CHAPTER XXVI.

EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR.
1524.

CAMPAIGN AGAINST ITZCUINTLAN A ROUGH MARCH THE TOWN SUB-

PRISED DESPERATE DEFENCE ALVARADO DETERMINES TO EXPLORE
STILL FARTHER SOUTH CROSSING THE RlVER MlCHATOYAT THE
SPANIARDS COME TO ATIQUIPAC, TACUYLULA, TAXISCO, NANCINTLAN,
AND PAZACO THE TOWNS DESERTED POISONED STAKES AND CANINE
SACRIFICE ENTER SALVADOR MOQUIZALCO AND ACATEPEC BATTLES
OF ACAJUTLA AND TACUXCALCO BLOOD-THIRSTINESS OF THIS CON-
QUEROR ENTRY INTO CUZCATLAN FLIGHT OF THE INHABITANTS
RETURN TO PATINAMIT.

WHILE receiving at Patinamit, after the Zutugil

campaign, the fealty of numerous chieftains of the
southern coast provinces, Alvarado was told that the
district of Itzcuintlan defied him. And with their re
1

fusal to accept the benefits of Christian civilization cer

tain irritating expressions of contempt were reported
to have been uttered by the ruler of the province.
Chiefs of other tribes who wished to pass through it,
in order to tender allegiance to the Spaniards, were
deterred and insulted, and the conqueror was chal
2
lenged to enter the land. Somewhat ruffled by these
bold proceedings, the impetuous commander marched
against Itzcuintlan with all his available force, Span
ish horse and foot, and a large body of Quiches and

1
The native name of the chief town, Panatacat, was known in the time of
Vazquez as Isquintepeque. Alvarado calls it Iscuyntepeque, Relation, i. 162 ;
Herrera, Yzquintcpec, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Gomara, Izcuintepec, Hist.
Mex., 231. Its modern appellation is Escuintla. See also Native Races, v. 607.
Diciendoles, qu6 adonde iban, i que eran locos, sino que me dejasen &
2

mi ir alia, i que todos me darian Guerra. Alvarado, Relation, i. 162; Her

rera, dec. iii. lib. v.
cap. x.; Gomara, Hint. Mex., 231.
[663]
G64 EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR.
3
Cakehiquels. It was a very rough country through
which he had to pass. Roads there were none, other
than mere tracks through the thick woods, for in
tercourse with Itzcuintlan had been almost entirely
closed, owing to incessant war; but these circumstances
favored a secret entrance into the hostile territory.
For three days they forced their way through an
uninhabitable tract almost closed to man by tropical
undergrowth, which required constant application of
axe and knife, so that one day they were unable to
proceed more than two leagues. On reaching the
it was found covered with thick plantations
province
alternating with swamps. Such ground being no place
for horses, the arquebusiers took the front, and ad
vanced upon the town from three different quarters.
It was raining heavily at the time, a shower prelimi
nary to the season of rain, and the sentinels had
retired, so that the surprise was complete.* Unable
to arm or unite, the inhabitants fled to the woods to
escape the swords of the conquerors. In the fort,
however, which commanded the a
town, considerable
body of warriors had gathered, who offered a de
termined resistance, wounding many Spaniards and
causing great loss to the Indian auxiliaries. After five
hours of unavailing attempts to gain possession of the
stronghold, the enraged Alvarado set fire to the place.
The brave defenders appear to have escaped, thanks
to the heavy rain and the proximity of the sur
rounding woods. Indeed, according to Alvarado s own
Juarros, followed by Brasseur cle Bourbourg, states that the army, when
3

in Itzcuintlan, consisted of 250 Spanish infantry, 100 cavalry, and 0000

Guatemalan and other Indians. Guat. (ed. London, 1823,) 229. Now, Alva
rado a little later in this campaign states that he had 150 infantry, 100 horse,
and 5000 or 0000 Indian auxiliaries. This number of infantry is more proba
bly correct than that given by Juarros. Alvarado had only 300 infantry
when he left Mexico, and, though few had been killed, numbers were
wounded, and he had left garrisons at Reltcion, i. 1G3. That
various places.
he should leave Itzcuintlan with 250 Spanish foot-soldiers and lose 100 of them
in a few weeks is a supposition that cannot be entertained. Juarros appears
to have followed Gomara, Hist. Mtx., 232, who gives the above figures.
4
No summons was sent, which omission was brought forward
of surrender
as a charge against the commander at a later date. Ramirez, Proceso contra
Alvarado, 7, 57 et seq.
 CONQUEST OF ITZCUINTLAN. 665

