipling 11) who then lead him to the main hall of

the museum. The wonder struck lama saw with an air of unbelief the whole panorama of

the world of Buddhism. The curator began with the images of the Christian religion,

setting up the superiority of Christianity over the native religions:

Here was the devout Asita, the pendant of Simeon in the Christian story,

holding the Holy Child on his knee in the legend of the cousin Devadatta.

Here was the wicked woman who accused the master of impurity, all

confounded; here was the teaching in the Deer-park; the miracle that

stunned the fire-worshippers; here was the Bodhisat in royal state as a

prince; the miraculous birth; the death at Kusinagara, where the weak

disciple fainted; while there were almost countless repetitions of the

meditation under the Bodhi tree; and the adoration of the alms bowl was

everywhere. (12)

The museum in Kim, therefore, emerges as a miniature Lahore so far as the religious

amorphousness of the city is concerned. The symbols and signs of various religions which
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the Lahoris possessed are found in the museum. It is also interesting to note how deeply

the lama depends upon the museum curator, a white man, for his search of truth is

symbolized by his giving of spectacles to the holy man. This act of kindness elevates

lama’s spiritual prestige and honor, on the one hand and on the other, legitimizes British

control, domination and benevolence. The white man becomes lama’s guide even in his

own religion. The lama also acknowledges his indebtedness to Kim for the realization of

his spiritual journey and the parable in Chapter 9 of the book which the lama tells also

reveals the fact beyond any doubt that the lama regards Kim as his ‘savior’: “Child I have

lived on thy strength as an old tree lives on the lime of an old wall” (271).

Kim also spotlights Kipling’s views on Orientalism. Edward Said has defined

Orientalism as “ the corporate institution for dealing with the Orient – dealing with it by

making statements about it, authorizing views of it, describing it, by teaching it, settling

it, ruling over it; in short, Orientalism is a Western style for domination, restructuring and

having authority over the orient” (qtd. in Williams 482). So it is concerned with various

strategies of projecting, controlling and dominating the Orient. One of the strategies is to

paint the “Orient and its inhabitants as static, unchanging, incapable of change” (482).

The Orient is invariably conceived and constructed as:

wanting accuracy, which easily degenerates into untruthfulness…His

explanation will generally be lengthy, and wanting in lucidity. He will

probably contradict himself half-a-dozen times before he has finished his

story. He will often breakdown under the mildest process of cross-

examination… The Oriental is irrational, depraved (fallen), childlike,

“different.” (Said 40)

In Kim there are numerous references to the fact that the Indians have been represented

stereotypically. They do not have a proper sense of time: “All hours of the twenty-four
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are alike to Orientals, and there passenger traffic is regulated accordingly” (Kipling 30).

“Even an Oriental, with an Oriental’s views of the value of time, could see that the sooner

it was in the proper hands the better” (26); of motion: “Swiftly – as Orientals understand

speed” (143); of order: “the happy Asiatic disorder” (142); of sound: “he had all the

Oriental’s indifference to mere noise” (141). They are unable to recall or remember the

important dates and years, hardly following the calendar; so the date of birth of the

children or their marriages are invariably associated with some major event or upheaval: ‘

“I do not know; but upon the hour that I cried first fell the great earthquake in Srinagar

which is in Kashmir.”… The earthquake had been felt in India and for long stood a

leading date in the Punjab” (43). They are irrational, superstitious and “gullible in matters

of religion and its cognate, magic” (Williams 484). The Jat in Kim whose child is cured

by Kim reveals this characteristic of the Indians. He is credulous and highly

superstitious. Kim very conveniently presents himself as:

“A most holy man at the temple of the Tirthankers.” “They are all most

holy and most—greedy,” said the Jat with bitterness. “I walked the pillars

and trodden the temples till my feet are flayed, and the child is no whit

better. And the mother being sick too…Hush, then, little one… We

changed his name when the fever came. We put him into girls clothes.

There was nothing we did not do, except—I said to his mother when she

bundled me off to Benares—she should have come with me—I said Sakhi

Sarwar Sultan would serve us best. (Kipling187)

His visits to various tombs of holy saints, the charms and the magic of the Indian holy

men could not cure the child of his fever. Only a few tablets of Quinine which Kim gives

to the boy to take subsides his fever. Indian women had surpassed their men in having

faith in the miraculous effect of charms: “She liked charms with plenty of ink that one
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could wash off in water, swallow, and be done with” (227). The men had their own

remedies or cure of various maladies: “He believed that the dung of a black horse, mixed

with sulphur, and carried in a snake-skin, was a sound remedy for cholera…” (226).

In her article on “Kim and Orientalism” Williams has defined orientalism “as adjunct

of colonial control, is pre-eminently involved in the production of various categories of

knowledge about the ‘native’: historical, linguistic, religious, moral, and political” (486).

This knowledge is reflected in the fixed notions and concepts which the West had formed

over the last so many centuries making the orientalists and their society highly

predictable. It further tells us that they do not have the capacity and intelligence to change

and develop positively. Consequently, this kind of knowledge over the years has formed

some unassailable stereotypes regarding the colonized which also crept into colonial

literature. India in Kim has been painted as eternally untruthful. Interestingly Kipling tells

us that Kim has also been corrupted and infected by this Indian disease: “Kim could lie

like an Oriental” (Kipling 27) and that “Kim found it easier to slip into Hindu or

Mahammedan garb when engaged on certain business” (7). He has also picked up the

unpleasant manners of the natives: “Mechanically Kim squatted beside him,-squatted as

only the natives can, in spite of the abominable clinging trousers” (103). In contrast with

the natives who have the permanent habit of telling lies, “the English do eternally tell the

truth” (141). The image of “Gorah-log (white-folk) or Sahib is the dominant image of the

book: “Kim looked him over out of the corners of his eyes. He was a Sahib in that he

wore Sahib’s clothes; the accent of his Urdu, the intonation of his English, showed that he

was anything but a sahib” (130). “Kim was white – a poor white of the very poorest” (5)

of an Irish background, whose mother “had been a nursemaid in a colonel’s family and

had married Kimball O’Hara, a young colored-sergeant of the Mavericks, an Irish

regiment” (5). It is interesting to note that:

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Along with the working class The Irish were most frequently conflated

with the Blacks by the imperialists as, for example, Lord Salisbury, three

times Prime Minister between 1886 and 1902, remarked that the Irish were

as fitted for self-government as the Hottentots. Both the Irish and the

working class were held to be responsible for the worst excesses of racism,

but they also showed the greatest solidarity with other oppressed groups –

as when Irish people working in Scotland Yard helped Indian nationalists

to smuggle documents. (Williams 494)

Kim, therefore, needs to be educated and reformed so that he must wash himself of his

Indianess in order to become a true Sahib: “They’ll make you a man o’ you, O’Hara, at

St. Xavier’s—a white man an’, I hope, a good man” (Kipling119). A white man,

therefore, is the embodiment of all the good qualities of a gentleman. He is truthful,

civilized, and honest and a true leader of men: “Sahibs never grow old. They dance and

they play like children when they are grandfathers. A strong-backed breeds “piped the

voice inside the palanquin” (218). Kim is sent to the best of all the institutions in India to

learn “all the wisdom of the sahibs” (218) and a great care is taken regarding his

education:

The regiment would pay for you all the time you are at the Military

orphanage; or you might go on the Punjab Masonic orphanage’s list (not

that he or you ‘ud understand what that means); but the best schooling a

boy can get in India is, of course, at St. Xavier’s in Partibus at Lucknow.

(96)

St. Xavier as a renowned institution for its rarefied academic atmosphere and discipline

“looks down on boys who “go native altogether.” One must never forget that one is a

Sahib, and that some day, when examinations are passed, one will command natives”
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(126). His academic record and report at the St. Xavier School, sent to Colonel Creighton

and Father Victor, his patrons who kept a vigilant eye on him, reveals his activities,

performance, interests, punishment and reward at the school. He took keen interest in

mathematical studies and in map-making and also won a prize in these subjects. He also

excelled himself in sports and was a member of the school eleven against the Allyghur

Mohammedan College when he was fourteen years of age. In order to discipline him in

the ways of a Sahib, he was punished “several times for “conversing with improper

persons,” and for “absenting himself for a day in the company of a street beggar” (165).

His academic record is silent after revealing the fact that he passed the elementary

examination in elementary surveying “with great credit” and then was “removed on

appointment” from the institution. In contrast to the image of the Gorah Sahib, Kim

projects the image of the blacks: “What was you bukkin, to that nigger about?” (104) said

the drummer-boy when Kim returned to the verandah:

“I was watching you.”

“I was only talkin’ to him.”

“You talk the same as a nigger, don’t you?” (104)

The word nigger in fact, is a word of humiliation and a mark of disgrace for the

Blacks of African origin and is used to dehumanize them. Father Victor who had been

entrusted with the task of supervising Kim’s education ‘styled all natives as “niggers”’

(108). Fed up with the rigorous routine of instructions in the school, Kim decided to run

away. His abortive effort at escape is immediately reported to Father Victor: Kim “hailed

a scarlet-bearded nigger on horseback ; that the nigger had then and there laid into him

with a peculiarly adhesive quirt, picked up young O’Hara, and borne him off a full

gallop’ (108). This takes us to a very important colonial concept of ‘Negritude’. Loomba

writes, “For Cesaire was also one of the founders of the Negritude movement, which
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emphasized the cultural antagonism between Europe and its ‘others.’ If, in Kipling’s’

words, East is East and West is West and never the twain shall meet’, then negritude

angrily endorsed this conceptual concept” (23). Kim clearly indicates that the gape

between the white and the black, the ruler and the ruled and the colonizer and the

colonized is permanent and unbridgeable: “… once a Sahib, always a Sahib…”

(Kipling109).

It is clear from the text that Kim’s services were hired by the Secret Service for an

espionage mission against the Russians who were hovering over Afghanistan to

undermine the British interests in the Sub-continent. The British espionage system to

gather any information underpinning the British interests in India was rather an elaborate

one: “But recently, five confederated kings, who had no business to confederate, had been

informed by a kindly Northern Power that there was a leakage of news from their

territories into British India” (25). The locals or the natives belonging to various races had

been hired as informers to do the most dangerous assignment of collecting the

information under the guidance and command of Colonel Creighton “of the Ethnological

Survey” (111), “who is a Colonel Sahib without a regiment” (118). He is mysterious and

enigmatic enough to puzzle the people who come into contact with him: “He is always

buying horses which he cannot ride and asking riddles about the works of God— such as

plants and stones and the customs of people” (118). The Survey as a spy network is a part

of overall British strategy of dominating the natives, and the information gathered about

India would place the British in an advantageous position and further consolidate their

position both against the internal threat and the external menace. The whole novel smacks

of spying, “… Mahbub Ali probably spied for the Colonel as much as Kim had spied for

Mahbub Ali…” (118). Even Kim:

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did not suspect that Mahbub Ali, known as one of the best horse-dealers in

the Punjab, a wealthy and enterprising trader, whose caravans penetrated

far and far into the Back of Beyond, was registered in one of the locked

books of the Indian Survey Department as C. 25. I B.Twice or thrice

yearly C.25 would send in a little story, badly told but most interesting,

and generally—it was checked by the statements of R. 17 and M. 4—quite

true. (25)

They had also devised a code language to do the job secretly and successfully: “Send off

those telegrams at once, ---the new code, not the old,--mime and Wharton’s” (41). So it

was through a very effective and efficient system of espionage that the British could hold

the Russians at bay.

It is interesting to note that in Kim Kipling has given us a detailed and graphic picture

of the Indians belonging to various races, castes and communities. He has also described

their peculiar and specific features, habits and customs and dialects. The panoramic

description of India life along with the Grand Trunk Road is really amazing: “All castes

and kinds of men move here. Look Brahmins and chumars, bankers and tinkers, barbers

and bunnyas, pilgrims and potters—all the world going and coming… And truly the

Grand Trunk Road is a wonderful spectacle… such a river of life as nowhere else exists

in the world” (60). Here is a portrayal of the Indians belonging to the known and the

oldest Indian professions, a picture gallery. These professions in fact determine their caste

and role in the society. How exact is the stratification and gradation of the inhabitants, the

hierarchy, the Brahmins, highly respectable religious community, with all the

prerogatives, are at the top and the Chumars, the untouchables at the bottom having no

rights as human beings, living in abject misery and poverty. There are Sikhs, Hindu Jats,

Gorkhas and Pathans, the martial races who were the bulwark in the Indian army which
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served the British Raj to its glory and splendour in various wars within India and outside

it. The British raised the Indian military regiments on racial basis, the Sikh regiment, the

Gorkha regiment, the Dogra regiment and the Muhammandan regiment, each regiment

determined to excel and surpass the other in the display of valour and bravery in the

battlefield. It was considered a matter of honor to serve in the Indian army even in the

subaltern ranks: “My sister’s brother’s son is naik corporal) in that regiment “…There are

also some Dogra companies there “… “My brother is in a Jat regiment” (32-3).

All these characters, the English men, the Irish men, the Hindus, the Sikhs, and the

Muslims with varied social, cultural, religious and linguistic back ground, intermingling,

interacting and commingling together to create what my research discovers and I call

amorphousness. Even the British army of those days of the British Raj is the true

reflection of amorphousness. It consisted of soldiers hailing from disparate and distinct

castes, cultures and creeds speaking different dialects, yet woven into a single unit or

group of British army involved in the Great Game being played by the British with skill,

dexterity and intelligence.

That the Great Game is the dominant theme of Kim is further confirmed by the fact

that the world of the novel is dominantly inhabited by men. It is a masculine world, a

world of masculine potency and energy, a world of adventures, of perilous travels, a

world of intrigues and the world of war:’ “I saw the Jang-i-Lat Sahib come to a bib

dinner. I saw him in Creighton Sahib’s office. I saw the two read the white stallion’s

pedigree. I heard the very orders given for the opening of a great war” (135). Since it is a

world of war women hardly matter; they are rather stumbling block in the way of winning

the Great Game. In comparison with men, Kim, the Lama, Mahbub Ali, the Pathan horse

dealer, Lurgan Sahib, the great Babu and the old Indian soldier, and above all Colonel

Creighton the women are fewer and are debased or unattractive. There are prostitutes,
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elderly widows like the widow of Shamlegh and lusty women who do not have any role

to play in the Great Game, a game only men are qualified to play. The novel, in fact,

portrays a masculine world, a world of trade and travel, adventure and intrigue.

Undoubtedly, the backdrop of Kim is war: “For there is always war along the

border---as I know” (49). The British were determined to fight, no matter how strong the

enemy was to safeguard their vested interests and the preparations had been made: “… I

saw the Jang-i-Lat Sahib come to a big dinner… I heard the very orders given for the

opening of a great war” (135). The British after winning each battle consolidated their

domination over the conquered people not only through a well-planned military strategy

but also through cunning diplomacy and political expediency, but above all through a

well-thought and equally successfully carried out ruthless repression of culture of the

dominated people and also made them believe that the British rule in fact, was a great

blessing for the Indians: “… Gramsci argued that the ruling classes achieve domination

not by force and fraud or coercion and intimidation alone, but also by creating subjects

who ‘willingly’ submit to being ruled” (qtd. in Loomba 29). So they followed a well-

planned strategy to create subjects who willingly submitted to be ruled by introducing an

education system well suited to their needs and requirements, administrative and judicial

system, canal system land reforms, road and railway network and job opportunities. Each

system facilitated and strengthened their rule. The railway and road network made it

possible to deploy the troops on the Northern boarder to check the Russian plan to

infiltrate the Sub-continent, on the one hand, and on the other, to bring under control the

unruly Pathans:

The Lama, not so well used to trains as he had pretended, started as the

3.25 A.M. south bound roared in. The sleepers sprung to life, and the

station filled with clamor and shouting, cries of water and sweetmeat
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vendors, shouts of native policemen, and shrill yells of women gathering

up their baskets, their families, and their husbands. (Kipling 30)

This is a stereotypical depiction of a railway station scene of an oriental city with all

the hustle and bustle, the chaos and confusion, the noise and clarion of women preparing

themselves to leave the train but in the process not forgetting to collect and gather their

children and husbands. In addition to that the talk of the soldiers boasting and bragging

about the heroics of their respective companies in various battlefields, displaying

complete solidarity and comradeship with their companies, and the enthusiasm to serve

the Union Jack even at the risk of their precious lives, unambiguously and unassailably

indicates how successfully the British had motivated the locals to be ruled by a foreign

power and to strengthen its military hold over the conquered land. The train had separate

compartments in accordance with the social status the travelers had, the emphasis was on

the stratification of the Indian society and the hierarchy the British had deliberately

created. The whites had a separate compartment to travel, and then there were first class,

second class and third class compartments. The goods trains were used to carry the

military equipment and soldiers to the war fronts and their number of carriages

outnumbered the passenger carriages.

The British after physical occupation of the land even did not feel satisfied by having

an iron grip over the dominated people and filling their minds with ideas of servitude,

they rather embarked upon a systematic strategy of disfiguring, distorting and destroying

the past of the natives. Pre-colonial history came to be equated with the Dark Ages, the

period of barbarity and savagery. It was also emphasized that the colonizer had come as a

savior to redeem the people from backwardness and that it was only through the colonizer

that the contact with the light of civilization was possible, to the West civilization has

always meant Christianity. King Leopold II of Belgium while addressing a conference in

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Brussel in 1876 on the issue of Africa and the Congo made a very interesting statement.

He urged “to open to civilization the only part of our globe where Christianity has not

penetrated and to pierce the darkness which envelops the entire population” (Hennessy

87). His statement, in fact, epitomizes the western mind with reference to the non-western

and non- Christian world. It was also inculcated in the mind of colonized that if the

colonizer retreats the natives would again be driven back to the forces of degeneration

and bestiality. The British soon managed to disrupt in a spectacular fashion the cultural

life of the dominated people in the Punjab. Its history, traditions and social customs were

tagged as signs and symbols of backwardness and were painted as stumbling block in the

way of progress. The people were pushed toward the periphery and were classed as the

‘other.’ The old patterns of social relationships were transformed and replaced with the

new patterns of social behavior creating hierarchy and stratification of human

relationship. In order to achieve their objectives of colonizing the culture of the Punjab

they created a wedge amongst the natives by promoting and patronizing a part of the

population. Consequently, a reasonable chunk of the people particularly the urban class

assimilated the colonizer’s mentality and began to consider itself culturally superior to its

own people. The social prestige of this elite group was further strengthened and

consolidated by the increase in their social and economic privileges. Following this

strategy the British succeeded in splitting the people apart, consequently, weakened their

culture.

In the rural areas of the Punjab, in the name of land reforms, the British granted land

to those who supported them in their war effort against the Sikhs, Afghanistan and the

local elements. Sardar Mangle Sing Ram Gharya, Sardar Hayyat Khan, the Tawana

family, the Dyya family of Multan, Shah Mahmud khan and his son Khan Karam Khan,

Sarfraz Ahmad Khan who betrayed Ahmad Khan Kharral to the English captain, Sayyad
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Hussein Shah of Battala and his grand son Muhauddin, Mukkdum Shah Muhammad of

Multan are such examples which can be quoted in this regard. Judicial reforms were also

introduced to further strengthen feudalism in the Punjab. In 1906 The Legislative Council

of the Punjab passed a bill granting the feudal lords and sardars the right to nominate their

heir in their life time so that after their death the land should not be divided among their

heirs. Because the division of land would weaken their power and prestige and ultimately

the whole feudal system would degenerate. They were also encouraged to send their

children to educational institutions exclusively established for them. Aitcheson College

was one such institution. They were made honorary magistrates, members of legislative

Councils and the District Boards etc.

The British were aware of the fact that the domination over the people should not

necessarily be gained by physical control only, but they must control the mind as well.

This objective can very conveniently be achieved through the colonial education system.

Kelley and Albach state that “colonial schools…sought to extend foreign domination and

economic exploitation of the colony” They further state that “education in…colonies

seems directed at absorption into the metropolis and not separate and dependent

development of the colonized in their own society and culture.” Such education is aimed

at distancing the colonized people from their own culture and learning structures towards

the colonial ideas of learning. It further expedited the assimilation process. For this

purpose English Literature had been introduced as a subject to be taught at the Indian

institutions: “There were marks to be gained by due attention to … Wordsworth’s

Excursion… by strict attention to plays called Lear and Julius Caesar, both much in

demand by examiners. In these branches--- for which by the way, there were no cramp

books---” (Kipling163-4).
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The guide line had already been provided by Macaulay: “We must at present do our

best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we

govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and color, but English in taste in opinions, in

morals and in intellect” (qtd. in Suleri 122). Thus an amorphous Indian was created, a

product of the dissimilar components, half Indian and half English.

It was, therefore, not a matter of co-incidence that the official machinery in Lahore

and the missionary establishment shared their thinking on the very important issue of

education. The missionaries were already in the business of translating the New

Testament into regional languages to facilitate the process of conversion. Soon there

sprang up a chain of missionary schools at Lahore to expedite the process of the

amorphousness of the native mind. Missionary Society was another prominent institution

where the native Christians were trained for ordination. Thus these missionary institutions

soon brought about a sea change in the culture of Lahore and the city was amorphousized

in terms of western traditions, culture and ideas.

Missionary or colonial education has always been used for social control and to

hammer in the minds of the colonized attitude of subservience towards the colonizer. The

idea of assimilation is also significant so far as colonial education is concerned. It is

through assimilation that the colonized are compelled to follow the cultural patterns and

traditions of the colonizers. Cultural assimilation, therefore, turns out to be a very

effective tool for political control. The colonizer soon realizes that he can control and

dominate the natives effectively not through physical control but through mental control.

In order to accomplish his goal, the colonizer establishes a new educational set up and

school system. Commenting on this new school system, Kelly and Altbach say that

“colonial schools…sought to extend foreign domination and economic exploitation of the

colony” (2). The further say that “education in… colonies seems directed at absorption
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into the metropole and not separate and independent development of the colonized in

their own society and culture” (4). In this way the colonized are driven away from their

own local and indigenous learning patterns and pulled towards the structures of the

colonizers. Ngugi, the famous Kenyan writer while criticizing such education asserts that

it:

annihilates a people’s belief in their names, in their languages, in their

environment, in their heritage of struggle, in their unity, in their capacities

in them. It makes them see their past as wasteland of non-achievement and

it makes them want to distance themselves from that wasteland. It makes

them want to identify with that which is furthest removed from

themselves. (3)

The colonizer further blurs and distorts their history and the colonized are made to

believe that their history is nothing but a bundle of lies and a few savage rituals. On being

colonized, the natives are separated and distanced from their own history. In Lahore, the

aim of the colonial education was, therefore, to repress the local culture and to promote

the cultural hegemony of the colonizer and to produce subjects willing to be ruled by the

British, the kind of species I have already called amorphous Lahoris in particular and

Indians in general.

From 1920 to the partition of India in 1947, there were some significant political

developments and social upheavals which rocked India. Lahore, being a major city, was

not only deeply affected by these developments but also contributed its share in terms of

launching movements of various kinds which brought social, cultural and political

changes of far reaching consequences. Lahore remained violent during these momentous

years. The amorphousness which took place in Lahore during those turbulent and

tumultuous years was of a religious, political and social nature. But it is interesting to
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note that Lahore in those bloody years was not only politically and religiously agitated

but also literary active and creative. If there were political and religious movements, there

were also literary and cultural movements of profound significance. Literary and cultural

societies were formed to initiate debate and discussion on new trends in Literarute.

Literary creativity was a new dimension adding and contributing towards the

amorphousness of the city.

The city was also a locale of confrontation and clash amongst the communities

inhabiting it. The clash and confrontation was pulling the communities apart. Another

significant development was the intermingling of religion with politics which produced a

peculiar kind of milieu where religion was given a free hand to shape and form a kind of

culture, political and social which had made all the major communities conscious of their

separate individuality and identity. This consciousness and awareness once aroused took a

phenomenal and colossal shape and assumed a Frankenstein dimension. Consequently, all

attempts at reconciliation and understanding of issues concerning the major communities

appeared to end in smoke. Lahore hitherto had been successful to maintain its image of

tolerance and co-existence. The city never before ever differentiated its inhabitants in

terms of religion to give importance or superiority to any religious community. In fact it

was their common culture and shared traditions and way of life which was the binding

force amongst the various communities living in Lahore. The saints and Sufis of Lahore

did yeoman service to form and preserve a culture based on love for all. It was a culture

of tolerance and co-existence for all. Their tombs and shrines even today are visited by all

and sundry of various religious communities. And even in their life time people of

different religious and social sects paid homage to them. This kind of liberal and tolerant

culture began to recede when the British began to introduce western concepts, cultural,

political, economic and social. In Lahore the educational institutions established by the
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British had already created a very strong sense of competition amongst the various

communities. There was a cut throat competition amongst the educated class of all the

major communities to secure government jobs. They knew that this would give them

social prestige, power and clout to look after the interests of their respective social and

political groups. The introduction of political and constitutional reforms and the concept

of representative government further divided the Indians and made them conscious of

their separate political identity. To counter the religious efforts of the Christian

missionaries, the natives had initiated some religious and social programmes of

reformation aiming at the purification of their respective religions and cultures. Lahore

being a major city was in the forefront of such social and religious movements. At the out

set the Anjumins, Dals and Sabahs set up in Lahore in the 1920s and 30s claimed to cater

to the cultural, social and educational needs of the Lahori people, but gradually they

turned political voicing the political issues of their respective communities. The three

major communities, the Muslims, the Hindus and the Sikhs were in the grip of fear of

being swept away by the religiously colored culture of their opponents. Consequently,

they began to focus upon collecting arms and receiving physical semi military training.

This led them to clash, both of political and cultural nature. As the wheel of time rolled

on and new political developments at the national level failed to satisfy the Indians, the

desperation and disappointment reflected itself in the form of agitation and violence.

Some sporadic incidents of killing began to take place in which precious lives were lost.

The situation was becoming alarmingly violent and volatile which culminated in the

massacre of the millions of people when the province of Punjab was divided on the eve of

partition of India in 1947.

The First World War (1914 - 18) was a turning point in the history of the Sub-

continent. The Indians were eagerly awaiting their reward for the services they had
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rendered to the glorious victory of the British over their enemies. But instead of their

reward what they received was the notorious Rowtet Act of 1919 and the ruthless

massacre of the innocent Indians who had gathered at the chalianwala Bagh at Amritsar to

register their resentment against it. Lahore had already become very active in the field of

politics and resistance against the British Raj even before 1919:

Taking a leaf from the book of politics of Bengal, some young Lahoris laid

the foundation of a ‘Terrorist Party’ in Lahore. It sounds strange, but it is

true that it was Lahore, after the city of Calcutta, which staged a large

number of demonstrations initiated by the Terrorist Party against the

British Raj. The rebels and the revolutionaries received impetus and

reinforcement from the students of Lahore who turned out to be the

standard bearer of this movement. It was also in Lahore that revolutionary

literature was first printed and distributed. (Tufail 1035)

In the first two decades of the 20th century a large number of famous political leaders

were arrested on different political charges. In fact, Lahore had become a hunting place

for the political activists. Although, the Rashmi Roumal movement was not born in

Lahore, yet the students from Lahore did great services for its success. Eight thousands

were arrested in Lahore and six went to the gallows. Lahore, therefore, had already made

its name in arranging political demonstrations and raising slogans for liberty and the

students of this historic city had already set the examples of rendering great sacrifices for

their motherland. After 1919 various social, educational and cultural organizations gave

birth to political movements of great magnitude. Those who replaced the moderate Indian

leaders to lead the momentous political movements were determined to fight to the last

drop of their blood. They were energetic and highly motivated and Lahore in so many
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ways had become the cradle and fountainhead of such democratic and political

movements having far reaching impact on the people of the Sub-continent. Nevile states:

After the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy and the Rowlatt Act Satyagraha, the

freedom struggle made a great impact upon Lahore. Lala Lajpat Rai of

Lahore, the great orator of his time, became a national leader. In Bhagat

Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev, Lahore gave the nation three of the greatest

revolutionaries who sacrificed their lives for their motherland. (17)

On 23rd March 1931 Bhagat Singh along with his two companions, Rajguru and Sukhdev

were hanged in the Lahore Central Jail in the evening in contravention of the code of jail.

This incident galvanized the youth not only in Lahore but also in the whole of India.

