The Sociology of Youth Culture and Youth Subcultures Sex and Drugs and Rock N Roll by Mike (Michael) Brake

ROUTLEDGE REVIVALS
The Sociology of
Youth Culture and
Youth Subcultures
Sex and Drugs and Rock ’n’
Roll?
Mike Brake
Routledge Revivals
The Sociology of Youth Culture and

Youth Subcultures
First published in 1980, this book argues that subcultures are formed
in defence of collectively experienced problems that arise from defects
and contradictions in social structures. Mike Brake looks at the devel-
opment of post-war youth culture in a sociological context and con-
siders the class base of youth subcultures, showing that they generate a
form of collective identity from which an individual identity can be
achieved, outside that ascribed by class, education or occupation. Black
youth and young females are two groups given special attention here
since Brake notes they are prone to particular problems resulting from
the racism and sexism inherent in much youth culture.
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The Sociology o f Youth
Culture and Youth
Subcultures
Sex and Drugs and Rock ‘n’ Roll?
Mike Brake
Routledge
Taylor & Francis G roup
First published in 1980
by R outledge & K egan Paul
This edition first published in 2013 by Routledge

2 Park Square, M ilton Park, A bingdon, O xon, O X 14 4 R N
Sim ultaneously published in the USA and Canada

by Routledge
711 T h ird A venue, N ew Y ork, N Y 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 1980 M ike Brake
A ll rights reserved. N o p art of this book m ay be reprinted or reproduced or

utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
know n or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
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The sociology of
youth culture
and youth subcultures
Sex and drugs and
rock 'n ' roll?
Mike Brake
Keynes College, University of Kent at Canterbury
Visiting Associate Professor, Carleton University,
Ottawa
Routledge & Kegan Paul

London, Boston and Henley
First published in 1980
by Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd
39 Store Street, London WC1E 7DD,
9 Park Street, Boston, Mass. 02108, USA and
Broadway House, Newtown Road,
Henley-on-Thames, Oxon RG9 1EN
Set in Linocomp Palatino by

Rowland Phototypesetting Ltd
Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk
and Printed in Great Britain by
Redwood Burn Ltd
Trowbridge & Esher
© Mike Brake, 1980

No part of this book may be reproduced in
any form without permission from the
publisher, except for the quotation of brief
passages in criticism
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Brake, Mike
The sociology of youth culture and youth
subcultures.
1. Youth - Great Britain - History - 20th
century 2. Subculture
3. Youth - United States - History - 20th
century
I. Title
301.43'15'0941 HQ799.G7 79-41228
ISBN 0 7100 0363 3

ISBN 0 7100 0364 1 Pbk
Contents
Introduction • vii
1 The use of subculture as an analytical tool in
sociology • 1
Individual and collective 'solutions' to stigma • 3
The concept of subculture • 5
Subcultures and style • 12
Subcultures, social reality and identity • 16
The development of an analytical framework for the study
of subcultures • 18
2 Street-wise – the delinquent subculture in sociological
theory in Britain and the United States • 29
The Chicago school and the social ecology of the city • 29
The social meaning of territory in the working-class
community • 35
The statistical presence of delinquency in working-class
neighbourhoods • 37
Differential identification in the deprived neighbour-
hood • 39
Anomie theory and its influence on subcultural
studies • 41
The influence of American naturalism, Matza and the drift
into and from delinquency • 46
British studies of working-class delinquent sub-
cultures • 50
The social ecology of the British working-class neighbour-
hood • 51
Structural contradictions in the educational system, and
the subculture as a 'solution' • 57
The New Wave of British subcultural theory • 60
The ethnography and history of British working-class
youth cultures and subcultures • 70
A brief history of British working-class subcultures and
styles • 71
v
vi • Contents
Teddy boys • 72
Mods • 74
Rockers • 76
Skinheads • 77
Glamrock and glitter • 80
Punk • 80
3 The trippers and the trashers – bohemian and radical
traditions in youth culture - 86
The cultural rebels - bohemian subcultures and middle-
class delinquency • 86
The emergence of youth culture in the United States • 88
The Beat generation • 90
Hippies, freaks and heads • 92
The structure of the counter-culture • 95
The radical tradition - political militancy and protest
movements • 104
4 Dread in Babylon. Black and brown youth • 115
Black and brown youth in Britain • 115
Rude boys and Rastafarians: Afro-Caribbean youth sub-
cultures • 122
Asian youth • 128
Black and brown girls • 129
'Let the power fall' – racism and its effect on youth • 132
5 The invisible girl. The culture of femininity versus
masculinism • 137
Love and marriage; escape into romance • 140
Girls in male-dominated subcultures • 144
The celebration of masculinism • 148
6 Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy.
Some considerations of the future • 155
Subcultures and manufactured culture • 155
Unemployment and the local economy • 161
Youth culture and identity • 165
Youth as a social problem • 167
Future prospects • 171
Bibliography • 179
Index • 201
Introduction
In this book I have developed an examination of m uch of the

disparate w ork on youth culture, subcultures and delinquency
w hich has been researched since the early thirties. One major
them e w hich is noticeable is that if the young are not socialized
into conventional political, ethical and moral outlooks, if they
are not program m ed into regular work habits and labour
discipline, then society as it is today cannot continue. W hat is
central to any examination of youth culture is that it is not
som e vague structural m onolith appealing to those roughly
u n d e r thirty, but is a complex kaleidoscope of several sub-
cultures, of different age groups, yet distinctly related to the
class position of those in them. My argum ent is that subcultures
arise as attem pts to resolve collectively experienced problems
arising from contradictions in the social structure, and that they
generate a form of collective identity from which an individual
identity can be achieved outside that ascribed by class, education
and occupation. This is nearly always a tem porary solution, and
in no sense is a real material solution, but one which is solved at
the cultural level. Youth cultures interact with m anufactured
popular cultures and their artefacts but I would argue against
m anufactured cultures being deterministic in the sense that they
are uninfluenced by their consumers. O n the whole, youth
cultures and subcultures tend to be some form of exploration of
m asculinity. These are therefore masculinist, and I have tried to
consider their effect on girls, and one distinct sign of the
em ancipation of young girls from the cult of romance, and
m arriage as their true vocation, will be the developm ent of sub-
cultures exploring a new form of femininity. Given the material
place of w om en in society today, this is likely to take some time.
O ne of the m ost worrying signs of friction and alienation in
contem porary society is the problems that racial minorities have
to face. Their harassm ent by law and order personnel, the use of
the conspiracy laws and the 'sus' law and their isolation from
their w hite peers suggest that a whole generation feels betrayed.
The present crisis in capitalism, and the high unem ploym ent
rate w hich particularly affects ethnic minorities and women
vii
viii • Introduction
m a k e s th e situ a tio n seem p essim istic . If w e a re to h a v e a
c u ltu ra lly p lu ra l so ciety , th e n w e n e e d to d e v e lo p a socialist
c u ltu re w h ic h re ta in s th e p ro g re ssiv e e le m e n ts o f th e d iffe re n t
s u b c u ltu re s w h ic h h a v e b e e n d e v e lo p e d , a n d c o u n te ra c ts th e
re a c tio n a ry tra d itio n a l e le m e n ts w h ic h m a n ife st th e m se lv e s
m o s t cle a rly in ra c ism a n d sexism . T h is o b v io u sly in v o lv es n o t
o n ly a c u ltu ra l s tru g g le b u t also b e in g in v o lv e d in a class
s tru g g le a g a in s t th e o p p re s sio n in o u r p re s e n t so ciety. E conom ic
e x p lo ita tio n d e v e lo p s a n o p p re ssiv e c u ltu re w h ic h a lie n a te s a n d
b ru ta liz e s la rg e se c tio n s o f o u r society . T h e class stru g g le
n e c e s s a rily in v o lv e s n o t o n ly th e w a y fo rw a rd to a m a te ria l
re v o lu tio n , b u t a lso a c u ltu ra l re v o lu tio n .
Y o u th h a s a lw a y s b e e n a so u rc e o f e n v y , n o sta lg ia a n d lu s t to
its e ld e rs , u s u a lly in v o lv in g a p ro je c tio n o n to th e m th a t th e y a re
e n jo y in g a h e d o n is m w e w e re to o re sp e c ta b le o r m y o p ic to
p u r s u e d u r in g o u r o w n y o u th . T h e o n ly c o m p e n sa tio n fo r th a t
is to g ro w o ld d isg racefu lly . A s a w o rk in g -c la ss a d o le sc e n t, I
w a s u n u s u a l in th a t I v a g u e ly h a d a n id e a th e re m u s t b e a m o re
im a g in a tiv e a n d cre a tiv e life th a n th e o n e I e x p e rie n c e d d u rin g
th e d re a ry fifties. I b e c a m e a b a lle t d a n c e r, b u t a se rio u s a c c id e n t
r e tu r n e d m e to th e u n sk ille d w o rk in g class. A fte r sev eral
m in d le s s , ro u tin iz e d job s, I s o u g h t u p w a rd m o b ility th ro u g h
th e c a rin g p ro fe ssio n s. I w a s a n o c c u p a tio n a l th e ra p is t a n d a
so cial w o rk e r. I th e n e n te re d u n iv e rsity a s a m a tu re s tu d e n t, b u t
th e m ix tu re o f lib e rta ria n s, m a rx ists a n d h e d o n is ts I cam e in to
c o n ta c t w ith c o n v e rte d m e fro m m y re sp e c ta b ility . I g ra d u a te d
in 1968, a n d so I w a s ab le to live th ro u g h so m e o f th e e v e n ts in
th is b o o k b o th h e re a n d in th e U n ite d S ta te s. I w a s fo rtu n a te in
fin d in g frie n d s in a n d o u tsid e o f acad em ic life fo r w h o m class
p o litic s, se x u a l p o litics a n d d e v ia n c y w a s b o th a n academ ic
d is c ip lin e a n d a p e rs o n a l p ro je c t. D o u b tle ss w e w ill g ro w o ld
to g e th e r p u r s u in g th e c o n tra d ic tio n s o f d isso lu tio n , sexism ,
so c ia lism a n d o u r p e tty b o u rg e o is class lo catio n , b o rin g th e
y o u n g e v e n m o re .
I a m g ra te fu l to D av id D o w n e s, w h o p a tie n tly s u p e rv ise d th e
P h .D . th e s is o n w h ic h m u c h o f th is b o o k is b a se d , a n d also
S tu a r t H a ll w h o w a s m o re th a n k in d . I a m g ra te fu l to F ra n k
P e a rc e fo r m a n y fru itfu l c o n v e rsa tio n s, a n d to P e te r H o p k in s o f
R o u tle d g e & K eg an P au l. I a m also g ra te fu l to m y s tu d e n ts , w h o
a s th e y c o n s ta n tly re m in d m e, p ro v id e m e w ith a liv in g. T h e re
a re m a n y o th e rs , b u t I a m p a rtic u la rly th a n k fu l to N icola H e w itt.
I w o u ld lik e to d e d ic a te th is b o o k to m y m o th e r w h o d id n o t
r e a d it, to m y fa th e r w h o p ro b a b ly w ill n o t, a n d m y d a u g h te r
w h o I h o p e w ill.
1 The use of subculture
as an analytical tool
in sociology
A dolescents are grouped together by adults and defined as

a problem , and yet we m ust ask ourselves w hether this
problem refers to som ething in the adolescent, or w hether
it is m aking a statem ent about our society. (Friedenburg E.)
The young people of today love luxury. They have bad
m anners, they scoff at authority and lack respect for their
elders. C hildren now adays are real tyrants, they no longer
stand u p w hen their elders come into the room where they
are sitting, they contradict their parents, chat together in
the presence of adults, eat gluttonously and tyrannise their
teachers. (Socrates)
Young people have always suffered from the envious criticism

