Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Cultural Diversity and Anti-Poverty
Cultural Diversity and Anti-Poverty
policy
ISSJ 199 r UNESCO 2010. Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DK, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.
170 Miche`le Lamont and Mario Luis Small
attitudes. Secondly, to the extent that individuals itself depends on cultural circumstances. We
are motivated by cultural conditions, which are cannot resolve those issues here but we identify
not merely normative but also cognitive, such those circumstances where some understanding
that how actors view their circumstances can be of their import will probably be crucial.
as important as what they value or believe. Thirdly, Cultural diversity takes different forms in
behaviour is shaped not merely by cultural different settings: for some, it may be associated
conditions but also by political and economic with racial differences, as in South Africa and the
ones, which in turn affects levels of individual USA; for others, with religious or ethnic differ-
and collective development and poverty. ences, as in Nigeria. Much of our empirical work
In this article we offer an alternative has been based in the USA, though one of us has
perspective; one where beliefs, norms and values also conducted work in France. In the first half of
are understood to be only one of several this article, we often use the example of the USA
dimensions of culture. Others include world- to frame some of the issues we find important. In
views, frames and scripts of behaviour. Most of the second, we expand more generally to an
these dimensions do not bear a simple causal international context. To discuss cultural diver-
relationship with poverty. In this vein, we sity effectively, we must first clarify and differ-
suggest that it is important to study not just entiate our understanding of culture from that of
the causal impact of culture on poverty but also others. This is the topic to which we now turn.
that of poverty on culture – how the lack of
resources affects the way in which people
perceive their social circumstances. In our view,
a key to the eradication of poverty lies not in Cultural consequences of
encouraging the poor to adopt the beliefs of the poverty
mainstream (since the mainstream and poor
often do not differ substantially on average and Perhaps the most appropriate way to rethink the
also both hold self-contradictory beliefs) but in simple causal model described earlier is to think
better understanding and channelling hetero- of the opposite relationship; to consider the
geneity. We suggest that those working towards cultural consequences of experiencing sustained
the reduction of poverty or alleviation of its poverty. For years, the most prominent, if
effects should address culture more seriously controversial, theory in this vein was Oscar
than many have been willing to do in the past. Lewis’ (1959, 1969) notion of the culture of
The worldviews of the poor should be captured poverty. Lewis argued that this culture emerged
not by what they are not, but by considering how when groups that were socially and economic-
the living conditions of the poor limit the range ally marginalised from a capitalist society
of choices available to them, as well as which of developed patterns of behaviour to deal with
the available paths would be most productive for their low status. This behaviour, which Lewis
them to take, given their situation. observed among families in Mexico and in
To frame our discussion, we follow the Puerto Rico, was characterised by low aspira-
arguments by Amartya Sen and others that the tions, political apathy, helplessness, disorgani-
study of well-being should focus not only on sation, provincialism and the disparagement of
material poverty but also, more generally, on the so-called middle-class values. Once this culture
capabilities people have to acquire the goods (or was in place, Lewis argued, it developed
realise the functions) they have reason to value mechanisms that tended to perpetuate it, even
(Sen 1985, 1999). The benefit of this approach if structural conditions changed. This work has
from our perspective is that it moves us away been criticised at length, in part for assuming
from a rather narrow perspective by which the that cultures were internally consistent and also
consequences of culture would centre on its for its lack of empirical support (Lamont and
relationship to people’s income, employment, or Small 2008; Valentine 1968).
wealth. The idea of capabilities, however, brings In recent years, scholars have examined this
up the complicated problem of subjectivity in question with greater theoretical clarity and
well-being: capabilities depend on social circum- empirical rigour. The cultural consequences of
stances and also on what people wish for, which poverty may be categorised into those caused by
r UNESCO 2010.