Motivated by the examples of sacrifice of these revolutionaries, infused and charged with

new spirit and enthusiasm the young men and the students of various institutions of

Lahore put more fuel of their blood into their struggle against the British.

The significance of Lahore as a nerve centre of politics in the British India is

highlighted by the fact that all the major political organizations, associations and political

parties held their annual meetings and sessions from 1919 to 1940 in this city. This

further confirms the undeniable fact that Lahore was politically very active in fighting

against the imperialist’s tyranny and contributing a lion’s share towards political struggle

for independence: “It was in Lahore that the Indian national Congress held in December

1929 its historic where full independence was declared as its goal. It was here on the

banks of the Ravi that the youthful Congress President, Jawaharlal Nehru, proclaimed

26th January as Independence Day” (17). And it was in Lahore that the Muslim League

tore the copies of the Nehru Report of 1929 into bits and pieces and threw them into the

Ravi registering their dissatisfaction and dismay very strongly over the question of the

Muslims which the Congress had in a cold and indifferent way neglected and overlooked.
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Muslim League held its first session in Lahore in the fall of----- which was presided over

by the Quaid e Azam and it is very interesting to note that the Quaid e Azam was again

the president of the Muslim League’s annual session in Lahore in 1940 in which a

resolution for a separate Muslim homeland was passed unanimously with unprecedented

political verve and gusto.

Lahore witnessed the birth of some of the major political and religious parties which

not only influenced politics at the national level but also at the Punjab level. It was in

1929 at Lahore that the foundation of the Majlis e Ahrar Islam was laid which originated

from Khilafat Movement (1918-1924). Kamran in his unpublished article, “Activism of

the Puritans: The Politics of Majlis-i-Ahrar” states that “All the individuals who

constituted Ahrar were exponents of the Khilafat Movement in the Punjab during 1920s.

Founding fathers of the Ahrar epitomized the roaring voice of protest and agitation

against the British and pro-British forces.”(P 1) Majlis-i-Ahrar which represented the

sentiments and feelings of the lower middle class, and the downtrodden soon came into

clash with the British and their cronies and associates in the Punjab because they were the

embodiment and exponent of revolutionary spirit and were adamant to throw away the

yoke of imperialism. The imperialist forces, therefore, dealt with them severly crushing

them with all the might at their disposal. The Ahrars were greatly moved by the miserable

plight of the Kashmiri Muslims at the hands of the Doggars, the rulers of Kashmir. They

rendered great sacrifices in men and money for the fight for the just and legitimate cause

of the Kashmirs. Khaksar Tahreek founded at Lahore in 1932, was another party which

was anti British in its stance. Discipline, organization and allegiance to the amir were the

cardinal principles of this organization which apparently did not have any political

ideology but believed in the social welfare of the Muslims and had an elaborate social

program for their uplifting. Physical training on the military pattern was compulsory for
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its members who wore military uniform and carried a balcha as a weapon. Khaksar

Tahreek soon became very popular amongst the deprived and the downtrodden Muslims

as it stood for social justice, freedom from deprivation and tyranny. Its clash with the

British was, therefore, inevitable. The bloody clash between the Khaksars and the police

near Hera Mandi in the walled city on 19th of March 1940 in which more than thirty

Khaksars were mercilessly shot down is one of the darkest chapters in the history of the

British rule in the Punjab.

Side by side with the revolutionary Lahore of the 1920s and 30s there was another

facet of Lahore, the Lahore politically patronized by the British. In the Sub-continent the

British skillfully and dexterously maneuvered to work through intermediaries to rule

successfully and there was no dearth of such royal cronies in Lahore. Given the peculiar

situation of the Punjab and its strategic location, the British managed to create a class of

loyal landlords, Sardars and a good chunk of urban educated class equipped with western

education, ready to serve the British cause at all costs. The Punjab was not only the

granary of India but also its ‘sword arm.’ It, therefore, received special attention. The

British devised and contrived various strategies to combine the rural element with that of

the urban to strengthen their position in the province. Talbot has made a very significant

observation in this regard:

British education policy was another factor in securing loyal allies

amongst the Punjabi Landlords. Aitcheson College was founded in Lahore

in 1886 to provide education for the sons of leading landlords. It restricted

admission to all but a few of province’s rural elite. Its ethos and syllabus

was similar to that of the English public schools, and it provided its pupils

with sense of pride and emotional attachment to the British Empire. (57)
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The efforts of the British to combine the rural loyalists with the urban ones culminated in

the foundation of the Punjab Unionist party in Lahore in the fall of 1923. Founded and

led by “ Mian fazl-i-Husain , a Lahore based lawyer who had risen to prominence by way

of a successful legal practice and involvement in the Anjuman-i-Himayat-i- Islam” (81)

the Punjab Unionist Party successfully promoted the interest of the British by countering

the influence of the revolutionary movements and political parties in the Punjab. The

Punjab Unionist party won landslide victory in the Punjab in the elections held in 1937. It

was openly clamored that its triumph in the elections was the result of the official support.

Its “victory was greeted with satisfaction by the British Officials” (114). The Quid-e-

Azam also alleged that “… The officials of the Government (are) working for them in the

districts and villages” (106).

Lahore during those turbulent years of enormous political upheavals was also a

locale of clash and violent conflicts amongst the main communities inhabiting the city.

There were numerous reasons and factors for such clashes. But the factors which

contributed the most were of political and religious nature. The election politics,

communalism along with a strong desire to safeguard their respective religious faith

against the avalanche of Christianity and the increasing threat of being submerged by the

other religious communities in Lahore led the people to form military wings of their

respective political associations. Even the social groups, set up in Lahore, aiming at the

social restoration, amelioration and the uplifting of the downtrodden people could not

keep themselves away from the infectious and sickening atmosphere of intolerance,

militancy and violence.

Mention may be made of such factions and groups as RSS, Mahabir Dal, Hindu

Sewak Sabha, Arya Pratinidhi, Akal Fauj, Qaumi Khidmatgar, the Azad Hind Volunteer
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Corp, the Hindustan Scouts Association, Muslim League national Guards, Akali Dal.

Jalal has highlighted the anti Muslim stance of RSS:

The RSS was by far the best organized. There was hectic activity between

Lahore and Nagpur. In keeping with all-India command’s designs, defense

committees set up in mohallas were instructed to ‘combat Sikhs’.

Volunteers in Lahore were told that if Troubles broke out, they should

commence stray assaults on Muslims without waiting for further

instructions. (Jalal 481)

Various Muslim organizations, social groups, political and religious parties working in

Lahore unfortunately had their distinct and separate political and social ideologies. There

was a marked difference of opinion not only on the national issues concerning the future

of the Muslims in the Sub-continent but also on the local politics in the Punjab.

Consequently, they seldom agreed on the major issues and their clash did more harm than

good to their community they claimed to serve. The Aharars, the Khaksars, the Unionists

and the Muslim Leaguers, all, were at loggers head over the Muslim problem in India. In

Lahore the clash amongst the Muslim political parties and groups reached its climax in

the elections held in the year 1937. Each contesting party put forward its own political

programme. Since all the major contestants had their main offices in Lahore the city

therefore, witnessed a series of violent clashes in which many lost their lives. The Punjab

Unionist Party won landslide victory in the elections and formed its ministry in the

Punjab by defeating its Muslim and non Muslim opponents, the Muslim League, the

Aharara –e- Hind, Itehad-e-Millet party and the Congress.

Undisturbed and unmoved by the political upheavals and violence in the 1930s, the

literati of Lahore motivated and inspired by the age long traditions of literary discussions

and debates decided to form a literary forum for literary deliberations. Amongst the
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pioneers the names of Sher Muhammad Akhtar and Naseer Ahmad Jami stand out.

According to Sher Muhammad Akhtar:

It was the year of 1930 and I lived near Fruit Market Lahore. One day I

stumbled across Naseer Ahmad Jami in the bazaar who put forward the

idea of having a platform for literary debates and discussions. I agreed to

it. He lived at Laghsmi Mansion (Macload Road) during those days and

the first meeting of the Halqa Arbab-e- Zoq was held at his residence. The

Halqa was named as Bazam-e- Dastaan Ghoyaan. (qtd. in Javaid 38)

Amongst those who attended its first meeting mention may be made of two employees of

the Cooperate Department. They were Abdul Ghani and Saeed sahib. Nasim Hajjazi, the

famous Urdu novelist, read his first short story. This was the beginning of Halqa Arbab-e-

Zoq in Lahore which over the years has become one of the famous literary forums in

Lahore. Almost all the famous writers, poets and men of letters before and after the

partition of the Sub-continent had been associated with this renowned literary society.

Recently Dr. Younis Javad has penned down a monumental history of Halqa Arbab-

e- Zoq entitled as Halqa Arbab-e-Zoq: Tanzeem, Tahreek, Nazria. In this book Dr.

Younis Javad has traced the initiation of the halqa, its development and progress. He has

also mentioned a galaxy of literary stars and stalwarts who glittered on the literary

horizon of Lahore doing yeoman services to the success of the Halqa despite all the heavy

odds. The Halqa Arbab-e-Zoq was not the only literary group active in the field of

literature; the progressive writers who associated themselves with what was then known

as the Progressive Movement of Literature were equally vehement and vigorous in the

propagation of their ideas regarding the role of writer and the function of literature.

Having faith in the idea that art should be for life sake, they embarked upon a program of

exposing the social evils and assigned a significant role of depicting life with all its
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ugliness and grotesque existence. In its essence the movement was a strong revolt against

the old traditions of art and literature which the exponents of the movement considered

dead and obsolete. It had been inspired by a revolutionary spirit to break new grounds in

art and literature. Almost all the literary stalwarts of Urdu Literature of the 30s welcomed

the movement. They spent their literary energies to make this movement a great success.

Of the men of letters who associated themselves with it, the names of Prem Chand, Jhosh,

Hasrat Mohani, Dr. Abdul Haq, Dr. Abid Hussain, Niaz Fathaypuri. Faraq and Sghar

Nazami were prominent.

Although, both the progressive writers and the traditionalists, this name was given to

the writers of Halqa Arbab-e- Zoq by the progressive writers who vehemently opposed

them, were poles apart in terms of literary concepts and traditions, yet they contributed

towards the development of a very rich literary culture of Lahore amidst political chaos

and clash. Living up to its age old literary history and heritage Lahore had excelled and

surpassed other centers of culture, art and literature in the whole of India. Comparing

Cambridge of 1930 with Lahore K.K Aziz states:

Cambridge and Lahore were not very different in their educational,

cultural and intellectual interests. Lahore had been a metropolis since 999

A.D., and a seat of learning and imagination for centuries. No other city in

India could rival it in the variety of its cultural activities, the number of its

colleges, the leadership of its elite in fashion andmanners, the polished

ease with which its social circles moved amongst themselves and civilized

the newcomers, the elegance of its historical buildings, the richness of its

libraries, the number and quality of its newspapers and journals in several

languages, the beauty of its peaceful, tree-lined boulevards, and the

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cleanliness and order of its civil station. So, if Lahore in the 1930s was

politically agitated, it was at the same time literary volatile. (165)

The Second World War saw the British impoverished and languid in terms of political

will and determination to hold India as their colony. The Indians on the other hand, were

resolute to take advantage of Britain’s losses in the war. The Congress on the support and

strength of Mahatma Gandhi had launched Quit India Movement. The Muslim League

under the dynamic leadership of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah responded equally

forcefully and demanded the division of India before the decision of the British to roll

their carpet back to London. The situation was deteriorating rapidly and every effort of

the rulers to hold India in their grip seemed a remote possibility. From the failure of Crips

Mission4 in 1942 to the unsuccessful Cabnit Mission5 in1946 the Indian arena of politics

is a sorry tale of one disappointment on the heels of another. The difference of opinion on

political and constitutional issues amongst the three major communities, the Hindus, the

Sikhs and the Muslims was widening day by day. The possibility of reconciliation

amongst theas communities seemed highly impossible. Fear and mistrust replaced

confidence and honest intentions. India was fast heading towards inevitable historical

disaster and irretrievable and irreparable tragic loss. The highly inflammable political and

social scenario of the 1940s leading to the partition of India and its effect on the major

communities inhabiting Lahore forms the focal point of Babsi Sidwah’s novel Ice-Candy

Man. The year of 1947 is a significant landmark in the history Lahore. The province of

Punjab was partitioned into east and west Punjab.West Punjab along with Lahore was

awarded to Pakistan. Lahore, therefore, had become a border city, exposed and vulnerable

to foreign invasion. According to Talbot, “Partition transformed Lahore and Amritsar

from central economic hubs into border cities” (67). In 1965 war and again in1971 war,
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Lahore bore the main thrust of Indian military might and remained heroically

impregnable.

My research has taken us to the threshold of transition in the position and character of

Lahore from a colonial to a postcolonial city. In the previous chapter we have seen

Lahore assuming an amorphous character under the British Raj. The British ideas,

concepts and theories regarding cultural, political, social, educational, administrative,

judicial systems and their life style had integrated Lahori life with all its variety and

disparity into an amorphous whole. Lahore was a city of disparities, differences, contrasts

and contradictions of all sorts, yet all these elements were combined into what I describe

and call amorphous Lahore.

It was in the 1940s that the things began to take a different turn and the forces of

integration were on the decline. With the weakening of the British hold over the situation,

the partition was round the corner which ultimately came in the fall of 1947, the forces of

disintegration were encouraged to sit in the driving seat. Lahore was fast moving towards

another phase in its history. In the next chapter I would like to pick on Lahore in order to

prove that Lahore remained amorphous in the postcolonial time after 1947. My focus and

emphasis, of course, would fall on Pakistani writers who wrote in English on or about

Lahore.
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END NOTES

CHAPTER TWO

1
The term is applied for the strategic rivalry and conflict between the British Empire and the Russian

Empire for supremacy in Central Asia. The period from 1885 to 1888 was the culminating point of this

conflict
2
Founded in 1872, it was a daily English Newspaper in British India. It was published from Simla and

Lahore untill its closure in 1963.

3
Also called War of Independence by the Indians, began on 10 May 1857 in Meerut when Indian soldiers

of the East India Company’s army revolted against their British officers over the issue of cartridges and

killed several of them

4
In 1942, the British Government sent Sir Stafford Cripps to the Sub-continent with some proposals

regarding the Indian constitution

5
In 1945 the British Government decided to send a Cabinet Mission to India to tackle the political and

constitution crisis of India. The Mission consisted of three members. The plan which was announced on 16th

May 1946 came to be known as Cabinet Mission Plan.

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CHAPTER THREE

Lahore: Transition from Colonial to Postcolonial: Things Fall Apart.

An analysis of Sidhwa’s Ice candy- Man and The Bride.

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‘Bulla Ki Jaana Main Kaun’

Says Bulla, who knows who I am?
I’m not a momin in the mosque,
Or a believer in the false rites.
Not impure among the pure.
Nor Moses or Pharaoh.
Says Bulla, who knows who I am?
I am not in the Vedas or holy books,
Not in drug or wine,
Not in the drunk’s wasted intoxication,
Not in wakefulness nor in sleep.
Says Bulla, who knows who I am?
I am not in sorrow nor in joy,
Neither in piety nor in inequity
I am not water, I am not earth,
I am not fire, I am not air.
Says Bulla, who knows who I am?
I am not Arabia or Lahore,
Nor from India or Nagaur.
Neither a Hindu nor a Muslim from Peshawar
Nor do I live in Nadaum.
Says Bulla, who knows who I am
I do not know the subtleties of religion.
I was not born of Adam and Eve.
I am not the name I assume.
I am not in stillness, nor in movement.
Finally I know only myself.
I cannot recognize any other.
Who could be wiser than I?
Bulla, who then stands here?
Says Bulla, who knows who I am!

(Translated by Bapsi Sidhwa)

The pattern of things amorphousized under the British since the annexation of the

Punjab in 1849 began to disintegrate under the pressure and weight of political, social,

cultural and religious forces unleashed to form a new shape and structure. The cycle of

integration of the similar and the dissimilar under the British domination was increasingly

receding in the face of the avalanche of violent and aggressive cycle of disintegration as

the British were neither feared nor had the desire to continue their rule over India. They

had been exhausted and haggard by the new situation which had emerged after the end of

World War II. The individual features and characteristics of all the major communities in
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India in terms of culture, religion, society and politics became stronger as the foreign rule

weakened. The façade of integration crumbled down and the constituent elements,

individual characteristics and formative forces were fast reverting to their originality. A

new pattern of amorphousness was about to be shaped by the political, social, religious

and cultural forces, forces which were beyond the control of all the leaders of the

communities whose interests were at stake on the eve of partition of the Punjab. And in

this chapter I have selected Bapsi Sidhwa’s works Ice-Candy-Man and The Bride to focus

on the emergence of this new amorphousness that would envelop Lahore.

Fawzia Afzal Khan is of the view that, “Bapsi Sidhwa’s The Bride and Ice-Candy

Man both portray history through the lens of female characters, and in so doing pose a

challenge to the ideologies of Patriarchy and War” (272). At times it becomes difficult to

separate history from fiction particularly when history is already fictionalized. Women

writers seldom write history; they rather create or recreate history through fiction as

creativity comes natural to them. Both the novels not only portray the history of

sufferings and misery of the Indians on the eve of partitioning Punjab but also offer an

insight regarding the growing amorphousness in Lahore. In The Bride much of the action

takes place in Lahore and in the Ice-Candy Man Lahore is the locale. My analysis of

these works would spotlight the amorphousness and not the history of Lahore or the

partition. The novels under discussion in this chapter, in fact, emphasize the political,

social and religious forces, factors and facts which create a new form of amorphousness

manifesting itself when the forces and elements of disintegration succeed in widening the

chasm in social fabric and structure of Lahori society. The calm and quiet of Lahore

always had something creeping underneath its history, something boiling which erupts

and spills over like lava of a volcano, destroying everything which comes its way.
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Ice-Candy-Man is written in the background of Lahore of the 1940s. It describes

Lahore as a locale, tangible and above all historical. The book describes Lahore as it was

perceived by Lenny, polio stricken nine years old girl, just before the partition of the

Punjab and the gory transformation it had under gone when the partition came in the fall

of 1947. The narrator at the very out set of the book gives her readers a description of a

cluster of roads and a space which forms her world and limits her mobility, yet the very

mention of the roads indicates movement and her encounter with the other characters

representing their own world. The narrator is led to their world and experience by her

ayah carrying her in the pram, a journey of learning from a limited space , her home

inhabited by her parents, aunts, cousins and servants, to a bigger world of politics,

betrayal, carnage, parting of ways and disintegration of a social structure. This is the

place where today’s friends turn out to be tomorrow’s foes, where trust in human values

receives a shattering blow and human relationship is nothing but an absurdity, a world

where reason as a tool of understanding life suddenly looks irrelevant and insanity begins

to reign freely.

Ice-Candy-Man highlights a strong relationship between the characters and the

locale; they are rooted in it. The change in the characters corresponds with the change in

the locale as the situation develops from bad to worse on the eve of partition. They are

affected by the political rhetoric and are divided on communal and religious lines. The

peace and calm of the locale is disrupted and the mutual cohesiveness of human

relationship is transformed into enmity. “Evenings dedicated to neighborly brotherliness”

(Sidhwah 60) began to break into a noisy quarrel and brawl. The British were alleged to

bring every kind of evil and disease into India. “… I learnt the other day – there was no

syphilis in India until the British came …’” (61).

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Sidhwa begins her novel with the description of the colonial part of Lahore, a part of

the Civil Station: “My world is compressed. Waris Road, lined with rain gutters, lies

between Queen’s Road and Jail Road: both wide, clean orderly streets at the affluent

fringes of Lahore” (1). And from that clean and orderly part of the city she moves “into

dense bazaars of Mozang Chungi,” (1). Mozang was one of those villages or suburbs of

the walled city, without any facilities available to the people living in the Civil Station

area which the British had planned according to the principles of a modern city. Like

other abadis, it was dusty, disorderly, unclean and the abode of every kind of disease.

The readers are also taken inside the walled city to the famous Hera Mandi where narrow,

dark and stingy streets present a striking contrast to the Civil Station built by the British.

Lahore was known as the city of ‘hundred gardens’ before the arrival of the British.

The writer describes how the city is transformed from a splendid garden to a filthy place

of garbage and refuse, how has it lost its flowers and fragrance. The writer describes a

day break in Lahore:

At the crack of dawn, Lahore, the city known as the garden of the

Mughals, turned into a toilet. Creeping sleepily out of sagging tenements

and hovels the populace squats along alleyways and unpaved street edges

facing crumbling walls-and thin dark stains trickle between their feet

halfway down the alleys. (51)

Although the British had introduced a better sanitary system and the system of drainage

of waste and refuse, yet only the ruling class had the privilege to avail itself of such

modern facilities. This description also indicates the dividing line the colonizer had drawn

to separate the natives and confining them to their areas and space, a city within a city.

The natives were the ‘other’, inferior, backward and uncivilized. The usual practice,
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therefore, amongst the common people was to go into the open to fulfill the demand of

nature and the best time was the early hours:

Cycle bell ringing, Imam Din and I perambulate through the profusion of

bared Lahori bottoms. I hang on to the handlebars as we wobble

imperturbably over potholes past a view of backsides of the dark hue of

Punjabi soil – and the smooth, plump spheres of young women who hide

their faces in their veils and bare their bottoms. The early risers squat

before their mugs, lost in the private contemplative world of their

ablutions, and only the children face the street unabashed, turning their

heads and bright eyes to look at us. (51)

Amongst the forces, factors and ideas which contributed to make Lahore amorphous,

religious ethos played a vital role. And the role of the Muslim saints who preached Islam

to the non-Muslims cannot be underestimated. Hazrat Ali Ahejweri popularly known as

Data Sahib, who accompanied Muhmud of Ghazna to India in the fall of 997, was a

shining star amongst the galaxy of earlier saints who came to the Sub-Continent and

chose Lahore as a platform to preach Islam to the Hindus. His character and untiring

efforts soon bore fruit and the non-Muslims in large numbers embraced new religion,

Islam. So Lahore owes its Islamic color to that great saint. His tomb is situated out side

the Bhati Gate on the road which leads to the river Ravi and visited by thousands of his

followers daily to quench their spiritual thirst. A few kilometers away from the shrine of

Data Sahib and facing the Lahore Fort, is a grand edifice, the famous Badshahi Mosque

constructed by the last mighty Mughal Emperor Aurangzab Alamgir in 1626. The mosque

represents in its simple but grand structural design, the use of red stone and the bulb like

white marble domes, the austerity of its builder and the vision of the Mughal ruler. Along

with the shrine the mosque establishes the domination of Islamic culture on the one hand,
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and on the other makes the people conscious of their roots in Islam and their religious

heritage. It was in front of the mosque in Minto Park on 23rd March 1947 that the Muslim

League passed a resolution demanding for a homeland for the Muslims as they were a

separate nation by virtue of their religion. No other city could have been more suitable for

such a demand than Lahore as it had always been associated with the Islamic heritage. It

has the largest number of mosques, madrasas and the tombs of saints who devoted their

lives to the preaching of Islam. Moreover, the city has also witnessed the Muslim rule for

almost eight hundred years from the appointment of Ayyas by Muhmud of Ghazna after

he had annexed the area, as the first Muslim governor of the Punjab in the fall of 1022

A.D. to 1799 when it was ultimately captured by Ranjit Singh and was made his capital.

The Badshahi Mosque, in fact, is the major attraction of the city of Lahore when the city

is approached from crossing the bridge of river Ravi. The river which during the Mughal

era used to flow just by the side of the mosque and the fort, Aurangzeb had built an

embankment to save these structures from the hazards of its flood, changed its course

gradually away from the city to its suburbs. The embankment and the adjacent areas are

now occupied by the Pathans and the gypsies. They live in shabbily constructed shelters

without any modern facilities of drinking water and drainage system. This area is also a

safe haven for the criminals, thugs and drug addicts. This is another facet and another

dimension of Lahore.

These people come to Lahore to earn their bread and butter leaving their families

behind in the mountains. In Lahore they manage to find some menial work, they are

employed as guards, drivers, and mostly, since they are hardy, laborers in the construction

of buildings. Some of them are seen on the streets sharpening knives and other cutlery

items. They return to their families who keenly await them, after they have sufficiently

earned to meet their necessities of life. Even today, since Lahore has become a
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cosmopolitan city with comparatively more job opportunities for education and health

facilities, people from its suburbs and nearby villages throng the place. There are two

categories of workers who come to Lahore, the one which go back to their homes in the

suburbs after earning their daily wages and the other which stay in the city for a couple of

months as they have come from far of places. Lahore accommodates very generously

such people, the temporary residents, in millions can be confirmed and seen on the eve of

national holidays when they return to their homes and the city gives a deserted look. The

local people call them the migratory birds. One such character in Ice-Candy-Man is

Sharbat Khan:

A particularly pale bottom arrests Imam Din’s attention. The skin is pink,

still fresh and tingling from cold mountain winds. ‘So we have a new

Pathan in town!’ he muses aloud. At that moment the mountain man turns

his head. He does not like the expression on our faces. Full of fury he

snarls and spits at us.’ Welcome to Lahore, brother,’ Imam Din calls.

Months later I recognize the face when I see Sharbat Khan, still touchy and

bewildered, bent intently over his whirring machine as he sharpens knives

in the Mozang Chawk bazaar. (52)

At the Jail Road, adjacent to the Salvation Army dwells Lenny’s “electric aunt and

her adenoidal son” (1). A few yards away to her aunt’s house lives her godmother along

with her husband and slavesister. “This is my heaven. My refuge from the perplexing

unrealities of my home on Waris Road” (1). A couple of furlongs away, the Jail Road

disappears into the busy bazaars of Mozang Chungi and at the further end of the Jail Road

a “canal cuts the road at the periphery of my world” (2). Since she is handicapped, a

polio-stricken child, her mobility is confined to her small world she has described at the

very outset of the book. And her ayah is an integral part of that world, “Ayah is
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chocolate-brown and short. Everything about her is eighteen years old and round and

plump. Even her face. Full brown cheeks, pouting mouth and smooth forehead curve to

form a circle with her head. Her hair is pulled back in a tight knot” (3). She is her true

companion, her chaperon, her consolation in pain and her protector in the world of men.

Lahore, in fact, is also the locale of memories of characters, memories both painful and

happy. The writer very vividly recalls some of her memories and experiences and also

records her reactions to such events which filled her with mixed feelings of pleasant

surprise, shock and pleasure, therefore, equating Lahore with memories of characters.

Despite the fact that her world is limited to traveling on a couple of roads and visiting her

aunt and godmother, yet, it is a world of dreams whose disturbance she minds:

Lordly, lounging in my briskly rolling pram, immersed in dreams, my

private world is rudely popped up by the sudden appearance of an English

gnome wagging a leathery finger in my ayah’s face. But for keen reflexes

that enable her to pull the carriage up short there might have been an

accident: and blood spilled on Waris Road. Wagging hisfinger over my

head into ayah’s alarmed face, he tut-tut: ‘Let her walk. Shame, shame!

Such a big girl in a pram! She’s at least four!’ (2)

Lahore in the 1940s was very much a colonial city where the colonizer was not only still

at the helm of affairs calling shots but also dominating the “other”. The “other” still needs

and requires his superior knowledge and authority to keep the things in order. Lenny’s

physical deformity, her weakness allows the Englishman to be imposing and imperious:

“Now you listen to me…’he lectures Ayah, and prancing before the carriage which has

again started to roll says, ‘I want you to tell her mother…’” (2). After his lecture is over

he disappears as enthusiastically as he had sprung leaving behind him indelible

impressions on Lenny’s mind. Col. Bharucha, a doctor at the Mayo Hospital who treated
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her to cure her deformity is another strong impression on the innocent mind of Lenny:

“Col.Bharucha, awesome, bald, and as pink-skinned as an Englishman, approaches

swiftly along the corridor” (4). Although he was renowned for his competency and

commitment to his profession, yet he imposed a special kind of imperious aura upon his

patients. He possessed queer idiosyncrasies, and would keep in his pockets a mallet, a

hammer and a chisel. Lenny did not like her frequent visits to the hospital which invoked

painful memories of being his patient. She did not like the smell of things in the hospital:

The obnoxious smell grows stronger as a frightening muzzle is brought

closer to my face and mouth. I scream and kick out the muzzle moves

away. Again it attacks and again I twist and wrench, turning my face from

side to side. My hands are pinned down I can’t move my legs. I realize

they are strapped. Hands hold my head. ‘No! No! Help me. Mummy!