5
statement, he did no harm beyond burning the town.
The subjection of the district was not yet accomplished,
however, and messengers were sent to the ruler with
the usual summons and threats. If they persisted
in keeping aloof and refusing to submit, their lands
and would be devastated, and they and
cornfields
their children made
slaves. This menace had the
desired effect; the cacique and his chiefs submitted
and swore obedience, and during the eight days Alva-
rado remained in this place a number of the surround
ing towns sent in their allegiance. But the restless
spirit of both leader and men was not to be satisfied
with the subjugation of one province only. The lieu
tenant-general had heard exciting accounts of immense
cities and wonderful palaces, and discovery was almost
as attractive to him as pacification. He had already
informed Cortes that it was his intention to winter
fifty or one hundred leagues beyond Guatemala. As
an additional incentive he had received positive infor
mation that a march of twenty -five days from Guate
mala would bring him to the end of the land if that :

should prove to be the case he was confident of find

ing soon the famous strait, for which so many were
6
searching. Besides the strait he desired also to find a
harbor where he could construct vessels for exploring
the coast at a later date. Already a great soldier, he
desired to become also a great discoverer. Even the
rainy season, which has just set in, should not deter
him, though his difficulties would be greatly increased
thereby.
Starting southward, then, from Itzcuintlan, the
first
difficulty encountered by the army was the River
5
Juarros states that this was a night attack, and that the inhabitants were
asleep when the Spaniards entered ; Bernal Diaz says that it occurred in the
morning.
6
Tambien me han dicho, que cinco Jornadas adelante de vna Ciudad mui
grande, que esta veinte Jornadas de aqui, se acaba esta Tierra. .si asi es,
.

certisimo tengo que es el Estrecho. Alvarado, Relation, i. 100. Pelaez erro

neously makes this campaign follow the reduction of Mixco, Sacatepeque,
Mazatenango, etc. Mem. Gnat., i. 45-46. Vazquez thus describes it: Sin
dejar las annas de las manos, ni dia alguno de batallar en los Pueblos de la
Costa, corri6 como un rayo, el y su Exercito. Chronica de Gvat., 7.
666 EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR.
7
Michatoyat, which could be crossed only by bridging.
The first town reached was Atiquipac, 8 where the Span
iards were amicably received, but at sunset the people
abandoned their homes and fled to the mountains. 9
Laet, Ogilby, and Kiepert write E. Michatoi/a.
7

8
Called Atlepar by Alvarado; Caet/par by Gomara; Atiquipaque by Juar-
ros; Atlcpac by Brasseur de Bourbourg; and by Ixtlilxochitl, in Horribles
Crueldades, 69, Cola. Alvarado states that both the language and race of
people were here different.
Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7-8 et seq. The account given by
9

Juarros differs so much from Alvarado s that I can give the former but little
consideration in the text. It is to this effect: After crossing the river the
Spaniards were attacked by a large body of Indians, and an obstinate battle
ensued, in which Alvarado was dismounted by a chief, who wounded his
horse with a lance. Alvarado then attacked the Indian on foot and killed
him. The victory was for some time doubtful, but passed finally to the
Spaniards. On the following day they entered the deserted town, where
before long they were again attacked by a fresh body of the enemy. Cooped
in the narrow streets, the Spaniards could not act, and retreated to open
ground, where they soon threw the Indians into disorder.
Alvarado s despatches to Cortes, Relation de Alvarado, form the base of
that portion of the conquest of Guatemala which begins with the departure
of the Spaniards from Soconusco and terminates with the founding of the
Ciudad de Santiago at Patinamit. Two only of these reports are extant that
;

