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INTRODUCTION

Early African Architecture

The earliest African dwellings were carved out of solid rock. Later dwellings were

constructed of animal skins and, still later, wattle and daub, a framework of woven sticks

covered with a layer of mud to seal the dwelling from the elements. Later, mudbricks --

mud compressed into bricks, sometimes combined with straw -- became the building

material of choice. Dating when mudbrick was first used is difficult; however, it is still

used in some regions today. Mudbrick allowed builders to construct larger, more spacious

buildings. However, these constructions did not withstand the elements well; so few

ancient mudbrick buildings remain intact. An example of ancient mudbrick construction is

the city of Kerma. Kerma was settled around 2400 BC and is one of the largest

archeological sites in Nubia, which is present-day Sudan.

African architecture reflects the interaction of environmental factors—such as natural

resources, climate, and vegetation—with the economies and population densities of the

continent‘s various regions. As stone is the most durable of building materials, some

ancient stone structures survive, while other materials have succumbed to rain, rot, or

termites. Stone-walled kraals from early Sotho and Tswana settlements (South Africa and

Botswana) and stone-lined pit circles with sunken kraals for pygmy cattle (Zimbabwe)

have been the subject of archaeological study. Stone-corbeled shelters and circular huts

with thatched roofs were also recorded in the 20th century among the southern Sotho.

Rectangular and circular stone farmhouses, unusual in being two stories, have been built

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by the Tigre of Eritrea and Sudan for centuries, while in Niger some Tuareg build square

houses in stone.

Such exceptions apart, the overwhelming majority of Africa‘s thousands of peoples in

rural areas build in grasses, wood, and clay. Because of the impermanence of many of

these materials, existing buildings, though based on forms many centuries old, are of

relatively recent date. Where vegetation is largely confined to thin grazing cover, peoples

are often nomadic, using tents of animal skins and woven hair for shelter. In the veld and

less-forested areas, grasses are used as building material as well, being employed widely

for thatch and mat roof coverings. Hardwoods in forest regions are used for building, as

are bamboo and raffia palm. Earth and clay are also major building resources.

Characteristic soils of Africa include semidesert chestnut earths and laterites (reddish

residuals of rock decay), which are often low in fertility but easily compacted. Earth-

sheltered houses are made by the Iraqw of Tanzania, and a number of peoples in Mali and

Burkina Faso have partly sunken dwellings.

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Ethiopia History of Architecture

Ethiopia's wonderful architectural heritages, the Rock Hewn Churches of Lalibela has always

impressed the world. The monolithic Churches were built centuries ago and they still catch the

eyes and hearts of tourists from around the globe. It reflects the then civilization of the country.

There are two views regarding the ancient civilization and respective architecture of the time.

According to the hagiography of King Lalibela, the church is built by religious Ethiopians

supported by angels. In this regard, the whole architectural knowledge is attributed to spiritual

revelation. The other view is that the then Ethiopian architectural civilization had the capacity to

build such an edifice. But the fact of the matter is this dynamic architecture is built during the

reign of King Lalibela in the 12th century. Even the name of the churches is given after the name

of the king.

Today, the legacy of this architectural knowledge has been replicated by a person called Abba

Gebremeskel Tessema, a monk who is living in the Gashina town of Northern Wollo Zone in

Amhara State. He revived the knowledge of constructing notable architecture from a single rock.

The whole construction system is derived from the ancient architectural knowledge that resulted

in the 11 Rock Hewn Churches of Lalibela. Abba Gebremeskel used traditional tools to craft and

erect the church. Since 2011, he has accomplished the construction of four churches crafted from

a single rock.

Speaking about the construction of the churches, Gebremeskel, who has plan to construct

additional churches told the Amhara Mass Media Agency, that the whole work is the result of

God's gift to human beings. And he said that the ancient churches of Lalibela were also built

with the help of God and the same is true to his architectures.