Mummy, help me!’ I shout, panicked. She too is aligned with them. ‘I’m

suffocating,’ I scream. ‘I can’t breath.’ There is an unbearable weight on

my chest. I moan and cry. (6)

The city of Lahore also serves as an educating ground for Lenny. It is through her

contact with a cluster of her ayah’s admirers that Lenny learns quite a few things about

the people. Her sojourn on the roads to the queen Victoria’s statue placed in a small

garden in front of the assembly hall on the Mall Road and to her godmother’s place on the

Jail Road also adds to her knowledge about the people:

The covetous glances Ayah draws educate me. Up and down, they look at

her. Sub-handed twisted beggars and dusty old beggars on crutches drop

their poses and stare at her with hard, alert eyes. Holy men, masked in

piety, shove aside their pretences to ogle her with lust. Hawkers, cart-
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drivers, cooks, coolies and cyclists turn their heads as she passes, pushing

my pram with the unconcern of the Hindu goddess she worships. (3)

She “learns also to detect the subtle exchange of signals and some of the complex rites by

which Ayah’s admires co-exist” (19). She “learns of human needs, frailties, cruelties, and

joys. I also learn from her the tyranny magnets exercise over metals” (20). This learning

is the result of her visits to fairs, cheap restaurants and slaughter houses. These places are

frequented by such people as belonging to the lower strata of Lahori society, the clerks,

the coolies, the workers etc. And the fairs are the dens of beggars, thugs, the drug addicts,

etc. Amongst her teachers, her cousin was the one who had revealed to her those things

which no other tutor could have revealed:

You want to see my marbles?’ he asks, and holds out the prettily colored

glass balls for me to admire and touch-and if I so wish, to play with. He

has just returned from Quetta where he had a hernia operation. ‘Let me

show you my scar,’ he offers, unbuttoning his fly and exposing me to the

glamorous spectacle of a stitched scar and a handful of genitals. He also

has clever fingers. ‘You can touch it,’ he offers. His expression is

disarming, gallant. I touch the fine scar and gingerly holds the genital he

transfers to my palm. We both study them. (20)

So Lenny becomes aware of the trickery and skill of men and she also learns to

exploit this to her own innocent advantage. She becomes vigilant, “ I keep an eye on Ice-

candy-man’s toes” (18) and knows how and when to have her own axe to grind: “Once in

a while I pre-empt the big toe’s romantic impulse and, catching it mid-crawl or mid-

strike, twist it. It is a measure to keep the candy bribes coming” (19). Her knowing and

instructive cousin is her great teacher:

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He leads me through wire-meshed doors to the back veranda. He drags a

wooden stool close to the white-washed wall. ‘See this?’ he asks. ‘Put your

finger there and see what happens.’ He jumps down and almost lifts me to

the stool. He is a couple of years older than me. I raised my hand; index

finger pointed and looks down at him expectantly. He nods. I poke my

finger into the small depression and an AC current teaches me everything I

will never need to know about gullibility and shock. Though my faculties

of reason, deduction and logic advance with the years, my gullibility and

reaction to shock remain the same as on the day I tumbled screaming, hair

nerves and limbs spread-eagled, into my cousin’s arms. (21)

The city of Lahore is famous for its peculiar cultural activities, sports, eating habits and

social gatherings. It has been able to preserve its special Punjabi color, signs, symbols and

sounds. “Spring flowers, birds and butterflies scent and color the air. It is the end of

March, and already it is hot in the sun” (24).The Laboris have a special cultural pattern,

social behavior and etiquettes. They have their own way of spending their pastime. In the

evenings in summer they would like to sit on the raised platforms outside their houses for

a gossip. They can also be seen sitting in the parks in the afternoon for a chit chat whose

topic may range from sports to politics, there they play cards or any other game of their

interest; they may also be seen and heard to tell each other tales. Bapsi Sidhwa has very

vividly captured this aspect of the city life in Ice-Candy-Man. This novel gives us a

beautiful and convincing picture of a Lahori family with all its colures and hues, idiom

and traditions. Although they are Parsees, yet they are very much steeped in the Punjabi

culture. It was a tradition amongst the middle class families during those days to hire the

services of an ayah to take care of the small children. And it was also a common sight to

see the children being driven in the prams either to a garden or to their relatives. This
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would relieve the mothers to perform their role more effectively as wives focusing on the

needs of their husbands when back from their work in the afternoon.

Since Ice-Candy-Man is focused upon a middle class Parsee family in Lahore, their

home is a typical Punjabi home situated in Lahore at the Waris Road having the services

of a gardener, a cook, an ayah and other servants housed in the servant quarters who have

their own activities and little harmless games to play and have fun: “A shout, a couple of

curses, a laugh, break away from the hum of voices coming from the kitchen. A then a

receding patter of bare feet…they are after Hari’s dhoti…Yousuf the odd-job man, Greek

profiled, curly-haired. Towers mischievously over Hari. Everybody towers over the

gardener-even the sweeper Moti” (44). In order to witness this funny sight and to enjoy

the show the other characters circle around the servants engaged in the melee. But

certainly there are rules to observe: “but we play to rules. Hari plays the jester-and he and

I and they know he will not be hurt or denuded. His dhoti might come apart partially-

perhaps expose a flash of black buttocks to spice the sport-but this happens only rarely”

(45). Their ethos and idiom, both are typically Punjabi. The parents’ little conversations

in their spare time are interesting and reflect in a light tone, their mutual relationship

based upon love and understanding:

Father stirs in the bed next to ours. ‘Jana?’ Mother says softly, propping

herself upon an elbow. … she calls him Jan: life. In the faint glow of the

night-bulb I see him entirely buried beneath his quilt like in a grave.

Mother hates it when he covers his face as if is distancing himself from her

even in his sleep. She knows he is awake. ‘Jana’ she says again, groping

for his head. ‘Don’t cover your face like that…You’ll suffocate.’ So says

father drowsily… ‘You‘ll be a merry widow. You’ll blow every piece I’ve

saved.’(10)
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The mother does not like this kind of a statement even uttered as a joke in a casual

manner. She is a typical housewife and a mother, very much loving and caring and whose

world is centered on her family, husband and children:

“Don’t say that Jana. Even as a joke,’ Mother says her voice plaintive,

grateful, and husky. She rolls over and molding herself to his back makes

small burrowing, yearning movements. Father turns and lifting the quilt

buries his head in the breast she has inherited from a succession of

bountifully endowed Parsee grandmothers. (10)

Lenny’s father has some particular habits and schedule of work and rest. After having his

lunch he would like to have twenty minute nap, “Not nineteen, not twenty-one, precisely

twenty” (67). He would cover his eyes with a handkerchief and lie down on the bed with

his socks and boots on which the mother would remove and massage his toes, “and with

cooing noises caresses his feet” (67). Some time she would tease him to rob him of his

money and in this robbery Lenny would be her accomplice:

Oye, uloo!’ Father says, rushing after her. It’s not my money, you crazy!

I’ll bring you your house-keeping money from the office. I’ll take only

what I have to,’ Mother shouts, locking herself into the bathroom. ‘I

haven’t even paid Lenny’s physiotherapist yet…I’ve to buy the children’s

clothes for Christmas and New Year.’(Christmas, Easter, Eid, Devali. We

celebrate them all.)’ (69)

So Lahore, from a place where all the major communities celebrated different religious

and social festivals with enthusiasm, harmony and tolerance had been transformed to a

space in the 1940s where these communities had began to doubt and suspect the

intentions of others and where a minority community like the Parsees feels so threatened

and unsecured in the rapidly changing situation as the partition of the Punjab was round
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the corner. As the fate of Lahore was still undecided, hung in the balance, both the

Muslims and the Hindus in cahoots with the Sikhs were laying claims to it as a part of

their respective countries. The situation for the Parsees was really precarious; they had

not only contributed to the progress and prosperity of the city but also had imbibed its

culture. They were doctors, lawyers, engineers, bankers but above all they were

merchants and traders contributing a lions share for the boosting up the economy of the

city. The situation demands sagacity and political expediency. Any decision taken in

haste might put them in deep soup. In their gatherings and meetings they ponder upon to

decide what actions should be taken under the given situation:

I don’t see how we can remain uninvolved’, says Dr Moody… ‘Our

neighbors will think we are betraying them and siding with the English…

‘There may be not one but two-or even three-new nations! And the Parsees

might find themselves championing the wrong side if they don’t look

before they leap! (37)

Lahore has also been seen as a place of immigrants. Different communities have

been coming to Lahore in different times of history from the arrival of the Aryans to the

British. The city has absorbed them and as a result of their social interaction and

integration a heterogeneous culture had come into existence. This cultural harmony is

reflected in the traditions, festivals, social patterns, and even in the architecture of the city

of Lahore. With the partition fast approaching cracks began to appear and the

communities inhabiting the city began to think in terms of their religious and communal

identity and survival. The Parsees who had come to the Sub-continent during the Mughal

rule soon acclimatized themselves with the new climate and situation: “‘when we were

kicked out of Persia by the Arabs thirteen hundred years ago, what we did? Did we shout

and argue? No! roars the colonel, and hastily provides his own answer before anyone can
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interrupt. ‘We got into boats and sailed to India!’” (37). And got themselves settled in

Bombay, Calcutta, Karachi, Lahore etc. In the wake of new situation once again they

reflect upon various options. Some of the Parsees suggest that they should migrate to

Bombay where there is a strong Parsee community. This would give them a sense of

security and belongingness. Colonel Bharucha opposes this suggestion by referring to the

fact that they have always prospered under the Muslim rule: ‘we prospered under the

Muslim Moguls didn’t we?’ scolds Col. Bharucha. ‘Emperor Akbar invited Zarathushti

scholars to his darbar: he said he’d become a Parsee if he could…’ (40).

Lahore in the 1940s began to present the picture of a city which was politically

agitated and religiously and ethnically divided. It was the beginning of the parting of

ways. The tense political atmosphere had deeply affected the people creating an

unbridgeable chasm amongst them. The politics had crept into the drawing rooms of the

people and was a common topic of their discussion and debate. Gandhi had launched Quit

India Movement asking the British to leave India to the Indians. India was already

passing through a political chaos, the political situation was deteriorating rapidly and the

civil war seemed imminent. The departure of the British would mean that the Muslims

would be at the mercy of the Hindus who were in majority and were sure to rule India

unchallenged once they saw the back of the British. The Muslims had responded equally

forcefully and demanded that the British should first divide and then quit. On 23rd March

in 1940 the Muslim League at Minto Park, where Minar-i-Pakistan now stands, passed

Lahore Resolution, later came to known as Pakistan Resolution, vehemently claiming a

separate home land for the Muslims in those parts of the Sub-continent where they

formed majority. This aspect of the city of Lahore is very vividly and realistically

captured in the Ice-Candy-Man by Bapsi Sidhwa.

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It is through the conversation of the characters of the novel that we learn of the

political amorphousness of the events leading to the inevitable partition of the Sub-

continent, on the one hand, and on the other, increasingly divided Indian community on

the ethnic and political lines. The novelist very dexterously portrays the change in the

political scenario through the shift of topics of the conversation of the characters

involved. Before the deterioration of the political situation the ardent admires of Ayah

reflect upon the Second World War: “Characteristically, the Ice-candy-man starts by

giving us news of the world. The Germans, he informs us, have developed a deadly

weapon called the V-bombs that will turn the British into powdered ash” (28). But when

the political situation begins to develop from bad to worse, Ayah’s worshippers become

bitterer and are even determined to cut one another’s throats. Sidhwa observes:

You’re what? Only four million or so?” asks Masseur. “And if half of you

are in Pakistan, and the other half in India, you won’t have much clout in

either place.” You don’t worry about our clout!” says Sher Singh

offensively. “We can lookout for our self…You‘ll feel our clout all right

when the times come!” “The British had advised Jinnah to keep clear of

you bastards!” says the butcher just as offensively. “The Angrez call you a

“bloody nuisance”!” We don’t want to have anything to do with you

bastards either,” roars the puny Sikh, sounding more and more like the

tiger in his name... “Once the line of Division is drawn in the Punjab, all

Muslims to the east of it will have their balls cut off!” (129-30)

With the partition fast approaching the cracks in the unity of this motley group begin to

manifest themselves and they become violent. Even the household of Lenny is infected by

this violence. The Hindu gardener Hari is an easy target of humiliation and torture:
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Yousaf is twirling his plume of hair and tugging at it as if he’s is trying to

lift him. I feel a great swell of fear for Hari: and a surge of loathing for his

bodhi.Why must he persist in growing it? And flaunt his Hinduism? And

invite ridicule? and that preposterous and obscene dhoti? Worn like a

diaper between his stringy Legs- just begging to be taken off! (117-18)

Things begin to fall apart, and the atmosphere of mistrust and hatred gets intensified.

The characters increasingly use such language as smells of violence and murder as

incidents of sporadic killing and stabbing become a daily occurance.The atmosphere is

really frightening and noisy; all is set for a bloody dance of death:

The Sikhs milling about in a huge blob in front wildly wave and clash their

swords, kirpans and hockey-sticks, and punctuate his shrieks with roars:”

Pakistan Murdabad! Death to Pakistan! Sat Siri Akaal! Bolay se

nihaal”and the Muslims shouting: So? We’ll play Holi-with their blood!

H-o-o-li with their blo-o-o-d!” (134)

With the ethnic and religious rift widening, a pack of “goondas” burst in Lenny’s house

looking for the Hindu Ayah. Everyone in the house smelled a rat, they were after Ayah.

Imam Din endeavored in vain to disperse them. They were adamant and furious burning

with rage and revenge: “The men’s eyes, lined with black antimony, rake us…A

hesitancy sparks in their brash eyes when they look at our mother” (179). They were bent

upon abducting her at any cost. The Ice-candy-man stepped forward and lured Lenny to

come out with the truth: “Ice-candy- man is crouched before me. “Don’t be scared, Lenny

baby,” he says. “I am here.” And putting his arm around me he whispers, so that only I

can hear, “I’ll protect Ayah with my life! You know I will…I know she’s here. Where is

she?” (182). Having unassailable confidence in him, she reveals her whereabouts and

instantly realizes that “…I had betrayed Ayah” (182). The goondas burst in and dragged
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her out threw her into the cart in front of the shocked Lenny’s household: “The last thing

I noticed was ayah, her mouth slack and piteously gaping, her disheveled hair flying into

her kidnapper’s faces, staring at us as if she wanted to leave behind her wide open and

terrified eyes” (184).

After ayah had been abducted, a frantic search for her begins. They look for her

everywhere in Lahore, trying to ferret her out from the bowels of the earth. The search

took Lenny’s mother to a notorious locality of Lahore called Hera Mandi, a place

inhabited by women of dubious character and reputation:

The Mogul princes built Hira Mandi – to house their illegitimate offspring

and favorite concubines,’ says Ice-candy- man, speaking with less

assurance than before. ‘But you know our world … who cares for

orphans? Each Emperor provided only for his own children, and neglected

the sons of his father. The boys became musicians, singers and poets.

Royal indulgences – in those days at least.’ girls, left to fend for

themselves, danced, and themselves became royal concubines (246).

Hira Mandi has been named after a nobleman who was fond of wine and women.

Commonly called Tibbi and the red light area, it is situated in the walled city and is the

greatest of all the attractions in the city. All and sundry, the young and the old, the sahib

and the servant, the married and the unmarried, all frequent that place. When the evening

falls, Hira Mandy comes to life with its glitter and glow. The music is soft, the laughter is

audible and the young girls with heavy make up on their faces are prepared to lure men to

a carpeted dancing floor with cushions and bolsters artistically arranged in the dim

romantic light of a chandelier. The room with its fragrance and atmosphere cast a spell

over the visitors and take them into a world of pleasure and fun, a fantasy world, a fairy

land. Although, now Hira Mandy is usually associated with one of the world’s oldest
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professions, prostitution, yet originally, during the Mughal times the courtesan’s home

was essentially associated with culture, and the nobility as a custom would send their

young ones to her home to learn etiquettes and gentle manners. Some of the singing girls

were extremely cultured and highly skilled in music, poetry and dance. They found their

way to the royal court and enchanted the nobility with their enthralling and bewitching

manners. It was with the arrival of the British and the decline of the old nobility that Hira

Mandy lost some of its luster, but the newly emerged princely states in the British India

and the landed gentry of the Punjab somehow managed to patronize it. Later on the

businessmen and the rich merchants also joined their ranks and the red light area began to

thrive. It was a status symbol and a mark of high social rank to arrange for a mujra on the

eve of such functions as marriage and the birth of a boy. Hira Mandy has also been a

recruiting place for the female singers and artists for cinema in Pakistan after 1947. Since

they are already good singers, dancers and possess rhythmical bodily gestures, so it is

convenient for them to display their talents in the art of acting in the movies and on the

stage: “The Shahi Mohalla has made tremendous contribution to the art of acting and

dancing. Just as most professional singers of both classical and popular music are

associated with Shahi Mohalla, or similar tradional bazaars, so are almost all female

actresses and some of the male actors of the film industry”(Saeed 142). It was after 1977

when an elaborate programme of purifying and correcting the Pakistani society of all kind

of corruption was initiated the singing and the dancing girls were ordered to put their

shutters down. Consequently, they had to vacate the Hira Mandy and its vicinity. They

spread out to the posh areas like Gulberg, Cantt and Defense Housing Society. Hera

Mandi was one area where the fallen women or lost girls could be discovered. Keeping

this in view Leny’s mother ransacked the red light area and ultimately, her efforts bore

fruit and she succeeded in locating the aya there. Ayah comes “teetering on high heels,
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tripping on the massive divided skirt of her garara, jangling gold bangles” (Sidhwa 259).

She had been given a new name, Mumtaz, a new religion, Christianity, a new identity and

a new role, the role of a singing girl and a prostitute in the society. The change in her

even shocked Lenny:

Where have the radiance and the animation gone? Can the soul be

extracted from its living body? Her vacant eyes are bigger than ever: wide-

opened with what they’ve seen and felt;wider even than the frightening

saucers and dinner plates that describe the watchful orbs of the three dogs

who guard the wicked Tinder Box witches’ treasures in underground

chambers. Colder than the ice that lurks behind the hazel in ice-candy-

man’s beguiling eyes. (259)

Ice-candy-man is also a combination of many dissimilar traits and qualities. He may also

be called a sedimentary character, a character of so many layers, an amorphous character.

He has the knack and skill of changing his character and role. He is an ice-candy-man, a

bird seller, a pimp and a poet: “For Ice-candy-man is acquired a new aspect—that of a

moonstruck fakir who has renounced the world for his beloved: be it woman or God”

(270).

It through the converstion of the characters in the novel that we learn that the British

government had set up a Boundary Commission headed by Sir Radcliff, a retired British

judge to deal with the demarcation of boundary between India and Pakistan. He had never

set foot in the Sub-continent before. He was given an assignment to divide and demarcate

the boundaries of the province of Bengal and the Punjab, which would decide the fate of

millions of human beings: “Playing British gods under the ceiling fans of the Falettis

Hotel – behind Queen Victoria’s garden skirts – the Radcliff Commission deals out

Indian cities like a pack of cards. Lahore is dealt to Pakistan, Amritsar to India. Sialkot to
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Pakistan. Pathankot to India” (140). With the announcement of the decision of the

Boundary Commission on 17 August, 1947, popularly known as the Radcliff Award came

a new wave of massacre of innocent and helpless people on either side of the line .Some

areas with a heavy Muslim population were awarded to Bharat:

So Gurdaspur’s gone to India after all,” says the zoo attendant, shaking his

turbaned head. Shush! Says the Government House gardener, cupping his

hand behind his hoary ear to listen better. The radio announces through the

crackling: “There have been reports of trouble In Gurdaspur.The situation

is reported to be under control.” “Which means there is uncontrollable

butchering going on in Gurdaspur,”says the gardener flatly, reflecting the

general opinion. (148)

His commentary upon the bloody state of affairs proves true when “a train from

Gurdaspur has just come in,” he announces, panting: “Everyone in it is dead. Butchered.

They are all Muslims. There are no young women among the dead! Only two gunny-bags

full of women’s breasts”! (149). Such incidents added fuel to the fire. The news of

ruthless and mindless extermination of the Muslims of Gurdaspur, Ferozepur, Ludhana,

Ambala, despite the fact that these areas were Muslim majority areas, had been awarded

to Baharat, reached Lahore. Their inclusion into Baharat came as a great shock. It is also

said that the bereaved Muslims of Amritsar sent bangles to the Muslims of Lahore as a

token of their cowardice and also to encourage them to take revenge of the heavy losses

in men, women and money they had suffered at the hands of the Sikhs. It was sufficient

enough to ignite the riots in Lahore. Burning with the desire of revenge they fell on the

non-Muslims of Lahore like hungry wolves ransacking their houses and putting them on

fire. Their houses were looted and even the small pieces of furniture were taken away.

The killing of a solitary wanderer into each other’s locality became the order of the day.
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Soon the sporadic killing was given up and a planned strategy of clearing Lahore of the

profane presence of the Sikhs and the Hindus was evolved as they were adamant to

entrench themselves in the city of Lahore hoping that they might carry the day in the end.

They had fortified themselves in their areas in the walled city particularly in the vicinity

of the Shalmi Gate where they outnumbered the Muslims and above all it was the centre

of their trade and commercial activity.

The battle of Lahore had begun; it was a battle to see who rules the city. True to its

history, Lahore was once again a battle ground, a city of fire and smoke, carnage and

bloodbath. Its inhabitants inside the city, the Hindus and the Sikhs were pitted against the

Muslims and were engaged desperately in a struggle to hold their own. This time they had

not come from across the mountains of Khyber like the army of Muhmud of Ghazna who

came down upon the city like a thunder storm in the year of 1022 A.D. and besieged the

walled city for three days compelling its ruler Jaypaul to give way. After three days of the

siege, his army managed to break the wall from the side which today is called the Mori

Gate and Lahore burnt for three days after it had been ransacked thoroughly. This time

they were the inhabitants of the same city who had put up with their neighbors for

centuries. On this occasion, both the Muslins and the non-Muslims were led not by their

military generals but by their political leaders arousing the feelings of intense hatred by

their fiery speeches and melodramatic actions. It was a battle to take revenge of the

barbarities inflicted on their brethren in the east of the Punjab where most heinous and

shameless crimes had been committed, unparallel in the history of mankind. The gory

drama had started and the audiences were there to watch and appreciate the skill and

precision of human action. One of the leading actors of the tragedy takes the centre stage:

…, and Master Tara Singh, in a white kurta, his parted beard bristling on

either side of his face, appears on the top steps of the Assembly Chambers.
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I see him clearly. He has a rifle slung from his back and his chest is

swathed in leather bands holding bullets. Tight white pyjamas hung his

ankles like bangles; bands round his waist hold a pistol and daggers. He

gets down to business right away. Holding a long sword in each hand, the

curved steel reflecting the sun’s glares as he clashes the swords above his

head, the Sikh solider-saint shouts: “We will fight to the last man! We will

show who will leave Lahore! Raj karega Khalsa, aki rahi na oi!” (133- 34)

Master Tara Singh very much resembling a melodramatic character, loud and noisy, later

on a common sight in the Punjabi movies made in Lahore, gave the lead. His community

responded by brandishing their kirpans foreshadowing the bloody future events, the

spilling of blood on the roads of Lahore, drenching the city in blood. The Muslims were

determined to give them a spirited reply and smoke them out of their hiding places. This

year, the Muslims claimed that they too would play Holi, Holi the Hindu festival in which

colored water and powder is splattered on the participants, but with the blood of the

Hindus and the Sikhs. The situation was tense and any spark could explode the whole

situation igniting the blood bath of innocent people on either side of the boarder.

Unfortunately, neither the political leadership of the Indians nor the civil administration

in the province of the Punjab had realized the gravity of the situation. Rather the collapse

of the administrative machinery to tackle and handle the crisis had added fuel to the fire.

Granted that, the crisis were of great magnitude and that the British had never confronted

this volcanic like situation before, nevertheless, they did not prove equal to the task and

allowed the situation to take a terrible turn right under their nose. The fact was that they

tarried and were tardy to take effective measures to deal with the situation which was

increasingly slipping out of their control. The truth of the matter is that after the Second

World War the British had neither the desire nor the power and the resources to govern
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such a vast colony which had served their interests for the last one hundred years or so.

Now their interest lied in saving their skin rather than in saving their honor. They were all

prepared for a shameful flight from India leaving their most beloved colony to its tragic

fate. The political leadership of the ill-fated Indians, on the other hand, was interested in

safeguarding the interests of their respective communities. Consequently, the break down

of the law and order situation encouraged the people to indulge themselves in a grim and

grisly game of fire and blood. The stage was set and the city of Lahore was about to

witness a bleak and dismal drama of gory actions and deeds: “And indeed the skyline of

the old walled city ablaze, and people splitting each other with blood! … ‘wait till you see

Shalmi burn!’ And pointing out landmarks from the crowded tenement roof: ‘That’s

Delhi gate … There’s lohari gate … There’s Mochi Darwaza …’ (134). So there it was

the old walled city, the city of twelve gates, the abode of Hazrat Data Ganj Buxh, a city

where the Badshah-i Mosque stands with all its glory of Islam, where the Muslims had

ruled for eight hundred years, a cradle of culture and civilization to whose development

even the non-Muslims had contributed, at that particular moment in history stood

transformed into a ghostly city of smoke and fire:

Suddenly a bosse of sweating English tummies, wearing only khaki shorts

and boots, runs up in the lane directly below us. And on their heels a mob

of Sikhs, their wild long hair and beards rampant, large fevered eyes

glowing in frantic faces, pours into the narrow lane roaring slogans

holding curved swords, shoving up a manic wave of violence that sets

Ayah to trembling as she holds me tight. A naked child, twitching on a

spear struck between her shoulders, is waved like a flag: her scream less

mouth agape she is staring straight up at me. I want to dive into the bestial

creature clawing entrails, plucking eyes, tearing limbs, gouging hearts,

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smashing brains: but the creature has too many stony hearts, too many

sightless eyes, deaf ears, mindless brains and tons of entwined entrails …

And then a slowly advancing mob of goondas: packed so tight that we can

see only the top of their heads. Roaring: ‘Allah-o-Akbar! Yaaa Ali!’ and

‘Pakistan Zin-dabad!’ (134-5)

So both the communities, the Sikhs and the Muslims were engaged in a bloody war, like

wild and furious animals they were tearing, gnawing, and cutting each other’s throats.

Their eyes were wild and red like burning embers; mad with rage they had no mercy even

for the innocent and the weak, no milk of humanity. They were the incarnation of evil, the

demons of darkness and the heralds of mindless death. Raising slogans at full throat,

brandishing their naked weapons, they gave the impression of the procession of death, a

death march, filling the atmosphere with horror:

The terror the mobs generate is palpable – like an evil, paralyzing spell.

The terrible procession, like a sluggish river, flows beneath us. Every short

while a group of men, like a whirling eddy, stalls – and like the widening

circles of a treacherous eddy dissolving in the mainstream leaves in its

centre the pulpy red flotsam of a mangle body. (135)

The game of death was being played with great precision; the victims were picked with

great skill and killed with merciless speed. Amongst the spectators only the stone hearted

bore the sight of carnage, the river of blood, the blinding glow and clash of swords,

daggers and kirpans. The processionists are milling about two jeeps pushed back to back.

They come to a halt:

The men in front of the procession pulling ahead and the mob behind

banked close up. There is a quickening in the activity of the jeeps. My eyes

focus on an emaciated Banya wearing a white Gandhi cap. The man is

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knocked down. His lips are drawn away rotting, paan-stained teeth in a

scream. The men move back and the small clearing I see his legs sticking

out of his dohoti right up to the groin – each thin, brown leg tied to a jeep

… (135)

Here we have a narration, a commentary on the terrible deeds performed in the

most merciless and cold manner. It is a scene of hunting, a sight of pain and agony, the

hunting of men not animals. How indifferent and cruel to human pain and misery are the

hunters and how helpless and wretched are the hunted! The precision of narration of death

matches and exactly corresponds with the precision of killing. The killing is an art and so

is the narration and human beings are experts in both the arts. Lahore is red as it is soaked

with the blood of the innocent people. It was just like a sacrificial animal lying on the

earth after its throat had been cut, bleeding. The city has yet to witness more:

Look!’ shouts the butcher. ‘Shalmi’s started to burn!’ We rush to the

parapet. Tongues of pink flame licks two or three buildings in the bazaar.

