THE FOREIGN POLICY OF PAKISTAN

Islamic Republic of Pakistan maintains a large diplomatic

network across the world. Pakistan is the second largest Muslim-
majority country in terms of population (after Indonesia) and is
only Muslim majority nation to have tested nuclear weapons.
Pakistan's economy is integrated into the world with strong trade
ties to the EU and economic alliances and agreements with
many Asian nations.
Pakistan has a strategically important geo-political location,
has Afghanistan, China, India and Iran in immediate
neighborhood, is at the corridor of world major maritime oil
supply lines, is located between gas & oil rich middle east and
world's population centers (East & South Asia). Pakistan has
been maintaining a tensed relationship with
neighboring Republic of India and close relationships
with People's Republic of China and Arab nations. Pakistan is a
member of the Organization(OIC), is named by the US as
a major non-NATO ally in the war against terrorism and one of
founding members of IMCTC.
Pakistan's Foreign Policy seeks to protect, promote and advance
Pakistan's national interests in the comity of nations”
M A Jinnah's Vision On 15 August 1947, outlining the foreign
policy of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam observed:
“Our objective should be peace within and peace without. We
want to live peacefully and maintain cordial and friendly
relations with our immediate neighbors and with world at
large. We have no aggressive designs against any one. We stand
by the United Nations Charter and will gladly make our
contribution to the peace and prosperity of the world.”
The foreign policy of Pakistan sets out in the way it interacts
with foreign nations and to determine its standard of interactions
for its organizations, corporations and individual
citizens. Backed by the semi-agricultural and semi-
industrialized economy, Pakistan is the 42nd largest (nominal
GDP) and 23rd largest (purchasing) economic power and 6th
largest military in the world, with a defense budget ofUS$11.4
billion (2018) 4.0% of its GDP (2018). The Foreign Minister of
Pakistan is the official charged with state-to-state diplomacy,
although the Prime minister maintains an ultimate authority over
foreign policy. The state foreign policy includes defining
the national interest, as well as the economic interest and
strategies chosen both to safeguard that and to achieve its policy
goals. Following the general election held on May 2013, Tariq
Fatimi and NSA Sartaj Aziz were designated as advisers to
the Prime Minister on foreign and strategic policies. After the
dismissal of Nawaz Sharif's government in July 2017, Khawaja
Muhammad Asif held the portfolio of foreign minister under the
premiership of Shahid Khaqan Abbasi. After the victory
of Imran Khan in the Pakistan General Elections 2018, Shah
Mehmood Qureshi was named the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Since its independence in 1947, Pakistan's foreign policy has
encompassed difficult relations with the neighboring Soviet
Union (USSR) who maintained a close military and ideological
interaction with the neighboring countries such
as Afghanistan (in the West) and India (in East). During most of
1947–1991, the USSR support was given to Republic of India,
over which it has fought three wars on Kashmir conflict. During
the 1960s, Pakistan's relations with and
neighboring Afghanistan have also been extremely difficult due
to the latter's contest over the Durand Line. The foreign relations
with Iran, Saudi Arabia and China remain extremely important
and based on the extensive cooperation in national security and
economical interests in the Persian Gulf and wide-ranging
bilateral relations with the United States and other Western
countries. With the growing influence of USSR in the region,
Pakistan cemented close security relations with China in Asia
and Poland in Europe during most of the Cold War. While
Pakistan had "on-off relations" with the United States, Pakistan
assisted President Nixon reproach with China and other East
Asian countries.
Pakistan-China relation
China has played a significant role in the development, economy
and security of Pakistan, with relationship beginning in 1950
when Pakistan was among the first countries to enter into
official diplomatic relations with the Republic of
China (on Taiwan) and recognize the People's Republic of
China (PRC) regime on mainland China. Since then, both
countries have placed considerable importance on the
maintenance of an extremely close and supportive special
relationship and the two countries have regularly exchanged
high-level visits resulting in a variety of agreements. The PRC
has provided economic, military, and technical assistance to
Pakistan, and each country considers the other a close strategic
ally.
Pakistan–United States relations
The United States has played an important role in the young
history of Pakistan, being one of the first countries to recognize
their independence on 14 August 1947. The relationship
between the two countries went through varying levels of
friendliness, but Pakistan consistently found themselves on the
United States side of issues faced during the Cold War. Pakistan
served as a geostrategic position for United States military bases
during the Cold War since it bordered the Soviet Union and
China. These positive relations would fall apart following
successful cooperation in fighting the Soviet Union's influence
in Central Asia and the subsequent fall of the Soviet Union. ln
reaction to Pakistan's new nuclear capacity, the United States
would pass the Pressler Amendment approving sanctions against
Pakistan, but relations would restrengthen following 9/11 with
Pakistan's warm response following the tragedy. Aid would be
given to Pakistan for the first time again in 2002, and the 2000s
saw an extension of this friendly relationship.
As the War on Terror continued to linger, the United States and
Pakistan would disagree on strategies while also accusing each
other of various things. This dynamic would reach a head
following a few incidents highlighted by the operation to kill
Osama bin Laden in Abbottabad. While these incidents wore
down the trust between the two nations, the two would continue
to share a healthy relationship. Although the two countries do
not view each other favorably in polls, the two governments
share an important relationship featuring multiple types of aid to
Pakistan, important military cooperation and collaboration, and
a strategic ally in Central Asia for the United States. The United
States and Pakistan's relationship persists of promoting trade and
regional economic cooperation, this type of relationship is
beneficial for both countries and gives incentive for continuing
friendly relations. U.S. also has concerns regarding Pakistan
include regional and global terrorism; Afghan stability;
democratization and human rights protection; the ongoing
Kashmir problem and Pakistan-India tensions; and economic
development. Recently US stopped military aid to Pakistan,
which was about US$2 billion per year.
Muslim world
After Independence, Pakistan vigorously pursued bilateral
relations with other Muslim countries and made a wholehearted
bid for leadership of the Muslim world, or at least for leadership
in achieving its unity. The Ali brothers had sought to project
Pakistan as the natural leader of the Islamic world, in large part
due to its large manpower and military strength. A top-
ranking Muslim League leader, Khaliquzzaman, declared that
Pakistan would bring together all Muslim countries
into Islamistan – a pan-Islamic entity. Such developments
(alongside Pakistan's creation) did not get American approval
and British Prime Minister Clement Attlee voiced international
opinion at the time by stating that he wished that India and
Pakistan would re-unite. Since most of the Arab world was
undergoing a nationalist awakening at the time, there was little
attraction to Pakistan's Pan-Islamic aspirations. Some of the
Arab countries saw the 'Islamistan' project as a Pakistani attempt
to dominate other Muslim states.
Pakistan vigorously championed the right of self-determination
for Muslims around the world. Pakistan's efforts for the
independence movements of Indonesia, Algeria,
Tunisia, Morocco and Eritrea were significant and initially led to
close ties between these countries and Pakistan. On the other
hand, Pakistan's relations with Iran have been strained at times
due to sectarian tensions. Saudi Arabia used Pakistan as a
battleground for his proxy sectarian war.

