CHAPTER XXVIII.

VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

1551-1564.

ARRIVAL OF MARTIN CORTES, SECOND MARQUES DEL VALLE VISITADOR VAL-

DERRAMA AND HIS RELATIONS WITH CORTES NEW POLICY REGARDING
ENCOMIENDAS CORTES TROUBLES THREATENED REVOLT AND VELAS
CO S WISE COURSE ROYAL ORDERS AFFECTING THE AUDIENCIA THE
VISITADOR S EXACTIONS OF THE INDIANS His EFFORTS TO CHECK ABUSES,
AND PROPOSED REFORMS His DISAGREEMENTS WITH THE VICEROY CON
DITION AND CHARACTER OF VELASCO His DEATH, BURIAL, AND GENERAL
REGRET PUBLIC EDUCATION FLOODS IN THE MEXICAN VALLEY DIS
ASTROUS EXPEDITION TO FLORIDA SETTLEMENTS IN ZACATECAS AND
GUANAJUATO CONQUEST OF THE NORTH-WESTERN REGION KINGDOM OF
NUEVA VlSCAYA EXPEDITION TO THE PHILIPPINES AND ITS RESULTS.

I HAVE stated that Martin Cortes, the lawful heir

of Mexico s conqueror, was taken to
Spain in 1540,
being then eight years of age. After his father s
death he came into possession of his title arid of its
vast estates. He had received a liberal education and
had been trained, as became his rank, for the profes
sion of arms; he
accompanied Philip to Flanders,
where he served with distinction, and also in the
famous battle of Saint Quentin, being the first native
of Mexico to render service to the
Spanish crown in
Europe. He likewise was one of Philip s suite when
that prince went to
England to wed Queen Mary.
After the Flanders campaign he married Dona Ana
Ramirez de Arellano, 1
for which it is pre
his niece,
sumed he first obtained a special dispensation of the
pope.
He now determined to return to his native land.
*Clavi<jero, S tor ia Mess., iii. 236.
(579)
 580 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

Before leaving Spain, however, he sold to the king

his chief house in Mexico, that which has since been
the national palace, with the whole block, including
the mint, barracks, and other offices. The deed of con
veyance, dated January 29, 1562, stipulated that the
quarters occupied by the oiders, that is to say, the
montepio building of later years, should be surren
dered to him. 2
About this time was brought to a final decision the
suit left pending by the old conqueror at his death
on the counting of his vassals. It was against the
marquis claim. The court s rendering was that every
house and hereditament should count for one vecino,
and young Cortes was condemned to restore to the
crown all excess over the 23,000 vassals that Charles
had granted his father; also to pay all sums till then
collected by his agents from the vassals exceeding
that number. This last part of the decision was tanta
mount to utter ruin for the young marquis. How
ever, Philip, who held in high esteem the great services
of the conqueror, and also those of the son, exempted
the latter from the payment of the excess above men
tioned, and, in the cedula issued at Toledo March
16, 1562, not only confirmed the grant made to his
father, but also renewed it without restriction; that
is to say, all vecinos of the twenty-three towns, what
soever their number, were to be reckoned as his vas
sals. The only exception was the villa and port of
Tehuantepec, which the crown reserved for govern
ment uses, allowing in compensation therefor the
tributes it yielded.
All his affairs being thus advantageously arranged,
the marquis, now aged thirty years, embarked for
Mexico with his family, excepting his eldest son and
heir presumptive, whom he left in Seville, bringing
2
The property so conveyed the viceroy and audiencia removed to in 1562.
It was destroyed June 8, 1692, by a conflagration during the riots. The old
palace was also situated on the plaza, and bounded by the streets of Tacuba,
Plateros, La Profesa, and San Jose el Real, and served tor government pur
till given up.
poses
 THE MARQUES DEL VALLE. 581

also his half-brothers Martin, Marina s son, and Luis,

8
son of Antonio Hermosilla. There is nothing to
show the date of their embarkation, but in September
1562 they arrived at Campeche in a small ship, during
a severe gale, the family having experienced much
4
suffering. After a sojourn there of two months they
continued their journey, and arrived safely in Mexico
early in the spring of 1563, there to be received with
the great demonstrations due his rank and the memory
5
of his father.
The marquis high rank and large income, united to
thememory of his father s illustrious deeds and his
own honorable services, gave him the most prominent
standing in the country, second only to the chief rep
resentative of the crown. Indeed, he thought it but
due his father s name that the son should set up an
establishment on the footing of a prince, where his
friends were at all times welcomed and entertained
with lavish hospitality. This augmented his influence
and made him a power in the land. When he rode
out he was followed by a page wearing a steel helmet
and carrying a raised lance, the point of which was
enclosed in a bag with small silken tassels for closing
it; and to attend church he caused his servants to
take there for himself and the marchioness two velvet
prie-dieux with two cushions and two chairs. This
could be done in Spain by persons of rank without

3
Martin had been taken to Spain in 1528. Charles V. made him a knight
of Santiago; and when old enough to enter the military profession he served
in the campaigns of Algiers and Germany, distinguishing himself and receiv
ing several wounds. His fortune was scanty, and it may be said that he
derived his support almost entirely from his brother, the marquis. He mar
ried an estimable lady, Dona Bernardina de Porras.
4
The alcalde mayor and the bishop visited them and rendered all the aid
in their power. The marchioness there gave birth to a boy. Qulxadc, Carta
al Rey (March 15, 1563), in Cartns Indias, 385.
</e The boy was christened
Geronimo. Peratta, Not. Hist, 146-7, 187, 340-1.
5
Everywhere on the route the marquis was greeted with marks of affec
tion. The capital gav him an enthusiastic welcome. Upwards of 300 mag
nificently attired and mounted gentlemen escorted him into the city; another
body of 2,000 horsemen with black cloaks followed in the procession. After
promenading the streets, cheered by the people and greeted with the smiles
of the first ladies of the
country, the marquis and his friends visited Viceroy
Velasco, who gave him a hearty welcome. Peralta, Not, Hint., 191-2.
582 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

