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Kailash, Varieties of comparative state politics research in India

Varieties of comparative state politics research in India

K.K. KAILASH

THERE has been a marked upswing in research on state politics in

India since 1990. This generous attention is not surprising given the far
reaching political and economic transformation that has taken place.
The emergence of a more competitive multiparty system and the
important role that state-based parties have consequently played in
federal coalitions, along with economic liberalization which boosted
the role of state governments, has clearly thrown the spotlight on the
states. There have been two valuable reviews of research in state
politics which covered the period till the penultimate decade of the last
century (Kumar 1981; Pai 1989). This essay essentially takes off from
the last study, but limits its focus specifically to comparative studies.

Comparative politics as a discipline is distinguishable by both its

‘substance’, i.e. the study of states (in the context of India) and their
specificities and its ‘method’, i.e. the use of standard rules and
conventions of analysis when making sense of similarities and
differences (Mair 1996, 310-11). Based on the blend of ‘substance’ and
‘method’, three traditions of comparative state politics research can be
identified in India.

The first is, what for classificatory purposes can be called traditional
studies (Narain 1967; Weiner 1968; Wood 1984; Frankel and Rao
1989). Characteristically descriptive, these are not strictly in the
comparative (method) mould. The focus is primarily on individual
states and the earliest studies in fact provide in-depth coverage of the
history and politics of particular states. However, in these studies when
comparison is attempted, it is usually by way of an introductory
framework and/or a concluding summing up chapter. The single-state
chapters in the study may attempt to address issues in the introduction
but rarely talk to each other. More contemporary studies (Hansen and
Jaffrelot 1998; Jaffrelot and Kumar 2009; Shastri, Suri and Yadav
2009), though different, follow a similar pattern. While findings from
individual state chapters may allow for cross-state comparison, the
studies themselves were not designed to be analytically comparative.

Though the traditional school may today appear ‘outmoded’ (Jenkins

2004, 4), it nevertheless provides the building blocks of the discipline.
Descriptive studies or ‘case studies’ are the first step towards building a
theoretical framework (Pai 1989, 102-3). The specific nature of these
studies, therefore, must not lead us to underestimate their utility. For
instance, Suri (2006) using insights from single-state studies of farmer
suicides, not only points to significant similarities between states that
have reported a higher numbers of suicides, but also attempts to explain
the current state of agrarian distress in the country.

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The second tradition of comparative state politics is the quantitative

comparativists’ school, where ‘method’ has an edge. These studies,
usually in the form of large-N type research, are aimed at establishing
probabilistic relationships between variables using statistical
techniques. As the federal system allows for controlled comparisons,
this school has used India to test theories, models and explanations that
are at times developed in other contexts. There is an attempt to cover as
many states as possible and a typical study might include at least 14 to
15 states. This school of research is dominated by economists or at least
those trained in economics. Consequently, for a particularly large
number of studies, the political is often only an explanatory variable.

Some of themes that have been studied relate to explaining variation in

fiscal policies and discipline (Khemani 2003, 2004, 2007a, 2007b;
Chaudhari and Dasgupta 2006), in public policy, services and goods
(Keefer and Khemani 2004; Chhibber and Nooruddin 2004; Ayyangar
and Jacob 2008), and in government expenditure (Chhibber 1995; Sáez
and Sinha 2010). The political variables identified as explanatory
variables include among others, electoral cycles, electoral competition,
margin of victory, party centralization, party ideology, party systems
and locus of control of policy-making.

Though quantitative studies attempting to explain the political are

fewer in number, they have nevertheless provided crucial insights on
different aspects of Indian politics. It must be added that in this stream
of comparative state politics there has been a genuine conversation
among scholars which has allowed for accumulation of knowledge.
This is a refreshing development given the general non-cumulative
nature of studies in Indian politics.

A series of formulations and reformulations can be discerned in the

research on state politics in the 1990s. Chhibber and Nooruddin (1999)
found that increasing competitiveness in the 1990s was a result of the
emergence of two-party competition and not because of greater
mobilization of voters. In another study, Nooruddin and Chhibber
(2008) discounted both the mobilization (Yadav 1999, 2000) and
polarization thesis (Heath 2005) and argued that the availability of
fiscal space was a better explanatory variable for electoral volatility in
the states. They found that when governments had resources to meet
voter expectations, incumbent governments were likely to be voted
back.