of their elders. N ow here is this more apparent than in the vast
am ount of w riting, both of a scholarly and a popular kind, that
has been generated about the organization of their social life,
an d their allegedly wild moral values. This has resulted in the
definition of them as a social problem , particularly since the end
of the Second W orld War w ith the adolescent working-class
m ale, especially, being portrayed as a 'folk devil'. The growth
industry of youth as a social problem has involved m any theories
in different social science disciplines. Explanations which con-
tain m any latent and m anifest ideas about the nature of post-
w ar industrial society have included sociological theories about
class, pluralism and social mobility, social psychological explan-
ations about educational opportunity and inter-generational
friction, social policy planning concerning leisure and delin-
quency, psychological interpretation about frustration, conflict
and aggression, and popular mythology about affluence, bore-
dom and lack of discipline. Problems then, that have their roots
in the political economy and the social structure, have been
subsum ed into a focus on the residual category of 'youth
culture'. It is hoped in this volume to consider the developm ent
an d history of various youthful subcultures, and to relate them
1
2 • Subculture as an analytical tool
to w id e r s tru c tu ra l p ro b le m s, in p a rtic u la r, p ro b le m s of social
c la ss. H o w e v e r, a n im p o rta n t e le m e n t o f th e re su lts of stru c tu ra l
c o n tra d ic tio n s is th e effect u p o n th e in d iv id u a l acto r. A ll h u m a n
b e in g s h a v e to face th e p ro b le m of th e d iffe ren tial fit b e tw e e n
w h a t o n e feels o n e is (basically a n on to lo g ical p ro b lem ), a n d
h o w o n e feels o n e is p e rc eiv ed b y th e o u tsid e w o rld (a m e ta -
p e rc e p tio n b y 'sig n ific a n t o th e rs').
By a 'sig n ific a n t o th e r ' I refe r to th e c o n c e p t o rig in a tin g in th e
so cial p s y c h o lo g y o f G . H . M ead , a n d d e v e lo p e d b y sym bolic
in te ra c tio n is t th e o ry . It re fers to th e rec o g n itio n th a t in a
fra g m e n te d a n d d iffe re n tia te d w o rld ce rtain o th e rs th a t a n a cto r
c o m e s in to c o n ta c t w ith h a v e m o re im p o rta n t p e rsp e c tiv e s th a n
so cial a c to rs p e rip h e ra l to h is d e v e lo p m e n t. S ig n ifican t o th e rs
c a n b e in d iv id u a ls (for exam ple, p a re n ts), g ro u p s (for ex am p le,
p e e rs ), re fe re n c e g ro u p s (p e rh a p s H e ll's an g els m o to r cycle
g ro u p s ), o r e v e n o n eself. T h ey can b e real, im a g in ary o r
m y th ic a l, b u t th e y a re im p o rta n t to th e social actor. T h e social
w o rld is c o m p o se d o f a com plex se t of m atrices, in v o lv in g th e
a c to r 's p o s itio n in a n ontological g rid , as w ell as h is 1 lo catio n in
a co m p le x se rie s of stratificatio n s a n d ro les. T h e d e v ia n t faces
th e p ro b le m s o f d e v e lo p in g a n o n g o in g c rea tio n o f self, w h ic h
h a s to ta k e n o te of th e stig m a w h ic h m a y b e a tta c h e d to h is /h e r
lo c a tio n in th e stratific atio n sy ste m , a n d h is /h e r c o n se q u e n t
d e v ia n t ro le . C riticism s of su b c u ltu ra l stu d ie s (M cR obbie a n d
G a rb e r, 1976; S m a rt, 1976), by w o m e n h a v e p o in te d o u t th e
a p p a r e n t ab se n c e of girls in th e stu d ie s. T his w ill be d e a lt w ith
la te r, b u t b rie fly th is is n o t su rp risin g b ec au se a n ex a m in atio n of
th e s tu d ie s re v e a ls o n th e o n e h a n d a sexist p e rsp e c tiv e , b u t also
th a t th e su b c u ltu re s tra d itio n a lly h a v e b e e n a place to ex am in e
c e n tra lly v a ria tio n s o n several th e m e s c o n c ern in g m ascu lin ity .
N e w fo rm s o f fe m in in ity for girls h a v e com e la te r th a n
a d o le sc e n c e , a t p re s e n t a n y w a y , a n d h a v e com e from m o re
m id d le -c la s s g ro u p s w ith a fem in ist p e rsp e c tiv e . S ignificant
o th e rs fo r th e s e y o u n g w o m e n a re n o t in w o rk in g -class s u b -
c u ltu re s . T h e d e v ia n t's p o sitio n in th e on to lo g ical g rid in v o lv es
a d ia lo g u e w ith h o w sig n ifican t o th e rs perceiv e, d efin e a n d ju d g e
h im . A s self is in tim a te ly re la te d to , a n d d e fin e d in te rm s of,
so cially re c o g n iz e d categ o ries a n d ro les, a n y rejectio n of s ta tu s
is a lso a re je c tio n of self. W h ere th e sig n ifican t o th e rs re g a rd th e
a c to r w ith a p p ro v a l, th e n social ac tio n m ay p ro c e e d alo n g
c o m fo rta b le lin es. A sig n ifican t o th e r can also b e th e a c to r's
p ro je c tio n o f h is fu tu re self. T his m ay ca u se co m p licatio n s if it is
in co n flict w ith th e p e rsp e c tiv e s of sig n ifican t o th e rs su ch as
p a r e n ts , e m p lo y e rs, tea ch e rs o r e v e n th e g en e ra l p u blic. W h e n
a n a c to r p e rc e iv e s o r ex p erien ces th e c o n te m p t of sig n ifican t
Subculture as an analytical tool • 3
o th e rs , th e n a so lu tio n h a s to be fo u n d to th is p arad o x . T his can
ta k e a n in d iv id u a l fo rm , w ith a tte n d a n t d a n g e rs of a to m iza tio n
a n d iso la tio n , o r a collective fo rm d ra w in g u p o n a n e w d e fin itio n
o f th e s itu a tio n d e fin e d by th e su b c u ltu re . T his can reso lv e th e
d ile m m a , b e c a u se it can o ffer a n id e n tity w h ic h a lth o u g h
d e v ia n t, is e x te rn a l to th a t a scrib ed b y class o r o ccu p atio n , a n d
w h ic h is effectively s u p p o rte d b y th e g ro u p so lid arity of th e
s u b c u ltu re . (T his ex p la in s w h y , for ex am p le, d e lin q u e n t boys
sc o re h ig h o n se lf-e ste e m a ttitu d e te sts, w h ilst still carry in g o n
a n ti-so c ia l b e h a v io u r.) S u b c u ltu ral o r g ro u p s u p p o rt is th e re fo re
a n im p o rta n t v ariab le fo r d e v ia n t id e n tity . It is p o ssib le for th e
a c to r to c re a te a s ta tu s h ie ra rc h y of self-im ages, so th a t th e
e x te rn a l w o rld c an b e d e a lt w ith b y a series of in te rp e rso n a l
stra te g ie s . A c o g n itiv e o rd e r is im p o se d u p o n th e social w o rld to
a s s is t th e a c to r in a ctin g u p o n it. In th is w a y th e acto r o r actors
s tr u c tu re s o lu tio n s to d eal w ith p ro b le m s p o se d b y th e ex tern al
so cial w o rld .
T h e se so lu tio n s can b e a t a n in d iv id u a l o r a collective level.
In d iv id u a l so lu tio n s te n d to ta k e a d efen siv e role a n d can be
c o n c e p tu a liz e d as w ith collective so lu tio n s, as a re sp o n se to
a tta c k s o n se lf-e ste e m . A s P lu m m e r (1975), a rg u e s, labelling
c a u s e d b y stig m a in v o lv es self-labelling b y th e actor. M cAll a n d
S im m o n s (1966), su g g e st th a t a t th e in te rp e rso n a l level of
p e rfo rm a n c e , acto rs m a y w ish to p ro je ct a role id e n tity u sin g a
p ro m in e n t id e n tity fro m h is role re p e rto ire to g ain social
s u p p o r t fo r h is social self. T h e ro le c h o se n te n d s to b e in flu e n c ed
b y th e a c to r's in te rn a liz e d n o tio n o f h is id eal self. D ev ian t
id e n tity m a y b e o rg a n iz e d to re sist in te rn a liz in g social stigm a.
In d iv id u a l re a c tio n s w ith o u t su b c u ltu ra l su p p o rt te n d th erefo re
to b e d e fe n siv e .
Individual and collective 'solutions' to stigma
1 Individual 'solutions' to stigma
These are not solutions in any positive sense, but strategies

developed to deal w ith the problem of deviant identity and
stigm a.
a Resentment
The actor rejects the societal stigma, and wishes to confirm his
independence from the source of the stigma. However, he
a c c e p ts th e social c o n te x t in w h ic h stig m a is g e n e ra te d a n d h is
re s p o n s e is re s e n tm e n t.
b Individual dissociation
T h e v a lid ity o f th e stig m a is d e n ie d , a n d th e a c to r trie s to
d isa ffilia te fro m th e stig m a tiz in g society. H e p e rce iv e s h im se lf as
a lie n a n d a lo o f in th a t society (in so m e w a y s th is is a fo rm of
a lie n a tio n ), a n d y e t in a w a y o p p o se s th e societal d e fin itio n of h is
d e v ia n c e .2
c Self-hatred
T h e s tig m a tiz e d d e v ia n t accep ts th e p e rc e iv e d h e g e m o n y ,3 as
v a lid . T h e stig m a tiz e d d e fin itio n of th e situ a tio n is n e v e r
c h a lle n g e d a n d b e c o m e s in te rn a liz e d . T h e re a re se v e re p ro b le m s
w h e re th e self-im ag e is e x p e rien c ed a s u n c h a n g e a b le as w ith race
o r h o m o se x u a lity .
d Psychological damage
T h is is le ss a s tra te g y (a lth o u g h th e role of m e n ta l p a tie n t m ay be
a so lu tio n ) th a n th e re s u lt of e x trem e stig m a, w h e re th e p sy c h e
fe e ls u n d e r a tta ck . T h e self in th is situ a tio n feels d a m a g e d to th e
e x te n t th a t a c tio n se e m s im p o ssib le, a n d th e re se em s to b e little
c o n ju n c tio n b e tw e e n w h a t th e self feels it is, a n d h o w it feels itself
d e fin e d b y sig n ific a n t o th e rs a n d official a g e n c ie s.4
M o st o f th e s e stra te g ie s a re o f a p a ssiv e , ac c o m m o d a tin g
n a tu r e , a s it is h a r d to a tte m p t a n activ ist stra te g y w h ic h
c h a lle n g e s m a n y basic te n e ts of social re ality w ith o u t su b c u ltu ra l
c o n s c io u s n e s s , id eo lo g y a n d su p p o rt.
2 Collective 'solutions' to stigma
T h e se a re b y d e fin itio n su b c u ltu ra l, b u t th e fo rm of su b c u ltu re o r

so cial m o v e m e n t m a y differ.
a D elinquent subcultures
T h e s e a re p u b lic ly th e m o st th re a te n in g in te rm s o f societal
r e s p o n s e . It w ill b e a rg u e d b elo w th a t th e y a re d e v e lo p e d
p a rtic u la rly a m o n g w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th , a s re sp o n se s to collec-
tiv e ly e x p e rie n c e d p ro b lem s.
b C ultural rebellion
C u ltu re is u s e d a g a in st th e p re v a ilin g h e g e m o n y , e ith e r th ro u g h
avant-garde a r t fo rm s (e.g . D ad aism ) o r b o h e m ia n a n d ex p re ssiv e
s u b c u ltu re s . A rg u m e n ts c an b e fo c u se d th ro u g h 'a g it-p ro p ',

'h a p p e n in g s ', a rtistic fo rm a n d sty le , a n d also life-sty les.
c R eform ist m ovem ents

P re s s u re g ro u p s a re u se d to e x te n d ex istin g v a lu e s to co v er o r
p ro te c t sp ecific g ro u p s or d e v ia n ts, To leran ce w ith in th e e x istin g
h e g e m o n y is a p p e a le d to, u su a lly to in d ic ate th e sim ilarities
b e tw e e n d e v ia n t a n d re sp e c ta b le g ro u p s. A n eth ical a p p e a l is
m a d e to a h ig h e r o rd e r o f u n ifo rm ity b e tw e e n th e tw o , su c h as
h u m a n n e s s . T h e d a n g e r is th a t th e less accep tab le fo rm s of
d e v ia n c e m a y b e d riv e n fu rth e r o u tsid e th e p a le .5
d Political m ilitancy
A h ig h d e g re e o f co n sc io u sn e ss le a d in g to a c o n se q u e n t a n aly sis
is im p o rta n t to c h a lle n g e th e h eg e m o n ic a p p a ra tu s. Q u e stio n s
c o n c e rn in g th e p o litical n a tu re o f th e social reality e n g u lfin g th e
g r o u p s u g g e s ts a ra d ic al so lu tio n g ra n tin g n o t o n ly eq u a lity , b u t
p o litic a l p o w e r a n d se lf-d e te rm in a tio n .
A s c a n b e se e n , su b c u ltu riz a tio n , th e e n try in to a su b c u ltu re , is
im p o rta n t to a n a c to r in th a t it a ssists th e a c to r to re d e fin e
c o n c e p ts o f self, to re d e fin e a p ro b le m a tic situ a tio n , a n d to
d e v e lo p a se n s e o f le g itim atio n c o n c ern in g th e re la tio n sh ip
b e tw e e n su b c u ltu re a n d self. C o n sc io u sn e ss is ra ise d , a n d in o n e
s e n s e su b c u ltu re s u s e c o n sc io u sn e ss in th e M arx ist se n se of
p ro g re s s in g fro m a class in itself to a class for itself.
T h e co n cep t o f subculture
T h e e a rlie s t u s e o f su b c u ltu re in sociology se e m s to b e its

a p p lic a tio n a s a su b d iv isio n o f a n a tio n a l c u ltu re b y M cL ung L ee
(1945), a n d M . G o rd o n (1947). T h is e m p h a siz e d th e effects of
so c ia liz a tio n w ith in th e c u ltu ra l su b -se c tio n s o f a p lu ra list
so c ie ty . It d re w o n th e n o tio n o f c u ltu re as le a rn e d b e h a v io u r,
a n d th is b e h a v io u ra l e le m e n t o w e s m u c h to th e an th ro p o lo g ic a l
a p p ro a c h , a s fo r ex a m p le , F irth (1951, p . 27):
c u ltu re is all le a rn e d b e h a v io u r w h ic h h a s b e e n socially
a c q u ire d .
C u ltu re is, h o w e v e r, w id e r th a n th is a n d as T ylor (1871, p . 10)
n o te s , w h e n
ta k e n in its w id e e th n o g ra p h ic se n se , is th a t com plex w h o le
w h ic h in c lu d e s k n o w le d g e , belief, a rt, m o rals, law , cu sto m
6 Subculture as an analytical tool
a n d a n y o th e r c ap ab ilities a n d h a b its ac q u ire d b y m a n as a