The flames are hard to spot: no match to the massive growth of brick and

cement spreading on either side of the street. ‘Just watch. You’ll see a

tamasha!’ says Ice-candy-man ‘Wait till the fire gets to their stock of

arsenal!’… The walls and balconies of a two-storey building in the

centre of the bazaar bulge and bulge. Then the bricks start slowly

tumbling, and the dark slab of roof caves into the exploding furnace… the

entire rows of buildings on both sides of the street ignite in an incredible

conflagration. Although we are several furlongs away a scorching blast

from a hot wind makes our clothes flap as if in a storm. (136-7)

So Lahore burnt and burnt for several weeks, a city of ‘hundred gardens’ had been

transformed into hell, inferno, a cradle of civilization was now a city of burned bricks and
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ashes, an aava. Everything melted, and crumbled into the furnace, into the flames. Along

with the buildings the fire burnt the old social fabric, the cultural patterns and the ages old

human relationships. The flames licked and engulfed everything that came their way. Out

of the ashes of the old city there would emerge a new city, a new Lahore the capital city

of the Punjab, a province of Pakistan, a country created in the name of Islam.

Since the locality of Shalmi, a bustling market of all kinds of goods, was the

commercial centre of the Hindus, it must be captured at all cost. The fall of Shalmi would

herald the end of the Hindu resistance and the triumph of the Muslims and the inclusion

of Lahore in Pakistan. The Hindus had stockpiled weapons in Shalmi to keep the city

under their possession:

The Hindus of Shalmi must have piled a lot of dynamite in their houses

and shops to drive the Muslims from Mochi Gate. The entire Shalmi, an

area covering about four square miles, flashes in explosions…I stare at the

tamasha, seized by the spectacle. It is like a gigantic fireworks display in

which stiff figures looking like spread-eagled stick-dolls leap into the air,

black against the magenta furnace. Trapped by the spreading flames the

panicked Hindus rush in droves from one end of the street to the other.

Many disappear down the smoking lanes. Some collapse in the street.

Charred limbs and burnt logs are falling from the sky. (137)

The city assumes a new meaning, a theatre of cruelty; the scene once again changes

and presents the picture of smoke and fire. The whirlwind of fire wrapped human life. It

begins to burn; human beings of flesh and blood transformed and congealed into coal and

tar and their charred bodies begin to fall like burnt black birds from the sky. The heartless

spectators were there to appreciate the bleak tamasha. A similar tamasha was being

played on the other side of the Punjab. In the villages of the East Punjab, the Sikhs were
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busy in ethnic cleansing, driving the Muslims to the other side of the river Ravi through

sword and fire. Once again the women had to bear the burnt of physical violence. It is

through the voice of Ranna, a ten year old boy that we learn of some of the horrendous

crimes ever committed against women in the village of Pir Pindo:

He heard a woman cry, Do anything you want with me, but don’t torture

me…For God’s sake, don’t torture me! And then an intolerable screaming.

‘Oh God!’ a man whispered on a sobbing intake of breath. ‘Oh God, she is

the mullah’s daughter! The men covered their ears- and the boy’s ears –

sobbing unaffectedly like little children. (200)

Little Ranna who had witness the animal inside man, was in search of his mother hoping

that she might be alive, reaches the mosque of the village to witness women being

subjected to unimaginable humiliation :

Stop whimpering, you bitch, or I’ll bugger you again!” a man said

irritably. Other men laughed. There was much movement. Stifled

exclamations and moans. A woman screamed, and swore in Punjabi. There

was a loud cracking noise and the rattle of breath from the lungs. Then a

moment of horrible stillness. (203)

Even the stillness was a witness to the crimes being committed against women so

shamelessly. Fortunately or unfortunately, those who somehow survived the mindless

cruelty managed to reach safe haven in Lahore. The city once again was transformed into

a new place; again Lahore was beginning to change, and true to its character provided

shelter and refuge to the millions of people coming to Lahore from across the border

crossing the river of blood and fire. They were helpless, miserable and wretched. They

inhabited the houses vacated by the real occupants who had to flee their houses as a result

of the partition of India and Lahore being in Pakistan. Before they could occupy the
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vacant houses, the people in Lahore had taken full advantage of the disorderly situation

and began to ransack and loot the unoccupied buildings:

The first wave of looters, in mobs and processions, has carried away

furniture, carpets, utensils, mattresses, clothes. Succeeding waves of

marauders, riding in rickety carts, have systematically striped the houses of

doors, windows, bathrooms fittings ceiling fans and rafters. Casual

passers- by, urchins and dogs now stray into the houses to scavenge amidst

spiders’ web and deep layers of dust, hoping to pick up old newspapers

and cardboard boxes, or any other leavings that have escaped the eye and

desire of the preceding wave of goondas. (176)

The vacated houses gave the impression of a deserted place, the ghost houses as if they

had never been inhabited by human beings. Their owners must have built them in

accordance with their desires and dreams. The idea of vacating them in such panic,

leaving their belongings behind, would never have crossed their minds. The unattended

gardens and green pastures of the houses gave a terrible look:

Rose-Peter’s compound and in the gaunt looted houses opposite ours,

untended gardenia hedges sprawl grotesquely and the lawns and flower

beds are overrun with weeds. There are patches of parched cracked clay in

which nothing grows. Even the mango and banyan trees look monstrous,

stalking the unkempt premises with their shadows. (176)

After the departure of the original occupants the houses displayed the signs of decay and

decadence. “It is astonishing how rapidly an uninhabited house decays. “ There are cracks

in the cement floor of the Singh’s annexe and big patches of damp on the walls. Clouds of

mosquitoes rise in dark corners and lizards cleave to the ceilings. It looks like a house

pinning for its departed-haunted-…” (176). The new occupants were strangers both to the
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city and to the houses they were allotted to live. They had reached Lahore in a very

wretched condition witnessing on their way to their new destination, the unspeakable

massacre and bloodbath. They had also witnessed the physical torture inflicted on their

womenfolk with ruthless barbarity and alacrity; they were also witness to the unspeakable

rituals of rape of women performed so shamelessly and stone heartedly that the human

history has no parallel to these acts of savagery. So they came to Lahore frightened and

terrified, carrying with them painful memories of what had happed to them:

Months passed before we see our new neighbors. Frightened, dispossessed,

they are coping with grief over dead kin and kidnapped womenfolk.

Grateful for the roof over their heads and the shelter of walls, our

neighbors dwell in shadowed interiors, quietly going about the business of

surviving, terrified of being evicted. (176)

So with the partition and the exodus of the non-Muslims from Lahore, the city changed

its color, character and outlook. The change was also demographic, which brought new

people with distinct habits and character to the city in millions. They were refuges and

belong to the same religion, Islam. Gone was the heterogeneous cultural element, a

mixture of Hinduism, Sikhism and Islam. This cultural homogeneity was the outcome of

interaction amongst varied communities spreading over several centuries.

Lahore before the partition of the Punjab had a unique and distinct culture which was

neither purely Muslim nor purely Hindu. It was a blend of several cultural, social and

religious forces coming into contact with one another and, as a result, created an

amorphous culture, a cosmopolitan culture in the course of time, reflecting itself in the

local festivals, social patterns, behavior, architecture and folk literature. After the

partition the city of Lahore was transformed into a different city, a city whose non-
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Muslim residents had to leave in fear and panic. Lahore now gave a new look, the

multiplicity of culture was gone:

Beadon Road, bereft of the colorful turbans, hair bodies, yellow shorts,

tight pajamas and glittering religious arsenal of the Sikhs looks like any

other populous street. Lahore is suddenly emptied of yet other hoary

dimensions: there are no Brahmins with caste-marks-or Hindus in dhotis

with bodhis. Only hordes of Muslim refugees. (175)

Lahore, after the partition, had become a space for refugees who flooded the city and

gave it new of residents, the refugees. The schools, the colleges and palatial houses were

converted into refugee camps where the refugees were given temporary shelter and

provided with other basic necessities till the time they were allotted the houses which the

wealthy Hindus and Sikhs had evacuated, on the basis of their claim that they had left

behind their property of equal value. For this purpose a new department called the

Evacuee Department was established and all the property left by the non-Muslims was

called evacuee property waiting to be allotted to the new comers to the city. This created

a new kind of culture as some of them submitted false claims and some were cheated of

their original claims by those involved in this business. Amongst the refugees the women

presented the most wretched and deplorable picture of misery and pain. They were the

worst sufferer. Their pain was not only physical but also emotional and mental. The

agony of the loss of their men folk and property coupled with the loss of honor was

unbearable for them. The plight of women was really deplorable. The refugees were

provided with temporary shelter in the tents, schools and big houses. Refugee women

housed in the bungalow adjacent to Lenny’s house, present the most wretched and

miserable picture of womanhood. Lenny learns about the plight of these “fallen women”

through Hamida, one of the victims of partition, “Poor fate-smitten women,” says
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Hamida, sighing. “What can a sorrowing woman can do but wail?” “Who are those

women?” I ask. “God knows”, says Hamida. “Go to sleep…there is nothing we can

do… She’ll be all right in the morning” (213-14).

Hamida sees women as victims of fate, “Khut–putli, puppets, in the hands of fate” (222)

over which they don’t have any control. But what she is unable to see is the role of men in

the scheme of things, in the game of death, in targeting women for physical torture. It is

their society; they devise rules to control it, to govern it at any cost, even at the cost of

innocent women. It is extremely tragic that the fathers, brothers and husbands of those

women who managed to survive the calamity and catastrophe, refused to take them back

in the name of honor. They were left unsupported and helpless, completely at the mercy

of indifferent and unkind forces of the male chauvinistic society:

‘Don’t you miss your children? I ask.

Of course,’ says Hamida.

‘Then why don’t you go to see them?’

‘Their father won’t like it.’

‘They must miss you. You could see them secretly, couldn’t you?’

‘No,’ says Hamida turning her face away. “They’re better off as they are. My

sister- in- law will look after them. If their father gets to know I’ve met them he will only

get angry, and

the children will suffer.” (222)

Zaitoon, the female protagonist in Sidhwa’s novel The Bride also encounters similar

issues of fate, patriarchy and survival. The novel is set in Lahore and and Kohistan. It

highlights the amorphousness of Lahore of the 1950s and the 60s with its entire new

social, political and cultural aspects. It is a tale of her survival through the bloody riots of
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1947, the partition of the Punjab, her marriage into the tribe of hilly area of Kohistan, her

rape by a tribesman and her miraculous survival from the jaws of death.

Much of the story of the novel is set in Lahore, Lahore on the eve and after the partition

of the Punjab in 1947. We see the city through the eyes of Qasim, a Kohistani tribesman

who somehow manages to reach Lahore from Jullundur, a major city of the Indian Punjab

now after passing through the river of blood and fire. The initial setting of the novel is

Kohista inhabited by the tribesmen leading a very secluded life, rear animals for their

livelihood, and love their guns, pistols and above all their women whose honor they

would safeguard at all cost. Their world is extremely limited and uncorrupted by any

outside interference. Outsiders are suspected as carrier of unhealthy influence, a sign of

intervention and intrusion into their world. It is a world of feuds, tribal warfare which

continues for a long period of time, an inheritance, a legacy which a father or a tribal

Sardar leaves behind for his successors. The most precious gift in this world of violence

for a small boy is nothing but a gun given by the father, a symbol of inheritance of values

and traditions: “… when his father placed a heavy muzzle-loader in his arms, Qasim

flushed with pleasure… wishing to run behind a rock and seclude himself with the

precious gift” (Sidhwa 267). Marriages are bargained and price money of a bride is fixed

in accordance with her age and beauty. Women are also given in marriage to the enemy

tribe to settle an old feud. They are rarely treated as human beings, they are subjected to

oppression and exposed to all kinds of injustices; the very notions of choice and the

exercise of freedom are alien notions, yet they do have their dreams: ‘I used to wander by

streams,’ she said, ‘or sit on some high place dreaming of my future husband. Gusts of

wind enveloped me and I’d imagine the impatient caresses of my lover. My body was

young and full of longing. I’d squeeze my breasts to ease their ache…’” (270). But
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Afshan’s dream was a nightmare. She was happy on the eve of her marriage and was

eagerly awaiting her dream husband on her wedding night:

… she peered through slit lashes and saw the sandaled feet of her husband

and then the shalwar-clad legs. Her heart constricted with dismay: she was

married to a boy! Hastily shelooked up. She started in amazement at the

childish, frightened face and the slanting, cringing eyes watching her as if

she were about to smack him. (269)

All her dreams were dashed to the ground. But she had to accept her fate. Reconciliation

with fate seemed to be the only option she had: “That first night Afshan had lifted the

sleeping boy to her bed. Brushing his tear-streaked cheeks with her full red mouth, she

had tucked his legs between her thighs and fallen asleep” (270). After having controlled

her biological and sexual urges of a newly married girl, she soon became used to the daily

routine of work: “Afshan accepted her lot cheerfully. She helped her mother- in- law,

chaffed the maze, tended and milked the two goats, and frolicked her way through her

chores” (270). After four years of their marriage the bride was still a virgin, the marriage

not yet consummated. Wandering through the valleys and winding gullies for a couple of

years after his marriage, Qasim one day found his wife bathing in cold water stream, her

black wet shirt clinging to her ivory body, exposing her white breasts and pink nipples,

the tall and lanky Pathan leapt on her to hold her breasts just like a mountain tiger.

Shocked and bewildered by the sudden and unexpected assault, Afshan retaliated by

smacking and smashing him with a stick. But the excited Pathan would not give up. Their

rumpus attracted a passer by whose manhood could not tolerate the scene of insult hurled

on a weaker sex by a sheepish boy. Outraged by the assault, the stranger tried to be

chivalric. He dragged him with a view of inflicting punishment upon him. Qasim

screamed to be the husband of the embarrassing wife who seconded his claim. Afshan’s
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young body fascinated the stranger who glided towards her casting lewd glances. The

little husband could not bear his leering; he hit the stranger with a big stone and ran away

holding his wife’s hand, disappeared in the maze of little gullies. From this day their

relationship assumed a new dimension. Their marriage was consummated and they

produced six children within ten years time, but as the ill luck would have it, two of them

died of typhoid and after some time rest of his family was infected by small pox, first his

beloved daughter, Zaitoon died and after a couple of days his wife followed her daughter

to her grave. Qasim survived to mourn their deaths. Such was the tragic fate of the bride,

Afshan. Qasim was persuaded to seek job in the plains of the Punjab. He became a

watchman at an English bank at Jullundur.

The fate of Lahore like the fate of other cities of the Punjab had not yet been decided.

The Punjab had to be divided. The British were too busy to wind up, to roll back their

carpet and leave India depleted to the Indians: “Imperial trappings and servants, the rulers

of the Empire were entirely too busy to bother over much with how India was divided. It

was only one of the thousand and one chores they faced” (274). Putting aside all their

commitments of fare play and justice and their responsibility as rulers the British were

focused upon their own petty interests. “Furniture, artifacts and merchandise had to ship,

antiques curious, and jewellery acquired and transported” (274). The Indians, on the other

hand, were neither equipped nor prepared to take over such a heavy responsibility under

the increasingly deteriorating situation. In addition to other challenging issues, the

question of the partition of Bengal and the Punjab was a very serious question which

demanded immediate attention. If handled poorly and inefficiently, this pressing issue

would explode into an ugly situation causing damage in men and money on a massive

scale. The British Government had set up a Boundary Commission to draw a line dividing

Bengal and the Punjab allocating areas which would join the newly independent Bharat
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and Pakistan. The award, which was announced on the 17th of August 1947 after India

and Pakistan had come into existence, is popularly known as Radcliff Award. It soon

came notorious for its illogical demarcation of boundary line in both the provinces,

Bengal and the Punjab as it unleashed a reign of terror, massacre and bloodbath human

history had perhaps never witnessed:

The earth is not easy to carve up. India required a deft and sensitive

surgeon, but the British, steeped in domestic preoccupation, hastily and

carelessly butchered it. They were not deliberately mischievous – only

cruelly negligent! A million Indians died. The earth sealed its clumsy new

boundaries in blood as town by town, farm by farm, the border was

defined. Trains carrying refugees sped through the darkness of – night

Hindus going one way and Muslim the other. They left at odd hours to try

to dodge mobs bent on their destructions. Yet trains were ambushed and

looted and their fleeing occupants slaughtered. (275)

The partition of the Punjab and Bengal was a sensitive issue as the lives of millions

of people and their land, business and property of worth billions of rupees were at stake.

It required partiality, sense of responsibility, fairplay and justice. The British, on the other

hand, handled the issue carelessly, inhumanly, insensitively and hastily. They displayed

complete coldness and had gone against all cannons of fairplay and justice. They were

just like a surgeon operating upon a human body and in the process bleeding it to death.

Consequently, millions of Indians lost their lives while crossing the boundary line in

panic and fear at odd hours of the day and night. Their dead bodies, carcasses and limbs

lied scattered on either side of the blood line like the autumn leaves; the trains loaded

with dead bodies arrived at the railway stations of both the countries presenting horrible
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scenes. It was expected that Lahore would be given to Bharat as it was inhabited by the

wealthy Hindus who controlled trade and commerce and were also a strong educated

middle class, though they were in minority. According to Saleem on the eve of partition,

Lahore was:

inhabited by around 240,000 Hindus and Sikhs who were at the time of the

1941 Census accounted for a third of its total population. … Much of the

city’s wealth derived from the commercial activities of its minority

communities. Virtually all of the shops in the famous Anarkali Bazaar

which stretched for a mile outside the walled city from Lohari Gate to Nila

Gumbad were in their hands. Oldest established commercial centers in the

walled city such as the area around Shah Almi Gate and Chuna Mandi

were also non-Muslims. In all, Hindus and Sikhs owned two thirds of the

city’s shops, four fifths of its factories and paid seven tenths of its urban

taxes. (12)

In Lahore the Muslims were in a slight majority. The Hindus claimed that it had been

done by including the outlying villages into Lahore through boundary changes over the

years. So the non-Muslims also had their claim over Lahore. When it was announced that

Lahore had been awarded to Pakistan on the 17th of August: “extensive areas of the city

which had been inhabited by Hindus and Sikhs were in ruins following weeks of what has

been termed ‘a communal war of succession’ in the city. The cosmopolitan ‘Paris of the

East’ was a distant and poignant memory” (13). The Muslims were driven out of the

Indian Punjab, their houses looted and women raped and disgraced. Hundreds of Muslim

girls of Amritsar College were paraded naked in front of wild Sikhs who later on raped

them. The Muslims began to flee from their homes to refugee camps for the safety of
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their lives. Millions of them began their march towards their destination, Pakistan

uncertain and unsure whether they would reach the land of their dreams or not. The roads

and paths to Lahore lengthened, the shadows of fear and dread enveloped the miserable,

haggard and woebegone multitude and the journey was unendingly painful. On their way

they were ambushed and attacked several times by the marauding Sikhs. Thousands of

them had boarded the train bound for Lahore:

The train glides through the moon-hazed night, with a solid mass of

humanity clinging to it like flies to dung. From time to time a figure loses

its hold, or is forced off and drifts away like discarded rubbish. A cry, then

silence. Compartments and lavatories are jammed with stifled brown

bodies; some carry the dead weight of children asleep on swaying

shoulders. Women hold on to flush chains, they lean on children cramped

into wash basins. The train speeds on. (Sidhwa 284)

When the news of rape and rapine of the Muslim women and the massacre of the

Muslim men reached Lahore it kindled the flame of revenge in the Muslim population of

the city. Lahore began to bleed. It had been transformed from a peaceful, hospitable and

accommodating city, a land of saints who had given and taught the philosophy of

tolerance and love for all, to an ugly city of carnage, fire and bloodbath. Crucible. The

same heinous acts of murder and rape were repeated in Lahore as tactfully as they were

performed shamelessly and remorselessly somewhere else in the east Punjab in India. The

houses of the Hindus and the Sikhs were looted and burned to ashes; their women

abducted and raped; trains loaded with the non-Muslims were derailed to put the

passengers to sword. There was frenzy and insanity, the demons of darkness had taken

over: “‘I saw them myself - huge cauldrons of boiling oil and babies tossed into them”
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(275). Tales of ruthless massacre, and carnage went across the boarder which further

aggravated the already ugly situation intensifying the sentiments of hatred. Revenge on

either side of the boarder in the Punjab was the recurrent cry. Marauding bands and

highwaymen armed with pistols, guns, swords, singlets and matchets fell upon the

helpless, defenseless horror stricken people like hungry wolves and forced them to flee

with very little articles they could carry. They had little time to collect their belongings.

They could only collect their ornaments of gold and silver and cash “‘we can’t take all

this! He cried. ‘A trunk a piece, that’s all. Hide the jewellery somewhere on your body.

Come on, hurry up” (277), some of them even failed to pick up such things and had to

leave their ancestral homes in fear and great panic. As ill luck would have it, very few of

them managed to reach the refugee camps set up on the either side of the boarder for their

transportation to their destination which, of course, was still a far cry. Millions of the

uprooted and wretched creatures traveled the distance on foot, hungry and haggard. And

thousands boarded the ill-fated trains which never reached their destination. The railway

stations presented a very pathetic scene of terror-stricken people desperate to board the

train: “The train at Ludhiana station already swarmed with Muslims who had boarded it at

earlier stops. Panic-stricken families were abandoning their animals and possessions in an

attempt to get on” (278). Hundreds were left behind as there was not an inch of a space on

the train. In the compartments, toilets and roof, every space was filled with human beings.

They sat like animals huddled together breathing each other’s sweat in a stingy

atmosphere. They ran madly on the platform as the train began to stir: “The train glides

through the moon-hazed night, with a solid mass of humanity clinging to it like flies to

dung. From time to time a figure loses its hold, or is forced off and drifts away like

discarded rubbish. A cry then silence” (284). Greater tragedy awaited them. “They have

raised a barricade of logs across the tracks, and the steel rails swerve slightly where the
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lines disappear in blackness. On either side, ploughed stretches of earth spread black

wings to the horizon” (275). Like birds of prey they were waiting for their victims, the

train loaded with human beings to celebrate hooli with their blood. Their slogans rattled

the peace of the night: “‘God give our arms strength,’ one of them shouts, and in a sudden

movement, knives glimmer. Their cry, ‘Bole so Nihal, sat siri Akal,’ swell into the

ferocious chant: ‘Vengeance! Vengeance! Vengeance!’ The old Sikh sinks to his knees”

(276). Qasim was one of those thousands of people, who considered themselves most

fortunate when he managed to get on the train bound for Lahore, for ruthless massacre.

Unaware of the grim situation which was about to happen to them the Muslims on the

train were dozing. When the train took a bend and revealed the tracks ahead, Qasim

immediate smelled a rat. His mountain instinct warned him of the danger lying ahead. He

took the plunge and slide off the train:

As the centre carriage moves past him he sees the train buck. Only now

does the engine-driver realizes there is something farther down the track.

A roar rises from the mass of jolted refugees. The train’s single headlight

flashes on. It spotlights the barricade of logs and some unaligned rails.

White singlets flicker in and out of the glare. The train brakes heavy and

the engine crashes into the logs. People are flung from their scant hold on

footboards, roofs and buffers. Women and children pour from the

crammed compartments. (286)

The moment the train stopped, the wild men hiding in the dark fell upon the Muslim

refugees cutting them into bits and pieces, mowing them to the last man: “Qasim sees the

men clearly. They are Sikhs. Tall, crazed men wave swords. A cry: ‘Bole so Nihal’, and

the answering roar, ‘Sat siri Akar!’ torches unevenly light the scene and Qasim watches
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the massacre as in a cinema” (286). Qasim saw the scenes of stabbing and rape: “The flap

of her burkha is over her head. A Sikh, sweat gleaming on his naked torso, is holding one

breast. She is screaming” (287). The refugees began to fall like dead leaves into the pool

of hot blood. The carnage continued for some time with the same ferocity with which it

had started. Dead bodies were falling on one another, a heap of dead bodies: “A woman

tramples over him. He tries to ward off the suffocating forest of legs with his arms. More

and more legs trample him, until mercifully he feels no pain” (287). The looters and the

killers were merciless. They even killed the innocent children, harpooned the unborn

children from the wombs of their mothers: “The carnage is subsiding. Already they are

herding and dragging the young women away. The dying and the dead are being looted of

their bloodied ornaments and weapons. An eerie silence settles on the stench of blood”

(288). Qasim suddenly found himself alone in the midst of darkness then a sudden

thought of crossing the boarder before daybreak came to him. He hastened towards the

boarder but his speed was checked by a small frightened child who clung to his legs for

protection: “… ‘Abba, Abba, my Abba!’ “… The child was the size of his own little

Zaitoon lost so long ago. Her sobs sounded an eerie, forlorn echo from his past. Then,

brutally untangling her stubborn grasp, he plunged ahead” (288). Overpowered by his

instinct to survive, he thought of killing her but then overwhelmed by the tender feelings

he drew closer to her. Her resemblance to her own daughter aroused in him fatherly love

for the little child:

I had a little girl once. Her name was Zaitoon. You are so like her… She

leaned against him, trembling, and he, close to his heart, felt her

wondrously warm and fragile. A great tenderness swept over him, and

recognizing how that fateful night had thrown them together, he said,
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‘Munni, you are like the smooth, dark olive, the Zaitoon, that grows near

our hills…The name suits you…I shall call you Zaitoon. With Munni in

his arms, he hurried towards Lahore. (289)

Lahore lay wounded, raped and plundered. It was a city of smoke and blood. Yet for

the refugees it was a safe haven from the atrocities and cruelties inflicted upon them. It

was ultimately both their destiny and destination. “… Qasim wanted to plunge into the

heart of the city, into the thicket of Muslim safety” (290). Although, the killing had

subsided the Hindus and the Sikhs had either fled or been killed, yet the impact of

ruthless killing and loot was still visible. The city had been brutally bruised and scarred:

The uneasy city was awakening furtively, like a sick man pondering each

movement lest pain recurs. The slaughter of the past weeks, the exodus,

and the conflagrations were almost over. Looted houses stood vacant, their

gaping doors and windows glaring balefully. Men, freshly dead, their

bodies pale and velvety, still lay in alleys and in open drains. (290)

It was just like a graveyard which had tossed up the dead bodies after a heavy rain.

Grasping the opportunity which had arisen as a result of the riots, people began to settle

the old scores. Since death was cheap and killing had become a habit, there was no

hesitation to kill people of your own faith to rob them of their possessions:

By the amulet around his neck, by the trim of his hair and mustache,

Qasim could tell that the man was of his own faith. Hindus and Sikhs had

fled the area andhe wondered what passion had caused a Mussalman to kill

this handsome Muslim youth. Death cheapened by the butchering of over a

million people, became casual and humdrum. It was easy to kill. Taking
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advantage of this attitude to settle old scores, to grasp someone’s property

or business or woman, Hindu killed Hindu – Sikh, Sikh – and Mussalman

Muslim. (291)

The chaos, a result of the partition of the Punjab, had given the people a heaven sent

opportunity to kill even their own co-religionists. The chance was there to settle the old

scores, to take revenge, to encroach upon the land and property of you neighbor and it

was successfully availed under the shield and smoke screen of the riots. The killers

escaped scot-free. Haggard and humbled Qasim treaded along the Grand Trunk Road,

built by the great Pathan emperor of the Sub-continent, Sher Shah Suri linking Peshawar

with Calcutta , ultimately reached a refugee camp at Badami Bagh where he “waded into

the flood of brown sweating bodies, swimming in heat and dust ” (280). Lahore provided

the refugees with shelter and food, a temporary refuge till the time they were allotted the

houses vacated by the Hindus and the Sikhs who had gone to India. The city of Lahore,

true to its historical role, spread its arms to accommodate the haggard Muslim refugees

who had lost everything they had in the bloody riots ensuing the partition of the Punjab.

