CHAPTEK V.

AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIN.

1522.

CORTES FINDS FAVOR WITH THE AUDIENCIA His THIRD LETTER TREASURES
FOR THE EMPEROR AN OMINOUS Loss CHASED BY CORSAIRS WHAT
KING FRANCIS SAID THE CURSE OF MONTEZUMA CARDINAL ADRIAN
INTERFERES CORTES CASE BEFORE THE SOVEREIGN His ACHIEVEMENTS
REVIEWED REFUTATION OF CHARGES VELAZQUEZ CRUSHED AND FON-
SECA HUMBLED CORTES APPOINTED GOVERNOR AND CAPTAIN-GENERAL.

ANY fears which Cortes may have entertained with

to his treatment of Tapia were
regard quieted by the
arrival, during the spring, of Alonso de Avila, the
commissioner whom he had sent to Santo
Domingo
more than a year before, to obtain concessions from
the audiencia, and war material for the 1
The
army.
audiencia gave him authority to
conquer the whole
of New Spain, to brand slaves in accordance with
pre
scribed rules, and to distribute encomiendas.
Although
this was provisional,
subject to the royal decision, it
nevertheless gave authority to the acts of Cortes,
and he received further encouragement in the fact that
the audiencia had recommended him to the
emperor
in a manner that promised to be more than
effective
any representation so far made. One great advan
tage the audiencia had, namely, means to hide their
despatches from the bishop of Burgos, with whom
they were not wholly in accord, and have them pre
sented direct to the royal person, nor could their
intimations against the
bishop s policy fail to have
weight.
iBernal Diaz places the return after the Pnuco campaign, which is
doubtful. Hist. Verdad., 163.
(79)
SO AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIK

In return for his success, Avila received a valuable

encomienda, together with presents and promises, all
2
of which bound him ever closer to his patron. So
his ability and loyalty
pleased indeed was Cortes with
as commissioner, that he caused him to be appointed
with Antonio
procurador to the court of Spain, jointly
3
de Quinones, his captain of guards. They were to
support the other agents in obtaining a confirmation
of his grant of lands, natives, and offices, and other
acts, together with his own tenure of office, as partly
advocated in letters intrusted to them, notably the
third of his Relaciones. This is dated at Coyuhuacan,
May 15, 1522, and narrates the operations since Octo
ber 1520, beginning with the Tepeaca campaign, con
tinuing with the siege and fall of Mexico, and ending
with the expeditions to formally occupy surrounding
provinces. Tht-; atter he describes in a manner in
]

tended to impress the value of his achievements, and

the wealth and extent of the additions thus made to
the royal domains. He does not fail to allude to the
prospects opening before the maritime exploration for
which he is preparing a fleet on the Souti?. Sea. One
of the main objects of the letter, which had probably
hastened its conclusion, was the Tapia affair. While
explaining that the course taken had been to save the
country and the royal interests, as proved by the
attempted revolt of the natives, he points out the
injustice and danger of such interference, particularly
on the part of selfish and unscrupulous persons like
Velazquez, wholly oblivious of their duty to the sov
4
ereign. In an accompanying note he commends the
He had formerly been an adherent of Velazquez, and this sufficed to
2

rouse Bernal Diaz against him, as a suspected person, who might have been
dangerous had he been present when Tapia arrived. The encomienda em-
braced Quauhtitlan, with a large rental. Id.
3
Who had assisted to save the life of Cortes during the siege.
4
In a later letter he goes so far as to propose to arrest the Cuban governor.
c
Pienso enviar por el dicho Diego Velazquez y prenderle, y preso, enviarle a
V. M. .cortando la raiz de todos males. Cartas, 318. Bernal Diaz wrongly
.