there was at least one more is certain from the opening line of the first,
wherein Alvarado states that he had written from Soconusco; de Soricoinisco
escrivi a Vuestra Magestad. It might be supposed, from the expression
Vuestra Magestad, that the letter was addressed to the king of Spain; the
conclusion, however, proves that such was not the case, as Alvarado requests
Cortes to report his services to his Majesty. Magestad is probably a mif
print for Merced, or an incorrect reading of the manuscript. These de
spatches were first published at Toledo, October 20, 1525, with the fourth
report of Cortds to the king of Spain. They were afterward translated into
Italian by Ramusio and published at Venice in 1565. In 1749 Barcia, a
member of the royal council, reproduced them, in Madrid, in his collection
of the works of the chroniclers, and it may be remarked that Ramusio a
translation does not always agree with this Spanish edition. Ternaiix-
Compans translated Ramusio s version into French and published the let
ters at Paris, in 1838, in his Collection of Voyages. Alvarado s style is
clear and simple, terse and vigorous, and his descriptions are vivid. That
he did not report all his proceedings to Cortes is evident from the Proceso
contra Alvarado, already frequently quoted, in which numerous acts of
cruelty, outrage, and embezzlement are charged against him. Yet there
is no just reason to doubt the truthfulness of his narrations so far as they

go, since they are supported by good authorities. It is suppression and

not misrepresentation of facts that can be charged against him. In these
two despatches the writer lias portrayed his own character most clearly.
His energy, recklessness, and indomitable will, his bravery, religious su
perstition, and ambition, are all distinctly displayed ;but in bold relief,
prominent above all other traits, is recognized his cruelty whenever the
:

carnage on the battle-field has been unusually dreadful he delights to report

it to Cortes, sometimes even mentioning the matter twice; and when the
natives have managed to escape him with comparatively small loss, he
regretfully enters into explanations and gives the reasons why so few lives
were taken. These despatches are particularly interesting for their evi
dence relative to the site of the first city founded by the Spaniards in
Guatemala. They moreover correct many errors committed by Remesal,
 TOWNS TAKEN. 667

There was no time to be wasted with them, for the

roads might at any time be rendered impassable by the
rains, and so the army pushed forward after branding
a few unfortunates as slaves. 10 the commander taking O
every precaution in the disposition of his forces for the
security of baggage and the protection of the auxilia
ries. The next town reached was Tacuylula, standing
to-day under the same name. The reception here was
similar to the former, except, perhaps, that the natives
detected the quality of their visitors more quickly than
did the people of Atiquipac. Within an hour they had
11
all fled.
From Tacuylula they advanced to Taxisco, where,
according to Alvarado s report, the inhabitants ap
12
peared friendly. They passed the night in the town,
with every precaution against attack, for it was strong
and populous, and the Spaniards were under no little
apprehension of an assault. They were unmolested,
however, and left on the following morning for the
town of Nancintlan. 13 For better security the com
mander placed ten horsemen in the rear and an equal
number in the centre with his baggage, while with
the remainder of the cavalry he led the van. He had
advanced between two and three leagues when a fierce
assault was made upon his rear, wherein a number

Fuentes, and Juarros, who, strange to say, could never have seen these reports,
or even Oviedo s almost verbatim copy of them. Another narrative of the
conquest was written by Gonzalo de Alvarado, which work Pelaez, Mem.
Guat., i. 47, considers that Herrera must have seen. It was never published ;
Juarros thus describes it: MS. de Gonzalo de Alvarado, que paraba en poder
de D. Nicolas de Vides y Alvarado, su descendiente.
10
Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7-8 et seq.
11
Me recibieron de paz, i se a^aron dende a vna hora. Alvarado, Rela
tion, i. 163.
12
Juarros states that the army halted near the city, and was almost
immediately attacked by three strong bands of natives, one descending from
the heights of Nextiquipac, another from Taxisco, and the third from Guaza-
capan. It required all the skill and strength of the Spaniards to resist the
combined onset. But the division from Guazacapan abandoned the field,
while that which came down from the mountains was broken and put to
flight; whereupon the Taxisco party submitted, and the town remained in
the possession of the Spaniards. Juarros, Gnat. (ed. London, 1823), 231.
13
Called by Alvarado Nacendelan, and Necendelan by Gomara in Mer-
;

cator s Atlas, 1574, Nacendelen, and in the West-Indische Spieghel, 64, Na~
cedelan. Its modern name is Nancintla.
6G3 EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR.