m e m b e r o f society.
T h is o p e n s u p m a n y of th e e sse n tia ls of c u ltu re , in c lu d in g
s e v e ra l w h ic h h a v e b e e n u se fu l in s tu d y in g su b c u ltu re s.
K ro e b e r A . L. a n d K lu c k h o h n C. (1952, p . 2), sy n th e siz e d a
d e fin itio n o f c u ltu re b a se d o n a n an aly sis of 160 d efin itio n s
d r a w n fro m d iffe re n t social sciences. T h ey co nclu de:
C u ltu re c o n sists o f p a tte rn s , explicit a n d im plicit of sy m b o ls,
c o n s titu tin g th e d istin ctiv e a c h ie v e m e n ts of h u m a n g ro u p s,
in c lu d in g th e ir e m b o d im e n ts in artifacts; th e e sse n tia l core
o f c u ltu re c o n sists of tra d itio n a l (i.e. histo rically d e riv e d a n d
se le c te d ) id e a s a n d especially th e ir a tta c h e d v alu es; cu ltu re
s y s te m s m a y o n th e o n e h a n d , b e c o n sid e re d as p ro d u c ts of
a c tio n , a n d o n th e o th e r a s c o n d itio n in g e le m e n ts of fu rth e r
a c tio n .
F o rd (1942), o ffe re d th e v iew th a t c u ltu re is 'a tra d itio n a l w a y of
s o lv in g p ro b le m s ', o r a 'le a rn e d p ro b le m so lu tio n '. T his p ro b lem
s o lv in g e le m e n t w a s to be ex p lo red as a m a jo r d e te rm in a n t of
s u b c u ltu re s b y C o h e n A . (1955, p . 51):
W h a t p e o p le d o d e p e n d s u p o n th e p ro b le m s th e y c o n te n d
w ith .
C u ltu re is a co h esiv e force b in d in g a cto rs to g e th e r, b u t it also
p r o d u c e s d isju n c tiv e e le m en ts. T h e v ie w p o in t w h ic h se e s
c u ltu re m e re ly a s co h esiv e, tak es a n ah isto rical, id ea list view of
c u ltu re . In a n y co m p lex society c u ltu re is d iv isiv e, b e c au se b y
d e fin itio n a co m p lex so ciety in v o lv es v a rio u s s u b g ro u p s a n d
s u b c u ltu re s in a stru g g le fo r th e legitim acy o f th e ir b eh a v io u r,
v a lu e s a n d life-sty le a g a in st th e d o m in a n t c u ltu re of th e
d o m in a n t class. A d o m in a n t class u se s c u ltu re to legitim ize its
c o n tro l o f su b o rd in a te stra ta . S w in g e w o o d (1977), p u ts it w ell:
T h ro u g h th e m a jo r social in stitu tio n s (th e fam ily, relig io u s,
e d u c a tio n a l, p o litical a n d tra d e u n io n o rg a n isa tio n s), c u ltu ra l
v a lu e s, n o rm s a n d a sp ira tio n s are tra n sm itte d , co n g ealin g
in to la rg e ly n o n c o n sc io u s ro u tin e s, th e n o rm s a n d c u sto m s
o f e v e ry d a y e x p e rie n c e a n d k n o w le d g e . A t th e level of
p o p u la r c o n sc io u sn e ss c u ltu re is n e v e r sim p ly th a t of th e
'p e o p le ' o r re g io n o r fam ily o r s u b o rd in a te class. C u ltu re is
n o t a n e u tra l co n cep t; it is h isto rical, specific a n d ideological.
W e a re b o rn in to social classes, th e m se lv e s com plexly stra ti-
fie d , p o s s e s s in g d istin c t 'w a y s o f life', w h ic h a re m o d ifie d
lo cally b y re g io n a n d n e ig h b o u rh o o d . W e in flu e n ce , a n d are
in flu e n c e d b y , th e p e rc e p tio n s, v a lu e s, b e h a v io u r, a n d in s titu -