attributes this proposal to the present occasion. It may certainly be called

capping the climax of the injuries heaped upon the unfortunate governor,
though he deserves little sympathy.
 AGEKTS SENT. 81

agents to the emperor, and points out the painful

anxiety in which he has been left by not receiving any
reply to his many duttful applications.
The local officials also addressed a letter to the

emperor in the name of the army and settlers, extol

ling the deeds and loyalty of their leader, defending

their treatment of Tapia, instigated as he was by the
hostile Velazquez, and urging the prior claims of con
querors to grants and appointments. Father Olrnedo
supported these representations in a special letter,
wherein he reviewed the prospects of conversion and
requested that religious teachers be sent out. To add
weight to the petitions, they received the usual accom
paniment of treasure, in addition to the regular fifth.
The present consisted of the choicest specimens of
fabrics, feather-work, curiosities, and jewels, set apart
from the late repartition, and increased from the sub
sequent influx of tributes, worth fully one hundred
and fifty thousand ducats. 5 Its notable features were
a number of pearls and an immense emerald, as it was
6
supposed to be, and trinkets, which wholly eclipsed
the already familiar specimens of native goldsmiths
work, in the form of fishes with scales of different
metals, of birds and other animals with movable heads
and tongues, masks with mosaic ornamentation, and
a variety of pieces after European models. Several
large bones were also sent, uncovered at Coyuhuacan,
5
Antique otros dizen dos tanto. Gomara, Hist. Conq., 216. The jewels,
fabrics, etc., 150,000 ducats, the gold and silver as much more. The part set
Aside from the repartition after the fall of Mexico was worth more than
100,000 pesos de oro. Oviedo, iii. 468, 517. Alist of the valuables sent to

Spain is given in Memoria de Piezas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii.
253-68, 345-9. See also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. i.
6 *
A fine emerald the size of the palm of a hand, of pyramidal shape. Id.
Perlas tamailas algunas dellas como auellanas. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
163. This author alludes to a number of chalchiuites, like emeralds, which
can hardly include the stones called -emeralds by others, for chalchiuites were
never regarded as of much value by the conquerors, though the natives prized
them above any other stones. The emerald referred to was a mere jade or
serpentine, for Mexico possessed no emeralds. Alaman, Disert., i. 159. In
Peru they did have this precious stone, but the test to which the early adven
turers submitted them hammer blows caused as a rule the rejection of the
genuine stones, which were smashed in pieces, while the false ones were ac
cepted.
HIST. MEX., VOL. II. 6
82 AFFAIRS OF CORTTES IN SPAIN.

which in accordance with the common native tradition

and the declaration of the doctors were pronounced
to be the remains of giants; also two jaguars, or tigers
as they were called, which proved an unfortunate ship
ment, for one escaped from the cage hen on board,
T
?,

and fiercely attacked a number of the crew, where

it of the bitten men
\vas lost in the sea. Two
upon
died from their injuries, and to obviate another disas
7
ter the second jaguar was killed.
As special agents for Cortes
went his secretary,
Juan de Bibera, with whom 8
was associated Friar
Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea, both to act in concert with
his father, Martin Cortes, to whom was sent a power
9
of attorney to act in all affairs for the son. This
document was accompanied by a few thousand ducats,
which the malevolent magnified to large amounts, a
portion of the vast treasures that Cortes was said to
have secreted. One story current was that he him
self supervised its transmission to Tezcuco in several
canoes. When
fairly out in the lake a sudden gale
capsized the boats, and half a dozen men were drowned;
the rest, including Cortes, narrowly escaped by cling
ing to the wrecks. Divers were afterward sent to
search for the treasure, but not a trace could be
found. 10 The same agents carried a portion of the
remittances sent by the conquerors to friends in Spain,
amounting in all to nearly a hundred thousand cas-
tellanos, and showing that recent expeditions must
have greatly increased the distribution shares, and pro
moted contentment among the lately irate soldiers. 11
7
Gomara mentions three tigers, but accounts only for the fate of two.
Hist. Mex., 210.
8
A
man full of tricks and unfair at the gaming-table, says Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 190-1, and he certainly proved unreliable.
8
Dated May 8, 1522, Poder Otorgado, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc;,
xii. 458-70. A
relative named Francisco de las Casas is appointed substitute
in case Martin Corte"s fails to act. This Casas, a relative, figures ably in the
conquestof Honduras. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 537 et seq., this series.
10
Peralta applies this statement to the treasures intended for the emperor.
Not. Hist., 130-2, but it appears to be based on an event which occurred in
connection with Cortes own departure for Spain in 1528. Gomara, affirms that
the sum sent to tho father was 4,000 ducats. Hist. Mex., 216.
11
Ochenta y ocho mil Castelianos en barras de oro. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
 CAPTURED BY THE FHEKCH. 83