At various places the refugee camps had been set up where the people of Lahore rushed

with cauldrons of steaming rice and other edibles from dawn to dusk. Young men

volunteered themselves to cater to the needs and requirements of the wretched and the

miserable. They worked with exemplary devotion and dedication to redress the physical

and the psychological scars of their brethren and left no stone unturned to make them feel

at home in the camps. The girl guides did not lag behind in this regard and helped the

women refugees with the same zest and zeal which the scouts had displayed. The work of

women volunteers was also commendable. They had to work under adverse

circumstances. According to Shahnawas:

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The women volunteers had lifted over twenty little babies from the rows of

dead bodies where their mothers lay. To get the refugees out of trains full

of blood; women out of the carriages without shoes or even dopattas

(scarfs) and often with hardly any clothes on, crying for those gone or left

behind; to see so many orphaned girls and boys-all this was indeed most

painful. (215)

But the women volunteers rose to the occasion and undaunted by the ugly situation,

worked day in and day out in the refugee camps. The whole city presented the picture of

self-sacrifice and the generosity of the Lahoris new no bounds: “The people of Lahore

gave a right royal reception to the newcomers. Cauldrons of rice could be seen cooking

all over the place for distribution among the refugees” (Amiruddin 293). This is the other

aspect or facet of Lahore an altogether different facet from the one which the city had

betrayed on the eve of partition when the people of Lahore were thirsty of blood, the

blood of the Hindus and the Sikhs and staged the scenes of carnage very much like scenes

in a revenge tragedy. The residential buildings of the non-Muslims were put to fire; even

the places of worship were not spared: “The charred bodies of the worshippers were being

loaded on to a military truck. The sturdy army jawans had come in the morning to save

these corpses and, extracting them from the burnt-out building, were throwing them into

the trucks of putrefying grain” (Tansuvi 35). Lahore had been transformed from a city of

peace and beauty to a city of wailing and mourning. It was just like a woman weeping and

crying after being humbled, humiliated and raped. Everyday the trains loaded with dead

bodies arrived at the railway station. It would be a miracle if someone was discovered

alive, unmutilated and unscarred:

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The station, the magnificent railway station of Lahore was silent, as if it

had been strangled. Absolutely silent. There was the noise of thousands of

people, but this noise could not dispel the building’s stillness. Barbed wire

had been put up all around the station, overseen by the military, and people

were bringing the wounded from the platforms. The wailing and crying of

the relatives had turned the place into a house of mourning. A relief camp

had been set up, and the and the dead were being loaded on to lorries for

being taken away. (36)

Qasim, however, managed to survive through the mindless killing and reached a

refugee camp and after a couple of weeks of fear and dread he felt secured: “Qasim and

Zaitoon slept exhausted under the tree all day” (Sidwah 292). Then came the dust storm

and rain which provided the refugee a little bit of relief: “The rain exhilarated the camp.

Irritated, bitter tempers gave wave to camaraderie. Men and women teased each other,

laughed and roam around like children. Naked children wallowed in foamy cushions of

mud, splattering the slush, dancing and shouting” (294). Is not it strange how little time

people take to forget their pain and pangs? Life has its own logic and takes its own

course. It moves like a river sometimes in flood and othertimes calm and quite.

Unpredictable, life is just like a bubble of water which evaporates so suddenly leaving

behind no trace of it. Pain and pleasure walk hand in hand; they are each other’s

companions. On watching these refugees enjoying in the rain nobody could imagine that

just a couple of days back they were the victims of the most heinous crimes ever

committed against humanity in the annals of history. These refugees huddled together and

heard ‘each other groan’; they narrate tales of horror, murder and treachery:
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Then Nikka said, ‘Do you know what those swine did in my village? They

herded the Muslims into a camp for protection … protection mind you …

because of some fool rumor – Allah grant it be true- that a train of loaded

of Hindus and Sikhs had been slaughtered near Wagha. Once inside the

camp, a Sikh police inspector – the dog’s Penis- picked up a machine- gun

and went “tha-tha-tha-tha” He killed them all. By Allah’s grace, we had

already left.’ (295)

Lahore soon came to life again; the same hustle and bustle in the bazaars could be

seen. But it was a new Lahore, born of its previous existence with a scarred body,

smeared with human blood and a smoked face. Still hordes of refugees could be seen on

the roads, sitting in the parks, whole families in rags begging and staring at the sky.

Gradually, the refugees began to settle down to the new tunes of their life on an alien

land, Lahore. They were fast learning to reconcile themselves with the new situation.

Qasim befriended a man called Nikha in the refugee camp who had come to rescue him

and little Zaitoon when a dust storm had almost killed them. Nikha was about thirty. A

black cord, stringing a silver amulet, hung from his neck. He was shorter than Qasim but

magnificently built. From his appearance he appeared to be a wrestler:

“You a Pehelwan?” he asked, diffidently.

The man nodded

“Ah! I thought so.”

‘Nikha. They call me Nikha Pehelwan. Come let’s have a look at the tree,’ he

said in Punjabi, his even teeth gleaming in a vigorous smile. (294)

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Wrestling has been an important manifestation of a healthy cultural activity of all the

ancient civilizations as well as a part of military training of their armies. It has been a

popular cultural and physical activity amongst the people of Lahore even before the

partition in 1947 and Lahore rightfully takes pride in producing some very prominent

wrestlers in the Sub-continent who not only floored the Indian but also the European

wrestlers. The popularity of wrestling can be ascertained by the fact that Lahore had a

large number of Akharas where hundreds of wrestlers exercised daily. There were three

popular groups of wrestlers in Lahore, Kaluwale, Noorewale and Kotwale. The pioneer of

the former group of wrestlers was Ustad Kalu and Ustad Noora was the pioneer of the

latter and the pioneer of the third group was Elalhi Buksh Pehelwan. Boota Pehelwan,

known as Rustam-e- Hind, Chuha Pehelwan, Ghamu Pehelwan and above all Ghungha

Pehelwan were some of the prominent wrestlers who belonged to the Kaluwala group. A

wrestling bout between the Ghungha Pehelwan of the Kaluwale group and Imam Bukhs

Pehelwan of the Kotwale group would be remembered till eternity. Both the wrestlers

were paragon of physical strength, they were giants, and knew all the tricks of the trade.

Amongst the wrestlers who belonged to the Noorewale group mention may be made of

Charag Pehelwan, Khalifa Mahraj Pelehwan and Khalifa Ghulam Muhidudin. Bholu

Pehelwan Rustam-e- Hind, Aslam Pehelwan, Akram Pehelwana, and Lal Pehelwan

belonged to the Kotwale group. They had excelled themselves in the art of wrestling. The

history of wrestling not only in the Sub-continent but also in the world would remain

incomplete if mention is not made of one very famous wrestler of the Sub-continent,

Rustam-e- Zaman Ghama Pehelwan who had given grace and beauty to this art. He was

matchless in physical strength and peerless in the skill of wrestling. He toured Europe and

challenged the European wrestlers; no wrestler picked up the towel except Dozebesco.

Dozebesco was a famous Russian wrestler and the fight between these two great wrestlers
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continued for more than three hours. Ultimately Dozebesco accepted his defeat and

Ghama Pehelwam returned to Lahore victorious and his reception was unprecedented. He

belonged to the Kotwale group. Another Pehelwan who belonged to the Kotwale group

and rose to prominence and glory which perhaps very few wrestlers could achieve was

none other than the famous Imam Bushk Pehelwan Rustam-e- Hind. He was the younger

brother of Ghama Pehelwan. Imam Bukhs not only defeated the Indian wrestlers but also

the European wrestlers. He floored Rustam John Lamb, the Italian wrestler within three

minutes of the start of the bout and earned the title of Rustam-e-Hind. These three groups

were so called because of their distinct style of wrestling. Wrestling bouts amongst these

were a regular feature of the culture of Lahore. People in thousands, not only from Lahore

but also from other parts of India, would throng the Akhara specially built for this

purpose, whenever the prominent wrestlers would face each other in the bout. One of the

historical wrestling bouts was fought between Ghungha Pehelwan and Imam Buksh

Pehelwan in the Minto Park Lahore where a special Akhara was built for this purpose.

This bout has gone in the annals of wrestling in the Sub-continent as the most memorable

one of all the bouts ever fought. But unfortunately, the bout turned out to be a

controversial one as Imam Buksh Pehelwan after being defeated refused to accept the

decision of the judges.

The wrestlers were patronized by the rulers of the various princely states in India.

They would meet the expenditure raised on a wrestler for his preparation for the bout

which means rigorous physical exercise daily for several hours and special food to

maintain his health. The intake of food which includes milk, butter, yogurt, almonds and

mutton cost hundred of rupees daily and it was impossible for a wrestler who generally

belonged to a humble family to meet such expenses. In addition to daily expenditure, the
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Princes and the Nawabs very generously would shower on the wrestler gold and silver on

winning the bout. A wrestler would also receive monthly allowance. After the

independence, wrestling lost its patronage as the princely states either joined India or

Pakistan; consequently, the culture of wrestling began to decline and the Akharas began

to give a deserted look. Some of the famous Akharas, Akhara Khalifa Boota situated in

the North of Lahore Fort in a garden called Leela Park, Akhara Takya Tajay Shah,

situated at the Chamberlain Road, Akhara Viam Shahla, situated at Mohni Road outside

the Taxsali Gate where the famous Rustam-e Zaman Bholu Pehelwan used to do the

physical exercises, Akhara Bandu Shah, situated outside the Mochi Gate now

unfortunately have become history. These Akharas either have been encroached upon or

occupied for commercial purposes, the construction of commercial markets or plazas. The

disappearance of Akharas has proved to be the last nail in the coffin. And today this

ancient culture is breathing its last. Wrestling, as a game created a healthy competition

amongst the youth of Lahore. By inculcating discipline in wrestlers, it promoted the value

of patients and the culture of accepting defeat with grace. The youth at the same time

learnt the art of maintaining good health. Unfortunately, with the demise of this kind of

healthy cultural activity, the culture of drugs got ascendancy and the drug addicted youth

roaming on the streets of Lahore or lying on the pavements is a common pitiable scene

these days.

The partition had brought with it a host of new problems. There was chaos and

disorder and the absence of organized and competent administration machinery had

further complicated the problems. New political and bureaucratic structure had to be built

in order to run the new state. Lahore, being the provincial capital had greater

responsibility to maintain law and order. The exodus of the Hindus and the Sikhs who
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were in the service of the provincial government before the partition had left a gap.

Lahore was a new city, a new locale. , wounded and burnt. The streets and its roads which

before the partition presented a spectacle of motley of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims had

been robbed of their non-Muslim residents: “It was the same road, the same crossings and

turnings, but not a Hindu or Sikh was in sight. Where had they all gone? They say there

were four lakh Hindus and Sikhs in Lahore. What had happened to them?” (Taunsvi 48).

They had either been killed or gone to the refugee camps. Moreover, the arrival of the

refugees in millions further complicated the situation. First of all they had to be provided

with shelter and food and then with jobs. It was a Herculean task which required and

demanded great effort and work on war footing. The administration in Lahore was not

only inexperienced but also did not have the resources to coop with the rapidly

deteriorating situation:

Hordes of refugees still poured in, seeking jobs. The nation was new. The

newly born bureaucracy and government struggled towards a semblance of

order. Bogged down by puritanical fetish, in the clutches of unscrupulous

opportunists - the nation fought for its balance, ideologies vied with

reason, and everyone had his own concept of independence. (Sidhwa 307)

It was difficult to maintain order for several reasons. The city of Lahore witnessed the

worst kind of riots of its history, and to accommodate the refugees in millions and to

attend the sick and the wounded was a task which required and demanded superhuman

effort. Moreover the opportunists and the looters in the city made hay when the sun was

shining. To them independence meant to ransack the shops loaded with merchandize, and

the houses left by the Hindus and the Sikhs and took away everything they could hold:
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An old Muslim, the present occupant of my house, very graciously told me

to take away what was mine, but there was nothing left to take away

except the heavy furniture… I pulled the chest of drawers, each one of

them was empty. Between two drawers I found stuck the bronze plate with

Mohen-jo-daro Bull I was awarded at the Simala Fine Arts Exhibition.

One gold and two silver medals were not there. In fact, the entire

household stuff, crockery and cutlery, provisions of food and clothes were

removed. Surprisingly, not a single book was touched. (Synal 147)

They did not need the books at all. To others independence had a different concept, to

purify Lahore of every symbol and sign of whatever was not Islamic, as the independence

had been achieved in the name of Islam:

The marble canopy that had delicately domed Queen Victoria’s majesty

for decades looked naked and bereft without her enormous, dour statue.

Prince Albert, astride his yellowing marble horse, was whisked away one

night from the Mall; as were the busts of Viceroys and Lords from various

parks. No one minded. Portraits of British gentlemen bristling with self

esteem and dark with age vanished from club halls and official buildings to

surface years later on junk stalls. (Sidwah 307)

So the complexion of the Mall Road changed. It looked bald and poor, robbed off. The

marble had gone the bricks remained. The road itself, the symbol of British Raj, stayed

there, though its name changed, now it was called Shah-re Qaid-i-Azam. Although the

portraits of white men had been taken away from the clubs, yet those British officials in

the civil and military services of the new Islamic country, who had been requested to
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serve, graced the evenings. Along with the White Governor of the Punjab residing in the

Government House on the Mall opposite the Lahore Zoo, another sign of British legacy,

there were a large number of British officials serving the nation both in the civil and

military administration. Even after they had finally left Pakistan after a couple of years of

its independence, the Pakistani officials still feel very proud to mimic those white men of

the yester days, same mannerism of behavior and rule. Lahore began to give a different

look; it had changed, transformed physically and culturally. Its old inhabitants, the

Hindus and the Sikhs along with their cultural and religious rites and rituals had gone.

The arrival of the Muslim refugees from across the border gave the city a new color.

Both, the city and the refugees were alien to each other. They would definitely take time

to be familiarized in order to understand each other:

Qasim perched a frightened Zatoon on the tall, proud snout of the Zam-

Zam cannon, known because of Kipling as ‘Kim’s gun’. They sat on the

sands of the shallow Ravi, gazing at its gentle brown eddies … Lahore- the

ancient whore, the handmaiden of dimly remembered Hindu Kings, the

courtesan of Moghul emperors- bedecked and bejeweled, savaged by

marauding Sikh hordes- healed by the caressing hands of her British

lovers. A little shoddy, as Qasim saw her; like as attractive but aging

concubine, ready to bestow surprising delights on those who cared to

court her – proudly displaying royal gifts … (Sidhwa 305-6)

That is how Qasim sees Lahore epitomizing its history since the time of the Hindu

Rajputs to the British Raj. Situated on the left bank of the river Rivi, a witness to its ebb

and flow, rise and fall and shifting of loyalties, to its rulers the city of Lahore has always

been like a precious jewel. There have been bloody and destructive wars amongst the
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rivals to possess this most valuable and covetous jewel. And like a cunning and well-

experienced whore it had fallen into the lap of its possessors and conquerors providing

them with pleasure, closing its eyes to its previous masters. It had never been retained by

one master and had always displayed loyalty towards the new master welcoming it with

open arms and a very warm heart. Change of loyalties and betrayal has been its character.

The Mughals after taking possession of it decorated and ornamented it with beautiful

architectural structures and designs bestowed upon it the honor, beauty and glory which

the city never had in the past. It basked in unprecedented splendor and was oozing out

with youth like a voluptuous young woman. The ancient whore responded with equal

warmth of love and provided the Mughals with pleasure and fun till the Sikhs hordes fell

upon it like hungry wolves disgracing and humiliating it by robbing and denuding it of

jewels, ornaments and coverings. The British came with a healing hand and restored its

honor. Although, on the eve of partition in the fall of 1947 it had aged, yet it was very

much attractive, beckoning and luring its lovers and admirers.

In the fall of 1947, Lahore was yet again passing through another bloody and gory

phase of its history. The gathering of red storm had started even before 1947 but no one

could predict and calculate the magnitude of destruction awaiting the people. It came like

an army of locusts enveloping and wrapping everything in smoke and fire. Before it had

subsided, it had uprooted and disturbed ninety million people in the Punjab, creating

problems on unprecedented scale. Every village on either side of the boundary line, which

came into existence as a result of Radcliff Award, was terribly affected. People had to

leave their homes and hearths in panic and fear. The caravans of thousands of uprooted

masses dragging towards Pakistan and India kept on reducing as they were attacked with

unspeakable ferocity and regularity at various places during their tragic journey. The
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trains loaded with carcasses, mutilated bodies, the compartments with pool of blood

arrived at the platforms. No passenger but the stiffening smell of blood and human flesh

came out. People at the platforms looked at the trains with horror; they were so terrified

as they would not go closer to the carriers and coffins of death. The Lahore Railway

Station was tired of receiving such bloody trains. It shook and quaked with the arrival of

each tragic train. The very sight of its structure, a specimen of excellent architectural

design of the British Raj, no longer appealed to the aesthetics of the onlookers rather it

filled their hearts with horror and fear. The hustle and bustle inside the station on the

platforms, the struggle of the passengers to board the train and to come out, the shouting

of the tongawalas to compete with each other for passengers outside the station, all had

gone. There was complete stillness and the building presented the picture of a cemetery.

However, for Qasim life was coming back to normalcy and the agony of a painful

journey subsiding. He along with Nikka pahalwan rented a couple of adjacent rooms on

the second floor of a narrow three-storeyed building in the neighborhood of Qila Gujjar

Singh, a locality, named after its occupant in the last decade of the eighteenth century,

Gujjar Singh, one of the four Sikh chieftains who were holding Lahore till Ranjit Singh in

1799 snatched the city from them. Nikka’s prowess as a wrestler soon brought him

respect and people began to approach him for arbitration in family matters, disputes over

property and other social issues. His generosity and capacity for arbitration won him great

fame. Even the local police treated him with respect and honor. Consequently, he set up

his own kingdom in his area of influence and began to rule like an undisputed king. So

Nikka and Qasim like other refugees, slowly but steadily, began to settle down in Lahore

and play a role of their own in its new political, social and cultural environment.
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Lahore, therefore, was gradually awakening to specific political cultural and social

activities in the 1950s. The landlords of the Punjab who had their big chunks of land in

their respective areas had palatial houses in Lahore as well. Lahore being the capital of

the Punjab Province, housing the provincial assembly, was the centre of all the political

activity. Since the Punjab was predominantly an agricultural province, the big landlords

were dominant in its politics. There emerged political rivalries amongst them which

consequently led to political murders. Resultantly, politics in the Punjab turned violent

and the rivalries amongst the politicians deepened. In order to eliminate their political

opponents, the politicians cultivated a culture of hiring the services of such men as Nikka

pehelwan through their touts and scalpers so that they should not be suspected of their

heinous involvement in such murders. One such tout visits Nikka pehelwan:

Chaudhry Sahib, his eyes demurely averted, sighed, ‘Our illustrious

benefactor needs help.’ He spoke with a faraway look, as if talking to

himself. ‘Such a great man, such a prince. One would think he had no

worries, no cares … a king among men- the flower of our

nation!’Chaudhry Sahib’s dingy cheeks sagged in melancholy folds

beneath his squirrel-tail moustache. Nikka learned forward full of concern.

‘Can I help in any way?’ he asked. Chaudhry Sahib was reputed to be one

of the most trusted associates of the light One. ‘Our inspired leader has

deadly enemies,’ he complained. ‘One particularly venomous snake has to

be dealt with. Somehow he will have to be liquidated. Can you manage it?

The earth slipped out of Nikka’s feet. He was “unawares, he felt as if a

goathad butted him in the stomach. (315)

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He was hesitant to kill a man against whom he did not have any personal grudge.

Moreover he was not a professional killer, though in one of his wrestling matches he had

broken the neck of his opponent. But it was just an accident. If Nikka gives his consent he

will be provided with all kind of protection: “You will live where you wish, and maintain

your status and respect. Not a soul will dare touch one hair on your head. In fact you will

be favored…” (316). And for this he will receive five thousand rupees. This is how a

culture of politically motivated murders was cultivated and promoted in Lahore by the

high ups and those who were at the helm of affairs at that time. The elections at the tehsil

and district level had further added fuel to fire and the defeat in the elections was

considered a blot on the reputation and prestige of the whole of the baraderi. The murder

of the opponent therefore, would restore the lost honor. So Lahore had become a hunting

ground for the killing of political opponents as it was neither desirable nor feasible to kill

the political rival in his area of influence or village. The rich politicians and the landlords

cultivated the culture of visiting Hira Mandi for entertainment and pleasure. Hira Mandi,

popularly called Diamond Market, is one place in Lahore where entertainment is provided

to all and sundry irrespective of class, color and creed. It has its own peculiar culture and

comes to life in the darkness of night: “the Hera Mandi is Lahore’s pleasure bazaar.

Through open ground floor windows can be seen brightly dressed women lounging in

brightly lit rooms, gossiping and waiting for customers. They are of the Kanjar caste,

whose hereditary occupations are dancing and prostitution” (Richard 111).

Nobody had any notion when was this glittering city of dancing girls and singing

queens within the city of Lahore was established:

Nobody knew how Hira Mandi had come to be located there, though old

residents recalled childhood tales told by their elders, who had said this
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was the main camping ground of the Sikh army of Maharaja Ranjit Singh,

then ruler of the Punjab. It was said that a few women of easy virtue first

set themselves up on its outskirts to offer their services to the soldiers, and

their number and influence grown with time. When the Maharaja died and

his empire started crumbling some years later, these women who had by

then turned into a sizeable community, started occupying more of the

camping ground, until, finally, the army was completely ousted to make

way for the red-light area. (Ashraf 52)

Some of the streets and roads were named after the renowned singing girls, concubines

and prostitutes who were the blue eyed girls of the Sikh Rajas: “The road on which

Hakeem Mahir’s house and pharmacy stood had been named after Rattan Bai, the teenage

dancing girl from Hira Mandi whom Maharaja Singh, a direct descendant of Maharaja

Ranjit Singh, had installed as his mistress in his large haveli a couple of furlongs away”

(53). After the partition in 1947, the landlords and politicians of the Punjab continued the

tradition of visiting the dancing girls of their choice. Sardar Ghulam Ali Hussain,

politician and landlord of Lalamusa “a thin, tall, predatory-looking man who had been

identified as Nikka’s victim was also a regular visitor of Hira Mandi. He was fond of a

singing girl named Shahnaz whose beauty and captivating mannerism had enslaved him”

(Sidhwa 322). Qasim spotted him there at the Hira Mandi: “The gleaming chrome and

black shapes looked vaguely familiar … and instantly Qasim was alert. He sensed that the

celebrity Nikka was after was right here” (319). He tried to search for him to report it to

Nikka. He locates him in the house which belongs to a dancing girl called Shahnaz who

was famous for her bewitching manners in the whole of Hira Mandi:

‘My masters are in there,’ he snarled. Now Scram.’

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Snatches of laughter and the shrill voice of a singing girl came from

behind The closed doors. ‘The bastard is having a good time,’ thought

Qasim. ‘Why can’t I go in? Your masters are not only men around, you

know,’ he whined in the half-scared, half-defiant manner of a garrulous

dimvit. One of the men climbed down and, pushing Qasim roughly

‘threatened, ‘Will you go – or do I have to throw you out?’ Feigning terror,

Qasim stumbled backwards. ‘All right, all right … I’m going,’ he

mumbled. His heart thudded at his bold histrionics. The man

sniggered.‘Sneak up some other night, you love-sick lout. Our masters

won’t leave till two.’ A riotous burst of laughter came through the closed

doors. Qasim wondered if the man inside were drunk. ‘Are those whoring

pigs drinking sharab?’ he called insultingly. (322)

Since the landlords had enemies, so it was customary to have a battery of guards to

protect their masters. It was quite common a sight during those days and even today to

see the politicians and the opulent landlords surrounded by men carrying guns and

Kalashnikovs. They would follow their masters wherever they go even to places like Hira

Mandi and would ensure that no other customer should visit the floozy at that particular

time when their master is around. Hira Mandi does have its own traditions as well which

are seldom violated. Special guests are treated exclusively and when there are no

customers about, are allowed to grace the mujra. After the independence, and with the

decline of the princely states, the culture of Hira Mandi was given a new impetus by the

landlords. To them it was the most important means of recreation after the hectic political

and business activity. A regular feature of their daily routine was the spending of their

evenings at the Hira Mandi where a dancing girl of their choice would entertain them
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with her song and dance. They would even arrange musical nights at their residences at

Lahore to which the high ups of the city were invited. Such colorful gatherings were used

as a ladder to reach the people in power for certain concessions in politics as well as in

business. Gradually, this created a kind of culture where women and wine were used to

relax the rules of business to favor the few. And at the same time a new class of brokers

and pimps came into being. Consequently, corruption in business, politics and morals

began to rise rapidly. Some of the landlords even married the singing girls and floozies

and others preferred to keep them to spend leisure time with them. Hira Mandi, a place

associated with sensual and physical pleasures for some becomes a slaughter house as

intoxicated with wine and pleasure, they fall an easy prey to their assassin.

As soon as Nikka got the wind of Sardar Ghulam Ali Hussein’s presence in the

vicinity of Hira Mandi he made a bee line to that place and ‘the radio suddenly

announced, “Sardar Ghulam Ali Hussein, landlord and politician, was assassinated this

morning” (324). It was neither the first announcement of its kind nor the last one because

this was not at all the first political murder. The mutual prejudices of the Punjabi leaders

and their desire to capture power led to chaos and the break up of the political order.

Consequently, there emerged small but effective political groups intending to wield

power for their own advantages. The shifting of political loyalties had become the order

of the day. In the fall of 1953, the tug of war to wield power between Malik Ghulam

Muhammad, the Governor General of Pakistan and Khwaja Nazimuddin, the Prime

Minister had reached a point where reconciliation between the two looked improbable.

The politics of clash at the centre had its consequences on the Punjab. Mumtaz Daultana

was the Chief Minister of the province and also the president of the Punjab Muslim

League. The Governor General thought that Mumtaz Daultana, an influential landlord and

Muslim Leaguer who was quite active in the politics of the Punjab, was supporting the
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Prime Minister, so he maneuvered to get rid of him. There were bloody riots on the issue

of the finality of the prophet hood of Muhammad (peace be upon him). The ulema were

unanimous on declaring the Ahmidis, a religious group, as minority:

Then the movement to protect the doctrine of the finality of the

prophethood of Hazrat Muhammad (peace be upon him) gave the governor

general an opportunity to accomplish at once a major step toward gaining

all power for himself. In February, 1953, the movement went well beyond

legitimate bounds. In Lahore, it was necessary to impose martial law on

March 8. (Ahmad 320)

The military which had been called upon to maintain law and order opened fire on the

demonstrators in Lahore which resulted in heavy causalities of the people on the road.

The palatial conspiracies, shifting of loyalties and the allegedly corrupt practices of the

politicians allowed the military to intervene into the political and constitutional affairs.

General Muhammad Ayub Khan, the then commander-in-chief of the armed forces

imposed Martial Law in Pakistan on the 16th of October 1958. Pakistan, therefore, was

amorphoused from a struggling democratic state to a military regime. So the Lahore of

1950s and 60s was emerging as a city where politics of clash and conspiracy, a clash of

military and democratic forces, and the rise of new litearay trends were creating an

amorphous culture of the opposite and the contradictory elements and incongruous

constituents.

Despite the fact that Martial Law authorities had imposed and implemented strict and

stringent restrictions on the freedom of speech and expression, nevertheless, the literary

figures of Lahore somehow managed to devote themselves to the promotion of art and

theatre in the city. It was in the fall of 1958 that a group of writers which included such

names as Qurratulain Haider, Jamiluddin Aali and Gullam Abbas, under the umbrella of
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Qudrat-ul-ullah Shahab set up a literary society called the Writer’s Guild. Although,

Karachi was the main centre of its literary activities, yet Lahore did not lag behind in

arranging literary function on its platform. It set out its own literary magazine which

published the poetic and prose works of some of the renowned writers of Pakistan.

Amongst the objectives of the writer’s Guild was to extend help to those writers who had

been put behind the bar on a variety of charges and were unable to meet the expenses of

their legal fight. It was on the recommendations of the Guild that the law of copy write

was passed to protect the legitimate rights of the writers and the payment of their

loyalties. Central Urdu Board and National Book Council were also set up in accordance

with the recommendations of the Guild.

