CHAPTER XV.

ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.

1527-1529.

VICISSITUDES OF THE FIRST SEEBISHOP JULIAN GAUGES THE ICONOCLAST

ZUMARRAGA LAMENTABLE VANDALISM CHARACTER OF THE CLERGY
ARRIVAL OF DOMINICANS RIVALRY OF THE ORDERS INTRODUCTION OF
NUNS MEETING OF CORTES AND PIZARRO DEATH OF AN IDEAL SOLDIER
EXCITEMENT OVER CORTES ARRIVAL IN SPAIN PLAYING THE GALLANT
His RECEPTION BY THE EMPEROR MARKS OF FAVOR HE is MADE A
MARQUIS WITH LARGE GRANTS POLITIC SOOTHINGS OF DISCONTENT
WHY HE LOST THE GOVERNORSHIP His CONTRACT FOR SOUTH SEA DIS
COVERIES His BRIDE AND JEWELS PAPAL CONCESSIONS RETURN TO
NEW SPAIN OVATION TO THE HERO HOSTILITY OF THE OIDORES.

NEW SPAIN had assumed the position of Castile s

leading colony in the Indies, and the cross had ex
tended its sway from ocean to ocean before the church
proper stepped forward to assume control. Never
theless a see and a bishop had been granted prior
to a single conversion. On the strength of the glow
ing reports brought by the expeditions of Cordoba
and Grijalva, Bishop Fonseca had hastened to confer
upon his confessor, Julian Garces, a Dominican, the
title of bishop of Cozumel, and this proving an in
significant island, his jurisdiction was extended over
Yucatan. 1 The peninsula remained unsettled, how
ever, and the see was in 1526 extended over the
Tabasco and Vera Cruz districts to Chiapas, including
1 *
Obispado llamado Carolense, y Santa Maria de los Remedies, en la-
Peninsula de Yucatan. By bull of January 24, 1518, corresponding to the
civil year 1519. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 241-2, 227-40, with copies of bull,
etc. He was bishop on September 6, 1519, says Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Eclex.,
i. 80; while the date in Nueva Espana, Breve Res., MS., 225, is January 9,
1518; and in lylesias y Conventos de Hex., 324, October 13, 1519. See also
Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc., 16, 17.
(2%)
 JULIAN GARCES, BISHOP. 297

Tlascala, the latter being designated as the centre

and episcopal seat, chiefly as a mark of favor to this
2
little state, and
loyal partly because of its location.
Thus commissioned, Father Julian presented himself
in October 1527^0 assume charge, and was hailed
with the demonstrations properly attending the
all

reception of the first prelate. septuagenarian of A

a noble Aragonese family and of brilliant attainments,
which had procured for him the position of royal
4
chaplin, he could not fail to command great respect,
even if his influence was not widely felt among the
tumultuous factions which kept the country in a fer
ment. He arrived in the midst of the disputes be
tween Cortes and Estrada, and exerted himself to
conciliate these unquiet spirits after which he retired ;

to Tlascala, there to pursue his duties with the zeal

and energy of a younger man, holding aloof as much
as possible from political affairs. 5
The limits assigned to his see indicated that another
was already under consideration, to embrace the more
important districts of the lake valley and the prom
ising regions west and south. The bishopric was
indeed decided upon about the same time that Garces
obtained the Tlascala see, 6 and was offered to the
deserving and highly esteemed Pedro de Gante, who
since 1523 had labored as Franciscan
lay brother in
2
For The papal bull was dated
limits, see Condlios Prov., 1555-65, loc. cit.
October 13, 1525 corresponding to 1526, and the royal decree, September 19,
1526.
Hex. Extractos de Cedulas, MS 7.
3
.

4
Born at Munebrega in 1452, he had studied at the university of Paris,
and attained a high record for learning, which assisted to advance him in his
*
order. Llamabaiile por su eloqiiente Latinidad el segimdo Nebrija, y redivio
Ciceron. Granados, Tardes, 334. Fonseca first designated him for the see of
Cuba, ere he proposed the delusive advancement to Cozumel. Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. iii. cap xi and previous authorities; also Las
, 11 t*t. Ind., iv.
Ca*<t*,

465-6; Fernandez, Hist. Edes., 112-13; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbit, 104;
Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 192.
5
The cathedral erected by him was dedicada a
la Concepcion Immaculada
de Maria. Medina, Chron. S. Diecjo, 243
6
was created October 13, 1525 Morelli, Fastt Nam Orbis, 104; Villa
It
Seiior, Theatro, i. 28. This date is confirmed by the very limitation of the
Tlascala see, and despite the assertions of Lorenzana and other authorities,
who confound the bull of 1530 for the bishop and cathedral with that for the
see.
298 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.

Mexico Valley, foremost as teacher and apostle.

Deserving and well fitted as he was for the post, the
offer is said to have been due chiefly to his relation

ship to Charles V.
7
He had more than once been
urged by his superiors and others to accept prefer
ment in his order and in the church, but had always
declined to leave his humble position, and to this
decision he still adhered. The see was thereupon
8
bestowed, the 12th of December, 1527, on Juan de
9
Zumarraga, guardian of the Franciscan convent of
Abrojo.
The emperor was in the habit of retiring to this

place occasionally for meditation, and had become im

pressed by the zeal and austerity of the friar, and by
his efficient conduct in suppressing witchcraft in Bis
cay. Such qualities appeared to be needed in a country
so racked by abominable superstitions and reckless
factions, and as the first audiencia was about to leave
for New
Spain when the appointment was made, Zu
marraga received orders to accompany them without
waiting for consecration. He was invested with the
additional power of protector of the Indians, and
ordered to watch over the observance of the many
10
laws issued in favor of his oppressed proteges.
On arriving at Mexico he found it extremely diffi
cult to carry out these instructions, for a check upon
the ill treatment of the natives touched the nearest
interests of the settlers. The audiencia instead of aid-
7
See Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 251.
Cedula, in Ramirez, Doc., MS., 5, granting him control of tithes.
s

He was born at Durango at Zumarraga, says Vetancurt, Menolog., 61,

9

if so, a village subject to Durango in 1468, and after assuming the Franciscan
habit he rose rapidly to the positions of guardian, defmidor, and provincial.
Gonzalez Ddmla, Teatro Ecles., i. 19 et seq.; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS.,
69; Torquemada, iii. 448.
10
The bull confirming his appointment was issued only on September 2,
1530. Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 213. Beaumont adds, Clemente VII., en con-
sistorio secreto de 12 Agosto de 1530. .erigid la catedral de Mexico.
.