The commission set out in June 12 1522,

iu three
3
vessels/ which
safely reached Terceira, of the Azores
group. Hardly had they again set sail, however,
when they were attacked by a fleet of Frer.eh corsairs,
hailing from La Roehelle.
1*
six ships in number,
Eesistance on the part of the small vessels from
New Spain was deemed useless, but they nevertheless
did their utmost to escape,
regardless of the cannor-
balls that whistled around them. The chase became
exciting, the more so when splinters began to fly and
blood to flow. Finally the French overtook two of
the vessels having, in charge of Avila, the
greater
part of the treasures, which were conveyed to. France.
The choicest jewels were sent as a present to Francis
I., who was not a little surprised at the extent and

quality of the wealth flowing in on Spain. "The gold

from his western possessions alone must suffice to sus
tain his he observed, "But I
campaigns against us,"

should like to see the last testament of Father Adam

which entitles my brothers of Castile and
Portugal
to the exclusive
ownership of those regions, or which
forbids me from thus 15
helping mysejf to a share."
Avila was kept behind prison bars for a
long time
in the vain
expectation of a heavy ransom, correspond
ing to the estimate formed of one having in his charge
so large a treasure. He
managed, however, to forward
the despatches, which
greatly promoted the cause of
his chief. 16
Learning from him or his companions that
Verdad., 163. Herrera names Diego de Ordaz, of volcano fame, as one of the
passengers, while others say that he had gone with the previous mission to
Spam.
12
December 20th, according to Bernal Diaz, but this must be a
slip either
of memory or pen, which has misled several writers. A receipt for some of
the treasure is dated at
Seville, November 8, 1522. Pacheco and Cardenas,
Col. Doc., xii. 258-60.
"Caravels, says Herrera. Bernal Diaz mentions only 2. One of them was
the hanta Maria de laRdblda, commanded
by Juan Baptista. Id. 253, 258, 260..
,
[

Under command of Juan Florin, or Florentin.

10
Que mostrassen testamento de nuestro padre Adan, si les dexd aellos.
el
Bolamente por herederos, y seiiores de
aquellas tierras que auian tornado entre-
os dos sin dalle a el
ninguna dellas, e que por esta causa era licito robar, y
tomar todo lo que pudiesse por la mar. Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 164.
The neglect to secure his liberation nettled him
greatly, and he is said
to have expressed
delight at the loss to the court of so much treasure. On,
b4 AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIN.

the third vessel, which had escaped him, contained

additional treasure, the French pirate returned with
three of his ships to watch for her. This time fortune
turned against him, for near Cape St Vincent he en
countered a Spanish fleet sent in search of him, and
after a brief but sharp battle he was captured and
conveyed to Spain, there to be condemned to the
17
gallows.
Ill-luck seemed to attend the spoils of New Spain,
both in their capture and afterward. The curses of the
dying Montezuma and the agonized Quauhtemotzin
had clung to them ever since they left the palace-
vaults of Tenochtitlan. Miserably perished during
the Noche Triste most of those who sought to convey
it forth, while the Aztecs who recaptured a portion