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Most structures, however, like palaces, villas, commoner's houses, and other churches and

monasteries, were built of alternating layers of stone and wood. The protruding wooden support

beams in these structures have been named "monkey heads" and are a staple of Aksumite

architecture and a mark of Aksumite influence in later structures. Some examples of this style

had whitewashed exteriors and/or interiors, such as the medieval 12th-century monastery

of Yemrehanna Krestos near Lalibela, built during the Zagwe dynasty in Aksumite style.

Contemporary houses were one-room stone structures, or two-storey square houses,

or roundhouses of sandstone with basalt foundations. Villas were generally two to four storeys

tall and built on sprawling rectangular plans (cf. Dungur ruins). A good example of still-standing

Aksumite architecture is the monastery of Debre Damo from the 6th century.

Ethiopian architecture continued to expand from the Aksumite style, but also incorporating new

traditions with the expansion of the Ethiopian state. Styles incorporated more wood and rounder

structures in commoner's architecture in the center of the country and the south, and these

stylistic influencies were manifested in the slow construction of churches and monasteries.

Throughout the medieval period, Aksumite architecture and influences and its monolithic

tradition persisted, with its influence strongest in the early medieval (Late Aksumite) and Zagwe

periods (when the churches of Lalibela were carved)

As in many discussions about architectural history, the analysis of vernacular architecture in

Ethiopia is conspicuously absent. However, in a country with 79,2 Million inhabitants and more

than 80 different ethnic groups the variety and vividness of indigenous architectural expression is

fascinating. Although the spreading of modern technology has caused considerable changes

regarding village- and urban settlement structures, the majority of Ethiopians still are largely

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unaffected by this and lead a rural life determined by traditional economic patterns and

ideologies.

They have a strong, independent, living culture with vernacular buildings that immediately

reflect the environmental and climatic circumstances, which are well integrated into religious or

spiritual convictions, and strongly tied to the ancestors and the social community, ritual and

symbolism.

Lalibela‖s mystries

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The incredible rock Hewn Church

Because of the marked presence of the traditional built environment in everyday life many

features of identification, habitual practices and guidelines of orientation have been preserved in

a physical form.

But since Ethiopia has one of the fastest-growing populations in the world, the provision of

adequate housing will be a major challenge for future generations. Already today the collective

creativity that makes Ethiopian architecture so distinct, is on the verge of change, and traditional

built structures disappear with every new road that is built. While formerly the question was:

―What does the architecture of Ethiopia look like?‖ it now has to be: ―How is the architecture of

Ethiopia changing due to rapid globalization processes?

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Zimbabwe History of Architecture

- Small cattle-herding communities began to appear in the vicinity of what would become Great

Zimbabwe from the fourth through seventh century CE. As the people began to exploit the

nearby goldmines, their leaders became very rich and were able to form a centralized state.

- Capable of sustaining up to 18,000 people, Great Zimbabwe was built between 1100 and 1400

as amassive capital city and home to the king

- Elaborate artifacts, including the famous soapstone Zimbabwe Birds, suggest that Great

Zimbabwe wasthe hub of an extensive global trade network.

- By 1500, Great Zimbabwe was abandoned, either because of changes in the environment or

changes in trade networks

- Though European colonists long attempted to deny that Great Zimbabwe had been built by

native

Africans, it has become a major cultural landmark and source of pride in Africa.

Perhaps the most famous site in southern Africa, Great Zimbabwe is a ruined city constructed by

the Mwenemutapa. A monumental city built of stone, it is one of the oldest and largest structures

in southern Africa. Located about 150 miles from the modern Zimbabwean capital of Harare,

Great Zimbabwe was the capital of a medieval kingdom that occupied the region on the eastern

edge of Kalahari Desert. As there is no written records from the people who inhabited Great

Zimbabwe, knowledge of the culture is dependent on archaeology. Small farming and iron-

mining communities began to appear in the area between the fourth and seventh centuries CE.

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Most were cattle pastoralists, but the discovery of gold and new mining techniques contributed to

a rise in trade with caravan merchants to the north. As local leaders became rich

from trade, they grew in power and created the centralized city-state of Great Zimbabwe.

