Imran Khan’s Tsunami: Its Genesis and Its Hereafter

The great ‘Philosopher of the East’ once remarked:

“Accha hai dil ke saath rahe pasban-e-aqal

Lekin kabhi kabhi ise tanha bhi chor de”

As all patriotic and anxious Pakistanis contemplate the aftermath in the wake of the political
tsunamis that rocked Lahore and Karachi in quick succession, I think the spiritual philosophy
espoused in the above verse provides a poignant yet rational basis for such contemplation. With
more than a year still left for the next general elections, the obvious question being raised is how
Imran Khan will manage to sustain the momentum the huge successes of his recent rallies has
generated. How does one respond to such concerns? I think one must start passionately
believing in the intrinsic goodness of what the Tehrik-e-Insaaf has come to symbolize. The
practical imperatives will only start falling in place thereafter.

The Pakistani political milieu is strange: eclectic at best, and fragmented at worst. There are no
middle grounds, no room for fundamental, text-book approaches. From time to time,
proclaimed torchbearers of lofty political ideologies have arrived amidst much pomp and
splendor, but they all went astray once the euphoria of success was consumed by the daunting
challenges of delivering in the real world. Indeed, the absence of any thought-out strategies for
the myriad national and regional issues at the first place, and the foray of all sorts of self-above-
service oriented individuals into the political arena, additionally, have typically combined to
bring such recipes for disaster to complete fruition. And often the disaster has reflected in sheer
comical proportions. How often the ‘people’s representatives’ enjoying the ‘heavy mandates’
have been at loss of words in responding to media’s probing questions and how often
Mr. Prime Minister and Mr. President have gone to absurd lengths in wooing disenchanted
ministers and their sorts back on to the bandwagon. And the Pakistani proletariat has been
extravagant in its capacity to exonerate the politicians time and again, thus providing these self-
serving minions their greatest incentive for repeatedly resurrecting the brazen drama of musical
chairs in the name of free and fair elections.

It is in this backdrop that one needs to undertake a critical assessment of PTI’s political
credentials. The party’s make-up is eclectic for sure but that is actually the bottom line. The
ethnic, economic, and social diversity in its supporters provide the ideal building blocks for
national integration, a glaring and an unremitting demand of the current regional political and
economic environment. To that end, Imran Khan has made a truly passionate and a humble
pledge  that of engaging Balochistan into the mainstream politics, and of humanizing the
colossal losses of the people of Khyber Pakhtunwa in the War on Terror, pure carnage that has
been shamelessly, though craftily, showcased to the outside world as “collateral damage.” The
PTI is the only party which has taken a unilateral stance on this issue and rightly perceives it to
be an anathema for national pride rather than a case for political expediency or diplomacy. The
logic behind this is very simple. In Imran’s own words, fear is a strategic weapon that is
expeditiously manipulated by the bully, an obvious reference to the American dictates
implemented assiduously by puppet regimes. As always, to overcome the pattern of defeat,
there comes a time when a clear line has to be drawn and the shackles of fear cast aside.

The other issues notwithstanding, one of the major concerns now is PTI’s strategy, indeed its
capability, to field ‘suitable’ candidates in the next elections. Recognizing the musical chairs
analogy as it relates to Pakistani politics, this question is well and truly pandering to the
speculative mindset with all the force and fury one can imagine. Yes, this is a paradox of sorts
when one compares the high sense of idealism that PTI espouses in its manifesto with the
character deficit palpable in the candidate resource pool. Some key figures that have recently
joined the party have all been part of previous dispensations, notably the PML-Q; however,
political pragmatism will now require the party to focus on their capacity to deliver as opposed
to overtly suspecting their motives on the basis of past performance. I doubt the system of
checks and balances, if instituted effectively within the party management, will ever allow
anyone to get away with personal agendas. And to this end, it is the leader who holds the sway
by leading from the front. But for the beginning, the party will have to compromise somewhat
on its rigid conditionality for the sake of strategic and tactical gains. One year is a fairly
protracted time period considering the volatility of Pakistani politics, and the only way for PTI
to sustain its tempo is to ensure periodic and substantial inductions into its ranks, and, if these
materialize through major defections, that will further reinforce the gains. The entry of Shah
Mehmood Qursehi and Javed Hashmi is a potent example.

In sheer political terms, the soil is now fertile for a party like PTI to sweep the elections. The
present government including its allies has ended up hoisting its own petard. In its infinite
wisdom it has repeatedly chosen to embrace defiance in confronting the judiciary, if at all
confrontation was ever a feasible and decent choice. The number of times the office of the
Attorney General of Pakistan has been tampered with is outrageous. And, in the current
‘memogate’ scandal there are tacit suggestions of compromising on Pakistan’s sovereignty.
Defiance has also been characteristic of the way this government has resolved to rampage the
country’s financial assets and resources. It borders on madness. How can any government be so
insensitive to the self-esteem of its own people? Rental power plants, the Benazir Income
Support Programme, NICL scam, PIA, the Pakistan Railways, Pakistan Steel, etc., are all epic
tales of high-profile corruption.

On the other hand, the PML-N, purportedly the main opposition party, in experimenting with
its “friendly opposition” theory has also ended up with the dubious distinction of being a
“toothless opposition.” It periodically invents or discovers an issue, agitates it in the
democracy’s various melting pots, and then leaves everything high and dry by stopping short
of decisive action  postures that have left many absolutely confounded. If that be its way of
testing the government’s claws or its conceitedness, it has indeed disparaged the notions of
robust political adventurism.

In concluding one must admit that while the PTI is geared for an intense contest, its landslide
victory cannot be taken for granted. Destinies do not emerge by the dispensation of some
magical band. “You sow an action, you reap a habit; you sow a habit, you reap a character; you sow a
character, you reap a destiny.” It is clear that this is a historical process and the destinies of
nations don’t change overnight. Some will argue that there have been a few well-meaning and
seasoned politicians in Pakistan who have not been allowed by the system to deliver their best.
But then, they have never had the courage to talk about changing the system as well,
particularly the electoral system and the whole process by which the polls are managed
including the structural changes required in the Election Commission of Pakistan.

We must all remember what Edmund Burke once said: “All that is necessary for evil to triumph is
that good men do nothing”. So now was the time that a good man had to act; this is all that Imran
Khan has really done. But, honestly speaking, he deserves more credit than this. It takes
monumental courage for a man to persevere for 15 years in nurturing and maintaining his self-
belief, comforted only by a handful of committed comrades, and in openly and bashfully
confronting all kinds of opposition  foreign dignitaries, wily and straight politicians,
unrelenting media, and, last but not the least, the many suspecting novices. Shah Mahmood
Qureshi and Javed Hashmi (their objectivity not to be doubted) would never ever have
abandoned their parties had they not been convinced of the sheer mujahidana and qalandrana
qualities of Imran Khan. Believe me, there are parallels in this whole saga of triumph that go
back fifteen hundred years ago. And not a bullet has been fired nor has a stone been hurled at
even the most die-hard of detractors, particularly the party that holds its sway over Karachi.
Pakistan and Pakistanis have had enough of politics; they now need leadership. And to that
end, once again, rest assured in the words of Iqbal:

“Nigah bulund, sukhn dilnawaz, jaan pursoz

Yehi hain rakht-e-safar mir-e-kaarvan ke liye.”

Author: Sayed M. Irfan

201-4675 Imperial Street
Burnaby BC V5J 1C1
Cell: 604-368-5331
Email: msayedirfan@yahoo.com