paid the bitter penalty during the horrors of the

following siege. Strife and trouble arose at the dis
tribution of the remnant after the fall of the city; a
gale swept a portion into the lake, together with sev
eral of its attendants. Its capture by the French
involved the imprisonment of Avila and the death of
several companions, soon tc be foLowed by the igno
minious end of the pirates and the capture of Francis
himself. As for the escaped vessel, the Santa Maria
de la Rdbida, she gained Santa Maria Island in a
somewhat battered condition, with several wounded
persons on board, including Quinones, who died a few
18
days later. Ribera proceeded thence in a Portuguese
caravel to Seville to ask for a convoy, and with this

returning to Spain he received for compensation the permit to retain his en-
comiendas and other property, and the appointment of contador for Yucatan.
In 1565 the municipality of Mexico granted his brother s family a lot adjoin
ing their house, in consideration for Alonso s services; but in the following
year the house was razed, and the site covered with salt, after the execution
of his nephews for complicity in the conspiracy of Martin Cortes. Datos
J3hg., in Cartas de Indias, 716-17; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. xx., lib.
x. cap. vii.
17
En
el puerto de Pico. Id. Sandoval places this occurrence in Novem
ber 1522, though he is somewhat confused about the facts. Hist. Carlos V.,
i. 563.
18
So says Herrera, while Bernal Diaz states that th , death of the gallant
captain was due to dagger thrusts, which he received at Tercera during a
Lotharian escapade, ubi sup.
 THE VELAZQUEZ INFLUENCE. 85

the remnant of Aztec treasure reached its destina

19
tion.

this time the affairs of Cortes in

By Spain had
assumed a new aspect. His
friends, including Martin
Cortes, Puertocarrero, Montijo, Licentiate Nunez,
relator of the India Council, Ordaz, and others, had
for a time accomplished nothing more than to check the

proceedings of the Velazquez party, though they had

been unable to oppose the appointment of Tapia.
Finally, however, they obtained proofs of Fonseca s
machinations in favor of Velazquez, from whom he
had accepted heavy bribes, including an encomienda
of natives, who were compelled under the lash to
extract gold for the good bishop in the Cuban mines.
The intimacy between these two officials was strength
ened by the engagement of the governor to the niece
of the prelate, 20 an4 they concerted to defame Cortes
as a traitor, by withholding his despatches,
keeping
back his agents, and injuring him in every possible
manner. 21 It was further shown that the bishop had
appropriated a part of the presents sent to the em
peror from New Spain. This was wrong on the part
of the bishop, and yet, as we well know,
Velazquez
had far more of justice on his side than Cortes; but suc
cess defies all. The great achievements of Cortes had
by this time spread throughout the country, fostering
the belief that he had not been fairly treated. Among
the notable persons who warmly expressed themselves
to this effect were the duke of Bejar, one of the

_
A list of what she brought is given in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. y
19