Cr6n. Mich., iii. 251-3; and, confounding this act with the erection, he wrongly
challenges Calle, Mem. y Not. Gonzalez Davila, loc. cit., assumes that
he
was consecrated at Tlascala by Garces, but he is wrong in both date and fact.
The different letters of the two audiencias call him simply bishop elect.
Jy and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 119, etc.
cl>eco We shall follow him back to
Spain for consecration in a few years.
 PIOUS VANDALISM. 299

ing him opposed every measure, as we have seen, and

even came to open conflict with him, leading to the
excommunication of the two oidores. While correct
enough in his course, he was thought to use the pulpit
too freely for commenting on the acts, of the officials,
and the second audiencia received power not only to
restrain his language, but to limit his interference as
protector. Yet this was but the spirit of the arch
enemy of witchcraft which had so captivated Charles ;

and checked in one direction, it broke out in another.

His zeal was vehement. Eager to extend the faith,
and observing how difficult it was for the people to
receive it, he thought the cause must be the heathen
relics which kept alive in their hearts their ancient

history and religion, hallowed by time, and consecrated

by persecution and suffering. Avaricious conquerors
and zealous friars had left few public monuments to be
cherished, but in the homes of the natives was many
a treasured image, and many a picture record of ab
original tradition, art, industry, and society.
This chain of bondage to old memories must be
broken and in imitation of the example set not long
;

before by Jimenez in regard to the Moors, Zumdrraga

started out his friars and loyal neophytes on a fresh
and searching raid, notably for the abominable scrolls
and manuscripts, wherein every sign or picture seemed
to the prelate the embodiment of satanic art and
witchery. From local and family archives, from public
places and from private houses they were brought and
cast into one vast pile in the market-place and there
burned. was the crowning act of misguided zeal
It t

And what a pyre was there ! Records of the strange un-

foldings of an aboriginal civilization, of half-developed
myths, of curious customs, of evolving sciences, per
haps of arts already lost. This pious vandalism was
riot confined to Mexico
city, but in all the larger
cities
and towns great heaps of human experiences were
gathered and committed to the flames. And like
these pillars of smoke, which on every side were seen
300 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.

ascending to heaven, shall this act of the first bishop

of Mexico forever rise before our minds as dark and
unwise. And those fires smouldered, now and then
lighted afresh ay, for centuries before church and
laity began to realize what they were doing. How
fared the results of Boturini s researches? how fared
later the archives of Mexico and of the states to the
south? 11
Notwithstanding the grievous mistake he had com
mitted, Zumdrraga s fiery zeal could not fail to achieve
also much real good. Quick to observe and of fluent
speech, he succeeded in teaching, during the first years,
at least, a wholesome lesson to the mercenary and
indolent of the clergy who formed his staff. 12 Among
the settlers this address proved less effective, owing
to the shock given to his influence by the audiencias.
For the natives he ever appeared a champion, as must
be expected from his position as missionary, bishop,
and protector. His jurisdiction was rapidly extending
with the formation of settlements in different quarters,
and the spread of conversion under the daily increas
13
ing band of friars, who were penetrating southward
into Oajaca and Guatemala, and north-westward into
Michoacan and New Galicia.
11
Even among sixteenth-century men, however, there were those who
objected, though passively, to the destruction at lease of the temple-buildings;
and Torquemada, iii. 47-50, finds it necessary to come forth in defence of the
deed. Vetancurt, Chron., 4, etc., speaks in a similar strain. The emperor wrote
approval, as G-onzalez Davila, TeatroEdes., i. 26, fails not to point out. Among
modern writers there is but one opinion, of condemnation, although Zamacois,
Hist. Mej., iv. 388-9, seeks to magnify the efforts of later missionaries to-
the injury by preserving what knowledge they could gather. Others
repair"

chose to regard the loss as trifling, one writer in U. S. Cath. Mag., 1844, 142,
taking this view on the ground that Aztec hieroglyphics were undecipherable I
12
There was evident need for reform, as accusations were already made
against friars and clergy during this first decade, and an imputation against
their morality stands forth glaringly in royal cedulas for this period, wherein
public mistresses of the representatives of the church and of married men are
made subject to certain fines, and to banishment and lashes in extreme cases.
Pur/a, Cedulario, 54-5. The term public mistresses indicates that secret
concubinage was not greatly condemned.
13
In 1527 and the following years regular reinforcements of friars came,
according to Vetancurt, Chron., 4, and other writers; yet Herrera states that
before 1531 there were not over 100 in New Spain, of all orders combined.
Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 407. Friar Jacobo de Testera obtained permission
to bring 120 Franciscans, who arrived after this date. Toryuemada, iii. 26 1,.
305, 310.
 THE DOMINICANS. 301

The Franciscans did not long labor alone, for other

orders hastened to share in the promising harvest.
Early among these were the Dominicans, twelve of
whom were sent from Spain, in company with the
twelve Franciscans. Their head, Vicar-general Tomd-s
Ortiz, was detained at court for a time, and his asso
ciates waited for him at Santo Domingo. He joined
them finally with an additional number, and from the
whole selected the symbolic twelve 14 with whom he
reached Vera Cruz in June 1526, in company with
Ponce de Leon.
The malady which brought to his death this prom
inent personage wrought havoc with the friars, as
well as others, and soon their number was reduced to
15
seven. Friar Toma"s, who on a former occasion had
evinced regard for the glories of martyrdom,
little