exciting comment, but in Mexico it awakened envy,

and was brought forward as a serious charge.
later
The friends and associates of the young nobleman
were among the first families of the city, including
the viceroy and his son. Among his most intimate
acquaintances were the brothers Gil Gonzalez and
Alonso de Avila, sons of the conqueror Gil Gonzalez
de Avila and his wife Dona Leonor de Alvarado. 6 Born
in Mexico of pure Castilian blood, they were for their
high character and agreeable manners generally es
teemed. The first-named was now twenty-four years
of age, a widower, quiet, and grave though affable,
and held in encomienda the town of Ixmiquilpan.
Alonso was a year younger, handsome, elegant, brave,
and jovial, and possessed the valuable encoiniendas of
Quautitlan, Jaltocan, Zirandaro, and Guaineo, which
yielded him a considerable income. His wife, Dona
Maria de Sosa, was an estimable young lady. The
marquis was often seen in company with the two
brothers, and the intimacy brought upon them all
great grief, as we shall see.
Society in Mexico had rapidly developed during
the last two decades, and was now becoming in many
respects individual and pronounced. Upon the Old
World manners and customs was cast the New World
influence, and the result was an order of things never
before witnessed. While holding to ancient tradi
tions, there was less restraint, more freedom of
thought, more room for aspiration and respiration
in American airs than in European. Side by side
were the descendants of the conquerors and the
Spanish nobility which constituted the aristocracy.
The opening of mines and the slavery system in its
several modified forms had brought on flush times.
Money was abundant and freely spent.
Banquets, and other entertainments were of
balls,
daily occurrence in high circles, all vying with one
6
Alaman, Disert., ii. 142, and others say they were the sons of Alonso de
Avila.
 THE SILVER SEAL. 683

another in reckless expenditure. Having once placed

themselves on the slippery declivity of human folly,
it was difficult for the young nobility to stop short of
ruin. Most of the first families soon found themselves
deeply in debt, and with their property encumbered.
A large portion of the debts had
been incurred at the
gaming-table and by the practice of other vices. The
young men were wont to indulge in masked prome
nades on horseback, and failed not to take advantage
7
of their position and wealth to corrupt women.
The marques del Valle, however, seems to have
behaved well, never giving himself up to vicious prac
tices. Like his father, he was respectful to the church
and its ministers, often dismounting to bend the knee
and kiss the friar s hand, which example the natives
8
were not slow to follow. The friendship between
the marquis and the Velascos was not of long dura
tion. The great display of wealth by the former in
dicated his determination to hold the first position in
the country, even overshadowing the viceroy, who,
as the monarch s lieutenant, could not brook such
pretensions. And when the viceroy showed signs of
temper, Cortes arrayed himself in yet greater ostenta
tion. He ordered made for himself a silver seal, some
what smaller than the one used by the king, on which
was engraved the words "Martinus Cortesus primus
hujus nominis Dux marchio secundus." When it
was taken to the royal treasury officials to pay the
fifth duty, the chief official, Hortuno de Ibarra, con
sidering it too large for a subject to use, delivered it
to the viceroy, who being of the same opinion re
tained the seal, instituted proceedings, and sent them
to the king. This action of course displeased Cortes,
and widened the breach. Their feud was so warm
7
Viceroy Velasco tried to check it, but met with poor success. Peralta,
Not. Hi*t., 193.
8
When
asked who taught them to kneel and kiss the priest s hand, they
would answer, El gran capitan Don Martin Cortes. Zevallos, Hint, y Viaye,
361-2.
9
Martin Cortes, first captain (or duke) and second marquis of his name.
Orozco y Berra, Not. Hint., 79.
584 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

that on the arrival of the visitador, Valderrama, it

broke out disgracefully. For the reception of the
visitador the viceroy invited all officials and persons
of rank, among them the marquis, who paid no heed
to the invitation and resolved not to appear in the
viceregal suite. He would go in advance with some
friends, and be followed by the page with the lance,
his object being to meet the visitador in Cuitlahuac,
four leagues out; but he came upon him in fact at
Itztapalapa, a leagueand a half from Mexico.
Yalderrama was gratified at this mark of attention,
and with the marquis manner, and together they
rode toward the city. Though chagrined, Velasco
smothered his resentment as best he was able until
he saw the page, when he sent Antonio de Turcios,
the secretary of the audiencia, to tell Cortes that he
should at once send the fellow away. Such an order,
now for the first time given, and in such company,
enraged the marquis, who resolved to disregard it.
When the viceroy threatened him with arrest, the
marquis turned to the visitador and said, "Your wor
ship has now the evidence of the viceroy s ill-will
toward me. I am glad this has occurred that you
may form your own judgment." Valderrama, in order
to stop the disagreeable scene, supported the vice
roy s authority. But not to wound the marquis too
deeply, he ordered the page to keep himself at some
distance from the suite. This reconciled matters, and
the march continued on to the city, where all entered
on the 16th of August, 1563. Valderrama became
the guest of the marquis, and there was soon an inti
mate friendship between them.
The marquis shortly afterward caused his intendente
to form a general statement of his affairs, from which
it
appeared that the yearly income from the encomi-
endas amounted to 150,000 pesos. It reached the
ears of the king, who thought the revenue almost too
royal for a subject, and directed the solicitor -general
to notify Cortes that the crown had been deceived
 PETITION OF THE ENCOMENDEROS. 585

with regard to the value of his encomiendas. Doctor

Zurita was consequently deputed by the audiencia to
make the count of the Indians, and the report was
10
against the holder.
The crown then resolved that encomiendas should
not be transmissible to the third generation. This
measure was deemed unjust by the encomenderos,
whose wrath ao-ainst
O O and his advisers became
the kincy i