xii. 253-60. Herrera relates two somewhat varied and confused versions, and
says that the vessel with all its effects was placed under embargo by Fonseca s
order, which is unlikely. Dec. iii. lib. iii. cap. i. iii., lib. ix. cap. xx. Gomara,
IJist. J/ez., 21G, disposes
quite briefly of the voyage; but Bernal Diaz is more
complete and reliable. In a letter to the emperor, Corte"s expresses regret at
the loss, chiefly on account of the choice nature of the
specimens, which would
have aided in demonstrating his services, but yo trabajar^ de enviar otras
muy20 mas ricas y extraiias, he concludes
consolingly. Cartas, 317.
Petronila de Fonseca. Gomara, IJist. Mex., 238. Bernal Diaz fancies
also that she may have been engaged to Tapia. Hist. Verdad., 183.
21
The bishop had hidden his reports, que no se veria mientras viuier,se.
Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap. iii.
86 AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIN.
22
leading grandees, and the German
duke of Nassau,
whose representations assisted in convincing Cardinal
Adrian of the injustice done. Fonseca was there
of Cortes,
upon ordered not to meddle in the affairs
and the evidence of his conduct was forwarded to
23
the monarch.
Adrian had no time to do much more, for he was
elected successor to Leo X., and was obliged to go to
24
Italy in the spring of 1522. The emperor returned
from Germany shortly after, however, and Tapia
adherents
appearing to support the complaints of the
of Velazquez, he resolved to investigate the charges
both against Fonseca and Cortes; summoning to this
effect a special commission which included such men
25
as the grand chancellor.
The plaintiff opened with the charge that Cortes
had appropriated to his own ends a fleet fitted out at
great expense by Velazquez, in virtue of royal author
ity, to continue the exploration
of the countries
already discovered by him. Velazquez had conse
quently been Obliged to spend the remainder of his
fortune in efforts to recover his own, notably in the
equipment of a second large fleet under Narvaez.
Regardless of the lives of his Majesty s subjects, and
of his sacred decrees, Cortes had attacked the expedi
tion, killed a number, imprisoned others, and bribed
or intimidated the rest into submission, besides tearing
22
Bernal Diaz says Monsieur de Lasoa, sent by the emperor to congratulate
Adrian on his election to the papacy. Nassau certainly proved himself a great
friend to Corte"s afterward.
13
It is even said that he suspended the bishop from his presidency cf the
council; but this was probably left to the emperor.
24
Mariana, Hist. Esp., vii. 310, viii. 101.
Mercurio de Gatinara; Hernando deVega, lord of Grijal and comendador
25

mayor of Castile; Monsieur de la Chaux, great chamberlain; Doctor Lorenzo

Galindez de Carbajal, an old and eminent jurist; Licentiate Francisco de
Vargas, general treasurer of Castile; and Doctor de la Roche, a Fleming.
Such are the names given in Herrera, Gomara, Bernal Diaz, and Cortes, Vida,
in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 352-3. Several sessions were held. Manuel de
Rojas and Andre s de Duero, representing Velazquez, appeared with Tapia on
one side, while Licentiate Cespedes is said to have been among those who
pleaded for Cortes. Vetancurt, Teatro, pt. iii. 153, assumes wrongiy that
Riber*: and Melgarcjo arrived in time to be present now, and Prescott adda
K; :
cr, Mex. iii. 246-7. Both confound this trial with subsequent revivals
of charges before tribunals and council.
 BEFORE THE EMPEROR. 87

by force from the commander the royal despatches.

He further, by force and fraud, caused himself to
had
be elected leader, ignoring the instructions given him
from the audiencia of Santo Domingo through his
patron, and punishing even with death those
who
ventured to oppose him. He had assumed regal
powers, made cruel war on unoffending natives to sat
isfy his greed and ambition, and had distributed
en-
comiendas and slaves for the benefit of his adherent^.
To this end he had encroached on the royal interests,
besides embezzling moneys and treasures due to the
crown, assuming also for himself a fifth like the sov
ereign.
Not satisfied with this, he had defrauded the
soldiers of their shares, tortured native kings and
nobles to obtain more gold, and had tyrannically im
pressed the people to bring material and build houses
for him. Finally he had maltreated and expelled from
New Spain the governor appointed by the crown, with
criminal contempt for the royal commission, thus con
firming the current reports that he intended treason
ably to ignore the sovereign as he had his cedulas and
his patron, and usurp the country for himself.
To these charges, many of them too true, the agents
of Cortes replied that the honor of discovering New
Spain pertained to Hernandez de Cordoba, who, dis
regarding the iniquitous and criminal commission of
Valazquez to kidnap natives from the islands, had
directed his energies to this nobler aim. Grijalva s
expedition, succeeding this, was purely for traffic, as
proved by the instructions, and its cost had been de
frayed by the participants, although Velazquez managed
to secure most of the profit, which he shared with the
bishop of Burgos, besides bribing him to the preju
dice of the crown with large allotments of slaves.
The fleet of Cortes had been fitted out chiefly at the
expense of himself and friends, as demonstrated by
the vouchers and testimony produced, 26 with clearly
26
Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 411-20; Hist. Mex. t
i. 57-8, this series.
88 AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIN-