PAKISTAN IN THE COMITY OF ALL NATIONS

Pakistan and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation
Pakistan continues to enjoy a privileged status in
the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC, formerly the
Organization of the Islamic Cooperation). In terms of
population, it is the OIC's second largest member. Pakistan is
the only Muslim country to have detonated nuclear weapons, has
the sixth-largest standing military force in the world and a
large labour workforce working in various Muslim countries.
OIC role in Pakistan-Bangladesh relationship
It was under the pretext of the 2nd summit of OIC held
in Lahore between 22–24 February 1974 that Pakistan
recognized the former or ex-Eastern Pakistan as the People's
Republic of Bangladesh. Pakistan had initially not invited
Bangladesh to attend the summit. However, as members of the
OIC group gathered in Lahore, several heads of the state from
the Arab world put pressure on Pakistan's then prime
minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, to invite Sheikh Mujibur
Rehman to attend. A seven-member delegation from OIC in fact
visited Dhaka to invite Mujib to participate in the summit. As a
result of the 2nd OIC summit, Pakistan formally recognised
Bangladesh on 22 February 1974, and Mujib was flown by a
special aircraft from Dhaka to Lahore to attend the summit.
Bhutto subsequently visited Dhaka in July 1974. Established
relations on 18 January 1976.
Pakistan has raised many important issues at the second summit
of OIC. Pakistan has had frayed relations with India and because
of its involvement in civil war, East Pakistan seceded from West
Pakistan in 1971. The intervention gave rise to the state of
Bangladesh.
Pakistan's solidarity with Palestine
However, Pakistan is a critic of occupation of Palestinian
territories by Jewish state of Israel. In line with OIC strong
stance against the occupation of Palestine by Zionists, Pakistan
has continuously adopted a stance against Israel.
Army collaboration
Army Service Corps School has trained up to 30 officers from
Muslim countries like Bangladesh, Bosnia, Maldives, Palestine,
Turkey. Pakistan Army Military College of Signals has trained
more than 500 officers from places such as Burma, Bahrain,
Bangladesh, Bosnia, Gambia, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq, Iran,
Jordan, Kenya, Libya, Malaysia, Oman, Nepal, Nigeria, Oman,
Palestine, Sudan, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Saudi Arabia,
Tanzania, Turkmenistan, Uganda, UAE and Zambia, most of
these countries are member of OIC.
Naval collaboration
More than 1900 officers from Muslim countries such as Saudi
Arabia, UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, Palestine, Turkmenistan,
Lebanon, Iran, Ghana, Jordan, Kuwait, Libya and Oman have
been trained in Pakistan Naval Academy. Pakistan SSGN has
also trained officers from countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt,
Qatar and Iran.
OIC on the issue of Kashmir
Pakistan has always used OIC as a platform to gather support on
the Kashmir conflict against the Republic of India. In 1969
Summit in Rabat. But after Pakistan then ruler Gen Yahya
Khan threatened to walk out, King Hassan requested the Indian
delegates not to attend the meeting.
During Hassan of Morocco invited the Government of India for
the the OIC 1994 Conference in Tehran, Pakistan succeeded in
persuading the member countries to create the "OIC Contact
Group on Kashmir". The Foreign Minister of Pakistan would
discuss the possibility of cutting ties with any state that
recognized Jammu and Kashmir as "Integral part of India" by
safeguarding our national security and geo-strategic interests
including Kashmir; some countries are not recognized by
Pakistan because of their move towards against the self-
determination of Kashmiris as a form of aggression. These
countries are the State of Israel, Armenia, Costa
Rica,Liberia and Zambia.
A lone wolf attack on Indian Forces on 14 February 2019,
followed by Indian claim Air Strike subsequently led to a
military stand off between India and Pakistan.
India with its expanding diplomatic, economic and military
clout, has been strengthening its relations with middle east.
Hence, amid the tensions, Indian Foreign Minister Sushma
Swaraj was invited as "Guest of Honour" by UAE to represent
India as an observer state.
Pakistan rejected this development and demanded the expulsion
of India from the summit citing Kashmir issue and Indian
violation of airspace of Pakistan, a founding member of
OIC. OIC called emergency meeting of Kashmir contact group
on Pakistan's request, the meeting was on February 26,
2019. Although, OIC condemned Indian violation of Pakistani
airspace by India, UAE refused to revert invitation to India.
Hence, for the first time in five decades, the United Arab
Emirates invited foreign minister of India Sushma Swaraj to
attend the inaugural plenary 46th meeting of OIC foreign
ministers held in Abu Dhabi on 1 and 2
March. Pakistan boycotted the meet objecting to the invitation to
India. Swaraj addressed the meet raising concern for spreading
terrorism.