Cultural diversity and anti-poverty policy 171
individual poverty and those caused by neigh- More recently, scholars have found that
bourhood or community poverty. It is important neighbourhood poverty can have cultural con-
to note that these are not merely two versions of sequences for both individuals and neighbour-
the same effect observed at different levels. hoods as a whole. Smith (2007) studied African-
Individual poverty, for example, might be American job finders in Michigan and found
experienced in a context of either collective that living in concentrated neighbourhood
poverty or collective prosperity. The cultural poverty reduced trust in social networks such
consequences in the former may be different that people were less willing to help others find
from those in the latter, where relative depriva- jobs. On the consequences for neighbourhoods,
tion is likely to play a role. scholars have reached conclusions consistent
Many have examined the long-term con- with those of Hannerz. Anderson (1999), in a
sequences for individuals of living in sustained study of black urban neighbourhoods in Phila-
poverty or unemployment. For example, Wilson delphia; Small (2002, 2004), in a study of a
(1996) argued that sustained unemployment Puerto Rican housing complex in Boston, and
specifically affected daily habits and work Harding (2007), using national US survey data
orientations. The practices of waking up every on poor and non-poor neighbourhoods have all
morning at a given time, having to attend work found that neighbourhood poverty is often
or meetings and meet employment responsibil- associated with cultural diversity – that is, a
ities form part of people’s habitus or dispositions situation in which multiple beliefs and scripts
towards behaviour, that are themselves condu- about appropriate behaviour coexist in one
cive to sustained employment. When ‘‘work context, such that residents are forced to choose
disappears’’ and individuals do not participate among different patterns of behaviour, all of
in the formal labour market, people are likely to which are socially acceptable.
lose those cultural dispositions. Something The three studies point to different aspects
similar was observed by Bourdieu (1965) during of the question. Anderson advances a distinction
extended unemployment among Algerians and between street and decent families in neighbour-
by Jahoda et al. (1971) during an economic hoods that alludes to Hannerz’s work but, by
depression in Austria. focusing on differences between types of actors
Much more recent work has focused on the as opposed to types of attitudes, perhaps does
community-level question. The consequences of not move us as far forward as it could. Small
neighbourhood poverty; specifically, of living in identifies heterogeneity but also provides a
a neighbourhood with a high concentration of model as to how it comes about. He shows that
poor individuals (regardless of whether specific cohorts of residents can exhibit relatively con-
individuals themselves are poor or not) have sistent cultural narratives about the neighbour-
been a subject of intense scrutiny during the hood itself; for example, on whether it is a good
1960s and 1970s and again in recent years in US or bad place to live – and that cultural
scholarship (Goering and Feins 2003; Valentine heterogeneity may come about as elders are
1968; Wilson 1987). The earlier literature replaced by newer or younger cohorts. Harding
examined culture at length, but without the provides comparative data to show that, at least
theoretical precision of recent works; the recent with respect to beliefs and scripts about sexual
scholarship exhibits much more sophistication, behaviour and romantic relationships, poor
with the use of survey data, ethnographic data neighbourhoods may be more culturally hetero-
and even field experiments, but unfortunately geneous than non-poor neighbourhoods.
without much examination of culture. Among A recent study by Young (2004) provides
the earlier studies the standout is Hannerz’s important insight into the relationship between
(1969) examination of conditions in a high individual and neighbourhood poverty. Young
poverty, predominantly black neighbourhood interviewed African-American men living in
in an unnamed US city. Hannerz found that the poverty and residing in high-poverty neighbour-
community had developed both mainstream and hoods about their understandings of themselves
ghetto-specific forms of behaviour, with indivi- and their aspirations. He found that those who
duals adopting one or another as circumstances rarely left their neighbourhoods and who were
demanded. most socially isolated were the most likely to
r UNESCO 2010.
172 Miche`le Lamont and Mario Luis Small
believe in the tenets of the American Dream, that rities, groups that had moved to a society
through hard work and dedication they could willingly and in search of political freedoms or
improve their own circumstances. Those who economic opportunities. Others were involun-
spent more time regularly outside their neigh- tary minorities, such as slaves and indigenous
bourhoods (for instance, in prison), and who people; groups that had become ethnic mino-
therefore had greater contact with wider rities as a result of conquest or violence. Ogbu
society, were more likely to believe that racial argued that ethnic groups in the latter category
discrimination was a serious obstacle to their were likely to perceive themselves as fictive kin
advancement. (brothers and sisters) and to remain acutely
aware of the structural constraints on their
advancement (such as the ethnic job ceiling and
institutional discrimination). As a result, they
Counter-cultures and the were likely to develop an oppositional culture, a
reproduction of poverty set of attitudes and beliefs fundamentally at
odds with those of mainstream society, one in
An important issue that follows from examining which subscribing to mainstream beliefs – such
the cultural consequences of poverty is whether as participating in the formal economy or
these consequences are themselves self-perpetu- attaining success through the standard educa-
ating. The paradigmatic model in this vein has, tional pathways – was considered disloyal to the
in some sense, been that of Lewis. Lewis did not fictive kin group. While groups were internally
merely argue that in conditions of poverty strengthened through the formation of this
people develop the cultural beliefs and attitudes collective culture, their members’ individual
described earlier; he also argued that, once in prospects for occupational success were, ironi-
place, the culture of poverty was self-perpetuat- cally, weakened. Ogbu tested his model on
ing, so that people were unlikely to change their adolescents in school, where presumably their
behaviour even if the structural circumstances future aspirations would be easiest to perceive.