of his Indian allies were killed, and, what he deplored

still more, a great quantity of his
baggage, stores,
and material was carried off. 1 *
This was a grave loss, and the commander imme
diately sent his brother, Jorge Alvarado, with forty
or fifty of the cavalry to attempt a recapture. On
arriving at the scene of the late disaster this officer
15
fell in with a large body of warriors and put them to

flight, but recovered none of the lost effects. In the

mean time the army arrived at Nancintlan, and Jorge
Alvarado having returned with little or nothing ac
16
complished, Puertocarrero was sent back with a de
tachment of foot-soldiers. The second attempt was
as unsuccessful as the first. The fact is, the country
was all in arms; the natives had retired to mountain
fastnesses, whence they issued forth to attack as occa
sion offered. Nancintlan had also been abandoned, save
by the principal men who were detained as prisoners.
17
During the eight days stay here, Alvarado sought in
vain to induce the people to return, and, as he could
delay his march no longer, out of pure spite the das
18
tardly commander burned the town and his prisoners.
The Spaniards now advanced to the neighboring
14
These consisted of cloth, cross-bow strings, horseshoes, nails, and other
iron articles. Alvarado states at a later date that the nails and horseshoes
were cast with copper by the Indians, who believed that the iron would melt
with it. Ramirez, Procrso contra Alvarado, 79-80. The clothing, he says,
could not be recovered, as it had been torn up for breech-clouts, lielacion, i.
103; Ociedo, iii. 483.
15
Herrera affirms that they were from Nancintlan, and had the custom of
fighting with little bells, sendas campanulas, in their hands. Juarros states
that all inquiries to discover the reason of this practice have been useless.
Ilerrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 232;
also Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.
10
Referred to as Don Pedro, one of CorteV most trusted officers. See
Hist. M<x., chap, vi., this scries. He is mentioned more than once by Alva
rado, and important commands were intrusted to him. Relation, i. 1G3-4.
17
Jujirros says this stay was made at Guazacapan, a town passed on the
way to Nancintlan. The army would have been, thus far, about 25 days on
the campaign of discovery Four days from Patinamit to Itycuintlan, eight
:

days at this latter place, four days in passing through the towns of Atiquipac,
Tacuylula, and Taxisco, to Nancintlan, and eight at this latter place.
18
Ramirez, Proceso contra Alcrado, 8, 58, 79 ct seq. Brasseur de Bour-
bourg is of opinion that only certain of the chiefs were captured after having
fled, and that they were hanged. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. GOO. I give the narra
tive as derived from the evidence in Alvarado s trial.
 ACROSS LA PAZA INTO SALVADOR. GG9

town of Pazaco. 19 The lieutenant-general had already

received an invitation from the chiefs, with protesta
tions of friendship, which could hardly have been
sincere, for as the Spaniards approached the town
their advance was interrupted by short poisoned stakes,
20
ingeniously hidden in the ground. The roads, also,
were found to be closed near the town, with all pos
sible impediments to an advance. As they entered
the place, the spectacle of a canine sacrifice, a cere
monial significant of hatred and defiance, met their
gaze.
21
Nor were hostilities long delayed. At a signal
the natives suddenly appeared, shouting their shrill
war-cries, and threw upon the Spaniards so heavy a
dischargeO of arrows, lances, and stones, that it was
with difficulty they held their ground. Slowly but
surely, however, Spanish weapons and coats of mail
prevailed, and the Indians, unable to stand before
them, fled to the surrounding heights, amidst the
attendant horrors of pursuit. 22
The army thereupon passed across the La Paz
River 23 into what is now the state of Salvador, first
4
entering Moquizalco/ and then they went to Acatepec.
19
The present town of Pasaco, called Pacoco by Oviedo, iii. 483, and
Pazuco by Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x., and Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.
20
These were placed slantwise, and projected two or three fingers width
above the surface. They were smeared with so noxious a poison that if but
a drop of blood were drawn the wounded man died insane, on the second,
third, or seventh day, suffering intense thirst. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap.
x. ; Native Races, ii. 744.
Ilerrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x. On a previous occasion they had met
21

with this indication of hostility, but in this instance they seem to have had
an opportunity of witnessing the ceremony. Alvarado, Relation, i. 163.
22
I seguimos el alcance todo lo que se pudo seguir. Alvarado, Relation,
i. 163. Juarros states that this victory did not decide the conquest of the dis
trict ; some towns submitted, but others retained their liberty. Among those
which sought for peace was the large town of Tejutla, four leagues from
Guazacapan, which was taken possession of as an arsenal. After the conquest
it gradually lost its ancient importance, and was abandoned about the middle
of the seventeenth century.
23
Near Bay of Sonsonate. See maps of Colon, 1527, and Ribero, 1529,
having at or near this point r. Ciego; also Kiepert s Map
of Central America,
1858. R. Paza forms the boundary between Salvador and Guatemala. Paza
is evidently an abbreviation of the native name Pazaco, and Paz a Spanish

corruption of Paza.
2i
Alvarado calls it Mopicalco; Herrera and Gomara, Mopicaldco. Bras-
seur de Bourbourg remarks that it seems to correspond with the present vil
lage of Nahuizalco,not far from Sonsonate, in Salvador. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 661.
670 EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR.