LAND AND PEOPLE OF PAKISTAN

The geography and climate of Pakistan are extremely diverse,
and the country is home to a wide variety of wildlife. Pakistan
covers an area of 881,913 km2(340,509 sq mi), approximately
equal to the combined land areas of France and the United
Kingdom. It is the 33rd-largest nation by total area, although this
ranking varies depending on how the disputed territory of
Kashmir is counted. Pakistan has a 1,046 km (650 mi) coastline
along the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of Oman in the south and
land borders of 6,774 km (4,209 mi) in total: 2,430 km
(1,510 mi) with Afghanistan, 523 km (325 mi) with China,
2,912 km (1,809 mi) with India and 909 km (565 mi)
with Iran. It shares a marine border with Oman, and is separated
from Tajikistan by the cold, narrow Wakhan Corridor. Pakistan
occupies a geopolitically important location at the crossroads of
South Asia, the Middle East, and Central Asia.
Geologically, Pakistan is located in the Indus–Tsangpo Suture
Zone and overlaps the Indian tectonic plate in its Sindh and
Punjab provinces; Balochistan and most of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa are within the Eurasian plate, mainly on
the Iranian plateau. Gilgit–Baltistan and Azad Kashmir lie along
the edge of the Indian plate and hence areprone to violent
earthquakes. This region has the highest rates of seismicity and
the largest earthquakes in the Himalaya region. Ranging from
the coastal areas of the south to the glaciated mountains of the
north, Pakistan's landscapes vary from plains to deserts, forests,
hills, and plateaus.

.
Pakistan is divided into three major geographic areas: the
northern highlands, the Indus River plain, and the Balochistan
Plateau. The northern highlands contain the Karakoram, Hindu
Kush, and Pamir mountain ranges, which contain some of the
world's highest peaks, including five of the fourteeneight-
thousanders (mountain peaks over 8,000 metres or 26,250 feet),
which attract adventurers and mountaineers from all over the
world, notably K2 (8,611 m or 28,251 ft) and Nanga
Parbat (8,126 m or 26,660 ft). The Balochistan Plateau lies in
the west and the Thar Desert in the east. The 1,609 km
(1,000 mi) Indus River and its tributaries flow through the
country from the Kashmir region to the Arabian Sea. There is an
expanse of alluvial plains along it in the Punjab and Sindh.
The climate varies from tropical to temperate, with arid
conditions in the coastal south. There is a monsoon season with
frequent flooding due to heavy rainfall, and a dry season with
significantly less rainfall or none at all. There are four distinct
seasons in Pakistan: a cool, dry winter from December through
February; a hot, dry spring from March through May; the
summer rainy season, or southwest monsoon period, from June
through September; and the retreating monsoon period of
October and November. Rainfall varies greatly from year to
year, and patterns of alternate flooding and drought are
common.
Flora and fauna