that led to it changed. This proposition was He found that many black students in the US
perhaps the most controversial, and it may have urban schools he studied complained about
proved to be one of the least supported. For students who ‘‘acted white’’ and referred to
example, in the USA many conservative com- those who attained good grades as ‘‘brainiacs’’.
mentators argued that unemployment rates In this way, cultural conditions helped repro-
among blacks were high because of their duce poverty.
unwillingness to work or their cultural predis- This model appealed to scholars and policy-
position against work. However, as labour makers. It provided a way of looking at culture
markets tightened dramatically over the late that did not blame victims for their problems
1990s the black unemployment rate plummeted, and it presented an elegant and comprehensive
making clear that these formerly unemployed view of differences in poverty across a range of
workers were not unwilling to work, they were groups and societies in a way that appeared
merely unable to find jobs (US Census Bureau intuitively correct. However, it was not until the
2001, table 593). late 1990s that the model was tested explicitly,
The theoretical assumptions have been and the tests found reasons to question it.
criticised as well. Many researchers argued that Ainsworth-Darnell and Downey (1998) exam-
the development of cultural attitudes and beliefs ined a national group of students for their
inconsistent with personal success in capitalist attitudes about education, homework, educa-
societies were themselves acts of resistance, tional attainment, the importance of school and
conscious and not so conscious, against the the role of education in popularity. They found
economic systems of such societies. In one of the that black students were either no different from
most often cited models, John Ogbu (1978; whites or more likely to support mainstream
Fordham and Ogbu 1986) argued that the ways of attaining success, in direct contradiction
situation of poor ethnic minorities in societies to the thesis (see also Cook and Ludwig 1998).
had to be understood in light of their migration There are broader concerns with the model,
to such societies. Some were voluntary mino- however. Notice that in Ogbu’s model culture is
r UNESCO 2010.
Cultural diversity and anti-poverty policy 173
both internally consistent and static – the set of networks of mutual support and, in turn,
beliefs and attitudes about attainment that produce new forms of poverty. While the pursuit
involuntary minorities are reputed to have is of economic development may recreate, under
not inconsistent and, once established, it does new guises, some of the problems that it aims to
not change. Both ideas about culture seem alleviate, new sites for solidarity may emerge as
difficult to support. Many, for example, have minority and low-status groups are confronted
written of the wide array of beliefs present in with new challenges. See for example, Mooney
urban African American culture, a model in (2009) on the Catholic Church and Haitian
which heterogeneity and opposing views, rather immigrant communities in Miami, Montreal
than consistency, seem to reign (Hannerz 1969). and Paris.
In addition, culture changes; an idea given little
thought in this context. And yet it is by
examining how and where culture changes that
the possibility for other forms of change Cultural diversity as a tool for
emerges. self-efficacy
Returning to our broader theme, the issues
of oppositional culture and cultural resistance Cultural difference from the mainstream is not
point to an additional difficulty: that of con- always a rejection of mainstream ways, and, in
ceiving of well-being as depending not just on fact, cultural difference can be a tool for success,
income but also on people’s capabilities. Sen and rather than failure, in contemporary capitalist
others have argued that whether people are societies. That cultural diversity can itself
doing well in light of what they are capable of become a tool for development, self-efficacy
doing depends not merely on their given society and development has been contested for some
but also on their interests and predilections. For time. Banfield expressly argued that cultural
example, most would agree that reducing traditions in many parts of the world under-
illiteracy can be conceived as an objective, not mined the possibility of political and economic
subjective goal in practical terms. But when we development. What he termed an ‘‘amoral
are consider well-being, we are concerned not familialism’’, a strong sense of patronage and
that every person has a college education, but in-group resource allocation in which merit
that those who wish for one are able to attain it. played little role was a strong obstacle to
Certainly, the evidence does not bear out an development. Other scholars have made similar
overarching conception of oppositional culture arguments about economic development in
in which most members of an involuntary Latin America and political development in the
minority reject normal channels of success. Middle East (Harrison 1985; Harrison and
Nevertheless, in the context of resistance cul- Huntington 2000).