written instructions to explore, not to colonize. On

beholding the vast extent and resources of the coun
try, in products and inhabitants, the commander felt
that his duty as a loyal and Christian subject demanded
the setting aside of the limited and mercer ary com
mission given him, in order to acquire for his sover
eign these lands, and for the church benighted souls.
This being recognized also by the members of the
expedition, they had insisted upon c^cting him lieu
tenant for the king, and voluntarily so since this pro
moted also their own wishes and interests, hitherto
cramped by the avaricious and jealous governor of
Cuba. Narvaez expedition had been sent forth in
direct disobedience to the orders of the audiencia of
Santo Domingo, a step which merited death, followed
as it was by the additional outrage on a royal oidor.
Its presence in New Spain was so evident a peril to
conquest so far achieved, and to the conversion begun,
that not only did the adherents of Cortes unhesitat
ingly aid him in overthrowing the intruder, after he
had rejected every overture, but many of the followers
of Narvaez openly or tacitly refused to support his
cause, so detrimental was it to the royal interests.
As it was, the great revolt at Mexico, followed by the
terrible Noche Triste, must be ascribed to his pres
ence and malicious insinuations. The papers taken
from the fallen leader had been vouchers, not de
spatches. The death of a few men on this occasion,
and the execution of others at different times, were
deplored, but every military organization demands the
maintenance of discipline, and is subject to such occur
rences, all of which were no less permissible than the
warring on natives who obstinately refused to submit
to the sovereign and church. Cortes had assumed
no royal power, but had made distribution of enco-
miendas for the sake of assuring the obedience of
the native Americans and of maintaining possession
of the domains for the crown, to whose
superior con
firmation the grants were subject. Treasure had
 CHARGES AND COUNTER CHARGES. 8J>

been acquired by legitimate methods, and the royal

fifth not only duly set aside, but largely increased

by contribution of the finest specimens. If they had

not reached the sovereign, the bishop of Burgos
must be held answerable. The fifth assigned to
the commander was in consideration for his services
and heavy expenses. The torture of the princes was
an act of the army, headed by the royal treasurer,
and the employment of natives to rebuild the city of
Mexico was a measure demanded by the public in
terests. The arrival of Tapia tended to involve the
country in perils similar to those aroused by Nar-
vaez, so much so that the delegates of the colonists
and army took his disposal into their own hands, con
fident that the sovereign would confirm an act dictated
in his own interest. Indeed, none but Cortes, with
skill and judgment as a general and governor, could
have undertaken the conquest and carried it to a suc
cessful end, through so many dangers, unsupported
by any one save his own followers and his own
resources of mind and means, and this in the face of
the bitter opposition of Velazquez, Fonseca, and their
adherents, who kept back recruits and supplies, seized
remittances, withheld his reports and agents, promoted
revolts, and misrepresented his every motive and act.
The letters from himself, the army, the officials, Friar
Olmedo, and others, were filled with proofs of his
ability and loyal devotion, while immense domains,
larger than any so far acquired for the crown, and
teeming with wealth and vassals, stood as eloquent
witnesses of his achievements, ever glorious to Span
ish fame. 27
What
could be more grand and flattering to the
Spanish nation than the quality and extent of this
aT
These and other arguments are produced in Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iv. cap.
iii.;Bernal JJiaz, Hist. Verdad., 184-6; Gomara, Hist. Alex., 238-9, this
latter, strange enough, giving the charges pretty fully, but disposing of the
defence with the brief remark: Los descargos, jazon y justicia que tuuo
Cortes ... la historia las cuenta, From the.se sources later writers form their
account.
90 AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIN.