The diversity of the landscape and climate in Pakistan allows a

wide variety of trees and plants to flourish. The forests range
from coniferous alpine and subalpine trees such as spruce, pine,
and deodar cedar in the extreme northern mountains
to deciduous trees in most of the country (for example, the
mulberry-like shisham found in the Sulaiman Mountains), to
palms such as coconut and date in the southern Punjab, southern
Balochistan, and all of Sindh. The western hills are home
to juniper, tamarisk, coarse grasses, and scrub
plants. Mangrove forests form much of the coastal wetlands
along the coast in the south.
Coniferous forests are found at altitudes ranging from 1,000 to
4,000 metres (3,300 to 13,100 feet) in most of the northern and
northwestern highlands. In the xericregions of Balochistan, date
palm and Ephedra are common. In most of the Punjab and
Sindh, the Indus plains support tropical and subtropical dry and
moist broadleaf forest as well as tropical and xeric shrublands.
These forests are mostly of mulberry, acacia, and eucalyptus.
About 2.2% or 1,687,000 hectares (16,870 km2) of Pakistan was
forested in 2010.

The fauna of Pakistan also reflects the country's varied climate.

Around 668 bird species are found
there, including crows,sparrows, mynas, hawks, falcons,
and eagles. Palas, Kohistan, has a significant population
of western tragopan. Many birds sighted in Pakistan are
migratory, coming from Europe, Central Asia, and India.
The southern plains are home to mongooses, small Indian civet,
hares, the Asiatic jackal, the Indian pangolin, the jungle cat, and
the desert cat. There are mugger crocodiles in the Indus,
and wild boar, deer, porcupines, and small rodents in the
surrounding areas. The sandy scrublands of central Pakistan are
home to Asiatic jackals, striped hyenas, wildcats,
and leopards. The lack of vegetative cover, the severe climate,
and the impact of grazing on the deserts have left wild animals
in a precarious position. The chinkara is the only animal that can
still be found in significant numbers in Cholistan. A small
number of nilgai are found along the Pakistan–India border and
in some parts of Cholistan. A wide variety of animals live in the
mountainous north, including the Marco Polo sheep, the urial (a
subspecies of wild sheep), the markhor goat, the ibex goat,
the Asian black bear, and theHimalayan brown bear. Among the
rare animals found in the area are the snow leopard and the
blind Indus river dolphin, of which there are believed to be
about 1,100 remaining, protected at the Indus River Dolphin
Reserve in Sindh. In total, 174 mammals, 177 reptiles, 22
amphibians, 198 freshwater fish species and 5,000 species of
invertebrates (including insects) have been recorded in Pakistan.
The flora and fauna of Pakistan suffer from a number of
problems. Pakistan has the second-highest rate of deforestation
in the world, which, along with hunting and pollution, has had
adverse effects on the ecosystem. The government has
established a large number of protected areas, wildlife
sanctuaries, and game reserves to address these issues.

CULTURE OF PAKISTAN, ITS RICH

CULTURE HERITAGE
Pakistan’s culture is enrich in traditions and represents history of
this region. Pakistani people and society is unique in its way of
life, thoughts and morals. The inhabitants of each province have
diverse cultural values which make them different from other
groups of the society.
Our Culture:
Pakistan has a rich and unique culture that upholds traditions
and conventions. Pakistani culture is rich in variety of dresses;
these dresses are very colorful and prominent and give attractive
look during national fairs and festivals
Fairs and Festivals:
The culture of Pakistan has great tradition of fairs and festivals.
These fairs are held in all parts of the country, Polo festival of
Gilgit is prominent at national and international level.

Sports:

Pakistani people are great lovers of sports and games. Modern

games like hockey, cricket, football, badminton, squash, table
tennis and lawn tennis are played throughout the country.
Pakistan has produced great sportsmen in the past.
Handicrafts:

Pakistan enjoys great distinction in handicrafts at international

level. Wooden furniture of Chiniot, sports goods of Sialkot and
embroidery of Multan and Hyderabad is world famous.
Language:

Although Urdu is the only official language of Pakistan, English

is the lingua franca of the Pakistani elite and most of the
government ministries, so it is not uncommon for companies to
use English as their internal business language.
Urdu is closely related to Hindi but is written in an extended
Arabic alphabet rather than in Devanagari. Urdu also has more
loans from Arabic and Persian than Hindi has.
Many other languages are spoken in Pakistan, including Punjabi,
Siraiki, Sindhi, Pashtu, Balochi, Hindko, Brahui, Burushaski,
Balti, Khawar, Gujrati and other languages with smaller
numbers of speakers.
Religion & Beliefs
• Muslim 97% (Sunni 77%, Shi'a 20%), Christian, Hindu, and
other (inc. Sikh) 3%
• Islam is practised by the majority of Pakistanis and governs
their personal, political, economic and legal lives.
• Among certain obligations for Muslims are to pray five times a
day - at dawn, noon, afternoon, sunset, and evening.
• Friday is the Muslim holy day. Everything is closed.
• During the holy month of Ramadan all Muslims must fast
from dawn to dusk and are only permitted to work six hours
per day. Fasting includes no eating, drinking, cigarette
smoking, or gum chewing.
Music:

Pakistani music is represented by a wide variety of forms. It

ranges from traditional styles such as Qawwali and Ghazal to
more modern forms that blend traditional Pakistani music with
Western music
Major Celebrations/Secular Celebrations

In addition to the declaration of national holidays when Pakistan

wins key international cricket matches, Pakistan also has 6
formal national holidays which fall on:
• 23rd March (Pakistan Day), 1st May (May Day), August
14th (Independence Day), 6th September (Defence of
Pakistan Day), 11th September (Death of Ali Jinnah) and
15th December (Birthday of Ali Jinnah)
• The most famous festival in Pakistan is undoubtedly the
seasonal kite flying festival of ‘Basant’ which marks the
beginning of Spring and falls late January or early February.
 Unfortunately however, this festival has been banned in many
areas for the immediate future due to accidents and deaths
associated with the festival. It is hoped that the implementation
of relevant safety measures will enable this much loved
festival to resume.
• Another much loved festival is the annual ‘Utchal’ festival
which is held on the 15th – 16th July to celebrate the
harvesting of wheat and barley.
• The national Horse and Cattle Show is a five day festival held
in Lahore during the third week of November. This is an
exciting pageant of Pakistani culture and involves activities
such as folk dancing, music, folk games and activities, cattle
racing and cattle dancing. With lots to do for children and
adults alike, it is a much adored festival.

Tourism:

Pakistan has a burgeoning tourism industry, due to the

smorgasbord of cultures, peoples and landscapes it has to offer.
Ancient civilization ruins of Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Taxila,
to the hill stations of Murree, and the hiking tracks of Shogran
and Siri Paaye, all have something to offer to each type of
traveler. The northern parts of Pakistan have many old fortresses
and towers. The Gilgit, Hunza and Chitral valleys are
exceptionally beautiful sights to behold, along with the people
here with typical costumes, folk dances, music and sports like
polo and buzkashi.
THE SOURCES OF STABILITY AND INSTABILITY IN
PAKISTAN
Since its very inception in 1947, Pakistan has been grappling
with various crises—political to economic, to social, so on and
so forth. Every new government, political and military alike,
came up with plans to put the country on the path of prosperity
and development but the problems have increased manifold and
have even become more complex. Unfortunately, the
government neither really understood the crises nor did it
attempt to resolve those.

The current situation of protests, agitation and sit-ins (dharnas)