tures it is clear that individuals may be culturally These arguments, however, have tended to
at odds with the expectations of desirable goals be unconvincing. The idea that cultural diversity
assumed by mainstream society or international undermines progress because it undermines
standards. There are few answers based on common values is based on the faulty assump-
universals that would apply in all circumstances. tion that political and economic progress of the
Yet a successful approach to poverty should not collective depends primarily on consensus,
fail to recognise the existence of cultural beliefs rather than conflict; on the presence of shared
or attitudes born of resistance or rejection of norms, values and beliefs. Certainly, some
mainstream paths to well-being. In particular, agreement on core notions such as respect for
while preserving traditions may often be inter- life, fairness and economic opportunity are
preted as a form of cultural resistance that is important, but they are also hardly points of
counterproductive from the perspective of eco- difference. Many of the most important
nomic development, it can also sustain strong advances in civil rights, workers rights and
group identities that act as bases for collective economic development in developed nations
empowerment and valorisation. In turn, cultural have come as a result of conflict; of the efforts
erosion that results from industrialisa- of society as a whole to deal directly and openly
tion may weaken traditional solidarities and with differences over the right course of history.
r UNESCO 2010.
174 Miche`le Lamont and Mario Luis Small
r UNESCO 2010.
Cultural diversity and anti-poverty policy 175
members of stigmatised groups cope with on ethnic and racial minorities is condemned
perceived stigma, such as privileging in-group because it can potentially reify and reinforce
comparisons. Equally important are the varie- inequality and differences.
gated frameworks through which people define Considering the cultural practices of the
status, including through standards of evalua- middle class and of political and other elites is
tion that are autonomous from socioeconomic crucial to understanding destigmatisation stra-
status (Lamont and Bail 2005). Lamont’s (2000) tegies and to capturing the broader relationship
interview-based study found that African- between culture and poverty. Cultural and social
American working-class men differentiate blacks exclusion are features of all systems of inequality
from whites by contrasting their ‘‘caring selves’’ (Bourdieu and Passeron 1990), and middle-class
with the more domineering self of whites. For strategies to pass on privileges to their offspring
their part, North African immigrants in France typically constrain options for less privileged
challenge stereotypes by demonstrating that groups – for instance, in the USA, where school
they are different from and superior to the budgets are determined by local taxes, the
French on moral grounds. To various degrees middle class prices the working class out of
workers in both countries locate themselves residential areas with better schools.
above the middle class by pointing to the moral The indifference of elites also often has
failings of this group. They develop alternative counterproductive effects. In a systematic com-
criteria of evaluation that allow them to locate parative study of elite perceptions of poverty in
themselves in a hierarchy. These cultural tem- Bangladesh, Brazil, Haiti, the Philippines and
plates are widely shared. Cultural resistance can South Africa, Reis and Moore (2007) demon-
provide strong cultural backbones to withstand strated that while elite interviewees from various
the challenges of upward mobility, but it can sectors of these societies discussed poverty as if it
come about at the cost of considerable stress were a problem, they had difficulty identifying
(James 1994). very pressing or compelling reasons for concern.