success It had already raised in every Spanish heart

!

a strong admiration for the hero, which overlooked

everything but his greatness. Nor was the crown
insensible to the necessity of justifying the means to
such an end. The surpassing fitness of the man for
his position was undeniable; besides, none could deny
that Velazquez had been also irregular in his conduct,
while his rival had suffered enough injury and oppo
sition to justify many an overt act. The natural
result was a decision in favor of Cortes, with the
recommendation that neither Velazquez nor Fonseca
should be allowed to interfere further in his affairs.
The claims of the former to his share in the fleet, and
other interests, belonged to the province of the court
of law just established for suits connected with the
Indies. The emperor rendered his decision in accord
ance, influenced mainly, it seems, by the charge that
the Narvaez expedition had been the real cause for
the great uprising which ended in the disastrous ex
28
pulsion of Spaniards from Mexico.
The blow fell with unnecessary humiliation on Ve
lazquez, being heralded on his own island, to the sound
of trumpet, by the messengers who bore tokens of
royal favors to his rival. His fortune had really
been wrecked by the cost of expeditions and efforts
against Cortes, which proved the chief means for his
condemnation; and now every ambition was crushed,
even the lingering hope of vengeance. The offer of
regaining a small portion of his losses by appealing to
the tribunals seemed irony. In sullen mood he re
tired to his residence strickenby grief and rage which
fast Once more he resolved to make
consumed him.
fresh representations to the sovereign, and in 1524 he

Ccdula, October 15, 1522, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xxvi. 66.
28

Gomara states that both Velazquez and Fonseca were removed from office,
though he is not quite clear about the latter. Mado al Obispo. .q no enten-
.

diesse mas en negocios de Cortes, ni de Indias, a lo que parecio. J/ixt. Mex.,

237-8. Bernal Diaz affirms this more strongly. Hist. Verdad., 183, and in
Cortes, Vida, Icazlmlceta^ol. Doc., i. 352, the bishop is allowed to retire
voluntarily; but the case is doubtful, Remesal declaring that his successor,
Loaisa, did not assume the presidency till August 2, 1524. Hist. Chyapa, 9.
 DEATH OF VELAZQUEZ. 91

prepared to support them in person, but death inter

vened to spare him from further disappointments. 29
Narvaez, who then joined Tapia and others in the old
charges with supplementary complaints, received no
satisfaction, though he was encouraged by the varying
course of his rival s fortune to maintain the suit for
some time. 30
The ambitious Fonseca was even more deeply
affected than his protege by the rebuke of Charles
though he had been prepared for it by the check already
administered through Adria;.: now his pontiff. The
;

presidency of the India Council was an office connected

more intimately than any other with the growth of
the new world colonies. Its possessor, indeed, might
readily have obtained immortal renown as father or
patron of America by promoting its exploration, set
tlement, and administration, with the zeal worthy of
a bishop, and the judgment resulting from thirty
years management of affairs. Instead of this, ever
since the time of Columbus, he had proved an obsta
cle to advancement through his partisanship and nar
row-mindedness. Columbus, Las Casas, Cortes, and
other transatlantic lights incurred successively his
pronounced hostility, and he condescended to acts
wholly unworthy of his cloth, as if jealous of fame
thsitwould obscure his position. He never regained
the favor by which he had rapidly advanced from a
dean of Seville, through several prelacies, to the dig-
29
Oviedo, i. 541. De pesar cay 6 malo, y dende a pocos meses murio, says
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 187. His heirs seem to have made no resolute
efforts to recover their claims against Cortes, yet in 15G2 his descendant ^
Velazquez de Bazan, demanded the fulfilment of the contract with the crown,
granting him and his heir a share in the revenue of the countries he should
discover and conquer. In 1584 he offered to compromise for a revenue of
15,000 ducats, and a habit of Santiago for his son. Velazquez, Memorial, in
Col. Doc. Ined., iv. 232-8. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., x. 80-G; Panes,
in Monumentos, Domin. Esp. MS. C4 %
, ,
30
He was ironically told to bring Avila .rom his French prison to prove
the charge that he had stolen his commission. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad.,
186. The claim against Cortes presented by his agent Ceballos some years
later, for property lost by him and his followers at Cempoala, amounted to
300,000 pesos de oro. This included indemnity for his long imprisonment.
Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 437^4; Cortes, Residencia.
i. 87 et
seq.
92 AFFAIRS OF CORTES IN SPAIN.