Both of these towns received the strangers hospitably,

but the inhabitants soon fled, overcome by terror at
the cruelties committed. Angered by this continual
desertion, Alvarado ordered the Indians to be pur
sued, and as many of them as could be seized were
branded as slaves. He then hastened forward, direct
ing his march to Acajutla.
25
On arriving within half
a league of the town he encountered a mighty host
drawn up in battle array to oppose him, their ranks
extending over a wide plain that lay before the city.

"

!
donde bate la Mar del Sur en
Mentioned by the conqueror as Acaxual,
61. Relation, 163. Gomara calls it Acaiucatlj Herrera, Cayacatl ; and Oviedo
i.

Acarval, while Ixtlilxochitl gives it the name of Acayncatl. Its modern ap

pellation is Acajutla. Juarros incorrectly states that Alvarado did not dis
cover it before 1534. Gnat., i. 254. Fernando Colon, 1527, and Diego de
Ribero, 1529, write lasmatas. Mercator s atlas, 1574, town and \)B,y Acnxutla ;
Ogilby, 1G71,
to d P
Acaxutla; Laet, 1033, de Acaxutta; West-Indische
P<>

Spieyhef., 1024, Caxulta; JcfTerys, 1770, tionsonate or Trinidad City, RloS^Jtujo,

and the southern point IzatcoH, southern cape pt de los Hemedios, northern
cape Pt JJwaxutla, on the coast near the latter point Guacapa, and in the in
terior Chiquimula. A little north river and city kin Esdavos; Kiepert, 1858,
B. deSonsonatr, also a like named city on the Ji. &? Jayo. On the coast, Aca-
julla city, and eastward, P. de /o,s llemedios, Puerto Libertad, and P* de la
Concordia. The coast is called Cucsta del Balsamo.
 NOBLE GAME. 671

It was indeed an inspiriting sight for an Indian fighter.

Times had been somewhat tame for the last few days,
but here was the promise of rare sport, indeed. Al-
varado, who was in advance with the cavalry,
approached to within a cross-bow shot, and then
halted for his infantry to come up. As he ran his
experienced eye over the forests of spears,. and marked
the magnitude of the hostile array, he felt that all
his coolnessand all his skill would be required to save
his army that day. War plumes waved from the
heads of thousands, and battle devices were scattered
as far as the eye could reach, while the feathered
banners floating above the parti-colored bands threw
over all an air of peculiar brilliance. 26 The foe had
chosen, too, an advantageous position. In their rear
thick woods offered easy refuge in case of need. Yet
already, before they were his own, Alvarado began to
plan that none should escape him. He stood there
like a hunter overlooking a band of antelope, and
thinkingO how he could best secure them all. Of what
1

advantage was it to Charles, or Cortes, or even to

these panting wolves themselves, that this ill fated
multitude to the last man should die?
As the remainder of his forces 27 came up, Alvarado
advanced a little nearer to the enemy. The Indians
manifested no inclination to leave their position they ;

appeared to be awaiting attack. Alvarado then feigned

retreat, which the army performed in perfect order,
28
though in apparent haste, the commander himself
having charge of the rear. The result was as he
anticipated. The duped natives eagerly pursued; at
26
Parecian bien con los sacos como eran blancos, y de colores, con muy
buenos penachos q lleuauan en las cabecas. Gomara, hist. Mex., 232.
27
It is on this occasion that Alvarado gives the number of his forces.
Ixtlilxochitl says there were not more than 7000 Mexicans and Tezcucans. . .

and Alvarado had not more than 250 Spanish foot and 100 horse, and some
few thousand Quauhtemaltecs. Horribles Crueldades, 69.
28
Gomara states that Alvarado dared not attack them, because they were
so strong and well drawn up, but that the Indians charged the Spanish army
as it was moving by. Hist. 3tex., 232. Ixtlilxochitl s account is similar to
that of Gomara: Pasaron por un lado del ejercito de los enemigos; y como
los vieron a la otra parte, envistierori con ellos. Horribles Crueldades, 69-70.
072 EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR.

last, they thought, these beings maledict are afraid.