11
hot. Among the more violent was Alonso de Avila,
whose income it is said was twenty thousand pesos
per annum. With him were his brother and Baltasar
de Aguilar, who as they talked of the matter among
themselves, and with others, became more and more
enraged, and in time it was said that the three were
at the head of a conspiracy against the crown, and
fast winning to their plans influential men by the
offer of honors and offices, of all which the marquis
was said to be apprised. 1 2 The viceroy hearing of it
summoned to his presence the suspected parties, and
spoke to them with his customary wisdom and kind
ness. Little more was heard of it at the time, and it
was supposed the affair was at an end. 13 The enco
menderos, however, resolved to bring before the crown
the matter of their holdings. Having first obtained
leave of the audiencia, on the 4th of February, 1564,
they came before the city council of Mexico in a com
mittee composed of Francisco de Velasco, Gonzalo de
las Casas, Gonzalo Cerezo, and Kodrigo Maldonado.
The council approved of the plan, and chose young
10
Cortes complained that the computation had been piirposely excessive,
not so much to injure him as to blind the king. Carta (Oct. 10, 1563), in
Pacheco and CdnU iiux, Col. Doc., iv. 460-1. The viceroy on June 2:2, 1564,
reported his towns to have upward of 60,000 natives that must have yielded
84,387 pesos annually, that is to say, a population of 47,000 and an income
of over 47,000 pesos in excess of the original grant to his father. Orozco y
Berra, Not. Hint., 29.
11
Many of them in their excitement threatened to repudiate the king s
authority in these dominions. Xot. Hixt., 195.
P<:r<ilt(i,

12
Se liable, que hazian ya maese de campo y oficiales, y titulos en los
pueblos, de duques y condes; y puesto ya todo en platica, dieron parte dello
al marques. Peralta, Not. Hixt., 196.
13
Velasco, notwithstanding, represented the marquis conduct in dark
colors; he could not avoid inflicting some punishment on his enemy.
586 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

Alonso de Avila, one of its members, to repre

sent the matter in Spain. But afterward, at a meet
ing held at the house of the marquis, Diego Ferrer,
who had been his tutor, was selected for the mis
sion.

The king s
instructions to Visitador Valderrama
were quite explicit as to the course he was to pursue
toward the audiencia. He
was to enforce the royal
decrees which forbade their engaging in expeditions
of discovery or in any business foreign to their official
duties. They had, it seems, remonstrated against that
strict rule, and their requests had been refused by the
crown; it was now notorious that they engaged in
unlawful business, and from the profits paid the fines,
when they could not escape them. 14 The viceroy was
empowered to try offences of the oidores, who were
commanded to testify whenever called upon. The
instructions provided that in the event of his death
or inability to discharge his duties, the audiencia
should rule temporarily. It was certainly well to pro
vide for the succession, but it was not wise to let it
fall tocorrupt men.
After the king s envoy had recovered from the
effects of his journey, he went to inspect the king s
towns. Under the impression that the tribute the
natives were paying was too little, he doubled it, in
cluding now those who lived in the city of Mexico
and had been heretofore exempt from tribute. Under
the new law all must pay two pesos instead of one
every year. The natives presented a petition to the
visitador against the change, but it availed nothing;
nor were the viceroy s representations in their favor
more successful. Valderrama s heartlessness and ob-

14
The warning to be given them by the visitador was that such offences
would be punished with dismissal from office, forfeiture of estate, and a fine
of 1,000 ducats; and persons acting in copartnership with them would also be
subjected to confiscation of their estates. The visitador himself was forbidden
to send any relative to visit provinces in his name. He was to make the visits
in person. Cavo, Tres Siylos, i. 172-3.
 RATES OF TAXATION. 587

stinacy disgusted all classes, and won him an unenvi

10
able name.
In his report to the king on judicial matters Feb
ruary 24, 1564, he said that the officials were not as
they should be, hinting that the viceroy and his son
and brother, as well as the oidores, had too many rela
tives in the country, all of whom were interested in
affairs and aided one another; 16 hence the
quality of
justice was not always reputable. He had also con
cluded upon the retirement of two of the oidores, one
of whom was aged and the other deaf;
recommending
at the same time the appointment of alcaldes to
pre
side over the lower courts of judicature. He hinted
that some infamous rascality, without saying what, was
practised under cover of authority, which he would
in due time expose and
punish, and endeavor at the
same time to clear the country of such characters as
17
its authors. His interference was salutary in most
instances. In lieu of the tax of two pesos, some paid
one peso, and half a fanega of maize, or each paid
his proportion on the
quantity of land held. few A
years later negroes and mulattoes were also required
18
to pay a tribute of two pesos yearly.
The king s
financial affairs were not in a satisfac
tory condition. Martin Cortes, who had perhaps
ceased after his rupture with the Velascos to be an
impartial authority, suggested that the counting and
taxing of the crown Indians should not be left to

15
That of afligidor de los indios. Torqmmada, i. 624-5; Cavo, Tres
jSiglos, i. 174.
16
Valderrama even represented Velasco as an incompetent, who, together
with his favored Dominicans, had
brought the country to the brink of ruin.
The Dominicans, a little later, took sides in the troubles with the audiencia
and its faction, whilst the Franciscans, their rivals, for a time favored the
Cortes clique.
17
Aqui hay escribanos y testigos para lo que los quisieren. Valderrama,
Cartas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iv. 355-7, $68-9. His undoubted
zeal and ability, however, were of little avail
against the power and influence
of the oidores and the force of
18
long-established usage.
If married within their own
class; if single, one peso. A female negro
r mulatto married to a Spaniard was
exempt; if to an Indian, the husband s
rate was paid. The offspring of a negro and an. Indian paid as an Indian.
Montemmor, Autos Acord., 148-9; Zamora, Bib. Ley. Ult., iv. 401-2.
588 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