nity of bishop of Burgos, with still higher prospects

31
before him.
The conduct and measures of Cortes were gener
32
ally approved, at least in all the
main features, and
the conquerors were confirmed in the possession of
the encomiendas granted them, with the privilege
of occupying prominent seats in churches and other
public places. In a special cedula of October 15, 1522,
the emperor expressed to the leader his appreciation
of the services rendered in the conquest of so great a
territory, and of the steps he had taken immediately
on returning to Spain to become acquainted there
with, through his reports and agents, and to prevent
his enemies from creating further mischief. He com
mends to his loyal zeal and experience the good admin
istration of the country and the care and conversion
of the natives. The better to enable him to carry
out this measure and in recognition of his services,
he is granted the offices of governor and captain-
general of New Spain, with full power to appoint dep
33
uties and throughout its provinces, and
sub-officials
with permission to exclude any objectionable person
from the country. Cortes was further gratified by
31
He fell sick with disgust, and appears to have died during the following
year. Ilerrera, dec. iii. lib. vi. cap. xiv. ; though Irving says November 4,
1554. Columbus, iii. 550. Bernal Diaz states that his troubles were increased
by differences with his nephew about the archbishopric of Santiago. Hist,
Verdad., 187. Already archbishop of Rosano, and comisario-general de la
Cruzada, he might readily have become archbishop of Toledo. Gomara, Hist..
Mex., 238. Solis will not believe all the charges against *un Varon tan vene
rable y tan graduado. Hist. Mex., ii. 273. See also Hist. Cent. Am., i. 168,
this series.
32
Umbria and Cardenas, who had suffered amputation of the feet for aid
ing in a Velazquezan revolt, were given encomiendas que renten a cada vno
mil pesos de oro. Bernal Diaz, loc. cit. These and a few other indirect re
bukes were the only exceptions.
33
This commission, bearing the same date as the ce"dula, alludes to the
new country as Aculuacan and San Xoan de Olua, llamada la Nueva Espaua/
a name conferred in accordance with CorteV request. He is to be royal judge,
governor, justice, and captain-general, without predjudice to any privilege
held or claimed by Adelantado Velazquez. From which it appears that the
latter still possessed the right to discover and settle lands, or more
probably
islands, adjoining New Spain, for instance Yucatan, which is not included in
the above cedula. See Pachcco and Cardenas, Col. Doc. xxvi. 59-70. Gornara
,

wrongly adds the title of adelantado, which was proposed for him only in
1525. Bernal Diaz misleads several in
giving a wrong date. The salary
 FERDINAND TO CORTES. 93

a from Ferdinand, the brother of Charles and

letter

regent of Germany, who lauded his achievements

and assured him of his good-will. 34

assigned amounted to a little over 300,000 maravedis, while the royal officials
appointed at the same time received 510,000. Cortes complained of this
inequality, and by cedula of November 4, 1525, he is told that steps will be
taken to satisfy him. Col. Doc. Intd., i. 99-100, 102; Pizarro y Orellana,
Varones Ilvstres, 102 ; Cortts, Cartas, 338-9.
31 This was in
answer to a letter accompanied by presents from Corte"s.
BvmalDiaz, Hist. Verdafl.j 186. The general had evidently made wide -spread
efforts to curry favor with the court.