And they flew at them with wild demonstrations of
joy at the expected victory, making in their onset
such a roar as would have appalled any but veteran
troops. In their blind enthusiasm they grappled and
.struggled with the retiring cavalry, seizing the horses
tails and the riders stirrups. Their arrows rattled
thick like hailstones against the metal armor of the
soldiers, or with angry hiss passed them by, reaching
to the farthest end of the Spanish army. For some
time this movement continued over the level plain,
on which no obstacle interposed to prevent its suc
29
cessful achievement. After thus drawing the enemy
away from the friendly wood, and to such ground
as best suited the purpose, the order was given; the
Spanish army wheeled and fell on the unprepared foe
like a storm of Sodom. Sennacherib s hosts before
Jerusalem met no more complete destruction than
the army of warriors before Acajutla that day. In
cased in cumbersome cotton armor, they could not flee,
and when overthrown by the charging horsemen they
could not rise again. 30 As they lay helpless on the
ground the infantry and auxiliaries would cut and
pierce them as if they had been swine, following as
zealously as possible the example of Alvarado, who,
31
severely wounded and out of humor, vented his
malignant spleen upon these home -defenders. Ah!
war is a glorious thing; and grand that civilization
which refines and ennobles war!

29
Brasseur de Bourbourg, misled by Ternaux s translation from Ramusio
ofAlvarado s letter, says: Sans quo I lndgalit^ du terrain permit aux Espagnols
de leur opposer beaucoup de resistance. Hint. Nat. Civ., iv. 662. See also
Alvarado, Relation, i. 164, and Alvarado, Lettres, in Ternaux-Compans, i.
se"rie

torn. x.
30
For armor they wore a sack, .with sleeves reaching down to the feet, of
hard twisted cotton, three fingers in thickness. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232;
Alrnrado, Relation, i. 164; Native Races, ii. 742.
31
He had been pierced through the thigh with an arrow, which was shot
with such force as to penetrate the saddle. His leg was shortened in conse
quence to the extent of four fingers width, and he remained lame for life.
Alvarado, Relation, i. 164. Remesal erroneously states that Alvarado received
this wound in Soconusco. Hist. Chyapa, 7.
 ANOTHER GREAT BATTLE. 673

The revenue
O of the chivalrous commander was am-
pie not
;
one of all that multitude of warriors was left
alive upon the field.
32
When the extermination was
finished the victorious army entered Acajutla, and
remained there five days caring for their wounded, of
whom there was a great number; then they passed
on to Tacuxcalco. 33 Pedro Puertocarrero had been
sent forward to reconnoitre, and succeeded in cap
turing two spies, who reported that the warriors of
this town and its dependencies were assembled in
large numbers to oppose their advance, whereupon the
scouting party proceeded until they arrived within
sight of the enemy. Gonzalo de Alvarado, who led
the van, his brother being ill of his wound, presently
came up with forty of the cavalry, and drew up in
order, waiting for the main body to. arrive. The com
mander, though still suffering severely, mounted a
horse as best he could and issued his orders. The
Indians were drawn up in one solid phalanx he would ;

assail them on three sides at once. Thirty of the

cavalry, under the command of Gonzalo de Alvarado,
were to attack the right, his brother Gomez was ordered
to lead twenty more against the left, while Jorge 34 was
to charge the front with the rest of the forces.
These arrangements made, he took his post on ele
vated ground above the battle field. Even his stout
heart sank somewhat within him as he viewed the
scene. One portion of the plain was covered with a
forest of tall spears, 35 and the compact body of foemen

32
Alvarado s own statement
This is I f ue tan grande el destroco, que en
:

que en poco tiempo no havia ninguno de todos los que salieron

ellos hicimos,
vivos; and lower, I en caiendo la Gente de pie, los mataba todos. Relation,
i. 164. Gomara says, Y casi no dexaron ninguno dellos viuo. Hist. Mex., 232.
33
Tacusocalco. Oviedo, iii. 484.
34
The three brothers who accompanied Alvarado from Mexico are now-
brought more into notice. There are three other Alvarados mentioned by
Fuentes in his list of conquerors, but their names do not correspond to those
of the other brothers of the lieutenant-general. Fuentes y Guzman, Recorda-
cion Florida, MS., 25-7; Bernal Diaz, Hist.Verdad., 14.
35
Que verla de lejos era para espantar, porque tenian todos losmaslan^as
de treinta palmos, todas en Arboledas. Alvarado, Relation, i. 164. Herrera
adds that the spears were poisoned: Las lancas eran may ores, con yerua.
;
dec. ii. lib. v.cap. x.
HIST. CEN. AM., VOL. I. 43
674 EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR.