hereupon took alarm and hastened to depart with

three of his companions, leaving Padre Betanzos alone
with Deacon Lucero and the novice Casas.
Among those who accompanied Ortiz, chiefly on
account of ill health, was Vicente de Santa Maria, a
favorite of the Dominican general. Finding himself
safe again on his native shore, his missionary zeal
blazed up anew, and with assistance from the sover
eign he returned to New Spain in 1528, at the head
14
His second company from Spain consisted of seven besides himself, and
from the nine survivors at Santo Domingo he selected the remainder* Men-
dieta gives the names of the seven as Vicente de Santa Maria, Toinas de Ber-
langa, Domingo de Sotomayor, Pedro de Santa Maria, Justo de Santo Domingo,
Gonzalo Lucero, and Bartolome de Calzadilla, the last two deacon and lay
brother, respectively; and those who joined at Santo Domingo as Domingo
de Betanzos, Diego Ruiz, Pedro Zambrano, and Vicente de las Casas, novice.
Hist. Ecles., 363^4. Torquemada writes in one place Ramirez instead of Ruiz.
Several old authorities, including tlie Dominican chronicler Remesal, appear
ignorant of this formation of the band, the latter giving a list made some
time after their arrival, which embraces two novices received at Mexico.
Hist. Chyapa, 11, 12. See also Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex., 3; Vetan-
cvrt, in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 34. Ortiz had gained his position
chiefly through his service as vicar at Chiribichi, Torquemada, iii. 40, 598,
whence he escaped from the massacre perpetrated by the natives. His in
triguing character has already been pointed out.
15
Remesal mentions four of the dead. Davila, Padilla, Hist. Fvnd. Mex.,
4, has five names. Ortiz left with Betanzos, as prelate, and held tambien el
3
oficio de Comissario de la Inquisicion, fiemesal, Hist. Chyapa, 41, hitherto
exercised by the Franciscan custodian, yet we find Aguilar named by Cortes
-as
inquisitor.
302 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.

of a larger company than the first, though sickness

arndother causes reduced the number to six before he
reached Mexico. 16 Installed as vicar-general and in
quisitor, he gave an impulse to mission work, re-
enforced as he was shortly after by a dozen or more
17
friars.
At first they
agreed very well with the Franciscans,
who surrendered to them several districts already
18
occupied, and joined in opposing many of the iniqui
tous measures of the audiencia; but soon the old
rivalry broke out, creating not only a division on
public questions, but internal dissensions, which found
vent chiefly on the subject of Indian treatment, and
the forcible spread of conversion, the Franciscans
favoring the alliance of sword and cross. The larger
number of the latter, and their earlier occupation of
the field, gave them precedence among both settlers
and natives, and the Dominicans were obliged to
exert themselves for a share of influence. Some
features of their order gave them an advantage, and
they attracted attention by the imposing beauty of
19
their convent.
Among the early missions founded by the order
were those of Panuco, Oajaca, and Guatemala. 2*
That of Oajada was intrusted to Lucero, now a
16
Names in. Granados, Tardes, 330-1. Remesal seeks vainly to account
for the falling away of the priests. At first it was proposed to take 40, but
a number of these were directed to Venezuela, and Santa Maria left with 24.
They were given free passage, 1,500 pesos for a convent, 100 pesos for robes
and other necessaries. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cap. ii.
17
Entre todos fueron veinte y dos, before Betanzos went to bring more.
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 364. Several of these attained the dignity of bishops.
18
Notably Tlahuac, Coyuhuacan, Amequemecan, east of the capital, and
other sections. Vetancvrt, Chron., 26.
9
Che e vno de i grandi & f orti edificij & buoni che sia in Spagna. Rel.
Gentilihvmo, in fiamusio, iii. 309. It was founded in September 1526 on the
street named in consequence Santo Domingo, Libra de Cabildo, September 17,
1526; but according to a writer in Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 329, it was
occupied only in 1530. It was afterward surrendered to the inquisition
office, which again has given place to a medical school. The convent was
removed to the site now occupied, and dedicated in 1575. Torquemada t iii.
40; Iglesias y Conventos de Mex., 62-4.
20
Convents were also erected at Puebla, Vera Cruz, Goazacoalco, in the
towns transferred by the Franciscans, and notably among the Miztecs and
Zapotecs. Fernandez,ffist* Edes., 75; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii.
210.
 THE MERCED FATHERS. 303

21
priest, and to Deacon Minaya, who in the middle of
1529 founded the first convent at Antequera, 22 about
the time that Betanzos had undertaken his apostolic
tour to Guatemala, there to lay the foundation of
Dominican labors. 23
When Cortes returned from Spain in 1530 he
brought twelve friars of the order of mercy, endeared
to him by the sage and gentile influence of Father
Olmedo. Their leader, Juan de Leguizamo, acted as
24
confessor to his family. Under the special care of
the marchioness came besides a number of Concepcion
nuns, who founded the first nunnery under the name
of Concepcion Purfsima. It was endowed by four
-young ladies who had already sought shelter from
the world in the house of Andres de Tapia, and who
now assisted in spreading the order throughout New
25
Spain, and in training its noble maidens.

Cortes had meanwhile embarked with friends, and

after touching at the Islands to display his retinue
and riches, he entered the famous little seaport of
21
Born at San Juan del Cuerno, Andalusia, of poor parents. He per
fected his education after admittance to the order. After 1535 he was
removed from Oajaca to Miztecapan, where he died. Burgoa, Geog. Descrip.,
i. 8-20.
22
Twelve building sites were granted on July 24, 1529. The establish
ment became a priory in 1549. Id., Palestra, 1-15; Carriedo, Estudios Hist. t
98, 121.
23
As early as 1527, says Remesal, though it must have been a little later.
He returned to Mexico in 1531, thence to undertake an important mission to
Rome. Hist. Chyapa, 51-8; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., 380-5, 396-7. Betanzos
was of a noble family from Leon, educated for the law, but turned pilgrim,
and, being disowned by his father, he took the habit in 1514. Although
occupying no very prominent office, he ranked high in the order for his austere
virtue, his apostolic zeal, and his efforts to promote its interests. Ddvila
Padilla, Hist. Fund. Mex., 5-32; Torquemada, iii. 41-2, 94, 106, 454-5.
^BernalDiaz, Hist. Verdad., 231.
By order of July 12, 1530, the audiencia had been enjoined to found an
25

establishment of beatas for teaching Indian maidens. Puga, Cedulario, 42.