Construction of the monument began in the eleventh century and continued through the

fourteenth century, spanning an area of 1,780 acres and covering a radius of 100 to 200 miles. At

its peak, it could have housed up to 18,000 people. The load-bearing walls of its structures were

built using granite with no mortar, evidence of very skilled masonry. The ruins form three

distinct architectural groups, known as the Hill Complex (occupied from the ninth-thirteenth

centuries), the Great Enclosure (occupied from the thirteenth through fifteenth centuries), and the

Valley Complex (occupied from the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries).One of its most

prominent features of Great Zimbabwe was its walls, some of which reached five to 11 meters

high and extended approximately 820 feet.

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The Great Zimbabwe complex, near Masvingo, south-central Zimbabwe

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The architectural forms of Great Zimbabwe, however, are atypical of many African architectural

styles. The site has a massive defensive wall and, included in the elliptical building, a conical

tower of unknown purpose. It is also monumental in scale, having functioned as a royal citadel,

and it has become a national symbol. While some of these features can be found in other

examples of African building, they are rare, and the emphasis on Zimbabwe has overshadowed

the great diversity of materials, forms, purposes, and uses characteristic of architecture elsewhere

in Africa

NubiansArchitecture

Nubians are residential architects through multi-generations‘ knowledge practices and they

succeeded to adapt to their environment and create personal architectural features that are

environmentally, socially and culturally passive. But after the High-Dam was built, they were

forced to leave their location and relocated to new governmental villages in the North. These

villages were built of different materials, open widths and orientations. Even the urban fabric did

not respect their social considerations related to privacy, family connections or social divisions.

Design solutions that were provided by the old Nubian people‘s architecture in order to achieve

sustainable and restorative developments, are;

1. Environmentally (thermal efficiency, thermal comfort and

natural resource preservation)

2. Economically (avoiding forthcoming economic and energy

crisis).

3. And socially (thus, attaining the social justice)

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.History of Nubian village

The ‗‗Noba‖ was first built by the ‗‗Kunuz‖. They settled in the north of the Nobia and

depend on trade rather than agriculture due to their desert nomadic origin. They were

forced by the floods to move up their houses farther away from the flat plateaus on the

stony hills bank near the mountains. Their houses were row like to be well utilized,

totally made of mud-bricks and barrel vaults.

The ‗‗Fadija‖ dwell in the southern Nubia up to ‗‗Wadi Halfa‖ where they cultivate the

land. This group owned separate large houses with almost square layout built around a

large central rectangular and opened courtyard. Also they built loggias and spacious one

storey rooms surrounding the court and well designed for both winter and summer

climates. The last group is the ‗‗tribe of Alqat‖ originally from Najd, between the first

two groups. It carries the same architecture features of the northern and the southern

groups.

As a ‗‗definable groups‖, the Nubians lived isolated from the Egyptian society and totally

separated from the Egyptian way of building their homes. Also, Nubians did not benefit

from civil services such as the medical, telecommunication and even the educational

services. On other words, Nubian Vernacular architecture continued to be ignored by the

world until 1963, when the region was flooded for the third time. The fir‗‗ was in 1964

[4]. Unfortunately, the high dam erased historic treasures, and also obliterated the ancient

Nubian lands and ten small Nubian villages were resettled in southern Egypt and more to

the North of Upper Egypt.

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Climaticproperties

The climate in the Nuba, Aswan, is a hot-dry climate, exceeding the thermal comfort

during day and night. The temperature elevates to 2 C-more than ASHRAE limit of the

thermal comfort level-in the upper temperature limit of acceptable condition

Old nubian dwelling elements

The Entrance gate ‗‗bawaba‖: It is 1.2 by 2.4 m, in the center of a high mud wall

approached to the Nile. Also, there are 3windows on its both sides (guest roomwindows),

the only room that is opened to the outside, while the rest of the

room‘s openings oriented inside. In outside the conventional oven Nubian who call

‗‗Duka‖ plus balconies which is about mud ‗‗Silos‖, height about 40 cm builds upon

(walls) to store the grain, dates and rest all food stuf.