More generally, there are other ways for There was no very strong sense that to tolerate
members of stigmatised groups to gain civic persisting poverty is to allow some valuable
membership. One is to attempt to embrace human resources to go to waste. Moreover, the
dominant cultural attitudes, beliefs and forms; classic threats posed by poverty, such as crime,
another is to be bi-cultural or multicultural and were generally perceived to be rather weak.
to adopt cultural forms relevant to different There was limited support for any notion of
contexts by ‘‘code switching’’ (Carter 2006; introducing a welfare state providing broad-
DuBois ([1903] 2005). Strict cultural assimila- spectrum support for the mass of the population
tion, a traditional route, can come about at the on a relatively universalistic basis (support
expense of loss of identity and of other was stronger in Brazil than in Bangladesh).
important cultural assets. Biculturalism has The areas of agreement over proactive policies
been employed successfully by the upwardly were that more education was the best way to
mobile for a long time but the constant code reduce poverty and that poverty reduction
switching can be alienating (Shoshana 2007). was viewed as primarily the responsibility of
Larger institutional and governmental stra- the state.
tegies such as affirmative action laws or regula- Whether strategies for dealing with racial,
tions also promote the removal of stigma and ethnic or religious stigma can be used success-
allow individuals different options in how they fully to deal with the stigma of poverty is an
choose to define their identities. Their usefulness open question. Low-income groups are by
is often context dependent and debated or definition deprived of resources. A positive
contested, as is the case for the adoption of self-concept may not make a real impact on
affirmative action policies in Brazilian higher their situation. Nevertheless, recognising how
education (Silva 2006), or the debates in 2007 on poverty levels are influenced by institutional and
the collection of racial and ethnic statistics by economic forces has been shown to sustain the
the Institut national d’e´tudes de´mographiques in poor in their efforts to improve their situation
France, opposed by the Constitutional Council. and gain collective efficacy (see Heller 1999, in
In the French case the gathering of census data the case of Kerala, India).
r UNESCO 2010.
176 Miche`le Lamont and Mario Luis Small
r UNESCO 2010.
Cultural diversity and anti-poverty policy 177
notions about living conditions in the eco- how art speaks to the relationship between
nomic periphery of the world. homeland, identity and belonging. Discus-
& The Sesame Street Workshop co-produces sions focused on how different cultural
local versions of Sesame Street in over 30 products are received, managed and exhibited
countries to help promote cultural tolerance and on how artistic encounters contribute
and literacy. Through its international co- to strengthening civic engagement and
productions the Workshop aims to produce social change in both sending and receiving
social change at ground level: ‘‘With today’s countries. A teaching film, Mixing it up:
global landscape dominated by such press- mapping identities through art, is now being
ing issues as poverty, human rights, AIDS completed.
and ethnic genocide, the world’s most-
watched children’s television show can
bridge cultures while remaining socially
relevant’’. Conclusions
& The Global State of Washington initiative is
a consortium of more than a thousand Anti-poverty policy has become increasingly
Washington State businesses, universities, concerned with poverty as a result not merely
NGOs and research institutes, along with of long-standing ideas about the cultural orien-
hundred of civic organisations, that are tations of the poor but also of the rise of low-
working together to mobilise citizens to skilled immigration from culturally diverse
alleviate poverty and enhance rights for all societies into economically advanced societies.
people. They join forces to increase the Recent history and scholarly research suggest
effectiveness of each organisation and make that policy-makers faced with diverse constitu-
Washington State an important global centre encies would gain less from focusing on assim-
for sustainable development. Similar initia- ilation than from finding ways of deploying
tives are being put in place in Los Angeles biculturalism and multiculturalism, to the ben-
(with the leadership of UCLA). efit of individuals and society as a whole. In the
& Ten Thousand Villages (n.d.) is a non-profit increasingly globalised world in which we live,
corporation with more than 160 stores in societies that resist the impulse to homogenise
North America to help craft people from the but instead encourage cultural co-existence are
Global South to distribute and sell merchan- likely to reduce cultural conflict and benefit from
dise that express their unique tradition. It the rapid success of ethnic minorities. The
works with artisan groups throughout Africa, successes of Canada in this respect is instructive.
Asia and Latin America and ensures that Policy-makers should consider the implica-
workers receive wages they consider to be tions of understanding diversity in many arenas.
fair. Efforts such as these thus provide a way Religious expression is a form of cultural expres-
in which historically disadvantaged and sion and should be acknowledged as a source of
marginalised groups can tap into global meaning-making among low-income populations.
markets without relinquishing their local, Recent years may have witnessed a resurgence of
traditional ways of life and while improving religious fundamentalism of all kinds and states
their quality of life. have sometimes responded by limiting religious
& In Spring 2007 the Transnational Studies expression. This is likely to be counterproductive.