tio n s w h ic h affect th e social rela tio n s of th e se g ro u p s. T he
v a lu e s a n d social m e a n in g s e m b o d ie d in th e se m ak e u p th e
c u ltu re o f th e g ro u p . W e a re fo rm ed a n d also fo rm (collectively
a t le a st) a se rie s o f social re la tio n s n ec essa ry to re p ro d u c in g o u r
so cial ex isten c e. W e s ta rt to b u ild a n id e n tity c o n ta in e d in th is
n e x u s o f social re la tio n s a n d m e a n in g s, a n d th e c u ltu re tra n s -
m ittin g th is m e a n in g to u s b o th a id s u s to m ak e se n se of th e
w o rld , b u t also re tra in s o u r d e v e lo p m e n t. W e d ra w u p o n
e x istin g c u ltu ra l p a tte rn s , a n d from th is m ak e o u rselv es,
in c lu d in g o u r re la tio n to th e d o m in a n t c u ltu re . W e create
o u rs e lv e s , b u t b o u n d b y d istin c t p a tte rn s of p o ssib ilities, w e d o
n o t h a v e fre e d o m in a n y a b so lu te se n se , b u t a series of choices
b o u n d b y a d istin c t social fram ew o rk . T his fram ew o rk is re la te d
to th e p ro d u c tio n of m ate rial g o o d s, a n d th ere fo re to th e
p o litic a l e co n o m y . M arx re m in d s u s (1951, p . 225):
M e n m a k e th e ir o w n h isto ry , b u t th e y d o n o t m ak e it ju st
a s th e y p le a se ; th e y d o n o t m a k e it u n d e r circu m stan ces
c h o s e n b y th e m se lv e s, b u t u n d e r circu m stan ces d irectly
e n c o u n te re d , g iv e n a n d tra n sm itte d fro m th e p a st.
T h e re m a y b e in so ciety a d o m in a n t class, b u t it is d o u b tfu l if
th e re is a d o m in a n t c u ltu re per se. T his is n o t to d e n y th a t th e re
m a y b e a d o m in a n t v alu e sy ste m , w h ic h g ro u p s m ay u n d e r -
s ta n d th a t th e y a re s u p p o s e d to su b scrib e to, b u t a n y m ajo r
v a lu e s y ste m is n e v e r h o m o g e n e o u s. T h ere a re c o n sta n t m o d ifi-
c a tio n s to , a n d a d a p ta tio n s of, d o m in a n t id ea s a n d v alu es.
T h e re a re o fte n d iv isio n s w ith in d o m in a n t classes a n d th e se ha v e
th e ir e ffects o n v a lu es, as for ex am p le th e stru g g le d u rin g th e
e a rly p a r t o f th e la st c e n tu ry b e tw e e n aristo cratic a n d b o u rg e o is
m o ra lity . T h e re is also in a n y com p lex stra tifie d society sev eral
c u ltu re s . T h e m a jo r form s of th e se a re class c u ltu re s, a n d
s u b c u ltu re s c an b e c o n c e p tu a liz e d as su b -se ts of th e se larg er
c u ltu ra l c o n fig u ra tio n s. S u b c u ltu re s sh a re e le m e n ts of th e larg er
c lass c u ltu re (so m e tim e s called th e p a re n t cu ltu re), b u t are also
d is tin c t fro m it.
S u b c u ltu re s also h a v e a re la tio n sh ip to th e overall d o m in a n t
c u ltu re w h ic h , b e c a u se of its p e rv a siv e n e ss, in p articu la r its
tra n s m is s io n th ro u g h th e m ass m ed ia, is u n av o id ab le. W e can
th e re fo re d is tin g u is h a su b c u ltu re , for exam ple th a t of th e
h ip p ie s , w h ic h h a s c o n n e c tio n s w ith , b u t is d istin c t from d u e to
its d e v ia n t life-sty le, th e p ro g re ssiv e m id d le-c la ss c u ltu re. T he
h ip p y s u b c u ltu re also h a s c o n n ec tio n s w ith th e b o h e m ia n
tra d itio n o f th e artistic avant-garde, b u t its u se of illegal d ru g s,
a n d its v a lu e o f in s ta n t h e d o n ism m e a n s it h a s c o n n ec tio n s w ith
8 . Subculture as an analytical tool
o th e r u r b a n , m o re d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re s. T h e h ip p y s u b -
c u ltu re is itse lf c u ltu ra lly stratified , fo r ex am p le in to m y stics a n d
m ilita n ts , w ith re lig io u s a n d political v a lu e sy stem s. T h ere are ,
in a d d itio n , p ro b le m s w ith th e po litical e c o n o m y , a n d w ith th e
d o m in a n t v a lu e sy ste m (th e stra ig h t w o rld ) w h ic h , d e p e n d in g
o n p u b lic re a c tio n , m a y a cco m m o d ate, alie n a te o r d e stro y th e
h ip p y su b c u ltu re . In a d d itio n , D o w n e s (1966, p . 9), su g g e sts
th a t o n e m u s t d is tin g u is h b e tw e e n su b c u ltu re s w h ic h e m e rg e in
p o s itiv e re s p o n s e to th e d e m a n d s o f social a n d c u ltu ra l
s tr u c tu re s , e .g . o c c u p a tio n a l su b c u ltu re s, a n d th o se w h ic h
e m e rg e in re s p o n s e to n e g ativ e re sp o n se to th e se s tru c tu re s
s u c h a s d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re s. M e m b e rsh ip o f a su b c u ltu re
n e c e s sa rily in v o lv e s m e m b e rsh ip o f a class cu ltu re , a n d th e
su b c u ltu re m a y b e a n e x te n sio n of, o r in o p p o sitio n to, th is. It
m a y a lso clo sely m e rg e w ith th e d o m in a n t class c u ltu re , o r it
m a y fo rm a m in ia tu re w o rld of its o w n . T h e re m a y b e a clear
su b c u ltu re w ith d istin c t 'focal c o n c e rn s'. T h e se h a v e b e e n
d e s c rib e d b y M iller W . B. (1958), as 'a re a s a n d issu e s w h ic h
c o m m a n d w id e s p re a d a n d p e rs is te n t a tte n tio n a n d a h ig h
d e g re e o f e m o tio n a l in v o lv e m e n t', (p. 6) T h ese d iffer sig -
n ific a n tly fro m a c c e p te d m id d le-cla ss n o rm s. If w e u se th e se
c rite ria , th e n w e c an b e g in to d e v e lo p so m e fo rm of an aly sis of
s u b c u ltu re s w h ic h a re d is tin g u ish e d b y age a n d g e n e ra tio n
v a ria b le s a s w ell as b y class, a n d w h ic h g e n e ra te specific focal
c o n c e rn s. W e c a n d e v e lo p a c o n c e p t o f y o u th fu l su b c u ltu re s.
P o p u la rly th is h a s b e e n s u b su m e d u n d e r th e te rm 'y o u th
c u ltu re '. H o w e v e r, th is c o n c e p t a ssu m e s so m e so rt of stru c tu ra l
m o n o lith a p p e a lin g acro ss classes to all th o se u n d e r th irty .
T h e re is, in s te a d , a s w e shall see, a co m plex k aleid o sco p e of
s e v e ra l a d o le sc e n t a n d y o u th fu l su b c u ltu re s a p p e a lin g to
d iffe re n t a g e a n d class g ro u p s, in v o lv in g d iffe re n t life-styles.
T h e se s u b c u ltu re s a p p e a l to d iffe re n t self-im ag es, v a lu es a n d
b e h a v io u r, a n d th e y b e a r a close re la tio n to th e ir p a re n t class
c u ltu re . I sh a ll re tu rn to th is later, w h e n I co n sid e r th e sy m biotic
re la tio n s h ip b e tw e e n m y th a n d reality in th e se su b c u ltu re s.
C u ltu re , th e n , m a y b e se e n as a so u rce of p o te n tia l m e a n in g
s tru c tu r e s th a t a c to rs in h e rit. S u b c u ltu re s, b y th e ir v e ry
e x iste n c e , s u g g e s t th a t th e re a re a lte rn a tiv e fo rm s of c u ltu ra l
e x p re s s io n w h ic h reflect a cu ltu ral p lu ra lity in a c u ltu re w h ic h
s e e m s o n su p e rficial e x a m in atio n to d o m in a te th e m e m b e rs of a
so c ie ty . C u ltu re h a s sev eral levels: th e h isto rical level of id e as,
th e le v el o f v a lu e s, th e level of m e a n in g a n d its effects o n art,
s ig n s a n d sy m b o ls. T h ere is also th e p ro c e ss of m a te ria l p r o -
d u c tio n a n d th e sym bolic a n d m a te ria l effects of arte fa cts o n
c u ltu re s . F inally, th e re is th e p e rso n a l, d y n a m ic e le m e n t of
Subculture as an analytical tool• 9
h u m a n a c tio n a n d th e w a y it is in te rp re te d b e tw e e n acto rs. S u b -
c u ltu re s e x ist w h e re th e re is so m e fo rm o f o rg a n iz e d a n d
re c o g n iz e d c o n ste lla tio n of v a lu e s, b e h a v io u r a n d actio n w h ic h
a r e r e s p o n d e d to a s d iffe re n t fro m th e p re v a ilin g se ts of n o rm s.
A n e le m e n t o f re fe re n c e g ro u p th e o ry is n e c e ssa ry , acco rd in g to
D o w n e s (1966, p . 7), w h o a rg u e s th e im p o rta n t n o tio n th a t
s u b c u ltu re s d e v e lo p to reso lv e collectively e x p e rie n c e d p ro b -
le m s. T h e y e m e rg e
w h e r e th e r e exists in effective in te ra c tio n w ith o n e a n o th e r,
a n u m b e r o f a c to rs w ith sim ilar p ro b le m s of a d ju s tm e n t for
w h o m n o effective so lu tio n as y e t exists for a co m m o n ,
s h a r e d p ro b le m .
D o w n e s (1966, p . 10), also p o in ts o u t th a t su b c u ltu re s w h ic h
o rig in a te fro m w ith in a so ciety ca n b e d iffe re n tia te d from th o se
th a t d e v e lo p fro m w ith o u t, as w ith a n im m ig ra n t g ro u p . A
s u b c u ltu re h a s to d e v e lo p n e w g ro u p s ta n d a rd s a n d a n esse n tia l
a s p e c t o f its e x iste n c e is th a t it fo rm s a co n ste lla tio n of b e h a v io u r
a n d v a lu e s w h ic h h a v e m e a n in g fu l sy m b o lism for th e actors
in v o lv e d .
S u b c u ltu re a s a c o n c e p t h a s m u c h to offer sociological u n d e r -
s ta n d in g o f h u m a n in te ra c tio n a g a in st a cu ltu ra l a n d sym bolic
b a c k g ro u n d . It ta k e s ro le p la y a n d re c o n stru c ts it as a n active
in g r e d ie n t in a d ialectical re la tio n b e tw e e n s tru c tu re a n d actor.
A t th e s tru c tu ra l level it in d ic a te s h o w c u ltu re is m e d ia te d to a n d
g e n e r a te d b y a collectivity of social acto rs, a n d a t th e existen tial
le v e l it in d ic a te s h o w m e a n in g s a re ta k e n fro m a su b c u ltu re ,
u s e d to p ro je c t a n im a g e a n d h e n c e a n id e n tity . T his h a s a n
e ffe c t o n th e in te rn a l labelling e le m e n t of id e n tity , a n d u se s
e x te rn a l sy m b o ls to d e v e lo p a self-im age w h ic h h a s a cu ltu ral
a n d a n e x iste n tia l re ality to th e actor. S u b c u ltu re s n e g o tia te
b e tw e e n th e in te rp e rs o n a l w o rld of th e ac to r a n d th e d y n a m ic s
o f th e la rg e r e le m e n ts of social in te ra c tio n . H o w e v e r, as a
c o n c e p t it is n o t w ith o u t p ro b le m s. C larke M . (1974), looks a t th e
fo rm a l a n d s u b s ta n tiv e e le m e n ts of su b c u ltu re , a n d a rg u e s th a t
if th e te rm w a s in tro d u c e d to d a y it w o u ld be rejected . It h a s
's p o n g y ' a sp e c ts, w h ic h rev eal its v a g u e n e ss o v e r a re a s su c h as
th e c u ltu ra l a n d stru c tu ra l e le m e n ts of th e c o n cep t, th e d e fi-
n itio n s o f su b c u ltu ra l b o u n d a rie s, a n d th e g en esis, m a in te n a n c e
a n d c h a n g e o f su b c u ltu re s. S u b c u ltu re h a s tw o c o m p le m e n ta ry
p e rs p e c tiv e s w h ic h o fte n b eco m e co n fu se d . T h ere is th e
e m p iric a l e v id e n c e o f w h a t c o n s titu te s m e m b e rsh ip of a s u b -
c u ltu re , w h ic h is a b stra c te d fro m th e social stru c tu re . T h ere is
a lso th e h e rm e n e u tic a sp e c t of c u ltu ra l an aly sis, w h a t th e
s u b c u ltu re 'm e a n s '. S u b c u ltu ra l a n a ly sis in v o lv es ex am in in g a n
o rg a n iz e d s e t o f social re la tio n s, as w ell a s a se t of social
m e a n in g s . A su b c u ltu re is n o t th e sam e as a su b -c o m m u n ity , so
p ro b le m s a rise as to w h y o n e su b -c o m m u n ity a n d n o t a n o th e r
c re a te s a su b c u ltu re . T hese a re p ro b le m s of em pirical a n d
in te rp re ta tiv e m e th o d , h o w e v e r, ra th e r th a n a p ro b le m in th e
u s e o f th e co n ce p t.
F isc h e r (1975), su g g e sts th a t su b c u ltu riz a tio n is th e re su lt of
u rb a n is m . F isc h er (1972), sees a lin k b e tw e e n c o m m u n ity a n d
u rb a n iz a tio n . T h e c o n c e n tra tio n in u rb a n a re a s of larg e h e te ro -
g e n e o u s p o p u la tio n s le ad s to th e w e a k e n in g of in te rp e rso n a l
tie s, p rim a ry social stru c tu re s a n d n o rm a tiv e c o n se n su s.
D y n a m ic p o p u la tio n d e n sity le a d s to a com plex, stru c tu ra l
d iffe re n tia tio n w ith c o n se q u e n c e s of alie n a tio n , social d is -
o rg a n iz a tio n , d e v ia n t b e h a v io u r a n d a n o m ie . T his m a y h a v e
so m e tr u th fo r th o se w h o m ig ra te fro m th e ru ra l a re as to th e
to w n s b u t th e ev id e n c e of G a n s (1962), L ew is (1952), a n d
W illm o tt a n d Y o u n g (1957), fin d s th a t th e re a re clo se -k n it
c o m m u n itie s w ith in to w n s w ith lo n g tra d itio n s o f social s u p p o rt
a n d c lo se n e ss. L iebow (1967), fin d s sim ilar p rim a ry g ro u p s
e x istin g fo r u n e m p lo y e d m e n in th e g h e tto . F ischer, h o w e v e r,
a rg u e s th a t u rb a n g ro u p s are m o re likely to d e v iate from th e
tra d itio n a l n o rm s of society. T he m o re u rb a n th e se ttin g , a rg u e s
F isc h e r, th e m o re v a rie ty th e re is o f su b c u ltu riz a tio n . S u b -
c u ltu re s d e v e lo p w h ic h g e n e ra te su b sy ste m s of a social n a tu re
w h ic h c an p ro te c t a n d fo ster th e su b c u ltu re s a g a in st e x tern al
th re a ts . U n c o n v e n tio n a l e le m e n ts o f a su b c u ltu ra l o rig in
b e c o m e d iffu se d in to m a in stre a m cu ltu re . T h is a rg u m e n t
ro m a n tic iz e s u rb a n to leran ce to w a rd s th e e m e rg e n ce of s u b -
c u ltu re s , b u t it d o e s su g g e st th a t in specific u rb a n a rea s, u su a lly
m e tro p o litiz e d cities (for exam ple, A m ste rd a m , S a n F rancisco o r
L o n d o n ) th e d iv e rsity of u rb a n p o p u la tio n creates th e a tm o -
s p h e r e fo r th e g e n e ra tio n of v ario u s su b c u ltu re s. T h e re is u su a lly
in a m e tro p o lis a d o w n -to w n o r b o h e m ia n are a w h ic h co n ta in s a
n e ig h b o u rh o o d w h e re v a rio u s o u tsid e rs, su c h as d ru g ad d ic ts,
in te r-ra c ia l c o u p le s, s tu d e n ts , a rtists, m in o r crim in als, im m i-
g ra n ts , th e g ay c o m m u n ity a n d so fo rth m ak e u p a form of
b o h e m ia n , lu m p e n -p ro le ta ria t u n d e rw o rld . T w o th in g s o ccu r if
s u b c u ltu re s flo u rish . A n in fo rm al g ra p e v in e re c ru its o u tsid e rs
fro m o th e r a re a s in to th e su b c u ltu re s. T h is h a s a n effect o n th e
s u b c u ltu ra l b o u n d a rie s , w h ich m ay h a rd e n o v e r tim e, especially
if s u b je c te d to stig m a tiz a tio n w h ic h m a y give s p u rts to th e ir
co llectiv e life, o r th e y m ay b e assim ilate d a n d a b so rb e d in to
m a in s tre a m c u ltu re . T h e b o u n d a rie s of su b c u ltu re s re m a in a
p ro b le m , e v e n w h e n clearly d e lin e a te d as w ith ex o g en o u s
s u b c u ltu re s su c h as th o se g e n e ra te d b y im m ig ra n t g ro u p s. A s
th e s e b e c o m e p a r t of m e tro p o lita n life th e y d e v e lo p e n d o g e n o u s
s u b c u ltu re s , a s for ex am p le w ith y o u n g R astafarian s in th e
L o n d o n W e st In d ia n su b c u ltu re s. T h e o th e r effect of a m u lti-
p lic ity o f su b c u ltu re s is th e ir d iffu sio n in to m a in stre a m c u ltu re .
T h is clarifies w h y w h a t R o d m a n (1965), called a 'v a lu e stre tc h '
o c c u rs in so ciety . T his is a c o m m itm e n t to n o rm s, v a lu e s a n d
c u ltu ra l th e m e s w h ic h se e m s a m b ig u o u s, a m b iv a le n t a n d c o n -
tra d ic to ry . B ecause o f c u ltu ra l d ifferen ces fro m th e a ssu m e d
c o n s e n s u s , p e o p le m a y h o ld a t le a st tw o se ts of valu es. T he
'v a lu e s tr e tc h ' b rid g e s th e d isc re p a n c ie s b e tw e e n c o n se n su a l
p u b lic v a lu e s (or th e cen tra l v a lu e sy ste m as stru c tu ra l fu n ctio n al
so c io lo g y calls it) a n d p riv a tiz e d v arian ce fro m th e se . W e can see
th a t th e re e x ists a situ a tio n o f a p p a re n t c o n se n su s to a p p r o -
p ria te , re sp e c ta b le v a lu e s a n d b e h a v io u r, b u t b e c a u se of class
d iffe re n c e s in c u ltu re , a n d su b c u ltu ra l d e v ia tio n th e re can
e m e rg e , esp e c ia lly in u rb a n se ttin g s, a situ a tio n of p lu ralistic
so cial re a litie s. M atz a a n d S y kes (1961), su g g e st th a t th e re is a
f u n d a m e n ta l c o n tra d ic tio n p re s e n t in societal v alu es. C o -
e x is tin g w ith re sp e c ta b le v a lu e s are a series of 's u b te rra n e a n
v a lu e s ', w h ic h a re p e rm itte d e x p re ssio n d u rin g ce rta in p e rio d s,
u s u a lly officially a p p ro v e d m o m e n ts of le isu re carefully d if-
f e r e n tia te d fro m tim e s of w o rk . A n acto r th e n m a y n o t on ly h o ld
v a lu e s o f se c u rity , ro u tin iz a tio n a n d h a rd w o rk , b u t also v alu es
in v o lv in g a se a rc h fo r ex citem en t, a d v e n tu re a n d h e d o n istic ,
m o ra lly d is a p p ro v e d b e h a v io u r. Y o u n g (1971) su g g e sts th a t
c e rta in s u b c u ltu ra l g ro u p s d o n o t h o ld s u b te rra n e a n v a lu e s in
a b e y a n c e u n til th e p re sc rib e d tim e, b u t actu ally stre ss a n d
a c c e n tu a te th e m in s te a d o f m o re official re sp e c ta b le v alu es.
Y in g e r (1960), h a s a rg u e d th a t w h e re su b c u ltu ra l n o rm s are
d e v e lo p e d w h ic h are c o u n te r-v a lu e s a n d ce n tra l to th e s u b -
c u ltu re , a n d w h ic h b rin g it in to conflict w ith th e la rg e r society, a
s u b c u ltu re c a n b e d e sig n a te d as a 'c o n tra c u ltu re '. Y inger w a n ts
to d iffe re n tia te a s a cr o n tra c u ltu re th e e m e rg e n t n o rm s o f a g ro u p
in a co n flict situ a tio n , re ta in in g s u b c u ltu re to d escrib e m o re
tra d itio n a l fo rm s o f su b -so cieties w h ic h h a v e d e v e lo p e d p a r -
tic u la r local n o rm s (e.g . th e S u b c u ltu re of th e A m erican S o u th -
la n d s ). E m p irically , n o stu d y se e m s to su g g e st th a t th e re is a
p u r e c o n tra c u ltu re , ex cep t p e rh a p s in a political su b c u ltu ra l
c o n te x t (su c h a s th e Black P a n th e rs). A lth o u g h o p p o sitio n a l
n o r m s m a y b e d e v e lo p e d in d irect c o n tra st to resp ectab le
n o rm s , a s u b c u ltu re c a n n o t su rv iv e for lo n g w h ic h exists in
d ire c t co n flict w ith th e p re v a ilin g society. T h ere are politically
m ilita n t e le m e n ts o f su b c u ltu re s a m o n g m in o rity g ro u p s, gay
p e o p le a n d fe m in ists, b u t th e ir success a n d c o n tin u a tio n
d e p e n d s o n a se rie s of stra te g ie s in v o lv in g av o id in g d irect
12 •Subculture as an analytical tool
co n fro n tatio n , b u t often w aging system atic cultural guerilla
ra id s o n th e d o m in an t m orality. T here becom es a struggle over
w h a t is a n d w h a t is n o t p erm itted. T his illustrates E rikson's
(1966), su g g estio n th a t deviancy h as th e function of b o u n d ary
d efin itio n a n d b o u n d ary m aintenance for w h a t is an d w h at is
n o t p e rm itte d in a society.
Subcultures and style
It h a s b ee n arg u ed above th at stru ctu ral conditions, especially