But it was in the field of Theatre, Film and Radio that Lahore made its mark. Even in

the pre-partition era Lahore had always displayed enthusiasm and exuberance for

theatrical companies visiting Lahore for their theatrical performance. The theatrical

companies which visited Lahore from Lucknow and Bombay were warmly received by

the Lahoris. In fact, some of the technicians, musicians, actors and actresses of those

companies belonged to Lahore. Brad Law Hall at the Rettigon Road and two other Stage

Halls outside Bhatti Gate, later on converted into cinema halls, were famous for staging

plays. Side by side with the stage halls tradition there was also a tradition of presenting

plays in the open parks and grassy plains outside the wall of the city. Such kind of drama

was popularly called Mundwa. Slowly but steadily, Lahore like Bombay had become the

centre of theatrical activities and famous companies like Albert Theatrical Company,

Globe Theatre and Punjab Reforming Theatrical Company made Lahore the centre of

their theatrical activities. Amongst the directors Master Rhamat Ali Rhamat and amongst

the actors Agha Rhamat Ali, the founder of Punjab Reforming Theatrical Company were

the most prominent who won the hearts of the Lahoris by their praiseworthy
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performances. So far as the playwrights of that time were concerned Munshi Abbas Ale,

Master Rhamat, Master Qamar Mir Ghulam Abbas, Syed Dillawar Shah, Muhammad

Ismaeel and last but not the least Hakim Ahmed Shujah had earned great fame and wrote

some immortal piece of dramatic literature for the Lahore theatre. It was Hakim Ahmed

Shuja who endeavored to reform and improve the traditional drama by introducing the

concept that theatre should be used to present plays focused upon social themes. He was

influenced by Agha Hasher Kashmeri, the Shakespeare of India. Agha Hasher Kashmeri

came to Lahore with his theatrical company called the Indian Shakespearian Company.

His plays were much appreciated by the people. He spent much of his time in Lahore and

even after his death he was buried in the famous graveyard of Lahore called Miani Sahib.

Mir Ghulam Abbas was another playwright who penned down almost fifty plays for the

stage. Those of his plays whose themes he borrowed from history and combined them

with political element were liked and became very popular. Noor-e-Jahan, Noor-i- Islam,

Shan-i-Rhamat, Punjab Mail, Mohni BA and Shahi Ferman were some of his famous

plays.

For the popularity of stage and drama in Lahore the role of Government College

Lahore can neither be underestimated nor overlooked. Theatre declined in Lahore when

in 1935 and 36 film began to attract the Lahoris. Those who were associated with the

theatre in various capacities later on joined the art of film making. Like the theatrical

companies, film companies were also formed. One of the famous film companies

Puncholi Art Pictures was owned by Dil Suck Puncholi, who was also known for not only

his understanding of the film art but also upright character. On the proposals and requests

of his friends he tried to revive Lahori theatre but his efforts could not bear fruit as it was

now film that was fast becoming the source of entertainment.

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For the promotion of drama in Lahore the educational institutions of the city played a

major and momentous role. Government College Lahore was famous for presenting

popular English plays as well as Urdu plays of illustrious playwrights. The Lahorites

spent their evenings watching stage plays in the college and in terms of literary and

academic activities Government College Lahore saw its heydays when Professor Sondhi

was the principal who was the inspirational and motivating force behind the dramatic

production in the college. Professor Sondhi proposed for the construction of an open air

theatre in Lahore. Open air theatre in the Lawrence Garden now called Bagh- e- Jinnah is

his lasting contribution for the promotion and development of stage drama in Lahore.

Hakim Ahmad Shujah, Professor Ahmed Shah Bokhari and their team were selflessly and

artistically busy in promoting stage drama in Lahore. They were also associated with

Government College Lahore along with such literary stalwarts as Professor Ghulam

Mustifa Tabassum and Rafi Pirzada. They translated some of the famous Russian and

Western plays into Urdu and staged them for the entertainment of the Lahorities. Dial

Singh College Lahore and Kind Edward Medical College Lahore also rendered yeomen

services in promoting drama in Lahore. One should also mention the name of Professor

Khadam Muhuddin who, in the field of direction and dramaturgy broke new ground. He

was associated with Dial Singh College Lahore and was a motivating force behind all the

stage activities in the college. After 1940 when the political scenario intensified, the

theatrical activities in Lahore began to decline. And as the year of partition of India came

closer and Lahore was fast becoming politically agitated, the literary, cultural and

theatrical activities mellowed down. After 1947 when Lahore became the provincial

headquarter of the Punjab, slowly but steadily, the city once again emerged as a centre of

art and literature. Theatre was revived, Radio and Film were reinvigorated. Lahore Radio

was fortunate enough to have the services of those artists who once had proved their skill
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and potential on the stage of Government College Lahore. Agha Bashir was the in-charge

of the radio drama at Lahore Radio Station. He had hired the services of such distinctive

writers as Syed Imtiaz Ali Taj, Rafi Pirzada, Syed Abid Ali Adid and Ashfaq Ahmed.

These were the men who initiated radio drama and took the radio dramatic art to

perfection. Radio had great appeal for the masses and took entertainment to the remotest

villages of the Punjab and its programmes were listened to with great interest all over the

country. Recalling the days gone by A.Hameed, a mahajir from Amritsar, states:

The old Lahore radio station no longer exists, but it exists for those of us

who spent our early youth in its studios and corridors. It lay in an old

house next to Shimla Pahari at the back of Governor House….What a

place it was those who wrote for it or appeared in its programmes included

such literary greats as Imtiaz Ali Taj, Abid Ali Abid, Rafi Pir, Hafiz

Jullandhri and Tajwar Najibabdi. And what an array of artists the Lahore

station had: Mohni Hamid, known, known to all children of the days as

Apa Shamim, Sultan Khost, Mirza Sultan Baig and Salim Tahir. And then

there were the legendary announcers Mustafa Ali Hamdani, Azizur

Rehman and Akhlaq Ahmed Delhavi. (26)

All the programmes were broadcasted live. The Lahore Radio not only popularized drama

but also presented programmes for children, farmers and for the poor and the down

trodden. For these people radio was the only entertainment after a day’s hard work.

Almost all the renowned singers, both male and female, sang folk songs, ghazals and

classical songs for the entertainment of the masses. And in the early days of the partition,

till TV arrived, it was radio which kept the Lahorites abreast of the latest happenings both

in the world and in Pakistan. It was undeniably the greatest source of news. If the Lahore

theatre was a source of recreation for the educated and the elite, the Lahore Radio was the
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source of entertainment for the poor. It, therefore, had a large appeal and reached a large

number of listeners and audience. Along with theatre, film and later on TV, The Lahore

Radio had created a specific culture of not only entertainment and recreation but also of

learning and knowledge. Pakistan Art Council was set up in 1950. Agha Bashir Ahmed,

Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Syed Imtiaz Ali Taj were amongst its founding members. Lahore being

a city of culture and art was in the forefront of arranging literary discussions and holding

functions which were attended by the literati of Lahore. Syed Imtiaz Ali Taj, Khalil

Sahafi and Skaukat Thanvi redoubled their efforts of reviving the theatre in Lahore. For

this purpose they also endeavored to restore the old theatres in Lahore which had been

damaged as a result of riots in the partition days. After 1947 the stage drama in Lahore

began to choose themes from Islamic history. Nafees Khalil formed a new theatrical

group which staged a drama called Buth Shikin whose cast included some new faces like

Subiha Khanam, who became very famous as a film star later on. A distinctive feature of

stage drama in Lahore in the 1950s was the enthusiasm and verve of the artists, the radio

artists, the film artists and the theatre artists all combined their efforts to produce quality

drama for the Lahorities. In the 1950s stage drama in Lahore had become so popular that

the employees of Pakistan Railway and the Government Press had formed their own

theatrical groups and began to stage plays, both original and translated. But it was

Alhamra Art Council which made its mark by staging Urdu plays of illustrious

playwrights such as Syed Imtiaz Ali Taj, Ali Ahmed and Azhar Qazi. Under the dynamic

guidance and direction of Safdar Mir the Alhamra Art Council presented some of the

famous English plays which included Who Killed Me and Mid Summer Night’s Dream.

Amongst the artists associated with this group mention may be made of Safdar Mir,

Yasmin, Imtiaz Ali Taj, Sikandar Shahin, Khurshid Shahid, Khalid Butt, and Naeem

Tahir. They had already made their name in the world of drama when they were
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associated with the dramatic group of Government College Lahore. In the 1950s the

tradition of presenting drama in Lahore had reached its panicle height. The Lahoris felt

that the stage hall facilities were inadequate and insufficient which hampered the

flourishing of stage drama in Lahore. In addition to theatres and stage halls there were

temporary platforms erected at open spaces around the walled city. On the eve of various

Urs of saints and Eid celebrations the dramatic performances were given in the tents of

coarse cloth with a raised platform of concrete and wood:

These makeshift establishments would come up with the annual Urs of

Data Sahib. The plays staged were based on love legends such as Heer

Ranjha, Sassi Punnu, Sohni Mahniwal and Laila Majnoon…One would be

regaled by performances of old actors who had worked with Agha Hashr.

Women’s role were sometimes played by boys, but quite often by women.

Comedy, which was generally slapstick, was always popular. To attract

customers, outside each theatre tent, there would be a clown making

people laugh with his antics. (32)

Such performances were keenly watched by the less educated and the groundlings. This

was a parallel theatre to the one for the elite and the educated class of refinement and

sophistication. During the performance the audience would freely pass comments on the

actors and sometimes would go on the stage to be co-stars with the artists. Some

performances would be interrupted by a temporary sprawl and skirmish amongst the

audience over a very petty issue. It was an entertainment both, cheep and popular.

Lahore along with Bombay and Calcutta can rightfully claim to be the ancient centre

of film making. Even in the pre-partition days the city was fortunate to have the services

of creative and imaginative men with undying passion for acting and film making. Lahore

never lagged behind Calcutta and Bombay, its rival film centres, in dedicated and
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committed men who made Lahore a flourishing film centre. The history of film making in

Lahore dates back to 1924 when a young Lahori called A.R.Kardar and M.Ismaeel

decided to try their luck in the filmi world. They went to Bombay but as the ill luck

would have, they did not succeed and came back to Lahore. It was A.R.Kardar who set up

his film company in Lahore. Those were the days of silent movies and most of the films

were made in the open as during those days out door shooting was convenient and cheep.

Lahore had its first open studio in 1925 built in front of the famous Bread Law Hall on

Retigon Road. This studio made its first movie under the banner of Premum Film Co and

the name of the movie was “Daughters of Today”. M. Ismaeel and Vijay Kummar were in

the leading roles who won great fame later on in Lahore film industry. Encouraged by the

success of films, A.R. Kardar in collaboration with Hakim Om Parshad set up a new

studio called Punjab Film Company and began to make movies under the banner of

Player Phototone. He established another studio just behind the Regent cinema on the

MacLoad Road. He made “Heer Ranjah” and “Gopi Chand”, talkies in 1935. In 1931

“Alam Ara” was the first talkie in the Sub-continent. His efforts bore fruit and soon

Lahore became a big centre of film making. But in the riots of 1947 the studios of Lahore

also suffered great damage. Some of them were burnt to ashes and were beyond repair

and restoration.

After 1947, Lahore had been chosen to be the centre of film making in the nascent

country, Pakistan but film making in Lahore was an uphill task as there was not a single

studio which had not been damaged in the riots. Moreover, there were very few skilled

and competent technicians, cameramen, makeup men, sound recorder and hardly any

cine- laboratories to facilitate the making of films. Although, on the eve of the creation of

Pakistan, film directors like Shaukat Hussain Rizvi, Subtain Fazli. Nazir and W.Z.

Ahmad and artists like Noor Jhan, Soran Lata, Nainna, M.Ismaeel and Alouddin and
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music directors like Ghulam Haidar, Rafique Ghaznivi and Feroze Nizami were people

inspired and infused with missionary zest and zeal, yet there was little support which they

could hope to get from the government. Banking upon his own resources, Director and

producer Nazir made his first film called “Pharay” which was a great hit and paved the

way for further film making in Lahore. In the meantime Shaukat Hussain Rizvi and his

wife Noor Jahan were allotted the old film studio Showray which was later on named

Shah Noor Studio. Their film “Chanway” was also a great hit. W.Z.Ahmed, who had

been allotted Pancholi Studio on the Upper Mall, Munshi Dil, Sabtan Fazli and Anwar

Kamal Pasha worked day in and day out to make the Lahore film industry on its feet.

“These people were not really commercial-minded in their approach, always being

conscious of being artists. There wasn’t much money around then anyway, nor were the

artists given to greed” (12). It was during the Ayub era that film industry in Lahore made

considerable progress. New studios and cinema halls in Lahore were built and Urdu and

Punjabi films in large numbers were produced every year. Consequently, film making had

become a profitable and flourishing business which not only created a rarefied

atmosphere of art and culture but also became a major source of entertainment. 1950s and

60s were the decades of the flourishing of film making as the Ayub regime was also

supportive of this art. The political situation of the country began to deteriorate towards

the end of the decade of 1960. Resultantly, film art like theatre suffered precipice decline.

It was in the year of 1964 that PTV began to broadcast its programmes in Pakistan.

Lahore was the first centre chosen for its installation and broadcasting programmes of

various kinds. They included programmes on international affairs, news, documentaries

on a variety of social and related issues, plays and other programmes of entertainment.

PTV initiated and introduced the concept of TV drama in Pakistan. A large number of

artists previously associated with theatre joined TV and made lasting contribution to its
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promotion and development. TV along with radio as means of communication of ideas

brought a revolution in the field of culture. It broadened the outlook of the Lahorites on

so many national and international issues on the one hand, and on the other, provided

them with healthy and positive entertainment. PTV continued its efforts of presenting

quality programmes on cultural, social and other related issues in the 1970s. TV drama

particularly progressed by leaps and bounds and was very popular amongst the masses. Its

decay set in when Zial-ul-Haq toppled Bhutto’s government on 4th April1977. Under

Zial-ul-Haq, first as the Chief Martial Law Administrator and later on as the President of

Pakistan till his accidental death in the fall of 1988, Lahore witnessed a new kind of

amorphousness, an amalgamation of the opposites, the military, the Islamist and the

democratic forces and elements which thoroughly and profoundly influenced the Lahori

life. This new kind of experiment rather confused the people of Pakistan in general and

the Lahoris in particular. The Islamist forces backed and supported by the military forces

remained dominant throughout Zia’s era. Consequently, the liberal and the democratic

forces had to sit in the back seat. The clash and the clint of these contradictory forces had

penetrated deeper into the fabric and the marrow of the Lahori society whose

amorphousness is the theme of Chapter Four. In Chapter Four Sidhwa’s novel An

American Brat (1993) Suleri’s Meatless Days (1989) and Hamid’s Moth Smoke (2000)

have been analyzed to capture the amorphousness of Lahore in Zia’s era and the era of his

successors up to the year 2000. In Zia’s time, of the elements, forces and concepts which

weave a pattern of amorphousness, politics, religion and military jingoism were most

dominant.
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CHAPTER FOUR

Situating Lahore in the Postcolonial Time

An analysis of Sidhwa’s An American Brat. Sara

Suleri’s Meatless Days and Mohsin Hamid’s Moth Smoke.

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…………………………………….

Let me dry my wet clothes in these courtyards.

Let me grow old in these fields.
Let me quench my thirst in its rivers.
Let me breathe in the shade of its trees.
Let me wear Lahore’s dust and its weariness.
I do not want the shelter of lengthening shadows,
For the sun spends itself in my country.
……………………………………
Stanza taken from Kishwar Naheed’s poem “The Sun, My Companion”

Translated by Baider Bakht and Derek M.Cohen

With Zia in power the minorities and marginal groups in Pakistan felt threatened as

religious elements under the umbrella of military regime began to dominate politics and

power in the country. The minorities expressed their concerns rather mutely regarding

their survival in a society which had embarked upon a programme of islamization. They

voiced their concerns through their writings. Religion had become the most dominant

force shaping popular thing, politics, culture and other social activities. Sidhwa’s An

American Brat (1993) has been written in this context. The novel is focused upon the

concerns of a Parsee family housed in Lahore in 1980s. Although, the focus of the writer

falls on the Parsee community, upset and disturbed by the change in the regime, yet the

novel very vividly captures the religious, political, social and cultural changes rapidly

affecting the life of the Lahoris. There was a chain of events which caused many concerns

for the Parsee community and awaken them to reflect upon the future of their younger

generation which was being increasingly affected by the changes in the Pakistani society.

The Parsee Parents stood shocked and shaken, whereas their children slipped away from

their own cultural patterns under their very nose.

Sidhwa’s An American Brat deals with the apprehensions and worries of one such

Parsee family. Zareen Ginwalla, a Parsee mother of a young Parsee daughter, Feroza is

extremely upset by the change in the political scenario of Pakistan as she discovers to her
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horror that Feroza has proved herself weak and vulnerable to the new influences and

trends generated by the policies of the new regime with emphasis on Islamization. Zareen

decides to rescue her daughter from what she considers a conservative and backward

society and sends her away to America, a land of dreams, freedom and liberty for a

breather as the mother “wish to protect her from the conservative influence of the Islamic

fundamentalism sweeping the country during the military dictatorship of General Zia-ul-

Haq” (Khan 289).

On April 4th 1977 General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, the then Chief of the Pakistan

Army removed Z. A. Bhutto, the Prime Minister of Pakistan from power and imposed

martial law in the country. Commenting on this situation Ziring says:

The coup was a white-glove affair. There was no aggressive action against

Bhutto or any of his colleagues on the day the soldiers again took up the

country’s political reins. Bhutto was treated gingerly and with respect, and

led to believe that his ouster was more a suspension than a termination.

(Ziring 423)

But soon both the leaders found themselves locked in a mortal struggle for survival. The

death of the one means the survival of the other. Z.A.Bhutto was again arrested, this time

on the charge of murder of his political opponent, a charge which he had vehemently

denied: “The case was decided in March 1978. He was found guilty and sentenced to

death” (437). With the military in power there came a dramatically visible transformation

in the culture of the country. Liberal and democratic culture with its emphasis on

openness and westernized behavior and thinking, began to give way to a more inflexible,

intolerant and orthodox outlook and behavior. The dividing lines and the cracks in the

Pakistani society were just beginning to manifest themselves. The ascendancy of the

orthodox forces to power further generated doubts and misgivings in the minorities in
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Pakistan. Like other minorities, the Parsees under the military regime felt a great sense of

insecurity as the new regime was fast heading towards the pursuit of a determined

programme of islamization of Pakistan. The Parsee youth began to betray the impact of

the policies of the new military rule. They were becoming more introverts, less open and

more conservatives. The Parsee girls in particular had become more shy and lost interest

in outdoor activities. Consequently, the Parsee mothers looked worried, upset by the new

trends and tendencies of their daughters. One such concern is reflected by Zareen

Ginwalla, the mother of a young Parsee girl Feroza in An American Brat: “I am really

worried about Feroza” (Sidhwa 9). And the thing which really shocked and appalled her

was the retreat of her daughter towards what she calls a backward behavior, which was

not only unacceptable, unwarranted but also uncalled for. Feroza had been infected by the

new surrounding, the new culture with its emphasis on simplicity, austerity, “Really, this

narrow-minded attitude touted by General Zia is infecting her, too” (10). General Zia like

a school master whom the pupils feared more than they loved and admired, was

delivering lectures on his brand of Islam to the people of Pakistan. Consequently, the

feelings of isolation from the mainstream of culture were increasingly creeping into the

minorities. They felt a kind of compulsion to follow the cultural course which they

considered was contrary to their cultural pattern, they have followed for centuries.The

apprehension that soon they would lose their cultural identity and submerge into an alien

culture brought them together to reflect on how to safeguard and protect their cultural and

religious identity: “What I could do in’59 and’60, my daughter can’t do in 1978?” (11).

Zareen also realized that Zia’s regime had put the brakes on the very progress they were

making and the whole society had been pulled back: “Could you imagine Feroza cycling

to school now? She would be a freak! Those goondas would make vulgar noises and
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bump into her, and the mullahs would tell her to cover her head. Instead of moving

forward, we are moving backward” (11).

Lahore in the 1980s was politically agitated. Z.A.Bhutto was behind the bars on a

murder charge of his political opponent. The news of his trial had created great interest

amongst the people, both his supporters and opponents. Z.A. Butto has remained an

enigma, a mystery. His rise to power was as spectacular as was his downfall. Emma

Duncan in her book Breaking The Curfew while commenting on the rivalry between the

Pir Sahib and Bhutto mentions the beginning of his political career:

He [Pir Mardan Ali Shah of Pagara Sharif] got Bhutto’s career started,

employing the young man as a legal adviser and persuading Iskander

Mirza to include him in a delegation to the United Nations. But they fell

out when Bhutto came to power, according to the Pir, he telephoned his

erstwhile patron and said ‘I will now deal with you.’ The Pir was charged

with subversion and treason, and his associates were imprisoned. (234)

This was, in fact, his philosophy of success, and he followed it very regularly and

doggedly to achieve his objectives in politics. Very much like a Machiavellian character

he would use his friends, acquaintances and benefactors as a ladder to rise to power and

once in power he would not slip any opportunity to deceive them or turn a blind eye to

them. His opponents and even his benefactors were not only tortured but also put behind

the bars on false charges. His closest political colleagues and cabinet ministers could not

protect themselves from his wrath. Consequently, he had annoyed so many people,

politicians, civil servants, men in the judiciary, administration and the Pakistan Army.

These were the people who mattered, whose decisions carried weight:

The lawyer Feroza had always known as Uncle Anwar, tall, long faced,

bespectacled, the pace of the tic in his left eye betraying his emotion,
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shouted, “So what? Don’t you know the bastard had drawn up a hit list, I

was on it! You’ll be surprised at those who were on it: many of them our

friends. I’ll see to it the bastard’s hanged.” He was the chief prosecuting

attorney. (Sidhwa 22)

Lahore has always been in the forefront of every political movement before and after

the creation of Pakistan. The city has not only witnessed some momentous political

upheavals but also lead them to final conclusions. A distinctive feature of the Lahori

culture and attitude is that the people known as zandha-delan- e- Lahore, enthusiastically

participate in political meetings and even their ordinary discussions are colored with

politics. Lahore has staged so many huge public meetings at such places, as the Mochi

Darwaza, a green area surrounding the famous Mochi Gate, Minto Park, now known as

the Minar-e- Pakistan Park, the same spot where in 1940 in an historic meeting of the All

India Muslim League Lahore Resolution was passed which lead to the creation of

Pakistan. The overthrow of a legitimate political government in 1977 and the

amalgamation of politics with religion and martial law created a unique culture which had

influenced every aspect of the people of Pakistan. Confused and bewildered, they noticed

that simultaneously their country was being run by three kinds of laws, the martial law,

the state law and the Islamic law. Consequently, the Lahoris and particularly the

minorities were much vocal in their political discussions and conversations. Even in the

social gatherings at their residents it was politics which they discussed so passionately

that their discussions very often would change into altercations:

Their guests wrangled about Bhutto’s deeds and misdeeds during his prime

ministership the Islamization of state institutions by General Zia, and

which way the verdict in the Bhutto trial for the murder of a political rival

would go. The arguments turned into acrimonious screeching sessions as

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the trial progressed. Every so often one of the guests would bang on the

table and loudly proclaim, “I’ll never eat in this house again!” and

promptly turn up the next evening. (21-22)

The political scenario of that time, in fact, saw a chasm on political grounds between the

members of the same family, the husband supporting the government and the wife

vehemently opposing it:

Your Bhutto also let us down, asking the army to control law and order!

Didn’t he know he was inviting martial law? Nationalizing even the cotton

gims, ruining the economy… And the idiot prohibited drinking in clubs!”

Cyrus said, as if this measure capped all offences. Lately political

discussions with Cyrus took this turn. “What do you mean my Bhutto; he

was as much yours then! He was forced to by the fundos,” Zareen retorted.

“You know what he said when they accused him of drinking: ‘Yes, I

drink! Yes, I drink whiskey: not the blood of the poor people!’ “Zareen

sounded absurdly theatrical even to herself. (11-12)

In order to cleanse Pakistan of unislamic and western influence in:

1979 Zia-ul –Haq announced that he was establishing the Nizam-i-Islam.

That led to more national soul-searching than any policy initiated since the

country’s creation. Those who supported it claimed that it was what

Pakistan was created for: What is the sense in having an Islamic country

without Islamic laws. (Duncan 221)

The process of Islamization would include the establishment of Shariat benches in the

high courts later replaced with a Federal Shariat court, to see that no law should be passed

and implemented which is repugnant to the injunctions of Islam. Islamic Ideology

Council and the Islamic University were also set up to enhance the process of
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Islamization. The issuance of presidential ordinance to implement the laws of zakat and

usher and the break for prayer in the office timing and Hudood ordinance, all were aimed

at making Pakistan an Islamic country. To make this programme a great success, he

obliged the religious leaders to power and prestige. Religious madrassas were established

in every nook and corner of the country and the curriculum in schools and colleges was

also Islamized and so was the the city of Lahore. Lahore changed its landscape and

colour. Although, the new development schemes were followed immediately after the

partition in 1947, yet the pace of development picked up in the 1980 and mushroom

growth of housing schemes took place. The Lahore Improvement Trust established in

1936 had been given the responsibility of reconstruction of riot-destroyed Lahore and

laying out new residential and housing schemes. It took to its task of restoration of old

and dilliptated buildings with professional commitment and devotion and at the same time

chalked out a thorough plan of building new colonies in Lahore. “The Gulberg,

Samnabad, and Shad Bagh schemes were the most important developments. The Gulberg

scheme, at a projected cost of Rs 3 crores, in 1952 created a new area of 2,900 acres

around the existing Gulberg Colony in the South-east of the city near to the cantonment”

(Talbot 117). Gulberg and the cantonment areas were soon occupied by the upper and

rich class of Lahore. It also gradually became the centre of commercial activities and

some of the modern markets and commercial plazas were also built there. There were

other schemes for the middle class and lower middle class of Lahore. The Samnabad

Scheme was one such scheme:

The Samnabad scheme was started in 1950 when initially covered just

over 200acres on the south-western side of the city in the area lying

between Miani Sahib and Pakki Thatti. It covered an area that despite its
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name (the land jasmine) consisted of abandoned brickkilns, wells, and

ponds which had become thew abode of waste tips and stray dogs. (117)

For the lower middle class Lahore Improvement Trust initiated a couple of other

residential and commercial schemes.

The Shad Bagh (Prospering garden) scheme was a continuation of Lahore

Improvement Trust’s Misri Shah Development Scheme that had originally

been conceived in August 1944. It comprised 585 plots hanging from 20 to

10 marlas in size, with the largest number (198) set aside at the latter size

(2,250 sq. ft.). At the time partition, only Blocks A and D of the seven

projects blocks had any houses, commonly known as quarters. Block B

and C were under construction, consisting of single-storey houses of a

five- marla design. Work continued on the other blocks using material

from evacuee properties destroyed during the pre-partition violence in the

Shah Almi locality. (118)

There were other Housing Schemes to accommodate the refugees in the Misri Shah and

Shad Bagh areas. In addition to such Housing Schemes, there were some private projects,

housing towns and societies, some were planned and some were not, the cultural map of

Lahore began to change. In the posh areas like Gulberg, the extension of Gulberg,

GulbergII, Gulberg III etc, etc, Model Town, various new blocks were added to the

already existed locality, and Cantonment, and then the Defense Housing Agency with its

several phases there emerged a new culture of Lahore. A new affluence class began to

dominate the political and cultural scene of Lahore. The middle class and particularly the

business community encouraged by the economic polices of the government became

more influential. The Zia regime also experimented with the political and electoral system

and procedure of the country. It decided to hold elections on non-political basis. This
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weakened the political parties and encouraged the braderi affiliations. The traders also

entered into politics, won elections and sat in the assemblies to protect and safeguard their

vested interests. Consequently, the country witnessed the rise of business activity as the

factories and other productive institutions nationalized by the Bhutto’s regime were given

back to their owners and such policies were adopted as to promote private entrepreneur.