the viceroy if his Majesty desired a large revenue

from them, but to the visitador should be given the
entire control.
19
He also boldly asserted that there
was a manifest lack of integrity in the officials which
unfavorably affected the royal treasury. The evidence
appeared in the fact that the crown from upwards of
440,000 Indians drew only about 160,000 pesos yearly,
and he was sure that more than 300,000 pesos re
mained in the hands of certain officials. To support
this assertion he mentioned a case in point that con
cerned him personally, by which he lost heavily every
20
year. Besides the savings from vacant corregimi-
entos there were the quitas, or four months pay out of
every sixteen served, much of which was taken from
those who rendered service, to give to others who did
nothing. The fund was thus exhausted, and the really
needy got no relief. The king s orders on the dis
tribution of moneys appropriated by him were not
faithfully obeyed, and hence the numerous complaints.
Only the old conquerors and their sons received money
on the treasury drafts.
Yalderrama sought to correct these abuses, and
wrote the king, February 24, 1564, of the treasury
officials having notified him that the first outgoing-
fleet would convey to Spain but a small sum of money,
and they would have certainly carried out their
original intention but for his timely arrival; in conse
quence of which, it would take away a larger amount
than ever before, namely, not less than 40,000 marks
21
of silver. Nor did the visitador in his reports con-
19
Of coiirse he gave plausible reasons, to wit: the viceroy had so much to
attend to in governmental, judicial, and other affairs, that he could not bestow
the proper care on the finances. Cortes, Cartas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col.
Doc., iv. 452, 461-2.
Detecting in one of his towns a deficit of about 8,000 pesos a year, he
2U

inquired into the matter, and learned that 400 or 500 pesos had gone to the
friars, and the remainder had been consumed in drinking by chiefs, alcaldes,
and regidores. Id., 441-2. The veedor, Santander, had in 1557 reported
that the revenue was defrauded to the amount of 1,000,000 pesos, and that
another million went abroad, carried away by foreigners. Santander, Carta,
in Col. Doc. Ined., xxvi. 343.
21
In this connection he urged the prompt remittance of quicksilver, which
was much needed to keep the mines productive; then money would circulate,
 DEATH OF VELASCO. 589

fine himself to financial matters; he suggested a rad

icalchange in the tenure of office. He disliked that
public officers should take root in New Spain, as if
they expected to pass here the rest of their lives. He
preferred that the meritorious should have their re
wards elsewhere; those who had been neglectful or
criminal should be punished. The corregimientos had
been often improperly bestowed, and the old settlers
22
thereby much offended. The accounting by viceroys
and oidores he recommended to be at short periods,
and not as heretofore in many instances at intervals
of sixteen or twenty years. They should certainly be
held to account before they died. also rejected He
to the presidency of the audiencia being vested in the
viceroy, instead of in a jurist. The oidores, he said,
23
usually voted as the viceroy desired.
Velasco was much annoyed at this meddling of
Valderrama, as he termed it, with viceregal affairs,
and in the midst of the dissensions 24 which followed,
he threatened to throw up the office ; but Valderrama
dissuaded him, saying that he was simply doing his
25
duty. Death, that great comforter and final rest,
soon came to the viceroy s relief. He had been ill for
some time, when a diseased bladder suddenly termi
nated his career the 31st of July, 1564.
The funeral was conducted with a pomp such as
tributes would be collected, and the treasury benefited accordingly. Valder
rama, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iv. 336-7.
22
It had been provided by royal order of September 4, 1560, that no eor-
regidor appointed by the audiencia for two years should have another term
without having first been subjected to a residencia and come out of it with a
clear record. Puya, Cedulario, 210.
23
Da a parientes, amigos y criados de Oidores, y ansi todos le han
menester. Y es cosa recia votar un Oidor contra lo que el Virey quierey
dice. Valderrama, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iv. 357-9, 364. The
appointment of a jurist to preside over the court became the practice some
years later.
21
On announcing to the crown the visitador s arrival he spoke of him as a
persona de tanta calidad, letras, y con9en9ia. Carta, in Cartas de Indias,
20
The old man was poor and overburdened with debt. A letter from him
in his son s handwriting, of August 1, 1562, to the king s secretary, Francisco
de Eraso, shows how depressed he was: estoy viejo y pobre, y con poca salud,
y quan olvidado me tiene S. M. para no me hazer me^ed ni a mis hijos, y que
la muerte esta cerca. In Id., 275.
590 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

had never before been seen in Mexico. The remains

left the vicergal residence escorted by all the civil
and ecclesiastical corporations, directed
respectively by
the audiencia visitador, archiepiscopal and municipal
authorities, and were carried to the Dominican con
vent on the shoulders of four of the bishops who had
come to attend the ecclesiastical synod. The troops-
organized for the Philippines expedition formed part
of the funeral cortege. All classes of the population
spontaneously manifested their love by following the
remains to their last resting-place. Mourning was
both officially and publicly observed for a month. 26
His death fell as a bereavement upon the commu
nity. However Martin Cortes might scowl, or Val-
derrama write to the king, the verdict of the people
was "El prudentisimo, tutor, padre de la patria," and
"Liberatador de los indios." He had been indeed a
father to the oppressed, a man conscientious in the
discharge of his duties. He was never rich, partly
because he did not pilfer from the king s chest,
and partly because of improvident and extravagant
habits. He had a fondness for entertaining; he was
a fine rider, and liked to display his horsemanship^
which often led him into undue expense but all this ;

only added to his popularity among those having

27
similar tastes.
It was conceded by all that Valderrama had con
demned Velasco too severely, and had praised himself

26
Some years later his son Luis became viceroy, and the new church of
the Dominicans being finished, he had his father s bones transferred to a
beautiful sepulchre built expressly to receive them. Lorenzana, in Hist. JV.
Esp., 14, 15; Torquemada, i. 626-7; Cavo, Tres Sittlos, i. 175; Beaumont,
Cr6n. Mich., v. 142-3, 558-9.
27
Peralta speaks glowingly of him, and of the enthusiasm he awakened
whenever he took part in the games: Era muy Undo hombre de d caballo.
Yo conos9i caballerous andar, quando sabian que el virrey abia de jugar las
cafias, echando mil te^eros para que los metiesen en el regozijo; y el que
entraba, le pare$ia tener un abito en los pechos segun quedaba onrrado. It
had been remarked that were Velasco to take away all the towns and enco-
miendas, he could still make the proprietors forget their loss by causing his.
horse to sound a breast-strap of bells in the street, so great was the craze for
this species of amusement. Peralta, Not. Hist., pp. xiii.-xiv. 175-6. See, also,
Torquemada, i 6 ^.3-4; Gonzalez Ddvtta, Teatro Edes., i. 33-4.
 FOUNDING OF THE UNIVERSITY. 591