Vetancurt gives to Friar Antonio de la Cruz the credit of bringing the first
three nuns; namely, Paula de Santa Ana, Luisa de San Francisco, and Fran-
cisca Evangelista. Trot. Mex., 41. Gonzalez Davila names Elena de Medrano
as leader. Teatro Ecles., i. 7; Medina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 237. Beaumont as
sumes that Augustinian nuns also came with Cortes. Chrdn. Mich. iii. 264.
,

Brotherhoods were fostered to encourage a religious feeling, and the Archico-

fradia de Caballeros de la Santa Vera Cruz is claimed to have been founded
as early as 1523, by Cortes. See names and other information in Pap. Var. t
xlvii., pt. iii. 4.
304 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.
26
Palos toward the end of 1528. With characteristic
devotion he knelt, immediately on landing, to express
thanks for being permitted to regain his native shore
after so many vicissitudes. While awaiting the land
ing of his party and effects, which involved considera
ble delay under the cautious restrictions then ruling,
he proceeded to the convent of La Rdbida near by,
there to perform his devotions and despatch advices.
It was in this sacred spot that Columbus had sought
shelter when on his way to advocate those grand
projects which were to reveal a new world; to point
out the field whereon the conqueror might achieve
fame while giving new domains and fresh souls to the
king and church. Here also Pizarro, the conqueror
of the other great empire in America, is said to have
met the victor of Montezuma; the latter with his
great achievements ended, the former at the opening
27
of a brilliant career. Another strange coincidence:
with Cortes was Juan de Rada, a valiant soldier dur
ing the conquest, who afterward joined Almagro, and
avenged his death by cutting down Pizarro in the
midst of his successes.
During the voyage Sandoval had been ill, and on
landing he was taken to the house of a rope-maker to
receive the necessary care. The hardships he had
undergone in the Indies, particularly during the Hon
duras campaign, had undermined his health, for he
sank rapidly. During a fit of depression he sent for
Cortes. While the servant was absent, the host, a
26
<7oraara, Hist. Hex., 283; Sandoval, Carlos V., i. 895. Bernal Diaz writes
December 1527, meaning 1528 110 doubt, while Herrera, followed by Prescott
and others, gives the end of May 1528. There are several reasons supporting
the better authority of Gomara and Sandoval. En quarenta y vn dias llegd
a Castilla, sin parar en la Habana. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 224. Both
of which statements appear to be unfounded.
a7
The meeting probably took place in another part of Spain, though his
torians and poets have preferred to associate it with a spot hallowed by the
presence of Columbus. The intercourse between the two men was natural
enough, for they had known one another in the Antilles, and were allured by
the similarity of their enterprise and renown. Fue cosa notable ver juntos
a estos dos hombres, que eran mirados, como Capitanes de los mas notables
del mundo, en aquel tiempo. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. i. ; Pizarro y
Orellana, Varones Ilvst., 121.
 DEATH OF SANDOVAL. 305

burly, brutal fellow, entered the room and stealthily

examined Sandoval pretended to be asleep. The
it.

man thereupon broke open the treasury-box contain

ing a number of gold bars and carried them away, the
sick man, unable even to stand, being afraid to make
an outcry lest the robber should murder him. Cortes
soon entered, but no trace could be found of the man,
who appears to have gained Portugal with his booty.
Sandoval did not long survive. In his will he named
the general as executor. To his sisters he gave the
28
greater part of his fortune, the remainder being left
to convents and poor people to form a crown of bless
ings to his memory. He was buried with great pomp
in La Rdbida, Cortes and all his suite assuming deep
mourning, which was not alone upon the surface.
Poor Sandoval so young, so gentle, the purest and
1

noblest of them all, and to die so soon on his return

with all the joys and glories of home unrealized.
An enemy even could not meet this cavalier without
admiration of his character, and none could long be
his associate without learning to love him. Though
but thirty-one he had by his bravery and skill
achieved a reputation equal to any, as one of the fore
most captains in all the Indies. He had not been
given the same opportunities for independent achieve
ment as Alvarado, but neither had he nor would he
have stained his name with the cruelties of Tonatiuh.
He was also more prudent than the latter, and more
frank and loyal, and probably abler than Olid, the
third of the great captains of Cortes. In the total
of his admirable qualities as man and officer he sur
passed any of his associates, and gradually assumed
the chief place in the affection of his leader, who
usually addressed him by the endearing name of Son
"

Sandoval." His men also loved him as they did no

other commander for his kind demeanor, his rare disin
terestedness and his constant regard for their welfare,

28
Vna hermana. . .se casd con vn hi jo bastardo del [Conde de Medellin.*
Bernal Diaz, loc. cit.
HIST. HEX., VOL. II. 20
30C ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.

even to the neglect of his own comfort and advan

tage a marked contrast to the absorbing selfishness,
insatiate greed, and relentless cruelty of nearly all the
adventurers who overran the new region, and con
trolled the destiny of its peoples. And now after his
multitudinous dangers and strange adventures, he
reached the shores of Spain only to die of disease
and find a grave in the soil which gave him birth.
The news of the arrival of Cortes created quite a
revulsion of feeling at court, where his presence was
entirely unexpected. The prestige of success with
high honors and reputed wealth drove calumniators for
the moment to the wall. Doubts and suspicions were
dispelled, and one vied with another to honor the so
lately assailed soldier. The court was then at Toledo,,
and the king ordered the towns along the way to re
ceive the hero with suitable demonstrations. Crowds
thronged the line of march to behold the famous cap
tain, and to gaze at the strange retinue. The Indians
in flowing plumage and gaudy ornaments had been
seen frequently enough since Columbus first brought
them to Spain, but the tumblers and athletes, the
albinos and monstrosities, were new, and most of the
animals, while curious interest was attracted by the
plants and merchandise, while the heavy coffers that
betokened rare treasures raised eager expectation.
All this, however, served but as a frame to the picture
of the leader, who was conspicuous by his dignified
bearing and simple elegance of dress.
On approaching Seville he was met by the power
ful duke de Medina Sidonia and conducted with great