in the country manifests that the crisis lies deep beneath the
surface. After getting independence from the British colonial
Raj, Pakistan should have developed strong democratic norms
and development of inclusive political culture, but all this
remained a distant dream. Muslim League, the founding party,
was a coterie of feudal elites of particularly the areas included in
the territories of today’s Pakistan. These people, who had been
loyalists to the British Raj for their vested interests, were
ignorant of the needs of the people. The British gave them
various privileges in reward of the services they performed for
the Raj. The same continues till today as these people are now
called the winning horses of political parties in their respective
constituencies and all rival parties are ready to embrace them
into their folds. These winning horses are now such powerful
that they have the capacity to manipulate the whole electoral
process; leaving no room for the poor classes to contest the
elections.
The second most important factor behind country’s instability is
the fear of Indian domination which engulfed the country right
after the Partition and played a key role in turning Pakistan into
a security state. The armed forces took it n themselves to
safeguard the ideological boundaries of the country besides
defending its geographical borders. The emergence of US-USSR
Cold War provided the Pak Army with an opportunity to equip
itself with modern weaponry with the help of American aid.
And, with frequent involvement in matters falling in the domain
of political leadership, the institution became overwhelmingly
powerful. In this way, the men in uniform also learned the art of
controlling the politicians which need patronage to keep them in
political power that is necessary for them to safeguard their
vested interests.
Military, thus, remained powerful during the civilian regimes
and restricted the civilian government to but a limited authority.
Now, the situation is grave as, on the one hand, if military has
wielded enough power to out the civilian regimes, then civilian
institutions are corrupt as well as inept, on the other. It is due to
this state of affairs that a large segment of society is still
deprived of even the basic amenities of life. Poor governance
under the guise of democracy has created a sense of wariness
among the people of Pakistan and this resentment can be
instrumental to toppling any so-called ‘democratic’ government.
This has rendered the people of Pakistan into a state of
confusion as they sometimes start appealing to the establishment
to take over and sometimes an urge for democracy take roots in
their hearts. The confusion of the people is always cashed in on
by the political and military institutions. They remain unaware
of their democratic rights. That is why they, most of the times,
are vulnerable to any oppression by the ruling elite.
The military governments also used the democratic ways to get
legitimized their governments. They used the tool of people’s
participation like referendum, elections, particularly those for
local bodies, to engage the people through the same political
actors. It may be deduced that political elites and army are the
main shareholders of powers both in military and civilian rule;
the only difference being the percentage of the share which
changes with the regime change. The people of Pakistan under
either form of the government are at the losing end.
Now, the most pertinent question here is that as to how we can
get out of this crisis. The answer is simple: it is the political
institutions that need to change their modus operandi first as no
democracy is fruitful without good governance. The first step
toward this process should be to use the policy of inclusiveness
which means that all the people of the country will enjoy the
fruits of public service without any hindrance and political
interferences in the administrative matters. When all people
share the public resources, the feeling of alienation among the
masses will be alleviated. The civil service, which is corrupt
from top to bottom and is politicized as well, needs immediate
reforms to be responsive, transparent and accountable.
Local government which is the most important part of a
democratic setup remains leashed during the political
governments. Local government should be institutionalized so
that people may themselves solve their problems. Surprisingly, it
were the military regimes that gave due space to the local
governments; and probably one of the biggest reasons why
people support military rule and remain wary of political setups.
Implementation of ADPs through federal and provincial MPs is
a wrong strategy and has always damaged the democratic
process.
Pakistan relies heavily on foreign aid and loans and has
miserably failed to develop its own capital resources for
development. The progressive direct taxation is only solution to
generate capital for development. Tax machinery needs a
complete overhaul in order to make it more efficient and
transparent.
Education and health remain always neglected by the
government. Public sector health and educational institutions are
very poor in terms of quality and standards whereas those in the
private sector are affordable to the rich only. Education sector,
in effect, is the manifestation of the class system that has
permeated our society. The need of the hour is to revamp the
whole education system.
The role of military in civilian domain and foreign policy need
major revisit. The policy of having a peaceful neighborhood is
in the interest of Pakistan.
The people of this ‘land of the pure’ are the ultimate losers in
this scenario, as the fruits of independence never reached to
them. The time requires us to understand the authority structure
in Pakistan and give awareness and priority to the citizens of
Pakistan who are the real owners of this country.
Education system in Pakistan
Education in Pakistan is overseen by the Federal Ministry of
Education and the provincial governments, whereas the federal
government mostly assists in curriculum development,
accreditation and in the financing of research and development.
Article 25-A of Constitution of Pakistan obligates the state to
provide free and compulsory quality education to children of the
age group 5 to 16 years. "The State shall provide free and
compulsory education to all children of the age of five to sixteen
years in such a manner as may be determined by law"
The education system in Pakistan is generally divided into six
levels: preschool (for the age from 3 to 5 years), primary (grades
one through five), middle(grades six through eight), high (grades
nine and ten, leading to the Secondary School Certificate or
SSC), intermediate (grades eleven and twelve, leading to
aHigher Secondary School Certificate or HSSC),
and university programs leading
to undergraduate and graduate degrees.
The literacy rate ranges from 85% in Islamabad to 23% in
the Torghar District. Literacy rates vary regionally, particularly
by sex. In tribal areas female literacy is 9.5%. while Azad
Jammu & Kashmir has a literacy rate of 74%.Moreover, English
is fast spreading in Pakistan, with more than 92 million
Pakistanis (49% of the population) having a command over the
English language
 Education issues and problems
Education issues and problems involve the inaccessibility of the
right resources. In Pakistan education facts very clearly indicate
that the major factor that is effecting literacy is the unavailability
of quality education in many areas. That is one of the major
drawbacks of education system in pakistan.
Six Key Challenges Faced by the Education
Sector in Pakistan
• Despite increase in budgets, enrollment in schools remains low, quality
of learning is poor, and there are not enough buildings or teachers. ...
• There Is Not Enough Infrastructure.
• Substantial Shortage of Trained Teachers.
• Quality of Learning Is Poor.
• Curricula Needs to Change.
• Parents and School Committees are Ineffective.

What Should Be Done to Improve the Situation?