too highly in speaking of the royal revenue and other

matters. In letters to the crown from the ayunta-
miento, the chapter of the archdiocese, and the pro
vincial and council of the Franciscans, full justice is
done to the memory of Yelasco.
28
He had undoubtedly
promoted the public welfare, and fulfilled his duty to
the king by carrying out the policy of Viceroy Men-
doza.
One of the viceroy s first acts on assuming office had
been to summon the teachers of schools and colleges,
and to urge upon them the education of the young,
not only in letters, but in morals, meanwhile assuring
them of his protection. Shortly after, under royal
orders, were established and endowed in the city of
Mexico one school for poor girls and another for poor
boys; and the authorities were enjoined to watch over
and foster them. And still later the site on which had
stood the house of Alonso de Avila was given them.
Likewise the higher branches of education no less
than Christianity and material improvement had been
thought of by the king. In fact, we know from
Herrera, that a dozen years previously the court had
adopted measures toward that end, which for some
reason had not be carried out. Now all former re
solves culminated pursuant to three royal orders of
September 21, 1551, in the founding of a university
in the city of Mexico, together with the appointment
of professors and the appropriation of funds for its
29
support, namely, one thousand pesos de oro annually.
No time was lost in carrying out the project, and
the institution was inaugurated with great eclat Jan
uary 25, 1553, its professors being at the same time

28
This last memorial, dated August 28, 1566, tells the king he would soon
miss the wise rule of Velasco in New Spain. His son was strongly brought
forward for preferment. Torquemada, i. 627-8; Peralta, Not. Hist., 380-1;
Franciscanos, Abandono, in Prov. del S. Evang., MS., No. 12, 172; Beaumont,
Crdn. Mich., v. 558.
Philip II. confirmed it Oct. 4. 1570, and decreed an increase of 3,000
129

pesos June 25, 1597. Soc. Mex. Geot/., Boutin, iv. 207. The foundation of a
university had been decreed by the king as early as 1539. Herrera, dec. vi.
lib. vii. cap. vi.
592 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.
30
formally installed. The institution being under royal
patronage used the arms of the crown of Castile, and,
in fact, enjoyed the same privileges and preeminence
as the famous university of Salamanca. 31
A
calamity that befell the city of Mexico in 1553
was the occasion of the display of interest, ability,
and energy so common with Velasco. long drought A
followed by heavy rains lasting twenty-foUr hours
resulted in a flood, attended with great damage to
property. It was the first inundation since the Span
ish conquest. The Spaniards became greatly alarmed,
but the Indians, who wr ere well informed regarding
32
several previous floods, took the matter coolly. The
30
The site fixed upon was the houses of Catalina de Monte jo. Gnjalua, Cron.
S. Aujust, 80-1. In 1584 the rector, Doctor Sanchez de Paredes, an oidor,
being authorized to select a suitable building for die university, chose the
property of the marques del Valle in the plazuela del Volador, and seized it
at the price fixed by appraisers. Notwithstanding much opposition on the
part of the owner s attorney, Guillen Peraza de Ayala, a building was erected
upon the ground, and the university brought to it. The suit was continued
and decisions issued from the supreme government in favor of the marquis;
but the viceroy, Villamanrique, for divers reasons, ordered the construction
to go on, and the university to hold possession. However, on the 9th of
July, 1589, the edifice fell to the ground. The rector, Dr Sancho Sanchez de
Mufion, then applied to the audiencia for a new building, and the house of
the marques del Valle, on Empedradillo street, was taken at the valuation of
9,030 pesos. In the course of time a second story was added, the sala del
f/eitcralvrns adorned in the reign of Carlos II., and nearly the whole edifice
renovated in that of Carlos III. Alaman, Disert., ii. 216-20, 261.
31
The rector or president had judicial authority over the doctors and alumni
in light offences, and in all matters strictly within its province. The alumni
were exempt from personal service, and had the privileges of the nobility.
The title of Pontificia was conferred some years later by the pope. At the
time of ics foundation the university had seven endowed chairs, the appoint
ments to which were made by the viceroy. The classes were of grammar,
Latin and Greek, philosophy, rhetoric, theology, and law in all its branches,
mathematics, astronomy, physic and medicine; the Otomi and Mexican lan
guages were also taught. The first rector or president was the oidor Dr
Antonio Rodriguez de Quesada. The chairs of civil law and Greek were
placed in charge of Dr Frias; the others had the following teachers: holy
scriptures, the Austin friar, Alonso de la Veracruz; theology, the Dominican,
Fr Pedro Pena; mathematics, Juan Negrete; canon law, Doctor Marrones;
grammar, Juan Bustamante. The other branches were also committed to
competent mdii. It is said there was also a chair of Mexican antiquities.
During the remainder of this century several laws were enacted affecting the
university and its professors and officers. Recop. de Indias, 191-5, 201, 204;
Puya, Cedulario, 137-8; Zamora, Bib. Ley. Ult., vi. 103-12; Gonzalez Ddvlla,
Teatro Ecles., i. 32-3; Calle, Mem. y Not., 51-2; 6rdenes de la Corona, MS.,
ii. 109;
Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., passim; Montemayor, Svmarios, 61-3; Alegrc,
Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 194-5; Salazar, Mex. en 1554, 1-17; Cavo, Tres Stylos,
159-61.
32
Three are recorded: one in 1419, during the reign of the first Moiite-
 THE TREASURE FLEET. 593

city was under water three days, according to some

authorities, and four, according to others. Canoes
were used for transit. As soon as the waters receded
the viceroy bestirred himself to prevent, if possible,
the recurrence of such a calamity, and with this view
he resolved to surround the city with a dike. The
caciques of the cities and towns of the valley were
summoned to bring their vassals and go to work.
All came cheerfully and promptly forward. To avoid
confusion they were divided into squads, and placed
in charge of skilful foremen. To give prestige and
excite enthusiasm during the first day, the viceroy
worked like another man, spade in hand; afterward
he superintended the operations, though often seen
with a mason s tools in his hands. He frequently
visited the field to praise those who worked with
alacrity, and to inspire with greater activity the lag
gard. The work was finished in a few days, 33 and
made more secure by changing the bed of a small
river whose current was doing injury.
Early in April 1553 the treasure fleet sailed from
Yera Cruz for Spain. When in the Bahama channel
the ships were thrown out of their course by the cur
rents and finally experienced heavy gales which drove
and stranded most of them upon the Florida reefs.
Out of one thousand persons, among them many of
34
high position, only three hundred reached the shore.