pomp to his castle, receiving in return29 for his own

presents several fine Andalusian horses. From here
he proceeded to Guadalupe to hold a novena at this
29 Herrera
states that he avoided Seville, where Alvarado then happened
to be, preparing to return to Guatemala with his newly secured commission
as governor. Remesal gives as reason that he \vas offended with Ihe late
lieutenant for neglecting to marry his cousin, as agreed. Hist. Chyapa, 39.
It is probable that the avoidance was mutual, and based in part at least on
the interference of Alvarado in Cortes projects to his own advancement. For
full particulars, see Hist. Cent. Am., ii., this series.
 ROYAL HONORS. 307

celebrated shrine and to obtain masses for his dead

friend. It so happened that Maria de Mendoza, wife
of the powerful secretary, Cobos, was there at the
time, attended by a large suite. Aware of his influ
ence with the fair sex, Cortes resolved not to miss so
good an opportunity to win the approval of the im
perial favorite. Never did his fluent tongue serve
him to better purpose than when he made his bow
before Dona Maria. He even ventured upon a mild
flirtation with her beautiful sister, sighing a subtle
allusion to the chains that bound him to another. 30
All the ladies were enchanted with the gallant and
talented hero, who could so well supplement his fas
cination with rich presents, and Dona Maria wrote
the most glowing commendations of her protege to
her lord, sufficient at least to dissipate many of his
31
prejudices against the adventurer.
In promise of coming honors, the sovereign was
pleased to assign Cortes quarters during his stay at
court. On
approaching Toledo he was met by the
duke of Bejar with a brilliant retinue, who con
ducted him into the city. The following day, in com
pany with the admiral of the Indies, Cobos, and
others, he was received by the emperor, and kneeling
to kiss his hand was graciously commanded to rise.
He thereupon gave an outline of his achievements,
and illustrated the resources of the country with
specimens of produce, natives, and treasures. In
conclusion he made excuses for the length of his
speech and the boldness of his utterances, and pre
sented a memorial wherein his services were more
fully recorded. The emperor appeared greatly im
pressed by the story of the conquest, related with all
30
It has even been hinted that Dona Marfa made an effort to unite the two,
and that Cortes unwillingness made her his enemy, greatly to his preju
dice. But this is unlikely, for the alliance with the ducal family was already
a settled affair. Bernal Diaz hints that the match would have procured
him the greatest favors at court. Hist. Verdad., 225. The sister married
not long afterward the adelantado of the Canaries.
31
Bernal Diaz states that Cobos was so pleased that he showed his wife a
letters to the king.
308 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.

the skill and grace of which the Estremaduran was

master, and by his self-possessed dignity and evident
loyalty. Charles frequently called the hero to his
presence to be entertained by his conversation, or to
consult him upon affairs of state, particularly concern
ing Mexico, and many of his suggestions for its
government were carried out. Taking their cue from
the emperor, the courtiers danced attendance upon
the adventurer, and stayed awhile their supercilious
slander. Cortes became the fashion; and he seemed
to play his. part as well at the court of Charles as
at that of Montezuma. His audacity was charming;
at times, indeed, startling to old courtiers. One Sun
it is related, he had been commanded to attend
day,
mass at the court chapel. He surprised the assembly
by coming late, and further by passing in front of
royalty and taking a seat beside the duke of Nassau,
a,
sovereign prince of Germany. The disturbance
was hardly calmed by the information that Cortes
had been instructed so to proceed. still more A
conspicuous mark of favor was a visit of the em
peror to his chamber during an illness arising from
change of climate and other causes. This act of con
descension created general remark, and was regarded
by many as sufficient compensation for the greatest
32
services.
More substantial honors were accorded by cedulas
of July 6, 1529, whereby Cortes, in consideration of
his many achievements in acquiring for the crown
and church so many provinces, at great personal risk,
and in order to set an example for good and loyal ser
vice, was granted twenty-two towns in New Spain,
chiefly in Oajaca, to contain not exceeding twenty-
three thousand vassals, including their lands and sub
ordinate hamlets, civil and criminal jurisdiction, offices
and rentals, and with full power to dispose thereof
22
It was the greatest of all favors bestowed upon Cortes, desafuciado de
los Medicos. Pizarro y Orallana, Varones Ilvst., 120. This occurred a few days
after his arrival at Toledo, says Bernal Diaz, at the instance of Bejar. Hist.
Verdad., 225.
 EXTENSIVE GRANTS. 309

according to his pleasure and that of his heirs. He 33

had been offered his choice throughout New Spain,

although the kingdom of Michoacan was pointed out
for selection; but he preferred the fertile valley of
Oajaca, together with a few places particularly ad
mired in and round the lake valley, including the two
favorite towns of Coyuhuacan and Cuernavaca, which
he had fancied from the first, Huastepec, with its
famed gardens, Jalapa, the beautiful health-resort
lying half-way between Vera Cruz and the plateau
summit, the seaport of Tehuantepec, and several
places in the fertile province of Matlalzinco. The
text of the grant contained the usual ambiguities-
which enabled opponents to dispute the claim on many
points, and reduce it, as will be related in a later chap
ter. He also received certain lands and lots in and
near Mexico city, notably the two palaces, old and
new, of Montezuma, and two isles in the lake, Xico
and Tepepulco, each about half a league in circum
M
ference, and intended for hunting-parks.

33
Como de cosa vuestra, propia. Appeals from him or his alcalde mayor
could, however, be made to the king, council, or audiencias; no fortress must
be erected without permission; mines and salt-fields were retained for the
crown; but the jurisdiction, revenues, and tribute otherwise due to the crown
were conceded to him and his heirs. In case of transfer, church and convents
could not be included without royal permission; nor could a sale be made
without first giving the refusal to the sovereign. The estate was subject to
the regulations for government issued December 4, 1528. Possession could be
taken from date. This document, wherein Cortes is addressed as Don, and
and captain-general of New Spain, is dated at Barcelona, July 6,
529, and countersigned by Secretary Francisco de los Cobos, the bishop of
fovernor
Osma, who was the president of the Council, and Doctor Beltran, licentiate
for the court. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 291-7. The towns named
in the ce"dula are: Caljmacaii (Coyuhuacan), Atlacabuye (Atlacubaya, later
Tacubaya), Matalcingo (Matlalzinco), Taluca (Toluca), Calimaya, Quanixaca,
(Quauhnahuac, later Cuernavaca), Guastepeque (Huastepec), Acapiptla (Aca-
pichtla), Antepeque (Aiitepec), Tepuzlan (Topotzotlan), Guaxaca (Oajaca),
Cayulapeque (Cuitlopan probably), Tlaiitequila (Tenquilaba), Bacoa (Tepeaca,
probably), Teguamtepeque (Tehuantepec, a seaport), Yalapa (Jalapa), Utlate-
peque (Huitlatepec), Atroyatan (perhaps Atloixtlan), Quetasta (Cuetlachtlan),
Tuztlatapeca (Tuxtepec, evidently), Yzcalpan. Gomara, who differs consid
erably in spelling, adds Etlan, as the twenty-second town. Hi*t. 284. M<;<-. ,