p e rs is te n t stru ctu ral contradiction often experienced as class
p ro b lem s, are a basic gen eratin g force for subcultures. C ultural
trad itio n s, particularly those g en erated by social class, m ay
in tera ct w ith th e a p p a re n t m iddle-class consensus, an d assisted
b y n eig h b o u rh o o d trad itio ns a n d specific historic circum stances,
act in sh ap in g th e cultural form of a subculture. O n e cultural
form com m on in a subculture is its 'sty le'. C ohen A. (1965), in
a n in tere stin g article, w hich raises th e questions of th e relatio n -
sh ip of social stru ctu re to social interaction, n o tes th at an
im p o rta n t asp ect of a reference g ro u p such as a distinct su b r-
cu ltu ra l g ro u p is th e sym bolic u se of a style.
A n actor learn s th at the behaviour signifying m em bership
in a p articu lar role includes th e k inds of clothes he w ears,
h is p o stu re, his gait, his likes an d dislikes, w h at h e talks
a b o u t a n d th e opinion h e expresses. (C ohen A ., 1965, op.
cit., p. 1)
S everal im p o rtan t indicators are raised by style. It expresses a
d eg ree of com m itm ent to th e subculture, an d it indicates
m em b ersh ip of a specific subculture w hich by its very appearance
d isreg a rd s o r attacks d om inan t values. Style I shall define as
co n sistin g of th ree m ain elem ents
a 'Im a g e', app earan ce com posed of costum e, accessories
su ch as hair-sty le, jew ellery an d artefacts,
b 'D e m ean o u r' m ad e u p of expression, gait an d p o stu re.
R oughly this is w h a t the actors w ear an d how they w ear it.
c 'A rg o t' a special vocabulary an d how it is delivered.
A n im p o rtan t aspect of style is th e differentiation of w ork an d
leisu re. T h o m p so n E. P. (1969), h as su gg ested th at th e values of
leisu re h av e alw ays been traditionally feared by em ployers
b ecau se th ey p re sen t a co u n ter-th esis to w ork - in o rd er to
p re s e rv e in d u s tria l d iscip lin e, as for ex am p le th e w o rk h a b it,
w o rk in g s c h e d u le s, th e c o m m e n c e m e n t of th e w o rk in g d a y , all
o f w h ic h in th e tra d itio n a l crafts w e re p a c e d a n d p la n n e d b y th e
w o rk e r. W o rk a n d le isu re w e re strictly se p a ra te d , so th a t leisu re
b e c a m e c h a n n e lle d in to accep tab le b y -p ro d u c ts of th e w o rk
e th ic . H o lid a y s in v o lv in g h e d o n istic c aro u sal w e re se e n a s a n
a n a rc h is tic a tta c k o n w o rk d iscip lin e , a n d th e v a lu e s of au ste rity ,
th r if t a n d p ro d u c tio n w e re e m p h a siz e d . O n e o ff-sp in of m a ss
p ro d u c tio n a n d c o n su m p tio n is to cre ate a sem i-m y th ical
p o p u la r e lite, p ro m o te d b y th e m a ss m ed ia a n d ad v ertisin g ,
w h ic h th e p u rc h a s e of clo th in g a n d arte fac ts b rin g s w ith in reach
o f th e a v e ra g e c o n su m e r. In th is situ a tio n , B u m s (1967), d ra w -
in g o n th e w o rk of Italian sociolog ists P izzo rn o (1959), a n d
A lb e ro n i (1964), su g g e sts th e re is a n a tta c h m e n t to th is m y th ical
e lite b y th e im ita tio n of style a n d c lo th in g to a n id e n tity w h ic h
s ta n d s o u ts id e of tra d itio n a l class d e fin itio n s. T he w o rk in g -class
g irl im ita tin g c u ltu ra l h e ro in e s su ch as M arilyn M o n ro e, feels
s h e is p a r t o f a specific 'cla ssless' g ro u p of o th e r girls w h o look
lik e M o n ro e . T h is ca n be o b v io u sly e x te n d e d in to su b c u ltu re s
w h ic h h a v e d e fin ite im ag ery a n d style. In d e e d , style is u su a lly a
p re d o m in a n t d e fin in g fe atu re of y o u th fu l su b c u ltu re s. T he
p re c io u s g a in s o f w o rk in g life, m o n e y a n d le isu re , becom e
in v e s te d in d ra m a tu rg ic a l sta te m e n ts a b o u t self-im age, w h ich
a tte m p t to d e fin e a n id e n tity o u tsid e th a t ascrib ed class, e d u -
c a tio n a n d o c c u p a tio n a l role, p a rtic u larly w h e n th e la tte r is of
lo w s ta tu s .
A p a ra lle l m a y b e d ra w n b e tw e e n th e u se of style a n d fash io n
in s u b c u ltu re s b y c o n sid e rin g certa in fo rm s of an aly sis in
lin g u istic th e o ry . It h a s b e e n a rg u e d th a t th e re is a g en e ral
sc ie n c e o f sig n s, sem io lo g y (S a ssu re, 1960). L an g u ag e is th e
m o s t so p h is tic a te d fo rm of sem io lo gy, b u t g e stu re , m u sic a n d
im a g e s c a n all b e a n a ly se d . S a ssu re (1960), d ifferen tia te s
b e tw e e n a sy ste m iz e d set of lin g u istic co n v e n tio n s called
'la n g u e ' (la n g u a g e) a n d 'p a ro le ' - th e selectio n a n d a ctu aliza-
tio n o f la n g u a g e - sp ee ch . H jelm slev (1959), e la b o rates th is
fu r th e r, b y d is tin g u is h in g b e tw e e n th e form al s ta n d a rd u sa g e of
la n g u a g e , a n d its re g io n a l u se. T h e form al se t of sy n tax b ecom es
tra n s fo rm e d by social u sag e. W e can also see th a t su b cu ltu ra l
u s e o f fa sh io n is a rh e to ric al u sag e o f fo rm alized styles, a so rt of
s la n g o r a rg o t of th e 's ta n d a rd E n g lish ' of fash io n . S tyle ceases
to b e m e re ly in fo rm ativ e, o r taxonom ic (in d icatin g a cu ltu ra l
s y s te m w h ic h in d ic a te s m e m b e rsh ip of class o r su b c u ltu re), a n d
b e c o m e s o p e n to in te rp re ta tio n of w h a t it m e a n s b o th s u b -
je c tiv e ly fo r th e acto r, a n d objectively in its sta te m e n t a b o u t th e
a c to r's re la tio n s h ip to h is w o rld . A h e rm e n e u tic in te rp re ta tio n is
p o ssib le in R ic o e u r's (1972), se n se of th e m e a n in g of cu ltu ral
d o c u m e n ts , in th is case style. S tyle, th e n , is u s e d fo r a v a rie ty of
m e a n in g s . It in d ic a te s w h ic h sym bolic g ro u p o n e b e lo n g s to , it
d e m a rc a te s th a t g ro u p from th e m a in stre a m , a n d it m a k e s a n
a p p e a l to a n id e n tity o u tsid e th a t o f a class-ascrib ed o n e . It is
le a rn e d in social in te ra c tio n w ith sig n ifican t su b c u ltu ra l o th e rs,
a n d its p e rfo rm a n c e re q u ire s w h a t th e a tre acto rs call 'p re s e n c e ',
th e a b ility to w e a r c o stu m e, a n d to u se voice to p ro je c t a n im ag e
w ith sin c e rity . In d e e d th is fo rm o f p e rfo rm a n c e skill m a y w ell b e
te s te d o u t b y o th e r su b c u ltu ra l m em b ers.
W ille n e r (1970), h a s s h o w n in c e rta in c h a n g in g social circ u m -
s ta n c e s a c to rs c a n tra n sfo rm , in v e n t a n d ju x ta p o se im a g e ry to
c re a te n e w c u ltu ra l sty les. T h e sy m b o lism of a p p e a ra n c e h a s
b e e n illu s tra te d in th e su b c u ltu re b y W illis (1970):
T h e d re s s . . . w a s n o t p rim a rily a fu n ctio n al exigency of

rid in g a m o to r cycle. It w a s m o re crucially a sym bolic e x te n -
sio n o f th e m o to rb ik e a n d am p lificatio n of th e q u alities
in h e r e n t w ith in th e m o to rb ik e . . .
T h e c o m p le x itie s o f th e u se of c o stu m e h a v e b e e n w ell a n a ly se d
b y C a rte r (1967):
T h e n a tu re o f o u r a p p a re l is v e ry com plex. C lo th e s are so
m a n y th in g s a t o n ce. O u r social shells; th e sy ste m of sig n als
w ith w h ic h w e b ro a d c a st o u r in te n tio n s, a re o fte n th e p ro -
je c tio n s o f o u r fa n ta sy selves . . . clo th e s are o u r w e a p o n s,
o u r c h a lle n g e s, o u r visible in su lts . . .
W e m a y u s e c lo th in g to ch allen g e d o m in a n t n o rm s, b u t w e also
m a k e s ta te m e n ts a b o u t o u r e n v iro n m e n t.
F o r w e th in k d re ss ex p resse s o u rse lv e s, b u t in fact it
e x p re sse s o u r e n v iro n m e n t, a n d like a d v e rtisin g , p o p
m u sic , p u lp fiction a n d se c o n d fe a tu re film s, it d o e s so a t a
su b lim in a l, e m o tio n a lly c h a rg e d n o n -in te lle c tu a l, in stin c tu a l
lev el. (Ibid.)
S ty le also in d ic a te s a life-style, a n d as su c h h a s a n a p p e a l to
s u b te rr a n e a n v a lu e s w h ich co m b in e to m ak e a v isu a l ch allen g e
a t b o th a s tru c tu ra l a n d a n ex isten tial level.
a n d in th e ir N e a n d e rth a l w ay , th e H e ll's A n g els a re o b e y in g
C a m u s ' la w - th a t th e d a n d y is a lw ay s a reb el, th a t h e
c h a lle n g e s so ciety b e ca u se h e c h alle n g e s m o rtality . T h e
m o to r cycle g a n g s ch allen g e society b e ca u se th e y ch allen g e
m o rta lity face to face, d o in g 100 m .p .h . o n th e C alifornia
fre e w a y in L evis a n d sw a stik a s, n o c ra sh h e lm e ts a n d a
w id e -a w a k e h a t, o n ly a v e n e e r b e tw e e n th e m a n a n d his
d e a th . . . (Ibid.)
B riefly, th e n , sty le a t a su b c u ltu ra l level acts as a form of arg o t,
d r a w in g u p o n c o stu m e a n d artefacts from a m a in stre a m fash io n
c o n te x t a n d tra n sla tin g th e se in to its o w n rheto ric. T he d if-
fe re n c e b e tw e e n c o n v e n tio n a l c o stu m e a n d im ag ery is deliberate.
A m e ric a n s tre e t talk in th e black g h e tto h a s ta k e n th e la n g u a g e
o f th e d o m in a n t w h ite c u ltu re , a lte re d its rh y th m b y in tro d u c in g
A fric a n p itc h a n d te m p o , a n d c o n fu se d th e o u ts id e r by a
c o m p le x se t o f m e ta p h o rs d ra w n from th e black su b c u ltu re s. In
m a n y w a y s th is is w h a t su b c u ltu ral style h a s d o n e . C larke, H all
a n d Jefferso n (1976), illu stra te this:
T h u s th e T e d d y B oy' e x p ro p ria tio n of a n u p p e r class style

o f d re s s 'c o v e rs' th e g ap b e tw e e n largely m a n u a l u n sk ille d
n e a r - lu m p e n real careers a n d life-chances, a n d th e 'all-
d re s s e d - u p -a n d - n o w h e r e - to - g o ' ex perien ce of S a tu rd a y
e v e n in g . T h u s in th e ex p ro p ria tio n a n d fe tish isatio n of
c o n s u m p tio n a n d sty le itself, th e 'M o d s' cover th e g a p
b e tw e e n th e n e v e r-e n d in g -w e e k e n d a n d M o n d a y 's re s u m p -
tio n o f b o rin g d e a d - e n d w o rk .
O b je c ts a n d arte fa c ts (both of a sym bolic a n d a co ncrete form )

h a v e b e e n re -o rd e re d a n d p lac e d in n e w contex ts so as to
c o m m u n ic a te fre sh acts of m e a n in g . W h e re th e re is a re -
a ss e m b la g e of sty les in to a n e w su b c u ltu ral style, as w ith
n o sta lg ic re v iv als su c h as th e T e d d y b oy s, th e assem b lag e m u s t
n o t lo o k a s th o u g h it is ca rry in g th e sam e m e ssa g e as th e
p re v io u s ly ex istin g o n e . A n e w style is c reated by a p p ro p ria tin g
o b je c ts fro m a n ex istin g m a rk e t of artefacts a n d u sin g th e m in a
fo rm of co llage w h ic h recreates g ro u p id en tity , a n d p ro m o te s
m u tu a l re c o g n itio n for m e m b e rs. T h ere is also, as W illis (1972),
s u g g e s ts , a fit o r 'h o m o lo g y ' b e tw e e n objects, th e m e a n in g of
th e s e , a n d b e h a v io u r. T h ere is, h e a rg u e s, a h o m o lo g y b e tw e e n
in te n s e activ ism , p hy sicality , e x tern alizatio n , a tab o o o n in tro -
sp e c tio n , a lo ve of s p e e d a n d early rock m u sic in su c h g ro u p s as
m o to r-b ik e b o y s (or bikers). T h ere is a h o m o lo g y b e tw e e n
s tru c tu re le s s n e s s , in tro sp e c tio n a n d loose g ro u p affiliation a n d
p ro g re s s iv e W e st C o a st rock m u sic in h ip p ie s. T his is n e a r to th e
c o n c e p t o f focal co n c ern s, b u t e x te n d s th e an alysis in to th e
c u ltu ra l e le m e n ts of th e su b c u ltu re a n d its style. T he an aly sis is
n o w e x te n d e d b e lo w th e c o n scio u s level to c o n sid er th e m e a n -
in g o f th e sy m b o lism . This a p p ro a c h offers a v alu able e x ten sio n
to m o re tra d itio n a l em p irical fin d in g s w h ic h will be d iscu sse d
la te r .6
Subcultures, social reality and identity
It h a s b e e n su g g ested above th a t subcultures offer on the one