Initiative at Harvard sponsored a series of Generally, policy-makers should seek pathways
public conversations between immigrant for maximising the agency of poorer, culturally
artists and their audiences, with the support different or generally excluded groups (see Rao
of the Rockefeller Foundation. These events and Walton 2004). Considerations of diversity
explored the creation and management of the should also inform policy-makers in the state
artistic and cultural products of transnational staffing of state bureaucracy. The relationships
migration, focusing on Latino, South Asian between states and their constituents are likely to
and Chinese immigrants in Massachusetts. become increasingly tense if, in the face of a
Each event featured a conversation between diversifying population, the various elements of
cultural producers and their audiences about the state apparatus (including services, education
r UNESCO 2010.
178 Miche`le Lamont and Mario Luis Small
and law enforcement) retain national ethnic or diverse world than information. Qualitative
cultural homogeneity. Finally, these considera- and quantitative data collection on various
tions should inform the relationship between dimensions of cultural diversity is crucial.
governments and international NGOs, which Ethnographic case studies and cross-national
should be particularly mindful of adapting their surveys focused not only on standard economic
development tools to the local context of action, indicators but also on self-understanding and
while taking into consideration the cultural cultural practices are more important today than
diversity of the targeted group. It is imperative ever. And to the extent that states do not merely
to avoid transposing to new contexts institutional focus on their own countries but also collaborate
models of policy-making that are unsuitable and with others in collective data collection endea-
misadapted (Evans 2004). vours, our policy-making is likely to be better
No tool will be more crucial to policy- equipped to deal with an increasingly globalised
makers engaged in anti-poverty policy in a world.
Acknowledgement
1. This article is adapted from a colleagues for the fruitful Levitt, Seth Pipkin, Sanjay Pinto,
background paper prepared for conversations and comments that Vijayendra Rao, Jocelyn Viterna,
the World Report on Cultural have informed this document: Carol H. Weiss and William Julius
Diversity, UNESCO. The authors Sara Curran, Jeff Denis, Peter E. Wilson.
wish to thank the following Evans, Tamara Kay, Peggy
References
r UNESCO 2010.
Cultural diversity and anti-poverty policy 179
International Development, 38 (4), KYMLICKA, W., 1995. Multicultural PORTES, A. AND SCHAUFFLER, R.,
30–53. citizenship: a liberal theory of 1994. Language and the second
minority rights. Oxford: Oxford generation: bilingualism yesterday
FAIR TRADE SCHOOLS (n.d.) Home University Press. and today. International Migration
page. Available from: http:// Review, 28 (4), 640–661.
www.fairtradeschools.org KYMLICKA, W., 2007. Multicultural
[5 May 2010]. odysseys: navigating the new RAO, V. AND WALTON, M., eds, 2004.
international politics of diversity. Culture and public action. Palo Alto,
FORDHAM, S. AND OGBU, J., 1986. New York: Oxford University Press. CA: Stanford University Press.
Black students’ school success.
Coping with the burden of ‘‘acting LAMONT, M., 2000. The dignity of REIS, E. AND MOORE, M., eds, 2007.
white’’. Urban Review, 18 (3), working men: morality and the Elite perceptions of poverty and
176–206. boundaries of race, class and inequality. London and New York:
immigrations. New York: Russell Zed Books.
GOERING, J. M. AND FEINS, J. D., eds Sage Foundation and Cambridge,
2003. Choosing a better life? MA: Harvard University Press. SCOTT, J., 1999. Seeing like the state.
Evaluating the moving to opportunity New Haven, CT: Yale University
experiment. Washington, DC: LAMONT, M., 2009. Press.
Urban Institute Press. Destigmatization strategies and
their impact on health and SEN, A. K., 1985. Commodities and
HALL, P. A. AND LAMONT, M., eds, boundaries: social inclusion as a capabilities. New York: Elsevier
2009. Successful societies: how dimension of successful societies. In: Science.
institutions and cultural repertoires P. H. Hall and M. Lamont, eds, SEN, A. K., 1999. Development as
affect health and capabilities. New Successful societies: how institutions freedom. New York: Knopf.