told him that they were even more numerous than

the army he had defeated a few days before. 30 His
apprehensions were in no wise lessened as he watched
his forces draw near the enemy and observed how
immovable they stood, and without sign of fear. But
what seemed to him most strange was that his own
men hesitated to charge. He afterward ascertained
that between the opposing lines lay a narrow meadow
which the Spaniards mistook for a swamp, and delayed
their onset until they had assured themselves of the
firmness of the ground. Presently the stirring cry of
Santiago! was heard, and Alvarado s heart swelled
within him: his passion for human blood appears to
increase with the slaughter of his tens of thousands,
and the lately gay and gallant cavalier is becoming a
monster delighting in carnage and butchery, killing
men for the mere pleasure of it. With a feeling
of fierce delight the wounded man now watched his
army break into the Indian columns. He marked the
rout and bloody pursuit, and noticed with satisfaction
how the plain became streaked with dead bodies in
the track of the fugitives and pursuers, which ghastly
line was soon over a league in length.

Taking possession of the town, the Spaniards re

mained in it for two days, and then moved on to
Mihuatlan. 37 All the towns and villages hereabout
were found deserted; the natives seemed to have dis
covered that there was no chance of success in the
field, and no escape from oppression when once their

liberty was lost. At Atecuan38 the commander was

met by envoys from Atlacatl, the king of Cuzcatlan,
bearing proffers of friendship, which were received
with satisfaction, for the delay and fatigue of battle
with the reward of empty towns, however pleasur-
36 Pele6 despues con otro exercito mayor, ymas peligroso. Herrera, dec.
iii. lib. v. cap. x.
37
Called by Alvarado, Miaguaclan; by Hen-era, Mautlan; by Ixtlilxochiti
and Gomara, Alahuatlan.
38
Atehuan, Alvarado, Relation, i. 164; Lechuan, Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v.
iii. 484.
cap. x.; Atlechuan, Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232; Athehuan, Oviedo,
 MARCH ON CUZCATLAN. 675

39
able,seemed profitless. So far, indeed, Alvarado
seems to have effected little with respect to the actual
conquest of the country. His line of march was
marked by heaps of slain, by burned cities and
40
deserted villages, but as for native subjects of his
Majesty, or Christian converts, or colonies, or any
permanent advantages, they were few. If, now in the
very heart of the country, he could gain a faithful
ally, a second Sinacam, pacification might
become
more permanent and profitable. To this end he di
41
rected his march toward Cuzcatlan, the capital of
that country, a large and beautiful city, inhabited by
a considerable population, and, according to the re
port of the conquerors, hardly second to Patinamit.
Although the Indians along the road manifested
their friendliness by supplying the Spaniards with
fruits and fresh provisions in abundance, and although

they were cordially welcomed into the city by the

chiefs, yet on taking up their quarters the whole
population rushed to arms, and a few hours after the
42
city was deserted. All efforts at reconciliation on
the part of Alvarado were unavailing. Summons to
obedience and menaces were equally disregarded, and
a formal requirement was sent, coupled with the

39
Yo los recibi pensando que no me mentirian como los otros. Alvarado,
Relation, 164.
i. Oviedo, on the contrary, says, Pensando que mentirian,
como los otros. i. 485.
40
Los mas de los pueblos fueron quemados e destruidos. Ramirez, Pro-
ceso contra A
Ivarado, 26 et seq.
41
Written Cuitlachan by Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl. Cuzcatlan, meaning
Land of Jewels, Juarros, Guat., i. 23, was the ancient name of the province,
as well as the city represented by the modern San Salvador. Native Races,
v. xii. In Ogilby s America, 1671, is written town S. Salvador, and south of
it a town La Trinidad; Laet, 1633, S. Salvador, and on the opposite side of
the river La Trinidad, and in the interior to the north a city Gratia* a DIOR;
Jeffreys, 1776, San Salvador or Cuzcatlan, west Nexapa Guoymoco, east Chon-
tales, north Istepec; Kiepert, 1858, San Salvador, state, town and volcano.
42
The Spaniards entertained some suspicions of treachery. Brasseur de
Bourbourg states that the prince and all his suite were seized and kept
prisoners. Hist. Nat. Civ. iv. 664.
,
The testimony of Alvarado s letter tends
on the contrary to prove that they escaped from the town with the rest of the
population: I mien tras nos aposen tamos, no quedb Hombre de ellos en el
Pueblo, que todos se fueron a las Sierras. E como vi esto, Yo embi6 mis
Mensageros a los Senores de alii a decirles, que no fuesen malos. Relation, i.
164. Compare, however, Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 9 et seq.
676 EXPEDITION TO SALVADOR.