Pakistan is faced with a multitude of challenges in the education sector.
These can be divided into quality (curriculum, teacher quality, learning
environment, assessment) and quantity (school availability, increased
enrolment, infrastructure and facilities, teacher availability). However,
policymakers must prioritize the following three actions to start fixing
the broken education system in the country:

1. Break the nexus of local influentials-political parties-school teachers,

who feed off each other and gain power and financial benefits at the
expense of school children.
2. Increase non-salary investments and direct them into school
infrastructure, including school buildings, electricity, drinking water
and availability of toilets and sanitation facilities, to foster a fertile
learning environment for children.
3. Reduce the bureaucratic red-tape around parent-teacher councils,
school councils and school committees, so that parents are not
prevented from fully participating in school activities due to illiteracy
and lack of skills.
THE ECONOMY OF PAKISTAN
Economists estimate that Pakistan was part of the
wealthiest region of the world throughout the first millennium
CE, with the largest economy by GDP. This advantage was lost
in the 18th century as other regions such as China and Western
Europe edged forward. Pakistan is considered a developing
country and is one of the Next Eleven, a group of eleven
countries that, along with the BRICs, have a high potential to
become the world's largest economies in the 21st century. In
recent years, after decades of social instability, as of 2013,
serious deficiencies in macro management and
unbalanced macroeconomics in basic services such as rail
transportation and electrical energy generation have
developed. The economy is considered to be semi-industrialized,
with centers of growth along the Indus River. The diversified
economies of Karachi and Punjab's urban centers coexist with
less-developed areas in other parts of the country, particularly in
Baluchistan. According to the Economic complexity index,
Pakistan is the 67th-largest export economy in the world and the
106th most complex economy. During the fiscal year 2015–16,
Pakistan's exports stood at US$20.81 billion and imports at
US$44.76 billion, resulting in a negative trade balance of
US$23.96 billion.
As of 2016, Pakistan's estimated nominal GDP is US$271
billion. The GDP by PPP is US$946,667 million. The estimated
nominal per capita GDP is US$1,561, the GDP
(PPP)/capita is US$5,010 (international dollars), and the debt-to-
GDP ratio is 66.50%.According to the World Bank, Pakistan has
important strategic endowments and development potential. The
increasing proportion of Pakistan's youth provides the country
with both a potential demographic dividend and a challenge to
provide adequate services and employment. 21.04% of the
population lives below the international poverty line of US$1.25
a day. The unemployment rate among the aged 15 and over
population is 5.5%. Pakistan has an estimated 40 million middle
class citizens, projected to increase to 100 million by 2050. A
2015 report published by the World Bank ranked Pakistan's
economy at 24th-largest in the world by purchasing power and
41st-largest in absolute terms. It is South Asia's second-largest
economy, representing about 15.0% of regional GDP
Pakistan's economic growth since its inception has been varied.
It has been slow during periods of democratic transition, but
robust during the three periods of martial law, although the
foundation for sustainable and equitable growth was not
formed. The early to middle 2000s was a period of rapid
economic reforms; the government raised development
spending, which reduced poverty levels by 10% and increased
GDP by 3%. The economy cooled again from 2007. Inflation
reached 25.0% in 2008, and Pakistan had to depend on a fiscal
policy backed by the International Monetary Fund to avoid
possible bankruptcy. A year later, the Asian Development
Bank reported that Pakistan's economic crisis was easing. The
inflation rate for the fiscal year 2010–11 was 14.1%. Since
2013, as part of an International Monetary Fund program,
Pakistan's economic growth has picked up. In 2014 Goldman
Sachs predicted that Pakistan's economy would grow 15 times in
the next 35 years to become the 18th-largest economy in the
world by 2050. In his 2016 book, The Rise and Fall of
Nations, Ruchir Sharma termed Pakistan's economy as at a 'take-
off' stage and the future outlook until 2020 has been termed
'Very Good'. Sharma termed it possible to transform Pakistan
from a "low-income to a middle-income country during the next
five years"
THE CURRENT STRATEGIC PARADIGM SHIFT IN
SOUTH ASIA AND THE FUTURE OF PAKISTAN