1. Entrance transition area ‗‗main entrance portico".

2. Mandara: it is the guest room, located next to the main entrance and opens the inner

courtyard right inside the house

3. The Courtyard.

4. Bedrooms: It has two bedrooms or more.

5. Kitchen: it consists of two rooms, usually covered with a dome and an open vent on

the top for ventilation. Also the domes hanging up in the middle tray ‗‗Meshlaa‖ servesas

the refrigerator and on the reservation.

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 5. Storage room: it is one of the most important element in the Nubian house.

The ancient Nubian huts were small and ‗‗considered of modest, rectangular two-room

units, part for sleeping and part for storing dried food in tall mud jars‖. Adding ‗‗then it is

incorporated into newer, larger structures, in which a central court had been added and enclosed

by other larger rooms. The courtyards were an additional feature as a response to changes in

cultural and religious beliefs.

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Nigerian Architecture

Evolution of Hausa Architecture

The categorization is rooted into two groups namely the ―determinant factors‖ and the

―moderating factors."

Determinant Factors:

The following determinant factors associated with the development of Hausa house forms.

Hausa Culture:

The term ―culture‖ to a social scientist is synonymous to human behaviour and history. Hausa

culture encompasses the kinship association and societal structure. Culture is a habitual

mannerism that is evident in the distinctive characteristics of an individual organising themselves

into complex groups focussing on unique functions to create imaginative works of art and

architecture. The functions of housing therefore, vary with customs and culture. Religion,

lifestyle, mode of dressing, contact with other people are interrelated in culture. Thus, the

behavioural contents of the society described an organised group interacting in a structural

system by initiating activities necessary to produce and sustain life. There are three major

cultural dispositions which relate Hausa people as follows:

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# Norms and taboos: Exhibition of Hausa behaviours is strongly influenced by their traditional

inheritance in terms of their orientation and views towards initiating final decision over some

issues.

# Ideas, values and religion: Hausa is united by common language and religion of Islam. The

introduction of the Islam into Hausa land had an enormous impact on the architecture and

building practice, which dictated the use of curvilinear conical and mud dome roof structures as

shown in Figures. Also, the ideology of seclusion and privacy for women is traceable to religion.

In the same vein, the separation between the genders responds to Islamic regulation. Thus,

dictates the traditional courtyard family compound design. Figure five and Figure six refer.

Ornamentation has played a significant role in their architecture which is evident in their craft

and dying ability (carving of calabash, making of fabric with different beautiful designs amongst

others). This affirmed the response to Hausa ornamentation as reflected mostly in their building

façade. Reasonable number of Hausas involved in trading and craftsmanship, an indication

concretizing the significance of agriculture and culture.

Climate:

The climate forms part of determinant factors that led to the development of Hausa house form,

which include rain, temperature, wind and humidity. Meanwhile, Northern part of the Nigeria

hosted by the Hausas and other tribes falls within the savannah area and is characterized by very

little rainfall and extreme temperature difference between day and night. Bright sunshine and

hot, dry air dominate the daytime, during night associated with extreme cold. Also, climate in

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this area calls for design solution that can ameliorate the effect of daylight heat and midnight

cold. Thus, the structures in these areas where orchestrated to be adequately protected by the

introduction of shading devices.

Typical Hausa dwellings (curvilinear conical design).

Moderating Factors:

There are several factors associated with transformation (changes) in the development of Hausa

house forms. These are referred to as the moderating factors as follows:

History:

History is a factor affecting the transformation of housing over a substantial period. The

historical fraction reinstated the settlement pattern and the solution to the inter-tribal wars and

security to the residents. Rural settlement pattern in Hausa land emanated from both the past and

the present socio-economic, historical and social factors which reflect the changing socio-

economic conditions. Thus, settlement pattern is viewed within the context of the time

perspective.