usual conditions; but no reply came. Then the in

vaders tried force, but for once they were baffled.
For fully seventeen days the most strenuous exertions
were made to subdue them, during which time several
sanguinary encounters occurred, wherein a number of
Spaniards were wounded and eleven horses killed, the
auxiliaries suffering severely. Thus even the occupa
tion of the capital failed to secure the primary object
of the invasion.
Alvarado now perceived that with the present
force he never would be able to subjugate these Cuz-
catecs, and he saw that his position was becoming
critical. The rainy season was now well upon him,
the roads were becoming bad, and every day would
render retreat more difficult. The return march ex
tended over several hundred miles, and he could not
expect to meet with much
hospitality or assistance.
He decided, therefore, to return to Guatemala. But
before he set out he would make legally secure his
claim upon the vassalage of the Cuzcatecs. With
this view he instituted a process against them in the
form prescribed by law, and summoned them to sur
render. As no attention was paid to his proclamation,
proceedings were closed after the legal time had ex
pired and sentence was passed. They were pronounced
43
traitors and their chiefs condemned to death.
4
This solemn ceremony ended/ Alvarado was ready
to depart from the country, though not till he had
branded all he could lay hands upon. He was some-

43
Alvarado, Relation, i. 164-5; Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 58-9
et seq. Brasseur de Bourbourg, regardless of all Spanish evidence, boldly as
sumes that the king ainsi que tons les seigneurs de sa cour were in fact put
to death, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 666-7, when in reality they were fugitives in
the mountains and merely condemned. It is absurd to suppose that in the
Cuzcatlan charge, No. xxvi., referred to above, Alvarado s accusers would
have failed to bring against him the deaths of the king and chiefs.
44
The branding of slaves at Cuzcatlan was one of the charges brought
against Alvarado at his trial. The Spaniards appear to have seized upon a
number of the natives when they first entered the town. Ramirez, Proceso
contra Alvarado, 9-59, passim. Las Casas uses these words: Stigma enimf
Regium, iis, qui non evaserunt, inustum est. Ego etiam prcccipuo totius
civitatis viri filio vidi imprimi. Rcgio. Ind. JJevastat., 38.
 CHRISTIANIZING AND BRANDING. 677

what chagrined at his failure to draw the Cuzcatecs

into the fold; but he would return again. Indeed,
this was imperative, for the Cuzcatlan
campaign had
been quite unproductive 45 in securing either wealth or
dominion. From Itzcuintlan to Cuzcatlan there was
scarcely a town that would not require a second sub
jugation. An additional cause of vexation lay in the
statement of natives that no strait existed toward the
south. 46 On the other hand he was gratified to learn
of great cities beyond, built of stone and lime, and
inhabited by dense populations, and he promised him
self due compensation from them for his present dis
appointment. Of
homeward march particulars
his
are unnecessary. That the way was difficult and
that the soldiers suffered much we may be sure. 47
Pinched by hunger, drenched by rain, midst the light
ning and the thunder, they beat their way back
over the soft soaked ground, braving the heavens and
the earth which seemed to have risen against them.
At night, if no deserted town afforded shelter, the
worn-out men, after partaking of scanty fare and
shivering in wet clothes round feeble camp fires, threw
themselves upon the swampy ground to sleep. Yet
with all their sufferings they did not scruple to destroy
fields, burn such villages as fell in their way, and so
reduce others to the same sad plight as themselves.
Sweet to us are the misfortunes of others !

45
Huno poco despojo. Ilerrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x. Poco oro y
riquezas hallaron en este viage. Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 70.
1G
I supe de los Naturales como esta Tierra no tiene cabo. Alvarado,
Relation, i. 165.
47
Padecieron hartos trabajos, hambre y calamidades los nuestros, y los
espauoles. Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades. 70; also Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
232.