h a n d so lu tio n s of a 'm agical' ra th e r th a n of a real n atu re to
in h e re n t con tradictions in the socio-econom ic system experi-
e n c ed at som e level by th e actor. W ith yo uth fu l subcultures, this
is perceiv ed an d re sp o n d ed to by the actor, as a generational
p ro b lem . O n th e o th er h an d, th e style of th e subculture allow s
a n exp ressio n of id entity th ro u g h a deliberate projection of a
self-im age, w hich claim s an id entity 'm agically' freed from class
a n d o ccupation. The subjectivistic perception an d in terp retation
o f stru ctu ra l problem s is personalized, an d is lim ited by the
p aro ch ial locale of th e actor's social class position. In addition,
th e se prob lem s are fu rth e r m ediated by th e com m unity the actor
lives in. T hu s, for th e actor, th ere is an a p p a ren t range of
v o lu n taristic selections of subcultures to choose from . E ntrance
to th e su b cu ltu re, as w e shall see from th e em pirical evidence, is
h o w e v e r lim ited by op po rtu n ities related to class an d education.
Em pirically, clusters of subcultural gro u p s are fo u nd in specific
locations of th e social class structure, w ith a com m on experience
in term s of backg ro un d, class, education an d neigh bo urh oo d.
T h e d eg ree of articulation of subcultural life-style, an d com m it-
m e n t to it varies considerably.
T he relation of subcultures an d age is im p ortant, because
ado lescen ce, a n d th e period of tran sition b etw een school a n d
w o rk , a n d w ork a n d m arriage is im p o rtan t in term s of secondary
socialization. B erger a n d Luckm an (1966, p. 77) have suggested
th a t p a tte rn s of b ehaviour are legitim ized an d habitualized in
socialization, th ro u g h w h at they see as a basic confidence trick
of cu ltu ral relativism :
In p rim ary socialisation th ere is n o t a problem of identifica-
tion. T here is no choice of significant others. Society
p re se n ts th e cand idate for socialisation w ith a p redefin ed
set of significant o th ers w h om h e m u st accept w ith no
possibility of o p tin g for an o th er arrangem ent. H ic R hodus -
h ic salta . . . . The child does n o t internalise the w orld of
h is significant o th ers as one of m any possible w orlds. H e
in tern alises it as the w orld, th e only existent an d con-
ceivable w orld , the w orld to u t court . . .
C h ild ren , th en , perceive the w orld w ith o u t any idea of th e
p le th o ra of alternative social realities p resen t, an d internalize
a ttitu d e s m ed iated to them from em otionally charged social
in teractio n w ith their parents, or sim ilar significant others.
S ocial in s titu tio n s a re se e n as p a rt of a sym bolic to tality w h ic h
B e rg e r a n d L u c k m a n call th e 'sy m b o lic u n iv e rse '. E v ery th in g in
th e w o rld m a k e s se n se in rela tio n to th e h eg e m o n ic a p p a ra tu s;
th e re c e iv e d w o rld is ex p e rie n c e d as th e o n ly w o rld . It is u s e d as
a p a ra d ig m of e x p erie n tia l e x p la n a tio n w h ic h a ssu m e s th a t th e
sy m b o lic u n iv e rse is social rea lity w h o se sub jective fea tu res
b e c o m e tra n sfo rm e d in to 'o b je ctiv e ' reality . T his is th e w ay w e
re s is t c h a o s in p e rc e p tio n a n d co g n itio n , a n d im p o se som e form
o f o rd e r u p o n th e w o rld . C en tra l to th is stem m in g from
h e g e m o n y , is a n id e a a b o u t h o w th in g s a re a n d h o w th e y
s h o u ld b e . B ut, a rg u e B erger a n d L u ck m an , b ec au se th e u n i-
v e rs e is n o t tid y , a p p a re n t a n o m alie s a n d co n trad ic tio n s h av e to
b e a v o id e d . O n e of th e fu n c tio n s of c u ltu re , th e a n th ro p o lo g ist
M a ry D o u g la s (1970, p . 102), re m in d s u s, is to categ o rize th e
sy m b o lic u n iv e rs e in to p ublicly rec o g n ize d p a tte rn s:
C u ltu re in th e se n se of th e p u b lic, s ta n d a rd ise d v alu es of a
c o m m u n ity , m e d ia te s th e e x p erien ce of in d iv id u a ls. It p ro -
v id e s in a d v a n c e so m e basic categ o ries, a p o sitiv e p a tte rn in
w h ic h id e a s a n d v a lu e s are tid ily o rd e re d . A n d ab o v e all, it
h a s a u th o rity , sin ce each is in d u c e d to a sse n t b ecau se of th e
a s s e n t o f o th e rs. B ut its p u b lic ch arac te r m ak es its ch aracters
m o re rig id .
C o n s e q u e n tly , D o u g las M. (1972), a rg u e s a n a n o m aly is re leg a te d
to th e c a te g o rie s of g o o d o r evil, a n d m ay th e re fo re b e rejected ,
ig n o re d , a b h o rre d , v e n e ra te d o r re s p e c te d .7 T his is w h y m o rality
a s D o u g la s J. D . (1972), n o te s, h a s a n object-like ch aracteristic in
W e s te rn so ciety w h ic h m a k e s th e ru le s of m o rality seem
a p p a re n tly in d e p e n d e n t of free choice. T h ey c o n tain e sse n tial
p r o p e rtie s w h ic h m a k e th e m n ec essa ry to all in d iv id u a ls, w h o
a ttr ib u te th e m so m e fo rm of e te rn a l, u n iv e rsa l ab so lu tism . T hey
b e c o m e p e rc e iv e d a s p a rt of social reality, u n p ro b le m a tic a n d
a b s o lu te . T h is is w h y S cott (1972), a rg u e s d ev ian cy h a s a d issi-
d e n t sid e , it ch a lle n g e s th e clarity of th e sym bolic u n iv erse.
D e v ia n ts a re se e n e ith e r as o u tsid e rs, re co g n iz ed as h av in g left
th e c o m m u n a l sym bolic u n iv e rse , o r else as w ith im m ig ran ts,
th e y a re a sc rib e d o u tsid e rs w h o p a rtic ip a te in a n o th e r sym bolic
u n iv e rs e w h ic h o rig in a te d in a d iffe re n t c u ltu re . T his g ro u p , as
B e rg er a n d L u ck m an (1966, p. 91), re m in d u s 'ra ise th e q u e stio n
o f p o w e r, sin ce each sym bolic u n iv e rse m u st n o w d eal w ith th e
p ro b le m o f w h o s e d e fin itio n of reality w ill be m a d e to stick'.
A su b c u ltu re , th e n , m ay give a n id eo lo g y a n d a form to
d e v ia n c y w h ic h th re a te n s th e a p p a re n t c o n se n su s of th e
sy m b o lic u n iv e rse . T h e su b c u ltu re m a k es se n se to th e p o te n tia l
re c ru it b e c a u se of th is challen g e to th e sym bolic u n iv e rse , a n d
th e w o u ld -b e su b c u ltu ra l m e m b e r id en tifie s w ith th e s u b -
c u ltu re . T h e re c ru it u se s th e v a lu e s a n d im ag e ry of th e s u b -
c u ltu re to a lte r h is o w n self-im age. G la se r (1966), calls th is
d iffe re n tia l id e n tific a tio n .
T h e im a g e o f b e h a v io u r as ro le -p la y in g , b o rro w e d fro m th e
th e a tre , p re s e n ts p e o p le as d ire c tin g th e ir actio n s o n th e
b a sis o f th e ir c o n c e p tio n s of h o w o th e rs see th e m . T h e
ch o ice o f a n o th e r fro m w h o se p e rsp e c tiv e w e view o u r o w n
b e h a v io u r is th e p ro ce ss of id en tific atio n . It m a y b e w ith
im m e d ia te o th e rs , o r w ith d is ta n t a n d p e rh a p s ab stractly
g e n e ra lis e d o th e rs o f o u r re fe ren c e g ro u p s . . . . A ccep tan ce
b y th e g ro u p w ith w h ic h o n e id en tifies o n e se lf a n d c o n -
c e p tio n s o f p e rse c u tio n b y o th e r g ro u p s are a m o n g th e m o st
c o m m o n a n d th e le a st in te llec tu a l b a se s for ratio n alisa tio n
b y c rim in a ls . . .
A c to rs, th e n , a ttra c te d b y su b c u ltu ra l refe ren c e g ro u p s, select
th o s e w ith in th e p a ra m e te rs se t b y th e social stru c tu re , w h ic h
c o n ta in a n a ttra c tiv e self-im ag e, a n d a n a p p a re n t so lu tio n to
s tru c tu ra l p ro b le m s. In th is w a y acto rs e n te r in to su b c u ltu ra l
in te rp r e ta tio n s o f th e d o m in a n t h e g e m o n y , w h ic h p re se n ts
th e m w ith a d iffe re n t p e rsp e c tiv e of social reality , o r so m etim es
a d iffe re n t social reality . A s su c h th e y a re im p o rta n t a g e n ts of
se c o n d a ry so cializatio n . T hey in tro d u c e th e v alu es of th e w o rld
o u ts id e w o rk a n d school.
W e h a v e n o te d th a t th e sym bolic u n iv e rse is n o t o n ly a
c o n c re te fo rm o f social reality , b u t also a m o ra l p a ra d ig m .
S u b c u ltu re s w h ic h c o n fro n t o r th re a te n th e sym bolic u n iv e rse
m e a n th a t th e m o ra l p a ra d ig m u s e d to ex p lain social reality h a s
to b e d e v e lo p e d a n d a d a p te d to d ea l w ith a n y an o m aly . S u b -
c u ltu re s te n d to b e d e v ia n t a n o m a lies w ith in th e sym bolic
u n iv e rs e . T h e y u su a lly accep t its d e fin itio n of reality, b u t n e v e r-
th e le s s a re a n o m a lie s w ith in it.
T h e d e v e lo p m en t o f an analytical fram ew ork for the stu d y o f

su b cu ltu res
B eck er (1963), h a s s u g g e ste d th a t a fru itfu l w a y o f c o n sid e rin g

d e v ia n c y is b y th e m e a n s o f a 'm o ra l c a re e r', b y a p ro ce ssu a l
a n a ly sis. B ecker (1963, p . 23), a rg u es:
A ll c a u se s d o n o t o p e ra te a t th e sam e tim e, a n d w e n e e d a
m o d e l w h ic h ta k e s in to a c c o u n t th e fact th a t p a tte rn s of
b e h a v io u r d e v e lo p in o rd e rly se q u e n c e . . . w e m u s t d eal
w ith a se q u e n c e o f ste p s, o f c h a n g e s in th e in d iv id u a l's
b e h a v io u r a n d p e rsp e c tiv e s in o rd e r to u n d e rs ta n d th e
phenom enon.
T h is is o b v io u sly u se fu l to th e s tu d y of su b c u ltu re s. H o w e v e r,
L e m e rt (1951), in d ic a te s th a t w e n e e d to u se th is m o d el in a
w id e r c o n te x t. W e n e e d to c o n sid e r th e follow in g p o in ts:
1 T h e n a tu r e o f th e d ev ia tio n , w h ic h in clu d e s in fo rm a tio n o n
th e w a y s in w h ic h th e d e v ia n t a n d th e n o n -d e v ia n t differ, th e
s u b c u ltu re 's re la tio n sh ip to th e larg e r society, a n d th e p a tte rn s
o f in te ra c tio n w ith in th e su b c u ltu re .
2 S o cietal re a c tio n to th e d e v ia n t. T his in volves th e g en eral
re a c tio n o f p u b lic o p in io n to th e d e v ia n t, a n d in p a rtic u la r th e
re a c tio n o f th e m a ss m e d ia . T his m e a n s also c o n sid e rin g th e
effe cts o f th e s e o n th e su b c u ltu re . Is it ac ce p ted , rejected o r
s tig m a tiz e d ?
3 T h e n a tu ra l h isto ry of th e d e v ia n t, in c lu d in g h is socialization
a n d th e re a c tio n o f sig n ifican t o th e rs to h is su b cu ltu riza tio n .
T h is m e a n s re c o rd in g crisis p o in ts in th e d e v ia n t career, su ch as
c h a n g e s in self-c o n c ep t.
4 S ocial p a rtic ip a tio n of th e d e v ia n t, in clu d in g h is o ccu p atio n al
s ta tu s a n d in c o m e , a n d th e effects o n th e se th a t d ev ian cy h a s.
A n y th e o re tic a l fra m e w o rk n e e d s to co n sid e r th e p ro ce ss of
b e c o m in g a m e m b e r of a su b c u ltu re , as w ell as th e re la tio n sh ip
th e s u b c u ltu re h a s w ith society a n d th e com plex social a n d
c u ltu ra l re la tio n s h ip s th e tw o h a v e. C u ltu ral sym bols are
im p o rta n t, as D e n z in (1970, p. 93), n o tes:
C e n tra l to u n d e rs ta n d in g b e h a v io u r is th e ra n g e a n d variety
o f sy m b o ls a n d sym bolic m e a n in g s sh a re d , co m m u n ic ated
a n d m a n ip u la te d by in te ra c tin g selves in sh a re d situ atio n s.
D e la M a te r (1968), su g g e sts th a t a stu d y of d ev ian ce also n e e d s