Barring a few, most of the research where the political is the dependent
variable, draws on survey research. Yogendra Yadav’s (1999, 2000)
much cited ‘democratic upsurge’ thesis was the result of a comparative
exercise in both time and space of participation levels in states. State
comparisons have also enabled a mapping of the social profile of the
support base for the two main parties, the Congress and the BJP in the
post-Congress polity. Heath and Yadav’s (1999) study of Congress
voters showed that the party’s support base varied from state to state
depending on who its competitor was. Heath (1999) presented a ‘step-
down’ hypothesis to explain variation in the support base of the BJP.
While the upper caste remained its core support base in primary support
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states, it extended to OBC’s in secondary support states and further to

Scheduled Castes and Muslims in tertiary states.

A study by Chhibber, Shastri and Sisson (2004) highlighted the

importance of state level governments in India. They found that citizens
give primary importance to state governments, followed by the local
and finally the central government when it comes to assigning
responsibility for the provision of public goods. Their other findings
highlighted the potential of the 73rd and 74th amendments and the
limited availability of associational life in India.

In their ‘derivative choice’ formulation, Yadav and Palshikar (2009a,

2009b) further asserted the primacy of the ‘state level’. According to
them, political choices at the national level are primarily derived from
the ‘competitive format, electoral cycle, political agenda, participatory
pattern and social cleavages defined in state politics.’ Comparing voter
perceptions across states, Chhibber (2009) in his study of the 2009
national elections nuances this formulation. He found that though ideas
about the state government continued to effect votes, there are national
elements, like the importance of the central government, as well as
reflections on its performance which influence political preferences of
the voter at the national level.

Within the large-N type research, besides economic and National

Election Study (NES) data-sets, other types of data have also been used
for comparison. Clots-Figueras (2005), for instance, uses panel data for
the period between 1967-1999 to examine the impact of higher female
representation in state legislatures on public goods, policy and
expenditure. Kishore and Gupta (2004) have used data from the
National Family Health Survey (NFHS) to map women’s
empowerment in 26 states.

The availability of reliable and systematic data is crucial for

quantitative comparison. The dominance of political economy here is
probably because economic as compared to political and social
information is systematically collected by various agencies and bodies,
including those of the government at various levels. Surveys are an
expensive proposition and often beyond the ken of an individual
researcher. Fortunately, the formation of Lokniti in 1996 revived the
lost tradition of empirical studies of elections. The collective has over
the last decade and half systematically studied elections and built up an
impressive data base.1 Many of the findings discussed above have come
from this collection. Yet, while electoral politics data exists and has
been used extensively, data on issues like legislative business,
government formation, ministry composition and so on is hard to come
by. Wilkinson (2009, 589) rightly observes that reconstructing such
data would require ‘massive amount of effort’. Consequently, some of
the very interesting aspects of routine politics are not even researched,
forget being subjected to comparative analysis.

Qualitative comparativists form the third tradition of comparative state

politics research. Unlike the data-set dependent quantitative school, this
stream relies primarily on fieldwork as well as observational data. The

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studies are, however, designed to be analytically comparative, thus

distinguishing them from the traditional school. We can differentiate
between two streams of qualitative comparative state politics enquiry.
One stream is acutely conscious of issues like research design, the rules
and procedures of comparative research and the levels of analysis and
explanation. Like the quantitative comparativists, this method-
conscious stream also attempts to provide causal explanations. The
other stream of qualitative comparison is the classical strand which is
not as concerned with method. The qualitative comparison tradition
can, therefore, rightly claim to be the first cousin to both the traditional
as well quantitative comparativists’ school.

Atul Kohli was a pioneer in the ‘methodologically minded’ (Schmitter

2009, 35) tradition of qualitative comparative state politics in India in
more ways than one. Kohli (1987, 3-14) not merely recognized the
potential for sub-national comparisons within India, but demonstrated
effectively that explaining variations at the state level could provide
clues to unravelling puzzles. Second, he also discusses the choice of
cases at different levels including states, districts, blocks and villages.
At the same time he also boldly states the limitations of his choice and
approach.

Over the years, besides Kohli (1989), other scholars who have travelled
on the same path include Varshney (2003), Sinha (2005), Mitra (2006),
Desai (2007) and Chandra (2007). The method-conscious tradition has
been particularly useful in constructing concepts that are useful for
comparative analysis in the context of India. Some of these include,
regime types (Kohli 1987), inter- and intra-communal engagement
(Varshney 2003), polycentric hierarchy (Sinha 2005), rational protest
(Mitra 1991), and governability/governance (Kohli 1989; Mitra 2006).