Effect of Colonialism:

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The result of colonial masters brought about an impact on modernization. The impermanent

nature of the Hausa Architecture meant that there could be a quick adjustment in the family

compound to change circumstances. Relationships vary yearly as there bound to be changes in

the number of deaths, births and marriages. Meanwhile, advent of colonial government in Hausa

city changed the traditional life and culture of the people. Therefore, Hausa architecture is no

longer in vogue; it has been overridden by modern technology and materials. Nevertheless, the

economy, political and social virtue have impacted on the architecture thus changed its forms.

In a related development, the new religion (Islam) as well as modern education presented by

colonials with its laws and written languages, had enormous impacts on the lifestyle of whole

Hausa kingdom.

Yoruba Architecture

The Yorubas build courtyard architecture. The basic form is cuboidal with a rectangular

impluvial courtyard, placed in the rectilinear compound. A typical compound has only a single

entrance (enu ilo, ilo) into the compound which leads to the colonnaded courtyard. The rooms

are rectangular or square and arranged in a linear pattern to surround the courtyard, which acts as

the centre of activities or point of focus.

The household head occupies the room near the entry gate to provide surveillance and security,

and show hierarchy from oldest to youngest. Sometimes two rooms (with one serving as

Visitor‘s room are provided) .the older boys occupy the corner rooms because they are bigger

than the other rooms, which are allocated to the wives and -their children. These rooms have

small windows and doors, which open to the verandah and the immediate courtyard. The wall

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plane is made of courses of mud materials, which are readily available and are usually mixed

with vegetative materials such as straw, as additives and adhesives (enhance bonding). The small

window openings are usually above the door lintel-level. A little above the small window

openings, the wall plane is germinated and a ceiling made of mat from palm fronds or split-

bamboo is placed on wood beams (lovering room and verandah) acting as reinforcement; mud is

then placed on the mat as a decking material. It must be emphasized that construction takes place

mostly in the dry season to accelerate dryness and currying.

A pitched pyramidal wood structure is placed to cover the ceiling (locally known as Aja using

rope fibres us a tying-member. The ceiling-space is a storage area for items such as valuables

(e.g. clothes), and preserved foods such as yam flour, dried core, pepper, beans, etc. The

structural roof frames are then covered with woven thatched-mat.

Functionality

The Yoruba compound, as a whole is very functional, judging from the various gainful activities

going on in them, and their interconnectedness. The compound is purposely designed to meet the

various functions, according to the needs of the people.

African Architecture is primarily a personal adaptation to a group solution. Every society has its

own typical style of building which has been handed over from one generation to the other all in

solving the immediate problem of habitation. In general, the Yoruba architectural buildings are

adapted to the socio-cultural characteristics. The living areas play specialized roles, with the

rooms for sleeping and storage having small window openings, which satisfy the climatic need in

allowing for lighting and keeping the place at a normal temperature. The thickness of the wall,

the material mud and the ceiling, all act as thermal control regulating the thermal conditions

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especially during the cold season and the hot humid months. The verandah, an open-colonnaded

space, allows a greater amount of light and air, which make indoor activities possible throughout

most of the day and with favourable weather conditions, the courtyard is available to share part

of the activities. Perceptually, there is a well-defined organization of spaces, which can be said to

be a hierarchy of spaces from the sizes and arrangement of the rooms. The courtyard and the

corridor spaces perfectly define two volumes of space, an outer and inner space.

Functionally, the corridor, which is better lit than the rooms, is used for indoor activities such as

weaving, cooking, socializing and recreation. The colonnaded corridor (known as oode, odede),

the only interior circulation and socializing place allows for visual continuity into the adjoining

courtyard which is a ground for commercial (drying, weaving, carving) domestic (outdoor

cooking) and recreational activities. Some goats and chickens are reared in the courtyard; pens,

cages and rooms may be provided separately for the animals or sometimes adjacent to the main

structure. Most compounds have wells for

domestic water supply. A small walled room is sometimes provided for bathing. The physical

environment and materials are used for housing construction.

unity

Architecture is a reflection of the need and aspiration of its maker and user; it is predicated on

the economic circumstances of its owner as understood in terms of its component motifs.