zuma; the second in 1500, in the reign of Ahuitzotl; and the third in 1509,
Montezuma II. then ruling the Aztec empire. For full particulars on these
inundations and the measures that were adopted, see Native Races, v., this
series, 412-13, 453-^, 468; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 435; Inundaaones, in
Col. de Diarios, Not. y Var. Pap., MS., 356.
33
Torquemada, i. 618-19; Cepeda, ReL, 4-6; Panes, Vireyes, in Monum.
Dom. Esp., MS., 82.
34
One was the general of the fleet; another, the handsome and rich Dona
Catalina Ponce de Leon, who was on her way to Spain, as some say, under
sentence of banishment; according to others, to clear herself of an accusation
by a negro, the sole witness, of having aided Bernardino Bocanegra to murder
her husband. There is some discrepancy in the accounts of various authors
about the loss of the fleet and other particulars. One says that three of the
larger and a few of the smaller vessels escaped shipwreck, mentioning only
two friars, Mendez and Cruz, as among the passengers, and asserting in
general terms that every person who got on shore afterward was massacred.
This version of the total destruction of life seems to be the generally accepted
HIST. MEX., VOL. II. 38
594 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

And these may have saved themselves the

as well
trouble, for few after a
days the natives appeared,
behaving friendly at first, but soon beginning to kill
and rob. Believing Pdnuco to be distant only three
days journey, the survivors started thither, but35 they
were mostly massacred or perished on the way.
The drew the attention of the Spanish
disaster
monarch to these natives who had hitherto main
tained their independence. He now resolved upon
their subjugation, and gave orders to Velasco to
despatch a force for that purpose. Though disapprov
ing of the measure, Velasco dared not disobey. He
accordingly ordered levies ;
but this was almost an
unnecessary measure, as there were at the time in
Mexico many who imagined Florida another Potosi.
Large numbers tendered their services. Two thou
sand were enrolled and thoroughly drilled by the end
of 1558. One thousand Indian archers were also ac
cepted.
The Spanish force was formed into six squadrons
of cavalry, and six companies of infantry. Tristan
de Luna y Arellano, 36 also called Acuna, was given
the appointment of governor of Forida and the chief
command of the expedition, to which were also at
tached eight Spaniards who had traversed Florida
and acquired the languages. Accompanying the force
were a number of Floridan women who had been some
time in Mexico, and who now returned to inform their
countrymen of the good treatment they had received.
Dominican and Franciscan friars went as chaplains.
Velasco accompanied the army to Vera Cruz, where
he harangued the troops, and directed that mild

one. Torquemada, i. 620. A second states that the Navio del Corzo do
Se villa, que partia con N. P. S. Francisco de las ganancias, and two other
vessels escaped shipwreck. Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., 8.
35
One small craft returned to Vera Cruz with the sad news; the friar
Marcos de Mena, who had been left for dead by the Indians, recovered, and
reached Tampico and Mexico. Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Ftmd., 272-90; Caw,
Tres Siglos, i. 161-2.
36
a captain under Vasquez de Coronado in the expedition to the
Had been
valley of los Corazones in Sonora. Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 491.
 IMPORTANT MINES. 6 595

means should be used before resorting to violence.

After seeing the expedition embarked on thirteen
ships in June 1559, he returned to Mexico. Arrived
at Santa Elena, they suffered from heavy weather at
the anchorage; and, on landing, the natives harassed
them so that they had to send to Mexico for help.
Some companies came, one under Captain Biedna,
and another under Angel Villafane, whom the viceroy
appointed as Luna s successor. But it all proved
of no avail. was impossible for these Spanish
It
soldiers, already becoming effeminate from long inac
tivity, to maintain any hold on the country, and much
less to accomplish its subjugation in the face of the
powerful warlike tribes that had banded to defend
themselves. The undertaking was consequently aban
doned, and the few who had escaped destruction were
conveyed to Habana and thence restored to Mexico. 37
Nor did Velasco confine his attention within the
former limits of New Spain. His term of office was
marked by conquest and the opening of rich mines
as well asby progress in agriculture, arts, and manu
factures. Pursuing the policy of his sovereign, he
encouraged and fitted out expeditions for the subju
gation of the vast countries then bearing the name
of the Gran Chichimeca, and a little later of the
territory called at that time Copala. His first meas
ures secured the further pacification of Queretaro,
Zacatecas, and Guanajuato, and were followed by the
subjection of the whole north-western region.
An account has been already given of the towns of
San Felipe and San Miguel. These garrisoned places
proved very useful for the protection of travellers,
and led to the discovery of rich mines and the founda-
37
A letter of Velasco to the king, of March 1559, speaks of 500 men 250
horsemen and 250 foot as accompanying Luna to his government. All other
authorities who mention numbers are agreed upon those given in the text.
Velasco, Carta, in Cartas de India*, 272; Velasco, Relation, in Florida, Col.
Doc., 10-13; Id., in Paclieco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iv. 136-40; Valder-
i.