York: Cambridge University Press. and cultural repertoires affect health
and capabilities. New York: SHOSHANA, A., (2007). The
HANNERZ, U., 1969. Soulside: Cambridge University Press, phenomenology of a new social
inquiries into ghetto culture and 151–168. category: the case of the gifted
community. New York: Columbia disadvantaged in Israel. Poetics, 35
University Press. LAMONT, M. AND BAIL, C., 2005. Sur (6), 352–367.
les frontières de la reconnaissance.
HARDING, D. J., 2007. Cultural Les catégories internes et externes de SILVA, G. M. D., 2006. Acoes
context, sexual behavior, and l’identité collective. Revue afirmativas no Brasil e na Africa do
romantic relationships in Europe´enne des Migrations Sul. Tempo Social, 18 (2), 131–165.
disadvantaged neighborhoods. Internationales, 21 (2), 61–90.
American Sociological Review, 72 SMALL, M. L., 2002. Culture,
(3), 341–364. LAMONT, M. AND SMALL, M. L., cohorts, and social organization
2008. How culture matters: theory: understanding local
HARRISON, L. E., 1985. enriching our understandings of participation in a Latino housing
Underdevelopment is a state of mind: poverty. In: A. Lin and D. Harris, project. American Journal of
the Latin American case. Lanham, eds The colors of poverty: why racial Sociology, 108 (6), 1–54.
MD: University Press of America. and ethnic disparities persist. New
York: Russell Sage Foundation, SMALL, M. L., 2004. Villa Victoria:
HARRISON, L. E. AND HUNTINGTON, The transformation of social capital
76–102.
S., eds 2000. Culture matters: how in a Boston barrio. Chicago, IL:
values shape human progress. New LEWIS, O., 1959. Five families: University of Chicago Press.
York: Basic Books. Mexican case studies in the culture of
poverty. New York: Basic Books. SMALL, M. L., HARDING, D. AND
HELLER, P., 1999. The labour of LAMONT, M., 2010. Reconsidering
development: workers and the LEWIS, O., 1969. The culture of culture and poverty. Annals of the
transformation of capitalism in poverty. In: D. P. Moynihan, ed. On American academy of political and
Kerala, India. Ithaca, NY: Cornell understanding poverty: perspectives social science, 629 (1), 6–27.
University Press. from the social sciences. New York:
Basic Books, 187–220. SMITH, S. S., 2007. Lone pursuit:
JAHODA, M., LAZARSFELD, P. A. AND distrust and defensive individualism
ZEISEL, H., 1971. Marienthal: the MOONEY, M., 2009. Faith makes us among the black poor. New York:
sociography of an unemployed live: surviving and thriving in the Russell Sage Foundation.
community. Chicago, IL: Aldine- Haitian diaspora. Berkeley, CA:
Atherton. University of California Press. SWIDLER, A., 2009. Responding to
HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa:
JAMES, S., 1994. John Henryism and OGBU, J., 1978. Minority education culture, institutions, and health. In
the health of African-Americans. and caste: the American system in P. H. Hall and M. Lamont, eds
Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry, cross-cultural perspectives. New Successful societies: how institutions
18 (2), 163–182. York: Academic Press. and cultural repertoires affect health
r UNESCO 2010.
180 Miche`le Lamont and Mario Luis Small
and capabilities. New York: VALENTINE, C., 1968. Culture and WILSON, W., 1996. When work
Cambridge University Press, poverty: critique and counter- disappears: the world of the new
128–150. proposals. Chicago, IL: University urban poor. New York: Knopf.
of Chicago Press.
WILSON, W. J., 1987. The truly
TEN THOUSAND VILLAGES n.d. Home
disadvantaged: the inner city, the
page. Available from: http://
WARIKOO, N. K., 2010. Balancing underclass, and public policy.
www.tenthousandvillages.com/
acts: youth culture in the global city. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago
[5 May 2010].
Berkeley, CA: University of Press.
California Press.
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, 2001. YOUNG, A., 2004. The minds of
Statistical abstract of the United marginalized black men: making
States: 2002. 122nd edn. WEISS, C. H., 1980. Social science sense of mobility, opportunity, and
Washington, DC: US Census research and decision-making. New future life chances. Princeton, NJ:
Bureau. York: Columbia University Press. Princeton University Press.
r UNESCO 2010.