The list of the towns, hamlets, and farms, according to the modified list of
1532, is given in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 500-2. See also Puya,
Cedr/lario, 6o-7; ni;inr, Srntari.0*,
M<>i>!< 150-2.
^ The
latter, known abo as El Pefiol del Marques, was the scene of exploit
when the first fleet sailed against Tenochtitlan. See Hist. Mes. (525, this series.
,
i.

The boundaries of the lots and the land along Tlacopan road are minutely
310 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.

There was one thing above all, however, that Cortes

longed for a title. Wealth he possessed, and lands
he could acquire, but the credential of nobility, to
raise him above the rank of adventurer, give him a
place in the select circle of the court, and even to
admit him into the fellowship of grandees, this the
sovereign alone could confer, and charily enough it
was dispensed to the man of inferior connection, how
ever great his merits. The emperor understood the
longing, and perceiving the necessity for some such
recognition of great services, since the grant of estates
was really a mere confirmation of what Cortes already
possessed, he gave him the title of Marques del Valle
35
de Oajaca. Henceforth the name of Cortes gave
way gradually to the designation Marques del Valle,
Oajaca being rarely used, though the mere term the
l

marquis was his common appellation in New Spain,

36
just as the admiral was set apart for Columbus.
The title and authority of captain-general of New
Spain and provinces, and coasts of the South Sea,
were also conferred on him, with power to appoint
and remove lieutenants. 37
Cortes had evidently expected a dukedom, with a
proportionately larger domain, for when the several
documents for title and estates were presented, he
declined to receive them, declaring the reward unequal

given in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 376-81; Reales Cedulas, MS.,
i. 48-9. See also Carriedo, Estudlos Hist., ii. 7. The grant of the isles is
dated 6th of July, that of the lots, July 27, 1529, though Icazbalceta, Col.
Doc. ii. 28-9, prints July 23. Among the lands was the Tlaspana, afterward
,

known as Raiicho de los Tepetates.

35
This grant is dated July 6th, the July 20th, in Col. Doc. Ined., i. 105-8,
being an error. Yet in a cedula of April 1st he is already called Marques.
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 379-80
36
The grant of marquisates became more common after this, chiefly in
connection with services in the Indies. Pizarro received it, and Cobos was
made Marques de Cameraza, shortly after Cortes. There was an evident dis
inclination to increase the number of dukes, and so this half-way concession
was tendered where the merits really deserved a dukedom.
37
This commission is also dated July 6th, but is merely a formal repetition
of one issued April 1, 1529, in answer to an appeal for his reinstatement, both
as governor and captain-general. He was told that the governorship could
not be granted till the residencia reports arrived. Real Cedula and Titulo, in
Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 379-80, 384-6; Panes, Vireyes, in Monu-
viuentos Domin. Esp., MS., 71 j Col. Doc. Ined., i. 103-5.
 NOT ENOUGH. 311

to his services. When summoned before the emperor,

he observed that the sovereign could not have been
properly informed of the extent and resources of the
country he had gained for the crown, or of the
immense efforts for its conquest. "Cortes, what I
have given is not in final payment of your services,"
was the politic reply. shall deal with you as the
"I

archer at practice, whose aim gradually improves till

he hits the mark. Receive therefore what I have
given, as an earnest, until, with a better understanding
of how matters are yonder, I shall be able to conform
more entirely to your merits." 38 Cortes could not but
kiss the royal hand and accept, though he was by no
means satisfied. Indeed, when the partial concession
of a habit of Santiago was tendered, he declined it on
the ground that no adequate rental or encomienda ac
39
companied the title to
support it.
Among his most cherished desires was the rein-
stallation as governor, both as a solace for his injured
pride, and for the power it conferred to grant offices,
encomiendas, and other favors to adherents. The
latter was sufficient inducement both for patrons and
friends to support the application with powerful argu
ments and repeated instances. But the counter
argument of opponents proved stronger, upheld as
they were by reports from New Spain, where his
enemies now held sway. Neither did the emperor
desire a repetition of the troubles which promised
to arise from such an appointment, nor, perhaps, to
hold out the temptation it offered to an ambitious
subject not wholly satisfied with the reward granted
for his services. The suspicions concerning Cortes
38
Cortes, Memorial, in Col. Doc. Indd., iv. 224-5. A substantial increase
in favors never came, and for years afterward we find him clamoring about the
neglect, and the reduction in his grants owing to ambiguous documents.
39
Yet his name remained on the register of the order. Torre*, ]Iit.
Ordenas Mil., 103. The honor was hardly worth his while, as a marquis.
His two natural sons Martin and Luis received it. Most writers, including
Prescott, consider the reward as a whole gratifying, but his biographer
Pizarro y Orellana hesitates not to write, Todas parecieron pequenas, coii-
eiderando los servicios, lealtad, y hazanas deste gran Caudillo an expression
which appears to echo a wide-spread sentiment. I arone* fl/^L, 120.
312 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.

loyalty had evidently revived to some extent, and it

had furthermore been concluded for the present to
try the efficacy of an audiencia in that country. In
any case the result of the residencia must be awaited.
The crown had long been impressed with the policy
of not confiding the government of a new region to
its conqueror, and this even before Columbus demon
strated the wisdom of the measure by his failures.
The Great Captain had aspired to rule in Naples, but
was recalled for a different reward. These and other
answers were given to the applicants, but, aware
probably that a delay would lessen their chances, they
persisted the emperor returned a sharp refusal.
till