to c o n s id e r th e g e n e sis of a d e v ia n t ro le o r actor, a n d h o w th a t is
m a in ta in e d , th e re a so n s w h y a n acto r en g a g e s in th e d e v ia n t
ro le , a n d th e m a in te n a n c e of a n a c to r's c o m m itm e n t to a d e v ia n t
ac t. T h is in tro d u c e s several social p sycholog ical p ro cesses.
T a y lo r et al. (1973), in d ic ate th a t a th e o ry of d ev ian ce n e e d s to
c o n s id e r b o th stru c tu ra l a n d social psychological levels. S u ch a
th e o ry n e e d s to c o n sid e r th e w id e r o rig in s a n d d e te rm in a n ts of
d e v ia n c e fo u n d in w id e r societal conflicts, as w ell as th e
im m e d ia te o rig in s o f a p a rtic u la r d ev ian ce. O n ly a g a in st th is
b a c k g ro u n d ca n th e n a tu re a n d se ttin g of p a rtic u la r d e v ia n t
a c tio n s b e c o n sid e re d . It is also n e ce ssa ry to c o n sid e r th e
im m e d ia te a n d w id e r o rig in s of societal reactio n , a n d th e effect
th is h a s o n th e in d iv id u a l's c o m m itm e n t a n d actio n s w ith in th e
s u b c u ltu re . B earin g in m in d D e la M a te r's a n d L e m e rt's su g g e s-
tio n s , a n d a p p ly in g T ay lo r et al. 's critiq u e, th e fo llow ing a n aly sis
is s u g g e s te d fo r c o n sid e rin g su b c u ltu re s:
1 T h e n a tu r e o f th e su b c u ltu re .
a T h e h isto ric a l d e v e lo p m e n t of a su b c u ltu re a n d its re la tio n sh ip
to th e s tru c tu ra l p ro b le m s of th e w id e r socio-econom ic stru c tu re
n e e d s to b e a n a ly se d .
b T h e sty le a n d im a g e ry of th e su b c u ltu re n e e d a h e rm e n e u tic
p e rs p e c tiv e w h ic h c o n sid e rs th e m e a n in g th e se m a y h a v e for
p o te n tia l re c ru its. T h e p ro b le m s 'so lv e d ' b y th e su b c u ltu re a re
im p o rta n t a t th is p o in t.
2 S o cietal re a c tio n to th e su b c u ltu re . A n a n aly sis is n e e d e d of
m a s s m e d ia m e d ia tio n of th e n a tu re of th e su b c u ltu re . T h e
im m e d ia te effects o f th is in te rm s of sig n ifican t o th e rs is n e c e s-
s a ry , a s w ell a s w id e societal re a ctio n in te rm s of m o ral e n tr e -
p r e n e u r s a n d p u b lic a n d official g u a rd ia n s of m o ral o rd e r.
3 A n a tu ra l h isto ry of th e m o ra l c a re er of th e su b c u ltu ra l
m e m b e r n e e d s to b e c o n stru c te d , in p a rtic u la r p a y in g a tte n tio n
to G la s e r a n d S tra u s s 's (1971), 's ta tu s p a ssa g e '. T h a t is, th a t an y
m o ra l c a re e r n e e d s to be c o n sid e re d in se q u e n c e s o r stag es,
w h ic h h a v e c o n tin g e n c ie s a n d p ro b le m s affecting th e actor.
G la s e r a n d S tra u ss su g g e st sev eral p ro p e rtie s affecting sta tu s

p a s s a g e , s u c h a s h o w cen tral it is to th e acto rs. T h e d e g re e of
a sso c ia tio n a n d id e n tific atio n is im p o rta n t b ec au se su b c u ltu ra l
a tta c h m e n t m a y b e p a rt-tim e o r fu ll-tim e. W h e re it is th e fo rm er
it is im p o rta n t a d e q u a te ly to socialize its y o u n g u rb a n w o rk
fo rc e . T h e y o u n g h a v e to be socialized in to sets of v a lu es
in v o lv in g th e ir place in th e w o rk force, th e e n c o u ra g e m e n t o f a n
e a rly fam ily , m a rita l life to a ssist in th e re p ro d u c tio n of th a t
w o rk force, a n d c o n v e n tio n a l political a n d m o ra l o u tlo o k s
c o n c e rn in g th e w o rld a n d th e ir place in it. If th is d o e s n o t occu r,
th e n th e y o u n g w o rk force is n o t p ro g ra m m e d in to re g u la r w o rk
h a b its , w ith v a lu e s su itab le to strictly se p a ra te d sc h e d u le s of
w o rk a n d le isu re . T h e y o u n g h a v e to b e b o u n d in to society first
b y v a lu e s, a n d th e n by th e resp o n sib ilities of m a in ta in in g
d e p e n d a n ts , a n d finally b y financial c o m m itm e n t w h ic h m e a n s
th a t th e situ a tio n can take care o f itself. O n e re a so n w h y th e
m a jo rity o f p e o p le in a w o rk force are docile is th a t w h ilst th e y
m a y n o t h a v e a g re a t d eal to g a in u ltim a te ly b y th e p re v ailin g
so cial, ec o n o m ic s tru c tu re , th e y h a v e in v e ste d in it to th e d e g re e
th a t th e y m a y h a v e a g rea t d e a l to lose if th e re is a s u d d e n
d is ru p tio n o f th a t sy ste m . T his h e lp s u s to u n d e rs ta n d w h y th e
m a jo rity o f y o u n g p e o p le p a ss th ro u g h a d o le sce n c e w ith o u t a n y
p a rtic u la rly lo n g -te rm o v ertly d e v ia n t b e h a v io u r. T h ey h a v e
in v e s te d a c o n sid e ra b le p a rt of th e m se lv e s in th e p re v a ilin g
s y s te m , a n d a s su c h to d ev ia te o v ertly o r to o p p o se it stro n g ly
w o u ld h a v e n o a d v a n ta g e to th e m , in te rm s of th e ir im m e d iate
s itu a tio n .
Y o u n g (1973), h a s a rg u e d th a t
D e v ia n t b e h a v io u r . . . is a m e a n in g fu l a tte m p t to solve th e
p ro b le m s faced b y a g ro u p o r iso la ted in d iv id u a l - it is n o t a
m e a n in g le s s p a th o lo g y .
T h e sa m e a rg u m e n t c a n be m a d e fo r collective d e v ia n t b e h a v io u r
in th e fo rm of su b c u ltu re s. In a com plex society o n e n e e d s to
k n o w h o w o th e r n o n -su b c u ltu ra l e le m e n ts of a n a c to r's life are
d e a lt w ith . Im p o rta n t v ariab les th e re fo re are e n tra n c e in to , a n d
e x it fro m , th e su b c u ltu re , p a rtic ip a tio n in a n d c o m m itm en t to it
a n d th e e ffects o f societal re a ctio n a t th e in d iv id u a l level. T he
so cial v isib ility a n d th e d e v ia n t o r re sp ec ta b le n a tu re of th e
su b c u ltu re h a s a d istin c t effect u p o n self-im age. N eg ativ e
re a c tio n s fro m a p u b lic so u rce can le ad to a series of effects su c h
a s leg a l re stric tio n to stig m a, d e p e n d in g o n th e d e g re e of
n e g a tiv e so cietal reactio n .
4 T h e social o rg a n iz a tio n o f th e su b c u ltu re . T his in v o lv es tw o

le v e ls, th e s u b c u ltu re 's relatio n to th e stru c tu re , a n d th e effects
th is h a s o n th e social in te ra ctio n w ith in th e su b c u ltu re . T he
v a lu e s , n o rm s , sy m b o ls, im a g e ry a n d b e h a v io u r of th e s u b -
c u ltu re n e e d to b e c o n sid e re d in term s of th e ir o rg an iz a tio n .
5 T h e p e rs iste n c e o r d isc o n tin u a n c e of th e su b c u ltu re . T he s u b -
c u ltu re is u n lik e ly to re m a in u n a lte re d , a n d th e a lterin g
b o u n d a r ie s o f th e su b c u ltu re as w ell as its c h an g in g form n e e d
to b e c o n sid e re d . O n e in te re stin g e le m e n t is th e w ay in w h ich
s u b c u ltu re s m a y c o n tin u e th em atic focal c o n cern s, y e t re c o n -
s tr u c t im a g e ry so th a t th e c o n te m p o ra ry su b c u ltu re a d d re sse s
n e w in te rp re ta tio n s of p e re n n ia l p ro b lem s, b u t w ith a totally
d iffe re n t sty le w h ic h reflects specific p ro b le m s of a p articu la r
g e n e ra tio n .
Youth becomes a social problem - the development of subcultures as a

concept in delinquency, and the rise of youth culture
O n e p ro b le m facing co m plex in d u stria l societies is h o w d if-

fe re n t fo rm s o f cu ltu ra l p lu ra lity can coexist. A p lu ra lity of
c u ltu re s d o e s n o t m e a n th a t v a rio u s c u ltu ra l g ro u p s h a v e eq u al
a c ce ss to political p o w e r o r to im p o sin g th e ir c u ltu ra l p a tte rn s
o n so ciety . T h e rise of in te re st of su b c u ltu re s in th e U n ited
S ta te s , can b e tra c e d to th e fact th a t historically th e U n ite d
S ta te s w a s fac ed w ith th e p ro b le m of a n im m ig ra n t la b o u r force.

D isp a ra te g ro u p s fro m d iffe re n t e th n ic o rig in s, sp e a k in g d iffe r-
e n t la n g u a g e s, w ith d iffe re n t cu ltu ra l b a c k g ro u n d s, w e re n o t
c o n d u c iv e to th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f a c o m m o n c la ss-c o n scio u sn ess.
T h e ru lin g A m e ric a n elite, w h ite A n g lo -S ax o n P ro te sta n ts,
a tte m p te d to im p o se th e ir o w n c u ltu re . T h e im m ig ra n ts, w ish in g
to fin d a n e w id e n tity in a n e w c o u n try w e re h a p p y to ab so rb
m u c h o f th is c u ltu re , b u t as successive g e n e ra tio n s w e re to com e
u p a g a in s t s tru c tu ra l co n trad ic tio n s, th e A m e ric an iza tio n of low
s ta tu s g ro u p s failed. T he w a y in w h ic h th is p ro c e ss failed
a m o n g th e d e s c e n d a n ts of A frican slav es in th e g h e tto s is
d is c u s s e d b y V ale n tin e (1968) a n d th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f A frican
c u ltu re in A m erica in p a rtic u la r in jazz, is d isc u sse d b y Keill
(1966). T h e e x o g e n o u s im m ig ra n t su b c u ltu re s ce rtain ly h e lp e d
to m a k e th e p lu ra lism of th e U n ite d S ta te s o n e o f th e m o st
c o m p le x in th e w o rld , a n d th is h a d a n effect o n th e d e v e lo p m e n t
o f e n d o g e n o u s su b c u ltu re s. S u b c u ltu re s call in to q u e stio n th e
a d e q u a c y o f th e d o m in a n t c u ltu ra l id eo lo g y . F or ex am p le, w h a t
d o e s th e 'B ritish w a y of life' offer to a black u n e m p lo y e d
te e n a g e r, b o rn in S o u th L o n d o n , w h o se ex p e rien c e o f th e
c o u n try h e w a s b o rn in is fra m e d in o v e rt a n d c o v ert racism ?
Y o u th itself, th e n , is n o t a p ro b le m a lth o u g h c ertain of its
s u b c u ltu re s m a y b e se e n as a th re a t. T h e re a re p ro b le m s for
y o u th , h o w e v e r, c re a te d for ex am p le b y th e co n scrip tio n of th e
m a jo rity o f th e y o u n g in to th e lo w e r stra ta of a m erito cratic,
e d u c a tio n a l sy ste m , a n d th e n tra in in g th e m for o c c u p a tio n s
w h ic h a re m e a n in g le ss, p o o rly p a id a n d u n crea tiv e .
T h e y o u n g a re su b je ct to th e im p a ct of o c c u p a tio n al, e d u c a -
tio n a l a n d eco n o m ic ch an g es a t p a rtic u la r tim es in h isto ry .
T h e se a re e x p e rie n c e d n o t o n ly in class te rm s b u t also in
g e n e ra tio n a l te rm s. F or th e se re a so n s, m o st su b c u ltu re s of a
d is tin c tly d e v ia n t n a tu re h a v e b e e n w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th fu l
s u b c u ltu re s . T his is th e g ro u p m o st v u ln e ra b le to econom ic
c h a n g e s . T h e se c h a n g e s am plify c o n tra d ic tio n s in th e stru c tu re
w h ic h a re e x p e rie n c e d n o t o n ly in class te rm s b u t also in
g e n e ra tio n a l te rm s. W h a t m ay be in fact a tra d itio n a l p ro b le m of
c la ss is e x p e rie n c e d d ifferen tly b y th e n e w g e n e ra tio n . T h e se
d iffe re n c e s m a y b e sm all o r larg e, b u t each g e n e ra tio n h a s to
w o rk th e m th ro u g h a g a in st th e c u ltu ra l b a c k g ro u n d of th e ir
o w n g e n e ra tio n a l p e e r g ro u p a n d its p a rtic u la r receiv ed s u b -
c u ltu re . C o h e n P. (1972, p . 7), su g g e sts
Y ou c a n d is tin g u is h th re e levels in th e an aly sis of s u b -

c u ltu re s: o n e is th e h istorical . . . w h ic h iso lates th e specific
p ro b le m a tic of a p a rtic u la r class fraction, sec o n d ly th e su b -
s y s te m s , a n d th e a c tu a l tra n sfo rm a tio n s th e y u n d e rg o from

o n e s u b c u ltu ra l 'm o m e n t' to a n o th e r . . . th ird ly . . . th e
w a y th e s u b c u ltu re is actu ally lived o u t by th o se w h o a re its
b e a re rs a n d s u p p o rts .
T h e s o lu tio n o ffe re d b y th e su b c u ltu re is n ecessarily 'im a g in a ry '
a r g u e s C o h e n . It is a n ideological a tte m p t to solve 'm agically'
re a l re la tio n s w h ic h c a n n o t b e o th e rw ise solv ed. T h e p a rtic u la r
tim e in a y o u n g p e r s o n 's life th a t a su b c u ltu re h a s a n im p a c t is
a ls o n o ta b le . It o ccu rs in th e p e rio d b e tw e e n , o r n e a r to, th e e n d
o f sc h o o l c a re e r, u su a lly a t a p o in t w h e n e d u c a tio n beco m es
p e rc e iv e d a s m e a n in g le ss in te rm s of a y o u n g p e rs o n 's w o rk
p ro s p e c ts , a n d la sts u n til m a rria g e . W o rk ing -class su b c u ltu re s
in p a rtic u la r in fu se in to th e b leak w o rld o f th e w o rk in g -class
a d o le s c e n t a p e rio d o f in te n se e m o tio n , c o lo u r a n d ex citem en t
d u r in g th e b rie f re s p ite b e tw e e n school a n d th e in se c u ritie s of
th e e a rly d a y s o f first w o rk in g , a n d se ttlin g d o w n in to m arriag e
a n d a d u lth o o d . It is left to th e p e rso n a l life of m arriag e to
p ro v id e th e e m o tio n a l e le m e n t of a d u lt life a fte r th e brief'
e n c o u n te r o f a p e e r g ro u p su b c u ltu re . F or th e m id d le class th e
s u b c u ltu re m a y la st lo n g e r, b e c a u se su b c u ltu re s for th e m are
o fte n a s B erg er B. (1963b), c o m m e n ts 'y o u th fu l', in th e se n se
th a t th e y a re th e d o m a in of th e y o u n g in o u tlo o k ra th e r th a n
m e re ly th e c h ro n o lo g ically y o u n g .
It is p ro p o s e d to c o n sid e r th e g ro w th of su b c u ltu re s in te rm s
o f th e ir tra d itio n s . M atza (1962), s u g g e ste d th a t y o u th is a tim e
o f re b e llio u sn e ss , a n d th a t th re e p a rtic u la r fo rm s th a t are
a ttra c tiv e to y o u th a re d e lin q u e n c y , rad icalism a n d b o h e m ia n ism .
T h e se m o d e s o f reb e llio n a c c e n tu a te also M atza (1961), su g g e sts,
s u b te rr a n e a n v a lu e s. H o w e v e r, h e fails to d iffe re n tia te im p o rt-
a n t in tr a - g r o u p d ifferen ces in th e se tra d itio n s. In th e n ex t
c h a p te r s w e w ill c o n sid e r s u b c u ltu re s in term s of th e follow ing
tr a d itio n s a n d th e m e s. T he s tu d y o f y o u th can b e su b d iv id e d
in to fo u r m a in are a s.
1 Respectable youth
O b v io u s ly y o u th fu l reb ellio n is relativ e a n d , a s B erger (1963),