rama, Cartas, in Id., iv. 363; Torquemada, i. 620-1; Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex.,
9; Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 15; Ddvila Padilla, Hist,
177-8, 189-229; Pane*, Vireyes, in Monum. Dom. Esp. t MS., 82.
596 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

tion of other Spanish settlements. As a matter of

fact, the Spaniards became acquainted with the wealth
of this part of the country soon after its discovery.
The city of Santa Fe de Guanajuato, the veritable
Villa Rica of Mexico, had its birth in 1554, and in or
38
about 1558 the Veta Madre was founded. In the
lapse of time that town proved to be the centre of the
marvellous deposits on the porphyritic range of the
sierra de Santa Rosa, perhaps the richest group of
silver mines up to that time discovered, and Guana
juato itself became the most singularly situated of all
cities. If the spirit of charity revealed the mines of
Espiritu Santo, it might well seem as if the genius
of evil had chosen this labyrinth of mountain ravines
as its seat. From the extraordinary shapes assumed
by the gigantic masses of porphyry in form of ruined
fortresses, one might easily imagine this the battle
ground of impalpable intelligences, as though the 39
secret had been wrung from nature at a fearful cost.
In any event, they proved the most important of any
found during this first period of discovery of mines,
and of immense wealth, yielding large revenues to
the crown.
The
prior discovery of the mines of San Lucas,
Aviiio, Sombrerete, Ranches, Chalchihuites, Nieves,
and others should be awarded to Francisco de Ibarra,
a nephew of Diego de Ibarra, son-in-law to Viceroy
Velasco, who, starting in 1554 from the mines of Zaca-
tecas with a company of soldiers, all at his own cost,
Records of exact dates are very meagre and conflicting in this and the
38

following decade. The founding has been placed even as early as 1545 and
1548. It is said that some muleteers discovered the mine of San Bernabe
on the Cubilete hill in 1548, and the place was called Real de Minas, and
later Santa Fe, but retained the Indian appellation of Guanajuato. Soc. Mex.
Geoy., Boletin, ix. 92-3.The growth was slow. Its title of a villa was
not confirmed 1679. Medina, Chr6n San Diego, 258. The first shafts were
till
sunk in that lode in April 1558, but it does not seem to have been worked to
-advantage till 1760. Humboldt, Essai Pol, ii. 499; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 164;
Geijers Peep at Mex., 201-2.
39
Humboldt estimated, in 1820, that the Veta Madre of Guanajuato had
yielded more than a fourth part of the silver ot Mexico, and a sixth part of
tho produce of all America. The production in later years has been some
thing truly wonderful. As they have sunk deeper the lode of ore has become
richer.
 PACIFICATION OF COPALA. 597

40
quieted the natives, making it safe for settlers. Buu
in 1558 the audiencia of Nueva Galicia despatched the
alcalde mayor, Martin Perez, at the head of an armed
expedition to the same region, who took formal pos
session of it; hence the claim that he discovered the
mines of Fresnillo, San Martin, Sombrerete, and
Nieves. Diego Garcia Colio, or Celio, was subse
quently made alcalde mayor of the new settlements.
According to Beaumont the mines of San Martin
were discovered toward the end of 1558, and so
named because found on the day of that saint. The
discoveries brought many laborers of various races
and colors on their way they came upon El Fresnillo,
;

but hastened forward. So many Spaniards about

that time were rushing to the mines that soon were
found the deposits of Chalchihuites Sombrerete, Sa- >

bino, Santiago, and Nieves, over which the alcalde

41
mayor of Zacatecas assumed authority. But if the
claim of Ibarra is disputed in some instances it is cer
tain that he was the first discoverer of many of those
mines whose rich deposits so quickly depopulated not
only the city of Compostela, but the mining district
of Zecatecas. To maintain continuous possession of
the mines was, however, a difficult matter, owing to
the frequent attacks of hostile bands from the Mixton
and Zacatecas mountains. The settlements to the
east and south of Zacatecas seem to have fared better,
protected as they were by the haciendas in that vi
cinity, which soon became thickly populated.
As it was impossible for the foreign inhabitants of
New Galicia to hold in subjugation all its new terri
tories, Yelasco resolved in 1558 to take the matter
into his own hands. First he thought of sending an.

40
He
claimed it in a representation to the king, asserting that no Span
iard had
set foot in those regions till he went there. Ibarra, Pel., in Pacheco
B
and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 463; Datos tog., in Cartas de Indias, 779. The
honor of being the first settler of Sombrerete, San Martin, and surrounding
country has been awarded, however, to Juan de Tolosa, one of the conquer
ors and founders of Zacatecas, aided
by Cristobal de Ouate, captain-general
of Nueva Galicia, and settler of Zacatecas.
"Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 481-2.
598 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

expedition under 42Ibarra, from the mines of Zacatecas

to pacify Copala.
This was a favorite project of the king s, but Florida
affairs prevented it for a time. Meanwhile the viceroy
concluded to send three Franciscan f iars to the mines
of San Martin, which were between those of Zacatecas
and the province to be brought under rule. The fri
ars were to engage in missionary work, ascertain all
they could about the coveted province, and prepare
the field; his intention being to despatch thither a
small expedition, at little expense to the crown, to
occupy the country and make Spanish settlements.
It was expected to find valuable mines in that region.
When the time arrived for military operations, the
Franciscans had made considerable progress in their
labors. Francisco de Ibarra was then commissioned as
the governor, captain-general of the so-called province
of Copala, to which he gave the name of Reino de la
Nueva Yizcaya, and which embraced the country lying
to the east and north of existing settlements, though
he did not confine himself to that region. His efforts
proved successful, as he established friendly relations
with the several native nations, seldom having to
resort to force. He founded the villas of Nombre de
Dios, Durango, San Juan de Sinaloa, and others and
discovered many mines and agricultural tracts on
which he established permanent settlements of Span
iards, a full account of which is found in my History
of the North Mexican Slates. In his famous expedi
tions he visited Durango, Sinaloa, Sonora, and Chi
huahua; and on his return, availing himself of the
powers granted him to bring into his government all
towns that were not provided with a church and mis
sionary, he despoiled many encomenderos, and seized
their holdings. The terrible hardships Ibarra was
called on to endure brought on consumption, to which
42
The departure of the expedition was suspended by a viceregal order in
September of the same year, as a more pressing one had to be fitted out for
Santa Elena in Florida. This explains the change of plan above stated.
Velasco, Carta al Rey, in Squier a 3ISS., x. 4, 5
 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 599

he succumbed some time after 1570, though the date

and place of his death do not appear in the records.
His remains found their last resting-place in the city
of Durango. From all accounts his services were
never rewarded his estate dwindled away, and after
;

his death hardly yielded enough to pay off the large

debts he had contracted in fitting out and supporting
his great enterprises.