Speak no more of he said to the duke of Nassau,

"

it,"

who was among the supporters of the petitions; "he-

has now a marquisate with greater rental than all
your duchy yields." Cortes influence was evidently
waning, and while the reason may readily be found in
the severe reports of the residencia judges, additional
ones have been alleged in the offence he is supposed
to have given the empress by bestowing on another
the choicest of the gems brought from Mexico, after
receiving her intimation to inspect them, and by neg
lecting to court the favor of the president of the
council and Secretary Cobos, on obtaining his mar
40
quisate.
One more concession was made, however, both as
an honor and to promote the interest and extension
of the crown, by permitting him to make discovery ex
peditions in the South Sea of New Spain, and to con
quer and settle any island or coast thereof, westward,
not included in the grants to others, such as those to
Narvaez and Guzman. Of all such discoveries and
conquests he was made governor, magistrate, and

*Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 225-6, points wholly to these additional

reasons, particularly to the latter. Cortes relied too much on the support of
Bejar, and of the sovereign prince of Nassau, by whose friendship
he was
deeply impressed, while Cobos and President Loaisa objected to this foreign
s
interloper. Porq no piense ningun conquistador que se le deue, is Gornara
chief reason for the refusal of the government. Hist. Mex., 284.
 FURTHER INDUCEMENTS. 313

alguacil mayor for life,

with power to appoint officials
and deputies. Further, one twelfth of all such land
was granted to him till a full report concerning its
nature and resources should enable the sovereign
better to decide. This grant was in consideration
of the expense he would incur as discoverer and con
queror. He must be governed by the regulations
lately issued for discovery expeditions, wherein it is
forbidden to take anything from the natives without
payment or permission, including their labor, or to
carry them away from their country, or to enslave
them, save for refusing the faith or to submit to the
sovereign. Two friars or clergymen must accompany
the expedition to convert and instruct the natives, to
prepare a report upon them and the country, and
to give permission for enslavement when this was
deemed indispensable. Enrolment of men for the
expedition must not be made from among actual set
41
tlers. This commission was issued in October 1529
by the queen, the emperor having gone to Italy to be
crowned.
In the distribution of favors the friends and com
panions of Cortes also received a share in the form of
coats of arms, offices, and lands, together with a con
firmation of the encomiendas already granted them.
All who took part in the actual conquest were per
42
mitted to carry weapons even in Spain. The young-
native nobles who came with Cortes were given in
charge of Friar Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo to re
ceive dresses and religious images, and to be taken
41
These essential features for the government of discoverers, part of a
cedula issued November 7, 1527, are incorporated in the commission to Cortes
dated October 27, 1529. On the 5th of November following, a confirmatory
cedula was issued, detailing certain powers to be exercised by the governor,
such as exiling and punishing objectionable persons. The text of both is
given in Puga, Cedulario, 36-7; Col Doc. Iiwl., i. 108-22, ii. 401-5; 7 r/^ro
and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 490-6, xxii. 285-95; Alaman, Divert., ii. app. ii.
21-5; Soc. Mcx. Geoy., Boktin, v. 325-6. By decrees of May 9 and June 9,
1530, Juan Galbarro and Juan de Samano of Tenochtitlaii were appointed
treasurer and comptroller, respectively, of the lands Cortes might discover
and occupy in the South Sea. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 77-83.
42
En estos Reynos, como en la Nueva Espaiia, pudiessen traer annas
ofensiuas, y defensiuas. Herrera, dec. iv. lib. vi. cup. iv.
314 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.

home. 43 To the daughters of Montezuma, whom

Cortes had taken under his care at Mexico, were con
firmed the estates given them by him on their mar
44
riage, to the great delight of the natives, who
regarded this act as a favor to the whole people. The
services of the Tlascaltecs were further remembered
by exempting them45 from being given in encomienda
even to the crown.
Shortly after receiving the title of marquis, Cortes
was formally united to the woman already bound to
him by his father, 46 the beautiful and spirited Juana
Ramirez de Arellano y Zuniga, daughter of the sec
ond conde de Aguilar, and niece of the duque de
47
Bejar, a connection which admitted him to the inti
mate circles of the highest society in Spain. Bril
liant as the marriage must be regarded for Cortes, it
does not appear to have been looked upon as a conde
scension on the part of the bride, for the groom
ranked as one of the most famous generals of the
age, the rumored possessor of untold wealth and
unlimited resources, and withal a gentleman by birth,
whose credit for services rendered and opportunities
to render more, promised for him even greater honors
and grants than he had received. All this was tempt
ing even to the foremost of Spain s grandees, among
whom wealth was not over-abundant, and the uncle the
duke is said to have been quite eager for the match.
Many of the grandees dated their boasted titles but
43
The dress is described in a special decree to that effect, in Ternaux-
Compans, Voy., serie ii. torn. v. 88.
44
So far one or two out of four had married it appears. Cortes successor
took away the grants, and these were now restored, chiefly as a matter of
policy.
45
Herrera, loc. cit.
46
Be jar mucho calor de casar le.
trato con Y
assi le caso con dona luana
. .
.por los poderes que tuuo Martin Cortes. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 284.
47
The father was Carlos Ramirez de Arellano, the mother, Juana de
Zuniga, daughter of Conde de Banares, first-born, of Alvaro de Zuniga, first
duke of Bejar. Both families came of royal blood. The title of Conde
Aguilar de Inestrillas was created in 1476, in favor of Arellano, first gentle
man of the bedchamber. The title of the duke de Bejar was created in
1485. Siculo, Cosas Mem., 24-5; Claviyero, Storia Mess., iii. 236; Alaman,-
Disert., ii. 123. Hermana del Conde de Aguilar, says Herrera, dec. iv. lib.
iv. cap. i., from which it would appear that the father had already died.
 THE BRIDE S JEWELS. 315

one or two generations back, and beyond this they

ranked with the ordinary nobility, to which Cortes
ancestors belonged.
Juana was indeed an envied bride, and the more so
when she appeared at court decked in the magnficent
jewels bestowed by her husband. The choicest were
five stones of great size and brilliancy supposed to be
emeralds, and so pronounced by experts, for one of
which forty thousand ducats was offered. 43 They had
been cut by Aztec lapidaries with admirable skill and
taste, three in the form of a rose, a bugle, and a fish,
the fourth as a bell, with a pearl for clapper, and
bearing on the rim the inscription, Blessed the one
"