The classical stream, though analytically comparative, does not

emphasize the methodological element. More contemporary studies,
however, implicitly acknowledge the advantages of a more in-depth
engagement with the subject of study. Manor (2000, 2004a, 2004b,
2007, 2010) has often used comparison as a tool to make sense of
different aspects of Indian politics. Sridharan’s (2003) comparison of
the coalition strategies of different parties across states showed how the
BJP was able to expand and consolidate itself. Similarly examining the
Congress victory in 2004, Sridharan (2004) found that state level
electoral coalitions played an important role. Pai (2004) has compared
the mobilization strategies of the BSP and the Congress in two states,
Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh on the issue of what she calls the
‘Dalit question’. In a subsequent work, which is implicitly comparative,
Pai (2010) studies the role of the Congress Party in Madhya Pradesh in
more detail. Palshikar’s (2006) study of caste through the prism of
region compares similarities and differences in the role played by
different caste clusters across regions. Despite not being
methodologically fixated, these studies have not only given us
fascinating results but have also thrown up valuable hypotheses for
further research.

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It must, however, be noted that not all qualitative comparison research

is based on fieldwork. Older studies in classical stream like the study of
coalition politics in states by Brass (1968), comparison of defections
across states by Kashyap (1970) and the study of President’s Rule and
chief minister selection by Dua (1979, 1985) were based on inferences
from large amounts of data collected around specific themes. Such
themes seem to have fallen out of favour in contemporary research,
probably because of the ‘effort’ involved in data collection.

Pai (1989, 102) in her review had lamented that earlier empirical
studies on elections had not been followed up in the 1980s. The
formation of Lokniti reversed this trend and the study of state politics
through elections has now become one of the most happening areas of
inquiry within Indian political science. An examination of themes in
comparative state politics reveals that electoral politics has by and large
received greater attention (Nigam and Yadav 1999; Roy and Wallace
1999, 2007; Wallace and Roy 2003; Shastri, Suri and Yadav, 2009;
Lefebvre and Robin 2009). Other areas that have been studied include
political parties and party systems (Yadav and Palshikar 2003; Kumar
2004; Heath 2005); leadership (Banerjee 2004), governance (Kohli
1989; Corbridge, Williams, Srivastava and Véron 2005; Mitra 2006),
ethnic nationalism (Kohli 1997), caste (Varshney 2000; Jaffrelot 2000;
Chandra 2007; Pai 2004; Palshikar 2006), local government (Heller
2001; Ghosh and Kumar 2003; Kumar 2006), communal riots and
violence (Varshney 2003, Wilkinson 2004), and economic policies and
liberalization (Jenkins 1999; Sinha 2005; Manor 2004b, 2006).

Ever since state politics became an object of systematic inquiry there

have been regular attempts to develop a theoretical framework to study
state politics and also draw up the contours for future research (Narain
1967; Weiner 1968; Rai and Pandey 1979; Wood 1980; Pai 1989;
Harris 1999; Yadav and Palshikar 2008). Besides this, typologies of
particular themes have also been developed – these include party
systems (Yadav and Palshikar 2003; Palshikar 2004; Jaffrelot and
Kumar 2009) and assembly elections (Yadav and Palshikar 2009b).

There have also been significant innovations in the study of

comparative state politics in the last two decades. The Jenkins (2004)
collection was a novel attempt at two-state comparison within a single
nation state. Each contributor compared two states on one of the four
identified themes. Palshikar and Deshpande (2009) modified the two-
state comparison model wherein the comparison was between two
states, but Maharashtra was constant in all comparisons. When the ‘axis
of comparison changed from one theme to another’, the state compared
also changed. This approach gives due regard to the strength of the
traditional comparative enquiry, which had emphasized on in-depth
knowledge of the history, language and culture of the state being
studied. At the same time, it opens up a window of opportunity for the
students of single-state politics to ‘graduate to comparative state
politics.’ Kumar (2011) uses the concept of ‘regions within regions’ as a
tool for comparison, with regions within regions being interpreted quite
broadly to include both regions within a single state as well as regions
within the nation state.

 
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The varieties of comparative state politics research in India are clearly

an indicator of a lively discipline. This development is undoubtedly
because of the emergence of states both as important players as well as
sites of political activity. However, most of such research is by scholars
based or trained abroad. Students of state politics based in India have
yet to adopt the theoretical advancements and methodological
sophistication of comparative politics. A reorientation of both the
substance and method of the subject of comparative politics in our
curriculum may not only remove this imbalance but also encourage
richer contributions from India based students (Yadav 2010). On a more
positive note, we must acknowledge the steady accumulation of
knowledge in the last two decades which has enabled comparative state
politics to occupy a distinct place.

 
Footnote:

1. For more details regarding the holdings of the CSDS-Lokniti data archive see
<http://www.lokniti.org/dataunit_data_archive.htm>

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