Business began to thrive, religion was promoted and with it the religious community put

its foot down and lent full support to Zia-ul-Haq. The new designs in architecture were

followed and in new localities some palatial houses stood up, the roads were smooth and

spacey, the markets and shopping centres were stocked with foreign goods. The religious

scholars patronized by the rich class and by the government as well, set up their madrasas

and mosques in such localities. The exodus of the influential religious scholars from the

walled city and old localities of Lahore to the posh areas of big businessmen and high

government officials gave an opportunity to the maulvis of lesser religious stature to

establish their credentials before they move to a more lucrative area of the city. With

emphasis on the Islamization process the importance of the religious parties, the mullahs

and mosques had increased manifold. The new mosques built in such areas had all the

facilities, they were air-conditioned, fully carpeted and had room heaters in winter. The

huge minarets fitted with latest stereo system, and bulb like domes of white and green

marble gave the holy structure a particular grandeur and sanctity:

Suddenly an indefinable noise stopped their breaths. Almost at once they

realized that The rket mosque’s stereo system was being tested. The air

was blasted ba gh. And when the assistant maulvi cleared his throat in a

loud”ahun-haam!” with impressive squelchy undertones, the feat was

broadcast from the eight most powerful stereo amplifiers in Lahore,

mounted right on top of the mosque’s minaret. (Sidhwa 45)

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The speakers of the mosques were also used for some social and humanitarian purposes

and announcements. The maulvis even enjoyed this power over the public. The very idea

that they could open the speakers of the mosque any time to address the people

irrespective of the fact that their piercing voice would disturb the old, the sick etc, etc,

stuffed their mind with arrogance and power:

The maulvi made a few announcements that rent the peaceful afternoon,

“A girl, age five, who answers to the name of Shameem, is missing. She is

wearing a red cardigan and gold earnings…A boy, age three, who answers

to the name of Akbar, is missing. He is wearing a white shirt and blue

knickers…,” and then the Main market maulvi proceeded to shred the

afternoon completely, when, accompanied by a children’s choir, he began

to sing religious songs. (45)

On Fridays and other religious festivals, the maulvi along with his army of disciples

would engage themselves with religious songs, and some prepared lectures on important

religious topics. Such programmes would start in the afternoon and would continue till

late at night. At times the lecture of the maulvi would touch a controversial topic amongst

the Muslim sects which would result in Shia Sunni riots, aggravating the law and order

situation. When such an explosive situation is developed the government has to put ban

on the use of stereo system and the speakers of the mosques keep them quite except for

the azaan:

The guests gathered on the Ginwalla lawn all had their own street- corner

mosques with their own resident maulvis and stereo systems, but they had

never heard such a nasal, grating voice or been subjected to such

uninhabited disregard for the esthetics of a tune. The assault on their ear

was intolerable. They could hardly hear themselves speak. Since it was
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Friday, the head maulvi, his invited cronies, and sundry bearded

cheerleaders could be counted on to keep the stereo system booming all

afternoon. (45)

The people gathered at the party to see Feroza off “to the land of glossy magazines, of

“Bewitched” and “Star Trek,” of rock stars and jeans…” (27) were acquainted with the

power of the maulvis over the public in their respective localities, yet the power of the

latest stereo system installed in the mosque in the Main Market was a new experience for

them. The deafening noise compelled them to take refuge inside of the Ginwalla’s

bungalow.

In the Lahore of the 1970s life was, no doubt, accelerating its speed and Tonga had

been replaced by Toyota in the posh areas as a means of transportation. So there emerged

a new city a new Lahore different in architecture, style and as more space was available

for mobility, for construction and for new ideas. With openness and space came new

concepts which revolutionized life. With the construction of big and palatial houses

occupying more space people in such localities found themselves isolated and alienated

from one anther. A considerable distance between those inhabiting the old city and those

inhabiting the new one had raised a kind of social barrier unseen yet, unsurpassable, a

kind of estrangement which had clearly divided them, limiting them to their respective

worlds. Nevertheless, they had their own means to pass their leisure time. Evening parties

in the big hotels of the city gave them ample opportunities to be entertained and relaxed.

Whereas life in the walled city, the old Lahore of the Mughals still had the same old

pattern; people were bound by the socio-cultural patterns. The society in the old Lahore

was still a close knitted society with its inhabitants sharing the joys and sorrows of one

another, very much orthodox in their attitude towards life, displaying contentment and

satisfaction with whatever they possessed, without any inordinate ambitions. They would
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celebrate the traditional festivals with tremendous zest and zeal and with great sense of

participation. The tradition of having a chit chat in the evenings sitting on the raised

platforms called tharas of their houses was still intact. The topics of gossip would include

politics, sports and other social issues of common interest. A special dish of sweet cooked

or prepared on religious or special social occasions would be shared with the neighbors

and regular visits to one another were very common. This kind of social intercourse had

given them a very strong and deep sense of solidarity and togetherness. The women

would observe purdha and seldom prefer office to home. Equipped with education, yet

the young girls would hardly dream for economic and financial independence and the

concept of a career woman had not yet stirred their imagination. Nevertheless, people still

had time for social gatherings. Such functions were and still are a means of knowing of

the latest happings in the family: “In the garden, Khutlibai was regaling relatives with the

latest family health and news bulletins” (44). The party hosted by the Ginwalls to see

their daughter off to America, though, was an exclusively Parsee show, yet there were

some Muslim friends as well. The guests were served with Murree-beer and 7 up

shandies, sherbet and other traditional drinks were no longer in vogue in such areas. It

was a new Lahore which had come into existence approximately ten kilometers away

from the old walled city. It was not the question of distance which had made a great

difference; it was rather the question of thinking and attitude that had created a chasm

between the people living in the walled city and those inhabiting modern localities. The

irony was that those who got rich left their homes in the old city and came to inhabit the

new localities of Lahore, began to adapt themselves according to the new environment

and fashions at the cost of their age old traditions and conventions in the old city. The

older generation nevertheless remained loyal with the old traditions. Resultantly, there

emerged conflicts between the old and young generation in the same house. So when
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Zareen emphasized the idea that Feroza should be sent to America, Kutlibai, Zareen’s

mother vehemently and conclusively opposed it by saying that Feroza was too young to

be there: “The there was pregnant with unspeakable knowledge of the sexual license

allowed American girls and the perils of drink and drugs. Compounding the danger were

vivid images of rapists looming in dark alleys to entice, molest and murder young girls”

(30). She further calls Zareen to question by saying that she has been guilty of neglecting

her duties as a mother. She kept herself busy with attending parties, participating in the

meetings of various committees and with politics:

Who is this Bhutto to you that you get so worked up? If I hadn’t been

around, God knows who’d have taught my grand daughter to pray. You‘ve

stopped wearing your Sudra and kusti; you prefer to show your skin at the

waist. What kind of example are you setting for your child?” (31)

Those were the times when women were so much enthusiastic about their own rights and

freedom. With Bhutto in power they grew in confidence and saw an opportunity to assert

themselves in all walks of life. So Bhutto had become their hero and when he was toppled

from power they were really perturbed and took a lead in the demonstrations in his

support.

With Zia-ul-Haq riding on the crest of power and introducing the Islamic principles

and laws, the opportunities for entertainment for the public were rather diminishing

rapidly. Theatre and cinema entertainment was discouraged. Theatre and cinema artists

became jobless as film studios put down their shutters and theatres were locked. Lahore

film industry which had thrived in the 1960s and was a significant source of revenue for

the government found itself impoverished. As a result, some of the artists left Pakistan

and some were indulged in drugs trafficking and were arrested in Europe and America.

Pakistan television became much focused on Islamic programmes. Consequently, TV

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drama as a means of entertainment lost its appeal to the people of Lahore. Its quality also

declined and TV had become rather a pulpit for preaching of such an ideology and dogma

best suited to the promotion of Zia’s regime and its policies. Since Lahore was the centre

of film making and theatrical activities, it suffered the most. The liberal and enlightened

culture of theatre, film and drama declined rapidly and the discussions on literary, cultural

and political topics were discouraged. Musical and cultural programmes in the

educational institutions were banned. Art galleries of Lahore began to give a deserted

look. Religious madrasas in Lahore outnumbered the English medium schools. Islamiyat

and Pakistan Studies were introduced as new subjects in the educational institutions of

Lahore. With the rise in the culture of masjid madrasas, various religious sects began to

arm their followers with weapons. Consequently, the Lahori society become violent and

was rocked by the sporadic bomb blasts and other violent clashes amongst these religious

groups. Religious leaders were the targets of such clashes in which hundreds of innocent

citizens also lost their precious lives. Religion dominated politics and the liberal political

forces were on the retreat. Lahore, from the year 1977 to 2000 develops into a locale

where religious forces collided with political forces to gain ascendancy. It was the time

when the business community began to dominate politics to protect their vested interests.

They also challenged the political domination of the traditional landlords and feudal

Sardars. These two diametrically opposite classes and elements added a new dimension to

the social, economic, moral and political climate of Lahore. Retired military and civil

bureaucracy did not lag behind. They also tried their hands in politics and business as

they had earned lot of money, deposited in foreign banks. This new class, a unique blend

of civil and military bureaucrats, businessmen and technocrats with the moulas and the

clerics tied to its tail, served the purpose of the military regimes perfectly successfully.

They were the bulwark of such regimes which also provided them with heaven sent
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opportunity to amass money to build their business empires through illegal means using

their political clout. The emergence of so called capitalist class under the umbrella of the

ruling generals brought the decline of moral values as their capitalism did not have human

values. Lahore, therefore, from 1977 to 2000 and even beyond presents a real aspect of

amorphousness of political, social, economic, religious and moral nature. And of the

novels which I have selected to adumbrate my idea of amorphousness I would like to

discuss Suleri’s Meetless Days.

Meatless Days (1989) is a wonderful blend of public and private history recollected in

tranquility. Reminiscents and recollections of her past are quite painful. In her book Sara

evokes memories and recollections of the days spent with her parents, sisters and brothers

in Lahore. She throws light on her relationship, especially with the women who shaped

her life. While commenting on her activities at home, at her college and the Carvan

theatre, she zooms in on the kind of culture which Lahore had developed during the 1970s

and 80s, the political climate, the cultural milieu and the rapidly changing social fabric of

Lahore, the heart of Pakistan. The book can also be read as a saga of the Sularis, starting

from her Dadi’s birth, her marriage and migration to Pakistan and her father’s sojourn in

London, his marriage with a Welsh woman, he already had a wife and daughter in

Pakistan, and his enthusiasm for Pakistan, journalism and for his Welsh wife who gave

him five children. Suleri has never called Meatless Days an autobiography rather claims

‘why should a novel be less true than someone saying this is my life?’ (Interview,

December 1990 qtd. in Lee). While challenging the traditional definition of authenticity,

she claims that fiction can be equally authentic as the so-called real events in some one’s

life.

Suleri has called Meatless Days an alternative history, intertwining the private

happenings with those of the country, Pakistan. The structure of the book, therefore, is
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woven in such a way as the painful personal events follow the heels of the public events.

Suleri claims Meatless Days to be a “new kind of historical writing, whereby I give no

introductions whatsoever. I use the names, the places, but I won’t stop to describe them”

(Interview, December 1990 qtd. in Lee).

An interesting feature of the book is that the tragic events which take place in Lahore,

the locale of the book, give the city a tragic dimension. While recalling her Dadi who

loved God and food equally passionately, and “she was not among those who, on the

fourteenth of August, unfurled flags and festivities against the backdrop of people

running and cities burning. About that era she would only say, looking up sour and

cryptic over the edge of her Quran, “And I was also burned” (Suleri 2). One terrible

night, Dadi secretly entered the kitchen and while making tea for caught flames and

“went up in a little ball of fire” (10). That fire in the kitchen was less in intensity than the

one which engulfed Lahore. Lahore burned for several days on the eve of partition of the

Sub-continent. The whole city reeked of cumin and camphor.

The book Meatless Days has successfully captured the multifaceted aspect of Lahore.

The keenness and enthusiasm of the people of Lahore on the eve of such religious

festivals as Eid and the reception of the holy month of Ramadan has been described very

dexterously. The sighting of the moon of Eid and Ramadan was a special occasion for the

people. All and sundry would gather on the roofs of their houses just before the sunset

and the azan of the Mughreb prayer to locate the new moon and the sighting of it would

be proclaimed by raising slogans Allah o Akbar, “ On the appointed evenings we would

rake the twilight for that possible silver, and it made the city and body both shudder with

expectation to spot that little slip of a moon that signified Ramzan and made the sky

historical” (29) with great expectations of having the opportunity that the table would be

decorated with all kinds of edibles available in that season when the time of defasting
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arrives in the evening: “The food itself, designed to keep the penitent sustained from

dawn till dusk, was insistent in its richness and intensity, with bread dripping clarified

butter, and curried brains, and cumin eggs, and peculiarly potent vermicelli, soaked

overnight in sugar and fatted milk” (30).

The eager ears would be so tuned to listen to the call of the Muazum, so keen to relish the

taste of a heaped variety of food that some of them would get impatient. The whole city

of Lahore would assume the air of business and alacrity. “How busy Lahore would get!

Its minarets hummed, its municipalities pulled out their old air-raid sirens to make the

city noisily cognizant: the moon had been sighted, and the fast begun” (30).

The municipalities used the air-raid sirens in the war against India in 1965 and again in

1971 when the enemy war planes appeared in the sky of Lahore to intimidate the

Lahorites. The people of Lahore, on the other hand were delighted to witness dog fights

undauntedly on their roofs. But in the month of Ramadan the sirens are rung to warn the

faithfuls that the time of the beginning of fast starts and that they should stop filling their

bellies. But, it is a common sight to behold that the very sound of the sirens would

accelerate the speed of eating and the eating rituals would continue even after the sirens

have ceased sending the sound waves of warning, “She hooted when the city’s sirens

sounded to tell us that we should stop eating and that the fast had now begun: she enjoyed

a more direct relation with God than did petty municipal authorities and was fond of

declaiming what Muhammad himself had said in her defense” (30). She would take both

shelter and delight in one of prophet’s sayings and support her ferocious eating: “He

apparently told one of his contemporaries that seri did not end until a white thread of light

described the horizon and separate the landscape from the sky” (30). Dadi had her own

holy philosophy of fasting and would not allow anyone to violate its sanctity: “ In Dadi’s

book that thread could open into quite an active loom of dawning; the world made waking
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sounds, the birds and milkmen all resumed their proper functions, but Dadi’s regal

mastication—on the last brain now—declared it still was night” (30).

The iftar time would bring all the members of a family together, circling around the

table or the floor mat with a great variety of food placed there, all hears directed towards

the call of the Muazum, to defast with milk and dates, the traditional way of defasting:

… but then with what glad eyes we’d welcome the grilled liver and the

tang of pepper in the orange juice. We were happy to see the spinach

leaves and their fantastical shapes deftly fried in the lightest chick-pea

batter, along with the tenderness of fresh fruit, most touching to the palate.

(31)

While recollecting her memories of the holy month of Ramadan in Lahore she states a

very interesting incident which reveals the character of the Lahoris:

Once, driving back from Kinnaird College to Zafar Ali Road by taxi in

truant twilight hours, what a shock I got when my taxi driver pulled over

to the side of the road and said, “Sister, let’s open our fast.” Many lurid

images had skeltered through my head before I recollected ---the taste of

my last cigarette still acrid on my tongue--- of course, it is Ramazan, and

now the man must eat in order to be faithful. (77)

Here she is highlighting the culture of Lahore in the holy month of Ramadan. The people

of Lahore like other Pakistanis are so religiously eager to observe the sanctity of the holy

month that they would stop their routine work, even the traffic of the city would come to

a halt when the sirens are blown at the defasting time. An interesting feature of her

recollection of her days during the month of Ramadan is that she is able to pick up the

hypocrisy of the Laborites even in the holy month:

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He gravely handed me a bunch of grapes and then retired to a nearby

grassy knoll to put,as Muslims will, heads down and bottoms up in a

westerly direction. The meterticked on, and of a sudden I felt ravished by a

grace to which I had no real belonging but whose arrival made me

intensely shy. (77)

Lahore changes its character and mood like the change in seasons. In summer the city

can be too hot to make life miserable and the heat unbearable. June in Lahore is the

cruelest month. The streets are deserted in the afternoon and the roads without traffic. All

the living creatures are in search of shade and shelter. The mercury sometime rises up to

118 Fahrenheit degree. People would take their cots on rooftops for pleasant sleep in the

night. After the setting of the sun, as the custom was during those days, people would

sprinkle water on the roofs which were of earth to mitigate the intensity of heat. After that

activity, they would take their cots on the rooftop for a pleasant sleep and a chit chat

before going to sleep: “ Loving Shahid as , I was pleased to have him home, sleeping on

a rooftop adjacent to my room , where I could amble over for a good-night chat” (63).

Those were the days when the craze of air-conditioner had not yet emerged to trouble the

people with electricity utility bills to be submitted to the banks standing in the long

queues. And the Suleris, most surprisingly, decided to move from London to Lahore in

June. Soon they discovered the gravity of the situation and their unwise decision when

Farni, their one year old son born in England could not coop with the scorching heat and

fell sick: “The heat shriveled the baby, giving his face an expression of slow and

bewildered shock, which was compounded by the fact that for the next year there was

very little that the child could do” (28). The country on the whole, had many surprises in

store for the people. The morning newspapers were full of exciting, unexpected and

strange news items. Some of the food items would suddenly disappear from the markets
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and then reappear after a couple of days and would be sold dearly. The scarcity of the

necessities of life and edibles would result in the sharp rise of their prices and at the same

time their quality and weight would decrease:

… and to some degree all of us were equally watchful for hidden trickeries

in the scheme of nourishment, for the way in witch things would always be

missing or out of place in Pakistan’s erratic emotional market. Items of

security— such as flour or butter of cigarettes or tea--- were always

vanishing, or returning in such dubiously shiny attire that we could barely

stand to look at them. (28-9)

Adulteration of food was the commonest of all the harmless acts and the culprits would

move fearlessly with busted out tummies in the society enjoying all the social privileges

shamelessly and the buyers would not object to the poor quality the items of all kinds they

purchase:

…the milkman diluted our supply of milk with paraffin instead of water;

and those were not pistachios, at all, in a tub of Hico’s green ice cream.

Our days and our newspapers were equally full of disquieting tales about

adulterated food and the preternaturally keen eye that the nation kept on

such promiscuous blendings. (29)

August in Lahore is always a welcome relief from the pinching heat. In the month of

July the rains start pouring in and monsoon is at its best in August. The roads and streets

are converted into small streams and canals encouraging the poor children to enjoy their

swim. The ritual of celebrating the monsoon in Lahore reaches its climax with the

devouring of that delicious fruit called mango. Tea and pokoras are also served and taken

with equal delight:

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People could think of eating again: after the first rains, in July, they gave

themselves over to a study of mangoes, savoring in high seriousness the

hundred varieties of that fruit. When it rained in the afternoons, the

children were allowed to eat their mangoes in the garden, stripped naked

and dancing about, first getting sticky with mango juice and then getting

slippery with rain. (38)

Gol guppas are another most coveted and sought after food in the rainy season in Lahore.

The Lahorites are always in search of good and delicious gol guppas. They would roam

around the city for their favorite food:

Gol guppas are a strange food: I have never located their equivalent to

them or their culinary situation. They are an outdoor food, a passing whim,

and no one would dream of recreating their frivolity inside of her own

kitchen. A gol guppa is small hollow oval of the lightest pastry that is

dipped into a fiery liquid sauce made of tamarind and cayenne as a joke, in

a moment of good humor. (39)

Sara presents Lahore as a stage where private and public tragedies took place

simultaneously. “I saw my mother’s grave and then came back to America…my father

called from London and mentioned that Dadi was dead. It happened in the same week that

Bhutto was finally and inevitably hanged, and our imaginations were consumed by that

public and historical dying” (17). In fact, Lahore had witnessed the rise of Bhutto to

political power and the people of Lahore rendered him unprecedented support and were

his bulwark in the arena of power and politics. The same city played a pivotal role in its

downfall. It was here at Shahdman a posh locality of Lahore, one of his political

opponents was killed. The F.I.R registered against the killers included the name of

Bhutto, the then Prime Minister of the country and the most powerful of all the rulers in
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the history of Pakistan. When General Zia toppled Bhutto’s government and put Bhutto

behind the bars, he used the same F.I.R to incriminate Bhutto with the murder of Ahmed

Raza Kasuri. So the same city which helped him rise on the crest of power and popularity

did not stage any effective political resistance to save his life. Bhutto could see an act of

betrayal in the cold attitude of the city. The Sularis faced another tragedy during those

days of political gloom and public catastrophes. Sara’s Welsh mother died in a road

accident while crossing the road in front of the University of the Punjab where she was a

professor of English literature:

By this time Bhutto was in prison and awaiting trial, and General Zia was

presiding over the Islamization of Pakistan. But we had no time to notice.

My mother was buried at the nerve centre of Lahore, an unruly and dusty

place, and my father immediately made arrangements to buy the plot of

land next to her grave. (17)

Misfortunes for the Suleris came in battalions. Suleri’s experience of personal pain and

agony made her see a different but true facet of Lahore, a burial place, a waste land and a

city of the dead. Three deaths within the span of three years kept the family busy with

burial rituals and rites:

I realized what it meant, when I returned to Miani Sahib. It was my last

morning in Lahore and I wanted to be respectful to the graves of my

mother and my sister. Pressed for time, I took a taxi to the Miani Sahib

graveyard, sitting as it does just beyond Monzang Chungi, a shrieking

moment in one of the several of Lahore’s centers. I found the thorn trees

and the dust, but once I had passed through Miani sahib’s gates, I was

surrounded by a city that I could not read. There were no sign posts and as

though desperately late for a dinner, I went on in the blundering optimism,

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certain that each forking path would take me where I belonged. But the

hillocks were too similar, and I could not find the ones I wished to find.

An hour later the roses I had bought were bruised and limp, perspiring out

their shape into my hand…. “Please take me to the B block of this town,

where I am looking for two women who always gave me pleasure when

they kept close company. (87-8)

Miani Sahib is one of the oldest graveyards of Lahore. It is situated on either side of

Bahawalpur Road, which links Mozang Chungi with Multan road near Charburgi. It is a

city within a city, silent, peaceful and noiseless. Unlike the noisy city which surrounds it,

spreading around it, divided into posh and fashionable areas with all the modern facilities,

shining and glowing through neon signs and huge advertising boards, inhabited by the

paper men and the slums, a picture of misery and wretchedness, the city of tombs and

graves of old and young, men and women, rich and poor presents the other side of reality,

the unavoidable and the inevitable. The only signs are the tombstones and the only

language is the language written on the epitaphs, a reminder of death and man’s futile and

frustrated struggle to be permanent. And the rest is silence. The graves are the signs of the

fact that death levels all, the king and the beggar, the scholar and the clown.

Suleri feels frustrated and disappointed as she is unable to locate the graves of her

mother and sister, the B block of the graveyard. In her hunger perhaps she had forgotten

the fact that she was moving on a different landscape, the city of the dead, treading on

someone’s bones and bodies, moth eaten and withered, perhaps on her own mother’s or

sister’s, and that the flowers she had bought had withered away and that there were only

thorns and dry trees, ash colour, pale and pallid. And still the earth was hungry, hungry

for more dead bodies. Suddenly, the truth dawn upon her that all the graves are alike and

that offering fateha standing by any of the graves would bless all those buried in the
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graveyard. So she comes back to the world of the living, a world of paradoxes and

contradictions and of deceptions.

Lahore in the 1970s still had the impact of colonialism. Although the country had

achieved independence in 1947 the educational institutions set up during the heydays of

the British Raj, like Aitcheson College, Forman Christian College and Kinnairad College

aiming at producing a breed only Indian in color and English in mannerism, imparted

education to those who were eager to enter into the world of power and politics. Such

colonial institutions had their own culture. Very much steeped in the colonial history of

the Sub-continent; they produced young men who very proudly continued the British

legacy in various fields of life in Pakistan even after its independence. The graduates

from Government College Lahore would join the civil superior services of Pakistan to

become a cog nut in the bureaucratic machinery, set up in the days of the Raj, and those

from Aitcheson and Forman Christian College would dream of ruling this country by

joining politics. These graduates would look for their better halves in Kinnaird College

for women, “signified a magical arena containing a few hundred women of prime time

marriage ability in an architectural embrace remarkably reminiscent of the old days of the

Zenana khana , its room after room of unenterable women’s room” (47).

Kinnaird College for women is situated on the Jail Road, a road which serves a link

between the old Lahore and the fashionable areas like the Cantonment and beyond that,

the defense society of the elite class. The college was indeed on the Jail Road, so was the

Jail, and the racecourse, and the lunatic asylum, too:

daily we found it hard to believe ourselves, but it was true. All those

institutions looked identical, built out of the same colonial red brick in a

style that suggested a profusion of archway and verandas and enclosed

gardens, highly walled. Massive thrice-locked gates dotted that potent

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street, which the city vainly tried to rename, but jail Road—a simple and

accurate appellation—refused any alias. (47)

Although, for the young men of Lahore a Kinnaird girl was the most covetous prize to

win for marriage, yet the girls within the walls of the college had different feelings. They

would feel being imprisoned and stifled in the verandas and red bricked walls and would

aspire for freedom outside the academic atmosphere. The archways, verandas and the

enclosed gardens with massive iron gates had made the institution look like another Jail

or mental asylum which was just a few yards away from the college. The incident of

elopement of a college girl with a daring young Lahori knight would soon become the

talk of the town and the other girls would envy the eloper and would dream of their own

elopement. The hostels of the college were out of bound, prohibited area for men just to

challenge their spirited gallantry and metal:

…were intended by college rule never to be entered by a man, other than

at best by a father or at worst a sweeper. Rumor had it, however, that

certain hair rising challenges had been met by the bravest and most

depraved of the boarders, who then had entertained all kinds of nocturnal

possibilities. (48)

So slipping away from the hostels surreptitiously tantamount to winning freedom from

the tyranny of enslavement, like a prisoner from the jail or from the mental asylum. In

1977 Bhutto was dethroned from power by general Zia-ul-Haq and was put behind the

bars awaiting trial. He was allowed to pine away in the Jail for two years before he was

ultimately hanged in 1979. The public loss intermingled with personal one:

Dadi was now dead. It happened in the same week that Bhutto finally was

hanged, and our imaginations were consumed by that public and historical

dying. Pakistan made rapid provisions not to talk about the thing that had
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been done, and somehow, accidentally, Dadi must have been mislaid into

that larger decision, because she too ceased being a mentioned thing. (17)

The people of Pakistan soon forgot this tragic and historical incident, the hanging of one

of their once most beloved and favorite leaders who had left an indelible and ineffaceable

imprint upon the history of the country, and very conveniently moved on as if nothing had

happened. How weak the memory of human beings is and how cruel history is:

“Overnight the country had grown absentminded, and patches of amnesia hung over the

hollows of the land like fog” (18). The nation suffered a great political loss when Bhutto

was hanged. The personal loss was also unending and the Suleris discovered themselves

enveloped by tragic gloom. Death was in hot pursuit of the Suleris. The death of Ifat,

Sara’s sister was too heavy a loss to bear. With her death Sara lost her contact and bond

with women in Lahore who were so important in her life in many ways. So Sulari sees

Lahore as a stage of human sufferings and agonies and ultimately a graveyard, a burial

place of love hope and trust.

In the 1970s Lahore was still a city of the Mughals and the British. It had yet not lost

its link with its past. The old structures with bulb like domes, minarets and Victorian

arches still had a fascination for the Lahorites and were a living testimony of its glorious

past. Although, Lahore had developed and expanded beyond recognition, yet, a part of it

retained its romance, Anarchali’s tomb, the burial place of Mughal romance. The Punjab

University, an institution of great repute in the Sub-continent with its Gothic and

Victorian design and the small domes, an excellent intermingling of all these architectural

designs is a pleasing sight. The Museum situated in front of the University, a sign of

colonial rule and the big canon in front of it, are a constant reminder of what was once

Lahore peaceful and beautiful:

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I liked the old campus of the university where my mother taught. Its crazy

commingling of Victorian with the kind of architecture the Victorian

thought we Indians liked was pleasing to me, with its curious lioned-

coloured stone and vast aging interiors.Those massive domes and

courtyards sit opposite the red museum and the court, just at the point the

Mall is about trail off toward the Ravi River, making the transition from

British Lahore to Mughal Lahore. The university intersects the two,

looking out at Kim’s Gun and the museum where Kipling’s father worked,

turning its back on the intricacies of the Anarkali bazaar, named after the

dancing girl that Jahangir is fabled to have loved. She was bricked alive

into her grave as punishment for having solicited a prince’s love, but at

least it was not a lonely grave, lying at the heart of the getting and

spending of Lahore’s busiest bazaar. (152)

The city of Lahore has always attracted the travelers. The old city was built on the

bank of river Ravi just to make it invincible for the invading armies coming from the

North. Several structures were raised within the old walled city in different times of its

history. In the Mughal times the city had become a renowned centre of culture and

commerce spreading and spilling over its wall and thirteen massive gates, thus bringing a

change in its geography. Aurangzaib, the last great Mughal Emperor, constructed the

Badshi Mosque which since its construction has become a prominent feature of Lahore’s

skyline. After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, Lahore has dramatically changed into a

modern cosmopolitan city with new localities and road network leading and taking the

travelers to modern and posh areas of the city. But it still has retained some of the features

of the old Lahore:

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Learning to understand the geographic spread of Lahore, to take for

granted its ravishing symmetry. She found that as a town it was

demanding, collecting frequent tolls on the average traveler’s appreciation

of perversity. Tiny annoyance—electrical breakdowns, open drains,

beggars in the streets like locusts—she had expected, and they did not

bother her. What puzzled her was the city’s habit of behaving like a

mirage, its Cheshire at ability to disappear. (54)

This is Lahore as perceived by Mustakori, a friend and college fellow of Sara Suleri,

the writer of Meatless Days. Mustakori as she was called by her friends hails from East

Africa. Before coming to Pakistan she had stayed at Dublin. In Lahore she got admission

to Kinnaird College. Being a post-colonial subject herself, she discovered Lahore as a

typical post-colonial city beset with innumerable tiny annoyances and inconveniences.