who reared thee." The fifth and finest was in the

shape of a cup, with golden foot, and four chains
secured by a pearl which served for the handle. The
rim bore the "Inter natos mu-
golden scripture text,
lierum non surrexit major." 49
Quite a number of people were gratified with a share
of the precious stones, pearls and gold trinkets brought
by Cortes, all distributed with politic calculation. A
portion was set apart to procure spiritual favors,
through the instrumentality of Juan de Rada, who
was sent to Italy to kiss the feet of Clement VII. in
the name of his master, to relate his efforts for the
advancement of the faith, and represent the spiritual
wants of the newly conquered region, among which
were more friars, and a reduction of tithes. The pope
held solemn services to render thanks for the acquisi
tion of so many souls, and issued a number of bulls
48
But refused, says G-omara, though Herrera, ubi sup., writes: Le dauaii
por ella mercaderes de Seuilla; quarenta mil ducados, to resell to the Great
Turk. The stones have since been classed as jade or serpentine, since no
emeralds exist in Mexico. Alaman, DiserL, ii. 31.
49
These five stones, que las apodaron en cien. mil ducados, were lost when
Cortes landed at Algiers in 1541, during the storm which wrecked a part of
the Spanish fleet. Gortiam, ll ixt. Mex., 284, 347; Caro, Tres Siylos, i. 75.
These, the finest jewels possessed by woman in Spain, had been descrided to
the empress, and roused her curiosity. Cortes was informed that she wished
to see and probably to
buy them, and, unwilling to part with them, they were
This was
sent to his wife before
appearing at court, according to Gomara.
probably represented to the empress with a little exaggeration, and she re-
jnembered ib to his prejudice. Be r mil Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 220.
 316 ERECTION OF BISHOPRICS CORTES IN SPAIN.

granting absolution to conquerors for excesses, indul-

gencies for churches and hospitals, and special favors
for Cortes and Rada, for the former notably the
per
petual patronage of hospitals founded in his name,
and the legitimation of his natural children. 50 The
favors for Rada consisted chiefly of recommendations
for his advancement, and these not being carried out,
the disappointed soldier went to Peru, where in the
capacity of an Almagrist captain he led the onslaught
wherein fell the mighty Pizarro. 51
After the departure of the emperor from Spain,
Cortes found no reason to prolong his stay. He felt
on the contrary that he must hasten back to Mexico
to protect his interests before it was too late. The
decision of the crown to appoint a new government
for New Spain gave cause for delay, however, as it
would be preferable that he should not enter into
Mexico before the change had taken place. The
representations from there sought, indeed, to prevent
his return at any time. The India Council appear
to have advised him to wait yet a while but, finding ;

that the delay would prove long, he disregarded the

52
hint, and early in the spring of 1530 he left Se
ville, attended by a brilliant retinue of companions
and servants, nearly four hundred, well armed and
equipped, and befitting his position as a leading noble
of the kingdom, and the central figure in the empire
he had won. He was accompanied by his wife and

These are named as Martin Cortes, Luis de Altamirano, and Catarina

50

Pizarro. The only hospital so far founded by Cortes was de la Purisima Con-
cepcion, now Jesus Nazareno. The bulls are given in Alaman, Disert., ii.
app. ii. 26-48. By request of the sovereign to whom belonged the patronage
of churches, Cortes surrendered the bull granting to him such privileges.
Pnga, Cedulario, 75; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 237^41.
51
He was an hidalgo from the mountains of Castile. Almagro the elder
at first placed him in charge of his son Diego, who later made him maestro
de campo. Su Santidad le hizo merced . de le hazer Conde Palatine, is
. .

Bernal Diaz addition to favors granted him by the pope. H ist. Verdad., 227.
52
A
royal decree forbidding his entrance irto Mexico is dated March 22,
1530, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc., xii. 403-5, hence he must have left
before that date. In a letter to the emperor, Cortes explains that he waited
for some time at Seville, and subsequently at San Liicar, hoping to join the
new oidores. Escritos Sueltos, 177-8. Alaman assumes without good reason
that he was bidden to wait for the oidores. Disert., ii. 32
 RETURN TO MEXICO. 317

tnother, and proud indeed must have been the parent

to share in the ovation which fell from every side

upon the renowned conqueror,

53
and to witness the
scenes of his achievements.
After waiting at San Domingo for over two
months, in vain expectation of the new oidores,
Cortes found the cost of maintaining four hundred
men too severe; he therefore proceeded, and arrived
safely at Vera Cruz the 15th of "July.
His reception was not unlike that tendered him
four years before, when he was hailed by oppressed
natives and persecuted Spaniards as a savior. It was
not fully understood on the present occasion what
power he possessed, but the mere presence of the
hero, fresh from the hallowed circle of the court, and
radiant with the honors and retinue of a grandee, was
enough to obtain for him an ovation worthy of his
pretensions. The natives, in whose eyes none could
compare with Malinche, the conqueror, were the most
demonstrative, as with flowers they strewed the path
before him, and crowded round to place at his feet
their presents, from the humble offering of provisions
on the part of the poor common people, to the embroi
dered robes and glittering jewels of the caciques and
64
nobles. The demonstrations by the Spaniards, who
flocked from every part of the country to meet him, 55
were fraught chiefly with abusive accounts of the
audiencia, and loud complaints over the outrages com
mitted against them.
Cortes exhibited his commission to the municipality
of Yera Cruz, and caused himself to be proclaimed
captain-general, whereupon he took formal possession

53
Under their care came a number of Franciscan nuns and a dozen friars
of the order of Mercy. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 231; Pacheco and Carde
nas, Col. Doc., xiii. 412.
54
A later investigation made it appear that the
costly presents were with
drawn from the eyes of officials, and that Cortes sent secretly to Spain some
10,000 pesos worth of trinkets. Information, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Doc., xii. 531-40.
5 *
Casi todos los Espanoles de Mexico, con
achaque de salir a recibir le.
En pocos dias se le jutaron. mas de mil. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 286-7