However, the corridors running through the inner periphery of the building encloses the

compound in a unifying manner and is an excellent solution for air circulation within the

compound. The spatial flow of the corridors is very well defined by the columns. The roof

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overhang above the corridor tends to reduce the glare from the sun. And as already noted, the

colonnaded corridor (oode, odede) allows for visual continuity (defensible space, harmony,

surveillance), in the adjoining courtyard. The courtyard is an active social space for commerce,

recreation and domestic chores through which members of the family come together. Thus the

corridor represents a strong physical and social centre in inter-family relationship within the

strong kinship system.

The decision to analyse physical spaces, and the objects and activities together, was supported by

the challenges of understanding the nature of physical space. Space is a primary element of

buildings, the configuration of (internal) space is a direct expression of social relations, and its

key focus being the ability to move from one space to another (permeability), as well as the co-

presence of people within a space. The spatial arrangement of the rooms in hierarchical order

between husband, wives and children is a reinforcement of close family ties, and represents a

physical expression of genealogy, with descent traced continuously from ancestor.

The head being the decision-maker, bears the risk of the compound, and can be likened to an

entrepreneur in a business venture. He has his room placed closed to the entrance gate for the

control and restriction of movement in and out of the compound. He is regarded as the first and

most important person in the compound, hence his room is first approached. Another example is

the entertainment room located closely to the head of the family‘s room, and which is to allow

for easy access by the head and keep visitors within the front portion of the compound for

reasons of privacy.

The interplay of forms that are related perceptually defines a unifying relationship. The

relationship of the size of the rooms to the courtyard and the courtyard to the whole compound

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also connotes a sense of visual unity. Conceptually, a sense of unity is created by the courtyard

space •for ceremonial activities, during which lime the members of the household come together

as one in this courtyard. Activities are being distinctly separated. Thus one can identi1‘ the front

and some part of the back as dwelling/sleeping areas, while the rear concentrates on domestic

and household activities such as cooking and bathing. It simply illustrates the architecture as

radiating spatial and orderly arrangement of function and spaces.

In the socio-cultural context of the corridor and courtyard also; the primary mode of achieving

adaptability and functionality was through the placement of internal furnishing which allowed

the space to be utilized for a variety of activities ranging from meeting, relaxation to cooking.

This adaptability in architectural form helps to accommodate varying social needs. The core

space of the courtyard thus enhances the interaction and sense of unity of the people, which,

further reinforces the respect and cultural values they have for one another.

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Igbo Architecture

pre-colonial building architecture

Although virtually every people here on earth share certain common cultural traits with others, as

humans, there were indeed certain distinctive and peculiar qualities that characterized each

people. Apart from the Igbo language which was the number one distinguishing factor, the

traditional Igbo society was both the ophorous and communal. These two traditional indices of

the Igbo society namely, the religious and communal life traits were always expressed and

represented in the building architectural designs of every Igbo society. For instance, in atypical

Igbo society, two distinct areas were discernible – the public quarters (ama) and the kindreds

(ezi). The public quarters (ama) housed the assembly building and the shrines of the various

deities of that community .The other part of the community was made up of kindreds. Within a

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given kindred, there were individual compounds. The number of houses in a given compound

depended on the number of wives married by the man owning the compound. Agriculture was

the mainstay of the people‘s economy9 and for one to actually be a successful farmer, he married

many wives to raise many children and increase the labour force for his farming enterprise.