Lahore appeared to her crowded with unpaved streets, undisciplined and impatient

people, chaotic traffic, encroachment, open gutters and drains, the failure of electricity

and telecommunication system and the beggars buzzing around. This did not cause any

botheration to her as the situation in her own home town in East Africa was even worse

than what she found in Lahore. “What puzzled her was the city’s habit of behaving like a

mirage, its Cheshire cat ability to disappear.” (54). While traveling to Lahore on the

Grand Trunk Road, the first image of the city which attracts the traveler, immediately

after crossing the river Ravi, is the Badshahi Mosque adjacent to the Mughal Fort. Ranjit

Singh’s tomb situated under the shadow of the overpowering and overwhelming Mughal

Fort and by the side of the grand Mughal mosque, though, a tiny and unimpressive

structure when a comparison is drawn between the its neighbouring Mughal structures,

yet it adds a new dimension to the city. In front of these structures is laid down Minto

Park, a symbol of the British Raj. In the middle of that park stands Minar-e-Pakistan, a
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symbol of realization of dream of the Muslims of the Sub-continent for an independent

country called Pakistan. So in a small space, three diverse civilizations meet to create an

amorphous city called Lahore. It is also the meeting place of the ancient and the modern,

intermingling and intertwinging in a way that to separate their components and

ingredients is not possible. After this the city seems to disappear as there are no

skyrappers to distinguish and make the city prominent. Further towards the Govt. College

on the Lower Mall, the city appears again indicating the British rule with buildings such

as the Punjab University, National College of Arts, and the Museum constructed during

the British Raj. These structures reflect an intermixing of the Gothic architecture and the

local design of construction of buildings.

Gradually after 1947, the year of Pakistan’s independence, Lahore began to change to

a new map. Life in Lahore was slowly but steadily picking up its pace and in the 1960s

and70s, it began to develop as a modern city. The new localities with modern facilities

encouraged its expansion. New roads developed and commercial plazas were constructed.

New designs of construction appealed to the imagination of the people. All this took place

about ten kilometers away from the old city which had not yet lost its lure to the visitors

and the tourists. The walled city with its winding narrow and crowded streets, the

remnants of its history and the crumbling edifices, reminiscent of a civilization once

grand and glorious, was still more fascinating than what was called modern construction

in the posh areas of Lahore. The old city, the real Lahore, casting magic and luring

foreigners, raising the anticipation of those who were just to enter the city after crossing

the river Ravi, opened its arms to extend a very warm welcome and shower love on them.

Sulari describes her feelings on entering the city:

How many times have we driven down from Rawalpindi, fatigued in the

marrow of our bones, to cross the full Rivi and then the empty Ravi
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riverbed, finally to see the great luminous minarets of the mosque rising in

our vision like a gasp or a plea? Of course, nothing in the city quite lives

up to the promise of such a welcome, so that somehow one is always

expecting to find Lahore without quite locating it. I used to find it perverse

myself, that aura of anticipation, until it occurred to me that the town has

built itself upon the structural disappointment at the heart of pomp and

circumstances and since then I have loved to be disappointed by its streets.

They wind absentmindedly between centuries, slapping an edifice of crude

modernity against a medieval gate, forgetting a remembering beauty, in

pockets of merciful respite. (54)

Suleri’s disappointment, in fact, is caused by her inability to be familiar with the true

character and nature of the city of Lahore, its amorphousness. In order to understand or

locate Lahore one should be familiar with the contradictions, paradoxes, opposites,

similarities and dissimilarities found in abundance in Lahore. Lahore even today is a

beautiful blend of the opposites, the medieval and the modern. Modernism has even

encroached upon the ancient city situated within the thirteen gates of Lahore. New

architectural design with emphasis upon façade built on huge columns of concrete and the

use of colored glass replacing the traditional arches made of tiles of lime and mortar and

jack arched roofs has brought a significant change in the life style and popular thinking of

the Lahoris. Nevertheless, the old traditions and customs are dominant features of old

Lahore. It is in the modern and posh localities such as Defense Housing Societies,

Baharia Town Housing Societies etc etc that modern trends are dominant. Hamid’s Moth

Smoke is a realistic depiction of life in the old and the modern Lahore in the 1990s where

the opposites, the paradoxes, the similars and the dissimilars meet to weave a pattern of
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life so unique and so distinct, familiar and the at the same time so unfamiliar, strange,

odd, astonishing and astounding.

Hamid’s Moth Smoke (2000) is set in the terrible times of the 1990s when Pakistan

was rocked by an unending chain of crisis, financial, political and social. It was also the

time of atomic rivalry with India, its arch enemy, which had already tested the atomic

device, establishing its supremacy in the field of lethal atomic weapons as well, a

challenge to Pakistan to test its own atomic ability. The challenge was accepted and

Pakistan also tested its nuclear device to announce to the world that it also has the nuclear

capability. The action of the novel is set in the historical city of Lahore. By choosing the

names of his main characters from the Mughal history, Darashikoh and Arungzeb,

Mohsin Hamid has traced the rivalry between these two back to the Mughal times rather

implicitly on the one hand, and on the other, hinted at a continuity between the past and

the present. Darashikoh after loosing the war of succession to his brother Aurengzeb was

arrested and like Daru of Moth Smoke left to pine away behind the bars. Lahore was the

battle field between the two Mughal princes.

The novel begins with an incident taken from the Mughal history. Shah Jahan, the sick

and ailing, weary and worried Mughal Emperor is laying on his death bed consults a Sufi

as to which one of his sons would inherit his Peacock throne. On receiving the prediction

that Aurangzeb would be his successor he ordered to complete his wife’s mausoleum as

quickly as possible. When he died after eight years imprisonment in the royal fort, he was

laid to rest in the same tomb. Moth Smoke, therefore, is focused upon the undercurrent

rivalry between the otherwise two friends, Darashoko and Aurengzab. Their worlds are

poles apart, though they live and move about in the same city, Lahore. The disparity

amongst the characters of the novel, the different and disparate social backgrounds and
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their worlds immediately becomes obvious when they introduce themselves through their

monologues.

The novelist has given us a graphic and panoramic picture of Lahori life in toto. There

are poor rickshaw drivers, riff raffs, tramps and drug addicts inhabiting their own

secluded world, on the one hand, and on the other, there are business tycoons, corrupt

bureaucrats, landlords, politicians and new mercantile class busy in building their palatial

houses and expanding their business empires, poverty and affluence on display in their

extremity. The novel presents Lahore of the 1990s as a place associated with all kinds of

crime; day-light robbery, murder, drugs, smuggling of narcotics, adultery etc. The image

of decadence and decline of social and moral values is the recurrent image of the book.

The Lahori society pops up a chasm and an increasingly widening gap between the rich

and the poor. The unchecked flow of the drug money and financial corruption and white

choler crime had created a filthy rich class, an opulent group of prerogatives

monopolizing and exploiting the resources of the country. There emerged a new kind of

culture popularly called the Pajero and Kalashnikov culture. The stars lit sky of Lahore

would rattle with the noise of bullets being fired on such occasions as marriage, the birth

of a male boy, just to frighten the neighbors or on such festivals as Bassant with disregard

of any damage done to the human beings. A stray bullet might find an innocent victim

standing at the roof top of his house or some pedestrian got stranded in the middle of

exchange of fire between the rival parties:

She may have heard the repeating coughing of a Kalashnikov being fired

into the sky. But even if she did, she probably thought nothing of it: there

were two weddings in the neighborhood that night, so the celebratory

sound of automatic gunfire was only to be expected. Of course, the bullets

might not have come from those weddings. Someone might have fired a
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Kalashnikov in the air to announce a victory in a kite fight, a job

promotion or the birth of a child. A young man may have fired just to fire,

or to let the neighborhood knows that his was not the house to be robbed.

(Hamid 108)

In Lahore people prefer to sleep on the roof top in summer as the nights are cooler.

They would anticipate a sound sleep in the night after an exhausting hot summer day.

Long hours of loadshadding in the night would also compel the tiring people to sleep in

the open under the stars oblivious of the fact that this might be their last nap before going

to their graves for a permanent sleep:

Indeed, it is possible that only the one bullet was fired that night, for only

one was found in the morning. It pierced Darashikoh’s mother’s throat

from above, passed through the charpoy, and rolled, spent, to the edge of

the roof … She bled to death in silence over the course of some minutes,

unable to get up or to make a sound. The pool of her blood was already dry

when the lightning sky roused Darashikoh from his sleep. (108)

On the one hand, it destroyed the peace of the city and on the other it made them psychic

and neurotic. The Laborites began to have nightmares and visions: “I imagine Lahore as a

city with bullets streaking into the air, traces like fireworks, bright lines soaring into the

night, slowing, falling back on themselves, a pavilion collapsing, the last dance of a fire

before its fuel is consumed” (108). It was a common sight during those days of the black

money to see big glittering cars, like Pajeros, BMWs, Land Cruisers parked in the palatial

houses guarded by the gunmen armed with Kalashnikov and pump action guns in posh

areas like the Defense and Cantonment exclusively build for the rich and the wealthy.

Their delight was in the open display of such deadly weapons unashamedly and

unabashedly. In addition to serving their masters and safeguarding their ill gotten gains
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they would also get themselves indulged in small street crimes. Those were the days

when people were miraculously getting richer and richer within no time:

The sun sits down. Evening. I pull up to a big gate in a high wall that

surrounds what I think is Ozi’s place. His new place, that is. His old place

was smaller. I’m a little nervous because it’s been a few years, or may be

because my house is the same size it was when he left, so I swing my face

in front of the rearview and look myself in the eye. Then I honk out a pair

of security guards. “Sir?” one says. “I’ve come to meet Aurangzeb Saab.”

“Your name? “tell him Daru is here.” Access obtained, I cruise down a

driveway too short to serve as a landing strip for a gateway plane, perhaps,

and pass not one but two lovely new Pajeros. Yes, God has been kind to

Ozi’s dad, the frequently investigated but as yet unincarcerated Federal

Secretary (Retired) Khurram Shah. (11)

The novel Moth Smoke projects Lahore as a space occupied by two diametrically

opposed groups, the rich and the poor, both occupying their respective territories. The

rich in their fortresses very well protected by barbed wire, their watch dogs and security

guards and the poor and the low middle class in the walled city and adjacent colonies and

towns. Their worlds are different worlds cut off from each other, isolated, and they

earnestly follow the policy of non-interference into each other’s affairs. Their worlds are

confined with marked manifestations of isolation and confinement. Not only the

landscape but also the skyline separates them. One can feel the change and the shift while

traveling from old Lahore to a new Lahore of the elite class:

There are two social classes in Pakistan, “… The first group, large and

sweaty, contains those referred to as the masses. The second group is much

smaller, but its members exercise vastly greater controls over their
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immediate environment and are collectively termed the elite. The

distinction between members of these two groups is made on the basis of

control of an important resource: air- conditioning. You see, the elite have

managed to re-create for themselves the living standards of say, Sweeden,

without leaving the dusty plains of the Subcontinent. They’re a mixed

lot—Punjabis and Pathans, Sindhis and Baluchis, smugglers, mullahs,

soldiers, industrialists—united by their residence in an artificially cooled

world. They wake up in air-conditioned houses, drive air-conditioned cars

to air-conditioned offices, grab lunch in air-conditioned restaurants (right

of admission reserved), and at the end of the day go home to their air-

conditioned lounges to relax in front of their wide- screen TVs. And if they

should think about the rest of the people, the great uncooled, and become

uneasy as they lie under their blankets in the middle of the summer, there

is always prayer, five times a day, which they hope will gain them

admittance to an air-conditioned heaven, or, at the very least, along, cool

drink during a fiery day in hell. (103)

The social and economic situation deteriorates further as the gap between the rich and

the poor kept on widening. There were no checks on the accumulation of wealth and

capital as the law was either modified or relaxed in the larger interests of the nation in

favor of the rich and the capitalists: “There are no anti-cartel or anti-monopolistic laws to

prevent the abuse of privilege. There is not the slightest pretence of giving the system the

appearance of human capitalism, as is done by the more intelligent capitalist government.

Here in Pakistan there is free loot” (Duncan 85). And this ‘free loot’ not only brought a

fundamental and profound change in the social fabric and value system but also modified

the landscape of the Pakinistani cities. Lahore, the second largest city and the capital of
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province of the Punjab, began to expand towards its east. The residential areas, colonies,

towns encroached upon the agricultural land. Consequently, the prices of land went up

and the real estate business thrived and flourished at a speed which has never been seen

before. The map of Lahore changed and its suburbs became a part of the city. The city

took a giant leap and expanded towards Raiwind and Thokar Niaz, Beg, vast tracks of

land with a cluster of kache houses, along with the canal, a dividing line between the

crowded areas of Lahore and the more advanced and posh localities:

We head down the canal toward Thokar Niaz Beg, take a left, cruise by

what everyone calls the Arab prince’s vacation palace, wind from a side

street to an unpaved road to a dirt path, and finally end up at a gate in a

wall that literally stretches as far as I can see into the night. Even out there

we find the obligatory group of uninvited, dateless guys trying to get in,

their way barred by a mobile police unit responsible for protecting

tonight’s illegal revelry. ( Hamid 81)

The looters began to build their huge mansions away from the main city, cut themselves

off from the main stream of life into seclusion and privacy, a kind of iron curtain, and set

up their own oasis. The new localities were self-sufficient small cities to cater to the

needs of the inhabitants, shopping malls, restaurants, hospitals, educational institutions

recreational spots etc were built so that the inhabitants should not exert themselves to go

to the old city. The rights of entry are reserved: “Ozi and Mumtaz show their invitation to

a private security guard, and he lets them drive through. He stops me. “Invitation?” “I am

with them,” I say. ‘Sorry, sir.” He isn’t apologizing. He’s telling me I can’t go in” (80).

Their world is the world of privacy, of high social station, of wealth and its explicit and

open display, a world raised on the foundation of black money, money earned through

commissions in business of all kinds, drugs and prostitution: “ Tonight’s venue is a

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mansion with marble floors and twenty-foot ceilings. Rumor has it that the owner made

his fortune as a smuggler, which is probably true but could also be social retribution for

his recent ascent to wealth” (Hamid 26). Smuggling of heroin to the West, America, and

Middle East even to Saudi Arabia had become an easy way of becoming rich: “`You

don’t need to tell me! Why, in my family… well, all Lahore knows … ` her brother, she

said, had been caught with his wife at Heathrow with some heroin. He didn’t know

anything about it, but he had taken the rap for his wife, and was still in British jail”

(Ducan 78). Some of them invested the capital earned through smuggling to raise their

business empires, at home and abroad. The number of sugar mills, textile mills and

cement factories increased manifold within a couple of years. New industrial zones

sprang up:

Half an hour outside Lahore, past the pink and mauve strip lighting round

a roadside restaurant and the single red bulb inside the wooden box of a

cigarette stall, came the stretches of white street lamps illuminating long

buildings behind barbed-wire-topped brick walls. It was the new industrial

zone, Arif said, where you got all manner of tax breaks and incentives.

Everybody was putting up mills there. (80)

In Lahore in addition to other business activities, the business which witnessed a boom

was that of car dealing business. Lahore saw the mushroom growth of car show rooms on

such busy roads as Queen’s Road, Jail Road and Waris Road where a great number of

new and old cars could be seen parked for sale:

“Have you thought about car dealership?” He doesn’t seem to be joking.

“Not really,” sip from a glass of whiskey and taps his shoe with a walking

stick. “There is good money to be made, and someone with your brains

could be quite an asset to a car dealer.”… “No, I’m talking about a modern
 248

business, a professional showroom on Queen’s Road, with well-dressed

salespeople and well-heeled clients. A place where you will have twenty-

five thousand rupees in your pocket at the end of every month. (75)

When the concept of Juma bazaars and Etwar bazaars got popular where, it was

claimed, that grocery, fruit mutton, beef, and other edibles were available on cheaper

prices or rates, the car dealers also hit upon the idea of having such bazaars where the

people could come to purchase the vehicles and four wheelers. In such car bazaars one

could even find one’s own vehicle stolen a couple of weeks ago parked outside the house

or snatched on gun point while returning from a marriage party along with one’s family.

The show rooms had to consider the financial position of their customers. So they made it

sure that all kinds of cars ranging from Suzuki 800 to Hondas, Mercedes, BMWs, Pejeros,

Land Cruisers etc, etc should be made available in accordance with the financial position

of the buyers.

In contrast with the posh areas the old city is crowded; the streets are unpaved with

open drains in the middle, the roads are narrow and broken here and there, the porters

dragging their hand driven carts and noisy vehicles plying disorderly, pedestrians walking

on the roads bumping into each other, a jungle of electricity telephone and cable wires

hanging down and the buildings in shambles. The picture in the new Lahore is different, it

has been established and set up according to the laws and principles of town planning,

and the roads are wide with trees on either side, boulevards. The new Lahore enjoys all

the facilities of a modern city, hardly any encroachment in sight, big and huge mall

plazas, civic centres, big shopping centres loaded with foreign goods, glittering big cars,

palatial houses constructed in the most modern style and design of architecture,

restaurants, MacDonald, KFC and expensive educational institutions creating a different

and specific class of businessmen, careerists, and aspiring rulers and bureaucrats. The life
 249

style of those inhabiting posh and modern areas like Defense is a direct contrast with

those of living in the walled city and other localities of the city. They imitate the West in

their social intercourse; the trends in fashion in the West also become a fad for the

younger generation. They swing and twist on the tunes of the Western Music, Rock

Music, Jazz, and Pop Music. Jet parties in the evening are the usual entertainment where

wine is generously served:

His party is a smashing success. The dance floor is packed, and the

dancing sweaty and conversation-free. Businessmen and bankers crowed

the bar, fetching drinks for models with long, lean, nineties bodies. A lot

of skin is on display, like something out of a fundo’s nightmare or, more

likely, vision of paradise. Tattoos, ponytails, sideburns, navel rings

abound: this is it, this is cool, this is the very best party of the off-Season.

(82)

In contrast to this kind of life style, life in the old portions of Lahore, follows the same

old pattern of social behavior closely knitted, all the members of the family sit together

for dinner or lunch, “The family luncheons are invariably at Fatty Chacha’s place. My

house is small, but my uncle’s is smaller. He has no satellite dish, one car and three kids,

and his wife is so quite that Dadi, who lives with them, calls her daughter-in-law “the

philosopher” (54). The pace of life in such parts is rather slow and people are contented

with what they have. They are kind hearted, generous and always willing to extend help

to their needy relatives: “Do you need any money?” Tinky Phoppo’s husband asks, his

wife’s elbow pressed firmly into his side. He isn’t corrupt, so they survive on his pitiful

salary….” (55).

An interesting and a distinctive feature of the Lahoris is the range and diversity of their

topics of discussion and gossip. One would come across people belonging to all strata of
 250

society, poor tongawala, rekshawala, peons, professors and big businessmen, all giving

vent to their opinions on as varied and diverse issues politics, games, scandals, foreign

policy and even atomic issue concerning the world. They would express themselves as

professionals having the last word on the issue concerned or under discussion in a very

free and relaxing manner. Lunch time invariably is the appropriate time to indulge in such

discussions. The rich in their air-conditioned offices and cabins and the poor under the

shady tree or sitting on the banch of a nanwala’s or haleemwala’s shop delightfully jump

into the foray. The poor have their favorite rendezvous either in the walled city where a

great variety of food, kebbab, haleem, seripiay, pakoras, chicken and beef are available

on cheap rates or in the suburbs of the city where they live in unhygienic conditions and

little facilities of life. They also while away their time in little jokes and laugh at each

other heartily: ““Tonight we’re having a special feast. Lakshmi Chowk’s best” (134).

Daru immediately accepts the offer as generously as it was made:

A free meal is a free meal… I sit down, rolling my sleeves as I grab a nan

and get to work. I’m famished, and I can hold my own when it comes to

eating, so I match Murad Badshah bite for bite, until he pats his stomach,

releases a resounding belch, and announces that he’s stuffed. A boy brings

us mixed tea, milk and sugar already present in generous quantities, and

Murad Badshah takes a dainty sip, the small finger of his left hand

extended away from his teacup. (133)

India had exploded and tested the atomic device in the fall of 1998 and with the

passage of time the pressure mounted on Pakistan for a befitting reply. Since the rivalry

with India has always been an emotional issue, the tension was high and the atmosphere

highly charged. Lahore being a border city and during the days of partition it had also

witnessed the most heinous crimes, mayhem, the Lahoris, therefore, were eager and
 251

emotionally awaiting the decision of their country. In the emotionally electrifying

situation and in the heat of the nuclear issue they had put behind the large scale disaster

and destruction of all kinds of life which a nuclear war could cause. They were oblivious

of the consequences and the response of the world to such an action, particularly the

Americans and their coteries who were determined to stop Pakistan from going nuclear at

all costs. Pakistan ultimately, tested their nuclear device and resultantly has to bear the

brunt of world pressure. Its economy which was already in shambles showed cracks and

the total collapse of economy was imminent. Murad badshaha hits at such eventuality:

“Murad Badshaha farts loudly. “There. Shaking. Dust. Was that too good as well?”10

Sindhi cap pinches his nostrils shut. “That was a bad one, Murad bhai.” “My bad one

won’t double the price of petrol. It won’t send tomatoes to a hundred rupees a kilo. But

our bloody nuclear fart will” (134). Murad gives the whole nuclear situation a comic and

bizarre touch. But their conversation on the nuclear issue and the justification for having

the nuclear bomb continues:

The Christians have a bomb. The Jews have a bomb. The Hindus have a

bomb.” “The Buddhists have a bomb,” interjected sweaty nose.” “Right,

continues the Sindhi cap. “Everyone has a bomb. And now the Muslims

have a bomb. Why should we be the only ones without it?” “ And when

prices go up, and schools shut down, and hospitals run out of medicine,

then?” “Then we’ll work twice as hard and eat half as much.” “We’ll eat

grass,” says sweaty nose, quoting from one of the Prime Minister’s

speeches.” (134)

Murad Badsha foretells a bleak picture of the aftermath of the atomic explosion which

took place on 28th May 1998 in the Mountains of Chaghi in the province of Baluchistan.

It affected the economy of Pakistan and the Government had to take strict measures to
 252

control the economic situation from its total collapse: “Nothing. My job hunt isn’t going

particularly well. It isn’t going at all, actually. The economy is completely dead right

now, with the rupee skyrocketing on the black market and bank accounts frozen” (166).

Lahore had become an atomic city, being one of the major cities of Pakistan; it had

always been vulnerable to an Indian attack: “You know the first place they’d nuke is

Lahore.” “Islamabad.” “No, Lahore. If they nuked Islamabad, no one would be able to

stop it.” “Stop what?” Us. From nuking them.” “We’ll nuke them if they if they nuke

Lahore.” “No, we’ll nuke them before they nuke Lahore” (88). So a new dimension had

been added to the culture and idiom of Lahore. The people of Lahore added to their

vocabulary a new set of words and their language developed to incorporaye new words.

They began to express their daily experience through an intermingling of words drawn

from the field of science and technology and from their own colloquial usage. The

Lahoris gave a new turn and twist to their language to invent and accommodate new

‘atomic vocabulary’. Such words as ‘atom’, ‘atomic energy’, ‘atomic war’, ‘atom bomb’

etc were frequently used even by the illiterate, the workers, the tongawalas, the

reckshawalas and even the beggars rather delightfully. Some of the signboards and the

neon signs would glow and glitter with pictures and signs of missiles and bombs and jet

fighters. On a vacant plot, in front of the Lahore Railway Station a replica of the Chaghi

Mountains and a missile was erected to commemorate the historic event. To them it was

an emblem of a new age, a watershed, in their history. It signified the dawn of a new era,

an era of power and progress, equality with other nations and the end of fear and

apprehension that India could eliminate Lahore without being decimated itself. The whole

city assumed an air of confidence and even arrogance. So great was their enthusiasm that

the Lahoris had gone to the length of attacking India, their arch enemy, to settle the old
 253

scores. They were so much fascinated by the explosion and the ‘mushroom cloud’ that

they delightfully used it as a web page in their computers.

The 1990s witnessed a mushroom growth of Internet café; the fad of computer gave

rise to a new kind of culture. Lahore, true to its tradition of adaptability of new trends and

fads, immediately accepted the computer culture. In every nock and corner of the Lahori

streets and roads, there emerged a new kind of cafes, called Internet Cafes, where in the

small cabins exclusively built for privacy, clients ranging from school boys to

unemployed literate youth clung to the computers to use and enjoy it to their specific

purposes. From TV and dish antenna culture to computer and chatting culture, the verve

and flexibility of the Lahoris to new cultural trends is as dramatic as it is expectantly

speedy. This gave birth to chatting culture. “The address he’s given me turns out to be a

house in Shadman with two name plats: a white one above with Alam in faded black

lettering and a sleek silver rectangle below which reads CHIPKALI INTERNET

SERVICES” (92). The internet cafes in the posh commercial areas like Defense, Gulberg

and even in Shadman are fully air-conditioned with the availability of soft drinks and

snacks, cigarettes or even drugs. The light arrangement inside the café is such as one

discovers in the pubs and disco clubs in Europe and America where the clients have

access to all kinds of entertainment and even forbidden websites: “I sneak up on them and

tap Jamal on his shoulder. He turns, startled, then smiles and gets up. His partner looks

embarrassed. “What are you two doing?” I ask. “Looking at naughty pictures?” They

blush together and begin to explain: “No, Daru bahi—“We were just ---” (92). The

general impression is that it has lowered the morals of the younger generation on the one

hand and on the other lessened their interest in healthy activities like sports. It has also

caused the decline of attention to other serious hobbies like book reading, not to talk of

education in the educational institutions. The internet and computer culture added a new
 254

dimension to the amorphousness of Lahore. Although, there are strong voices raised

against the internet cafes, the use of cable and dish for entertainment purposes as un-

islamic from religious quarters, yet all these facilities are available in the big religious

madarassa housed in the mosques in Lahore, a combination of the religious and the

profane.
 255

CONCLUSION

My research, therefore, throws open a casement window for a wide range of audience

of scholars, historians and researchers of Lahore to discover the amorphous nature of the

city. And by doing so, it answers the central question for research raised in the very

beginning of my thesis, can a city be amorphous? During an exhaustive and in-depth

study of the works written about Lahore along with its folklores and legends, many

aspects, characteristics and qualities of the city of Lahore have been revealed which

hitherto have remained unexplored, therefore, hidden and buried in the dust, debris and

wreckage of time and history.

From the etymology of its name to its geographical and physical location and from its

colonial character to its postcolonial colour, It has been discovered that Lahore as a city is

a beautiful blend of contradictions, contrasts, conflicts, paradoxes, parallels, similarities

and dissimilarities, modern and ancient forces, factors and ideas which have given the

city a unique and peculiar distinction, dimension and feature which I call ‘amorphous.’

This amorphousness is an unending, everlasting and a continuous process and procedure

which can be identified as the hallmark of Lahore. This research would also encourage

and lead the researchers and scholars in the field of history and literature to look at

Lahore from some other angles and perspectives to see and examine its true nature and

changing character in order to highlight the hidden and unrevealed areas and aspects. The

field is open for them to see what kind of a city Lahore is and whether or not it has gone

beyond amorphousness.
 256

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