South Asia has always been a source of strategic and economic

attraction for regional and international powers. From ancient
Central Asian invaders and medieval Muslim conquerors to
European colonizers, this resource-rich region has assumed
irreversible significance even in the modern era. For instance,
during the Cold War period, the capitalist world under the
leadership of the US, and the communist bloc led by the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) sought to win allies in
modern South Asia. Little wonder then, post-partition India,
ensconced in the Nehruvian understanding of global capital and
politics, opted to apparently stay non-aligned. However, the
Indian state, in real terms, could not hide its socialist inclinations
that were only to be thwarted during the 1962 Indo-Sino war. On
the other hand, Pakistan, from very early on, chose to ally with
the US and its allies. Pakistan’s strategic vision was largely
shaped by the individual, if not institutional, socialization of its
first generation political and bureaucratic (both civil and
military) leaderships.
Beside India and Pakistan, Afghanistan has also been an active
actor in regional politics. Indeed, since the Czarist days,
Russians looked to Afghanistan for strategic, political and
economic penetration inside South Asia and beyond. Moreover,
the modern Indian state viewed Afghanistan as a potential
source to make inroads into Central Asia along with the
containment of Islamic Pakistan. Paradoxically, Afghanistan
declined to recognise Pakistan as a sovereign and independent
state in 1947, more on account of its nationalistic aspirations
than any conspiracy theory. However, once grounded in the
Afghan state mentality, mutual distrust further grew, especially
during the 1970s.
The following decade did bring Pakistan almost into mainstream
Afghanistan strategically, economically and even politically.
The US and the USSR fought the final round of the Cold War,
which ended in the withdrawal of Soviet troops from
Afghanistan. In the post-Cold War period, South Asian politics
and economy were greatly influenced by political and strategic
developments that engulfed the poor and war-ravaged country.
By and large, there is now a consensus among the scholarly and
political communities that Washington’s engagement level with
Afghanistan was much lower during the nineties. By default,
this provided an opportunity to both Pakistan and India, along
with other regional stakeholders such as Iran and China, to make
and maintain a strategic presence inside Afghanistan. The so-
called strategic depth doctrine can be seen in this respect.
Unsurprisingly then, Pakistan became one of the three states to
recognise the establishment of an Islamic state by the Taliban in
1996. Afghanistan’s neighbours, especially Iran and India,
viewed the Taliban government in oppositional terms. The US,
which was least interested in the strategic game in South Asia,
became the topmost stakeholder not only in South Asia but also
Afghanistan in the immediate aftermath of 9/11. ‘Either with or
against us’ was the communicated policy of the US to bring a
strategic paradigm shift in South Asia.
Acting very rationally, Musharraf-led Pakistan saw more
benefits than cost in cooperation with the global superpower.
This apparent policy shift on the part of the Pakistani security
establishment gave birth to concepts such as soft strategic depth,
which believed in cooperation with western powers, the Taliban
and the like simultaneously. Moreover, regional actors, India in
particular, also sought to cultivate the Afghan power elite in the
hopes of building a long-term relationship based on mutual
exchange of views and products. Iran and China also became
alert given their security and commercial concerns. In other
words, since the replacement of the Taliban-led Islamic state
with the Karzai-led nation state, international and regional actors
engaged each other in a constant game of strategic, political and
socio-economic influence building. Collectively, the US played
the role of an arbitrator and financer of such activism.
Afghanistan and Pakistan were the chief beneficiaries, at least
economically. Nevertheless, Pakistan did face the human and
infrastructural cost of the conflict but this is largely because of
our ambiguous strategic policy for the South Asian region.
Now that the US has already pursued its (partial) withdrawal
policy, the political and strategic situation that Afghanistan and
South Asia are likely to face demands our serious attention.
How will Ghani-Abdullah-led Afghanistan rebuild itself? What
role can the US and its NATO allies play in this respect? How
are Russian and China viewing the political change in Kabul? Is
Pakistan going to fully support the new political setup? Will
India agree to Pakistan’s role in the reconstruction of
Afghanistan? What role can be played by Iran? These are some
of the relevant questions that need to be addressed by
policymakers, academics, etc. More importantly, owing to its
involvement in Afghanistan’s internal matters, Pakistan, at this
critical juncture, needs to decide for its own larger interests
whether it has concluded a meaningful revisit of its strategic
vision of South Asia and the world around it. In this respect, the
recent public statements by the former army chief (Pervez
Musharraf) and the serving army chief (Raheel Sharif) merit
attention. The former lamented the recognition of the Taliban
government by the Pakistan state whereas General Raheel
Sharif, while referring to Pakistan’s efforts in the war on terror,
argued that “the enemy lives within us and looks like us”.
One wonders why the former general was criticised by the US
and others for playing a dual policy with respect to the Taliban
whose government was recognised by the Pakistan military.
Why did he not realise the flaws in the recognition policy when
he was ruling the roost? General Raheel Sharif’s statement can
be contextualised in his recent visit to the US. Pakistan’s role in
Afghanistan, if not in South Asia, has been termed as a “binding
force” by the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR). Monetary
assistance assured the other day, under the terms of the Coalition
Support Fund, is still conditional. This, in the view of Dr Ehsan
Ahrari, who has advised the Obama Administration on Pakistan
and Afghanistan to the fact that the US is still not clear and
satisfied with the strategic policy of the Pakistani security
establishment. By default, this also complicates the debate on
the strategic paradigm shift in South Asia. In order to be revered
regionally and globally, this is the time Pakistan should engage
itself in a serious debate on its grand policy.