The Philippine Islands had now been in the hands

of the Spaniards for more than ten years. Acting
on the glowing accounts of Andres de Urbaneta, a
soldier and a famous navigator and cosmographer,
who had been with Garcia de Loaisa, and of his com
panions, Garcia de Escalante and Guido de Labazares,
who had visited those parts, the Spanish sovereign
directed Velasco to fit out an expedition for the
Philippines, with the view of making settlements
there, to which were to be sent as many colonists as
43
could be procured. In 1563 the expedition was
44
ready to depart the following year. After consulta
tion with Urdaneta, the command was given to
Miguel Gomez de Legazpi, a resident of Mexico, who
made Mateo de Sauz his maestre de campo, and the
young Basque Juan de Lezcano, his secretary. Guido
de Labazares was appointed the king s factor. The
missionary part of the adventure was placed in charge
40
of the Austin order, and six fathers were chosen.
43
The captain was now Friar Andres de Urdaneta. Viceroy Mendoza had
tendered him the command of Alvarado but he declined it, and soon
s fleet,
afterward, tiring of the world, joined the Austin order in Mexico; and yet he
went to the Philippines as a missionary with much alacrity. Qrijahta, Crdn.
JS.August., 109-12.
44
There has been some discrepancy as to the strength of the military force,
which is stated by one at 600 men, by another at 700, by a third at 450, and
by fourth at 400. The crews are also given at various figures. Cavo, Tres
a
Stylos, i. 176; Grijalua, Cr6n. S. August., 109-20; Burney s Hist. Discov.
South Sea, i. 250, 272. La grita era que yban a la China. .y que alii abian
.

de enrriquefer, y asi se hizo muy buena armada. Peralta, Not. Hist., 185-7,
346.
45
Fathers Urdaneta, Martin de Rada, Diego de Herrera, Andres de
Aguirre, Lorenzo Jimenez, and Pedro de Gamboa. Jimenez died before the
embarkation. Lezcano, the secretary, in later years became a Franciscan in
Mexico, and rose to the head of the order in his province. Toniuemada, i.
621; Calk, Mem. y Not., 133-4.
600 VICEROY VELASCO S RULE.

The fleet consisted of four ships, and lay at Navi-

dad, in Colima, ready for sea, when the viceroy fell
ill, which caused further delay. Finally on the 21st
of November, 1564, the squadron sailed, and after a
prosperous voyage reached Luzon, where Legazpi
founded the city of Manila, which in after years be
came one of the great emporiums of the east. 46 The
audiencia s orders required that as soon as a settle
ment was effected the commander should try to dis
cover a practicable route back to America. Where
fore the flag-ship San Pedro, Captain Salcedo, sailed
from Zebu, June 1, 1565, having on board fathers
Urdaneta and Aguirre. After going eastward to the
Ladrones the course was north to Japan, and still
northward to latitude 38, whence the prevailing-
winds bore her across to New Spain. The voyage
was a long and severe one. She had started short of
men; the master and pilot died early in the voyage,
and fourteen others before it ended. Urdaneta and
his companion had to sail the ship, to look after the
sick, and to prepare a chart. On their arrival at
Acapulco they had not men enough to cast anchor.
Captain Alonso de Arellano with the San Lucas had
deserted, and sailed from the Philippines to the lati
tude of Cape Mendocino, arriving at Acapulco three
months before Urdaneta. The two men met at court
in Spain. Arellano had reported the rest of the fleet
as lost, and was claiming the reward offered for the
shortest route but instead of receiving it he was sent
;

back to Mexico to be subjected to a court-martial

for his desertion. Urdaneta s chart was used by the
Manila galleons for many years. The route was tedi
ous in one part and cold in another, but without great

46
According to Visitador Valderrama 300,000 pesos were expended in
Mexico on the Philippines expeditions during the last six years, besides the
expenditure at Seville for arms. Writing before the sailing, in 1564, he
thought if it were not to cost above 100,000 pesos more it would be well. He
strongly objected to the selection for maestre de campo of Sariz or Saz, whom
he called a pardoned traitor. Cartas, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iv.
363. Fue muy costosa. Mendoza, Hist. China, 132-3. See, also, Medina,,
Ckr6n. S. Diego, Hex., 8-10; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 9; Mofras, Explor., i. 97.
 THE MANILA GALEONS. 601

difficulty ordanger save from scurvy, scanty stores,

and a from corsairs. Each year after this
little later,
the rich products of the east were received in Mexico
in one or more ships, but there is no record extant, 47
for the government loved to shroud her commerce in
mystery, which course was, indeed, to some extent
subsequent events made apparent.
justified, as Expe
ditions on private account for the discovery of new
countries, whether by land or sea, were now forbidden
by royal cedula of July 13, 1573, unless by express
permission of the sovereign.
47
The San Geronimo is mentioned as having sailed for the Philippines in
1566; the San Juan for New Spain in 1567; the arrival of two vessels from
New Spain the same year, and others in 1572 to take a course farther north
than usual for purpose of exploration. Journey s Hist. Discov. South Sea, i.
271-2. The ship Espiritu Santo from Acapulco for the Western Islands
with 1 1 friars, Diego de Herrera at their head, and some soldiers on board,
sailed January 6, 1676, and arrived there April 25th; about 100 miles from
Manila she was wrecked; those who reached the shore were slain by the
natives. One Indian boy was the only person left with life. The number
lost, passengers, officers, and crew, exceeded 100. Enriquez, Carta al Rey,
Oct. 31, 1576, in Cartas de Indias, 328. In the spring of 1568 arrived in
Mexico Alvaro de Mendano, who had been despatched in 1567 by the
viceroy of Peru to discover the Solomon Islands near New Guinea; he
returned to Mexico by way of Lower California, and anchored near Cedros
Island in December