Although there were other sources of labour open to the Igbo farmer. The most important

economic unit in virtually all West African societies was and still is the house hold. The

traditional Igbo building architecture was practically an offshoot of the cave environment

inhabited by the Igbo ancestors prior to the development of house building culture. Hence the

essential requirements at the cave habitat were provided in the house environment. For instance

the cave provided warmth, shelter and defence against animals particularly the creeplings and the

wild animals. Similarly, the house was fashioned to provide these basic necessities of life for the

inhabitants .As noted above, the house building structure reflected the basic components of the

cave. The wall of the house at this period was essentially round. This was designed after the

architectural structure of contemporary caves whose walls were usually virtually round in shape.

The house had thatched roof. It was pre-dominantly these round-wall houses with thatched roofs

that were available in the traditional Igbo societies in the pre-colonial era. Our discussion will

subsequently focus on the method of constructing the walls and roofs of traditional Igbo houses

in the period of our discussion.

Construction of A Round-Wall Hut/House: Clay Requirements:

The walls of a round house in the pre-colonial Igbo society were constructed with any particular

soil type available in any given environment. The soil types included clay, an admixture of clay

and sandy soils and the third type which comprised loamy, sandy and humus soil. There was

only one method of preparing each of these soil types for use in wall construction. This method

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involved excavation of a heap of soil needed for puddling at a time. Subsequently, some quantity

of water was poured onto the heap of soil to make it wet enough before puddling took place. At

the end of puddling the mud was ready for use in wall construction. It is worthy of note that

although clay soil was scarce and thus was not commonly available in some parts of Igbo land, it

was the best suited for the task of mud wall construction for certain obvious reasons. Clay as a

term generally refers to a soil, or rock which under wet conditions appears to be sticky and

tenacious, but when dry hardens, shrinks and cracks. Clay too has been described as a form of

metamorphic rock characterized by extreme fineness of particle size of earth. Clay varies in

colour; there are black, red and white clay types. The texture of clay also varies. Some are almost

as soft as butter, while others are as hard as hard cheese or wax. They show few or no signs of

bedding.

Origin of Clay Mining/Uses in Igboland

It is almost impossible to say exactly when clay mining commenced in Igbo land. However, it is

germane to note that this enterprise cannot be discussed effectively in isolation of the traditional

uses of clay. The two appreciable uses of clay in Igbo land were for house construction and

pottery industry. It is not certainly known which of these uses of clay pre-dated the other.

Archaeological reports indicate the use of pottery items in parts of Igbo land at least since the

Late Stone Age. For instance, the archaeological sites at Ukpa Rock shelterAfikpo,15(in the

present day Ebonyi State), Ugwuagu, Rock shelter, Abakaliki (also in Ebonyi State), and the

Igboukwu site of the 9th century A.D, reveal evidence of pottery sherds, which point to the fact

that pottery materials were used in parts of Igbo land at such an early period. But there are no

such archaeological reports on clay wall buildings. Availability of such record would have been

very helpful in dating the culture of clay-wall building in parts of Igbo land. However, absence

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of such archaeological reports on clay-wall culture in Igbo land may not justifiably lead to a

conclusion that pottery predated clay-walling culture in Igbo land. Pottery items would appear to

have some advantages over clay wall in terms of durability and preservation. For instance, in the

process of manufacturing a pottery product, firing took place at the last stage, transforming the

weak texture of pottery product, thus hardening the clay particles and making it almost

impossible to be disintegrated by flood or any thermal condition. Conversely, clay-wall building,

lacked such a durable capacity; once it was exposed to rain or flood, it absorbed water, then

collapsed and ultimately got washed away by flood. But no matter the pool of archaeological

artefacts in favour of pottery, one thing is clear: House (shelter) was an inevitable essential of

life, while pottery product was only a technology of a settled man. Thus, clay-wall culture must

have pre-dated pottery culture in Igbo land. Based on the above premise, one would be right to

establish a claim that by the Late Stone Age the Igbo had established or adopted the culture of

living in round wall houses constructed with clay or mud and roofed with thatches. Our

preoccupation now is a discussion on the following: mechanism for clay/mud preparation

(puddling), wall laying process, tools for the enterprise and finally the process of roof formation

and thatching, in our period of discussion.

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