s u g g e s ts , m o s t y o u n g p e o p le m a n a g e to p a ss th ro u g h life
w ith o u t b e in g in v o lv e d in a n y te e n a g e c u ltu re , o r a t least th o se
a s p e c ts o f it se e n as d e v ia n t. T h e y m a y b e in v o lv e d in fash io n s,
b u t n o t n e c e ssa rily life-styles. T his g ro u p is se e n by d e v ia n t
s u b c u ltu re s a s a n e g a tiv e re fe re n c e g ro u p , th e co n fo rm ists, or
s tra ig h t y o u th .
2 Delinquent youth
Barnard (1961), has pointed out the im portant fact that teen-
agers reflected the class cultures of their parents and that class
pervaded all aspects of the teenage world in terms of its cultural
elem ents. E. A. Smith (1962), also stressed this in his study of
Am erican youth culture. Delinquent subcultures studied have
tended to be w orking class, usually affecting young adolescent
m ales. Males have usually been involved with illegal activities
such as theft or violence or vandalism, and females w ith sexual
m isbehaviour which has been used by courts to take them under
legal protection orders. The bulk of empirical studies are con-
cerned w ith this group.
3 Cultural rebels
This group tend to be involved in subcultures in the fringes of

the bohem ian tradition. They are on the peripheries of the
literary-artistic world, being adherents to it rather than artists.
They tend to be m iddle class, and w here young subcultures are
involved they tend to have middle-class educations.
4 Politically militant youth
This group are in the radical tradition of politics. The scope

of politics m ay be vast, from environm ental and community
politics to direct m ilitant action. They may be factions of political
groups or a broad m ass m ovem ent like the peace m ovem ents of
the fifties. They may be ethnic groups, such as the Young Lords
or the Black Panthers, broad-based civil rights m ovem ents,
issue-oriented groups such as the anti-Vietnam w ar groups,
pacifists, student groups, political factions or environm entalists.
These traditions may of course overlap, especially in terms of
their tactics and cultural traditions. However, it is proposed to
exam ine these traditions in detail.
To sum m arize, it is argued that the study of subcultures is
useful in the field of collective deviance and that subcultures
provide particular functions for the young.
1 They offer a solution, albeit at a 'magical' level, to certain
structural problem s created by the internal contradictions of a
socio-economic structure, which are collectively experienced.
The problem s are often class problems experienced generation-
ally.
2 T h e y o ffe r a c u ltu re , fro m w h ic h can be selected certain
c u ltu ra l e le m e n ts su c h as style, v alu es, id eo logies a n d life-style.
T h e s e c a n b e u s e d to d e v e lo p a n a c h ie v e d id e n tity o u tsid e of th e
a s c rib e d id e n tity o ffe re d b y w o rk , h o m e o r school.
3 A s s u c h , a n a lte rn a tiv e fo rm o f social reality is ex p erien ced ,
ro o te d in a class c u ltu re , b u t m e d ia te d b y n e ig h b o u rh o o d , o r
else a sy m b o lic c o m m u n ity tra n sm itte d th ro u g h th e m a ss m edia.
4 S u b c u ltu re s offer th ro u g h th e ir e x p ressiv e e le m e n ts a m e a n -
in g fu l w a y o f life d u rin g leisu re, w h ic h h a s b e e n re m o v e d from
th e in s tr u m e n ta l w o rld of w o rk .
5 S u b c u ltu re s offer to th e in d iv id u a l so lu tio n s to certain
e x iste n tia l d ile m m a s. P articu larly , th is in v o lv es th e bricolage of
y o u th f u l sty le to c o n stru c t a n id e n tity o u tsid e of w o rk o r school.
T h is is p a rtic u la rly e m p lo y e d b y y o u n g m ales for re a so n s I will
d is c u s s la te r, a n d th e re fo re su b c u ltu re s h av e te n d e d to be
m a s c u lin is t su b c u ltu re s , especially w o rk in g -class su b cu ltu re s.
A d o le sc e n c e a n d early a d u lth o o d is a p e rio d for re sh a p in g

v a lu e s a n d id e a s, a n d ex p lo rin g o n e 's re la tio n sh ip to th e w o rld ,
a n d is th e re fo re a n im p o rta n t so u rce of se c o n d a ry socialization.
T h e y o u n g c an ex p lo re, w ith in th e p a ra m e te rs of th e ir im -
m e d ia te class s itu a tio n , ce rta in e le m e n ts of ac h iev e d v ersu s
a sc rib e d id e n tity .
A n a ly s e s o f y o u th c u ltu re a n d su b c u ltu re s can be su m m a riz e d
b y d iv id in g th e m in to g e n e ra tio n a l a n d s tru c tu ra l ex p lan a tio n s.
T h e first a n a ly sis is c o n c e rn e d w ith th e c o n tin u ity /d isc o n tin u ity
o f in te r-g e n e ra tio n a l v alu es, a n d th e se c o n d w ith th e re la tio n -
s h ip o f y o u th to social class, th e m o d e of p ro d u c tio n a n d its
c o n s e q u e n t social relatio n s. T h e g e n e ra tio n a l ex p la n a tio n h a s
fo c u s e d o n a g e as a specific factor, a n d is basically c o n c ern e d
w ith fu n c tio n a lis t a n d n e o -fu n c tio n a list e x p lan a tio n s a b o u t
so c ia liz a tio n . A s W o o d s (1977), su g g e sts, g e n e ra tio n a l th eo ries
a re s u m m e d u p in th e s tru c tu ra l-fu n c tio n a l m o d e ls of E ise n stad t
a n d P a rs o n s , a n d th e g e n e ra tio n u n it m o d el of M a n n h e im .
S o c ie ty is fo rm e d o f in te r-re la te d su b sy ste m s, a n d th e e d u -
c a tio n a l s y s te m p re p a re s acto rs for a place in th e econom ic
sy s te m , w h ic h reflects th e stratificatio n sy stem , w h ic h in tu rn
p a rtic ip a te s in th e political sy ste m . In te r-g e n e ratio n a l conflict
(th e 'g e n e r a tio n g a p ') is a socializatio n d y sfu n c tio n , re su ltin g
fro m w e a k in te g ra tio n b e tw e e n society a n d age g ro u p s. A ge is
th e b a sis o f social a n d cu ltu ral ch aracteristics of actors. Y outh,
e sp e c ia lly a d o le sc e n c e , is a p re p a ra to ry stag e for a n a d u lth o o d
b a s e d o n th e d iv isio n of lab o u r. In p re -lite ra te societies
a d o le s c e n c e is re p la c e d b y rite s w h ic h m a rk th e e n d of ch ild -
h o o d a n d th e b e g in n in g of a d u lth o o d , b u t in in d u stria l societies
26 •
Subculture as an analytical tool
tra n s itio n is co m p lica te d . Y o u th is n o t c e n tra l to th e eco n o m y
a n d h a s b e c o m e iso la te d as a d e p e n d e n t, econom ic liability.
Y o u th fo r E is e n s ta d t (1956, p. 28), is 'a tra n sito ry p h a se b e tw e e n
th e w o rld o f c h ild h o o d a n d th e a d u lt w o rld '. Y o u th g ro u p s in
th e s tru c tu ra l-fu n c tio n a list m o d e l a p p e a r a t m o m e n ts of 'd is -
in te g r a tin g ' w ith a 're in te g ra tin g ' fu n c tio n . T h ey d o n o t se ek to
c h a n g e so c ie ty , b u t to re -e n te r it. P a rso n s h a s also ta k e n a
sim ila r v ie w to w a rd s y o u th c u ltu re (P arso n s, 1954), see in g it as
p a rtic u la r to A m erica n society, w ith a n e m p h a sis of a p o ssib le
d y s fu n c tio n a l n a tu re , of h a v in g a g o o d tim e, e m p h a siz in g 'its
re c a lc itra n c e to th e p re s s u re of a d u lt e x p e cta tio n s a n d disc ip lin e '.
M a n n h e im (1952), p re fe rs a g e n e ra tio n u n it; w ith in a y o u th fu l
g e n e ra tio n a re g ro u p s w h ic h 'w o rk u p th e m ateria l of th e ir
c o m m o n e x p e rie n c e in d iffe re n t specific w a y s' (M a n n h e im ,
1952, p . 304). T h e collective ex p e rien ce of specific h isto rical
m o m e n ts is m o re in te n se d u rin g ra p id social c h an g e . T he m o re
ra p id th e c h a n g e , th e g re a te r th e g a p b e tw e e n g e n e ra tio n a l sets
o f c o n sc io u sn e ss, b u t fo r M a n n h e im y o u th fu l re sp o n se c o n ta in s
p o s itiv e a n d cre ativ e qu alities. In th is se n se M a n n h e im allow s
fo r m o re im p a c t o n social c h a n g e th a n tra d itio n a l stru c tu ra l-
fu n c tio n a lists. It h a s also b e e n a rg u e d th a t d isa d v a n ta g e d y o u th
(w o rk in g class) is n o t a n ti th e p re v a ilin g social o rd e r, b u t see k s a
p la c e w ith in it, w h ilst m id d le-c la ss g ro u p s actu ally seek social
c h a n g e (W o o d s, 1977), a n d th a t th e re fo re th e M a n n h e im ia n
p e rs p e c tiv e h a s b e e n m o re u se fu l b e c a u se it allo w s fo r a
s tru c tu ra l c o n te x t. A fu n c tio n a list a p p ro a c h see m s to h a v e b e e n
im p lic itly fo llo w e d b y official y o u th p ro g ra m m e s w h ich h a v e
a p p e a r e d in tim e s o f crisis. T h ese a re n o t o n ly th e S co u ts a n d
th e D u k e o f E d in b u rg h 's A w a rd , b u t also sta te sch e m es. T h e
M a n p o w e r S erv ices C o m m issio n se t u p in 1974 (u n d e r th e
E m p lo y m e n t a n d T ra in in g A ct 1973) im p le m e n te d th e 1975 Job
C re a tio n P ro g ra m m e , cre atin g 'te m p o ra ry jo bs for th o se w h o
w o u ld o th e rw is e b e u n e m p lo y e d ' w ith a n e m p h a sis o n jobs 'o f
v a lu e to th e c o m m u n ity ', as w ell as su b sid iz in g e m p lo y e rs to
fin d w o rk o f a te m p o ra ry n a tu re for y o u th u n d e r tw e n ty .
E le m e n ts o f M a n n h e im 's h isto rico -p o litical m o m e n t a n d
g e n e ra tio n a l e x p e rie n c e s a re p re s e n t in c lass-b ase d ex p lan atio n s.
T h is tra c e s b ac k su b c u ltu re s a n d y o u th c u ltu re s to th e re latio n
b e tw e e n th e class 'p a r e n t c u ltu re ', h e g e m o n y a n d co n tra d ictio n s
in th e so cio -ec o n o m ic stru c tu re . T h is in v o lv es a m a te rial as w ell
a s a n id e o lo g ica l d im e n sio n . T h e se issu e s a re d isc u sse d later,
a n d in v o lv e c o m m u n ity a n d th e local econom ic sy stem , class-
b a s e d c u ltu re s a n d v alu e s, a n d tra d itio n a l class p ro b le m s
e x p e rie n c e d g e n e ra tio n a lly a t p a rtic u la r histo rical m o m e n ts.
Y o u th is c o n c e p tu a liz e d as a p a rtic u la r g e n e ra tio n a l re sp o n se to
a w id e r class p ro b le m in v o lv e d w ith stru c tu ra l e le m e n ts su c h as
h o u s in g , e m p lo y m e n t, fu tu re p ro sp e c ts a n d w ag es. A s w e sh all
a lso se e , th e s e p ro b le m s h a v e o th e r d im e n sio n s for su b o rd in a te
g ro u p s w h ic h a re in a d d itio n to class a n d ag e, su c h as sex a n d
co lo u r. T h e se h a v e a p o te n tia l acro ss class lin es, b u t a n y
co llectiv e s o lu tio n w ill u ltim a te ly be com p licated b y class.
N o t all s u b c u ltu re s a re c o n c e rn e d w ith age, ob v io u sly. For th e
y o u n g , h o w e v e r (a n d of c o u rse n o t all th e y o u n g are in v o lv e d in
s u b c u ltu re s ), s u b c u ltu re s a ssist th e m to d eal w ith b o th s tru c -
tu ra l a n d in d iv id u a l p ro b le m s. S om e of th e m , esp ecially in
w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th su b c u ltu re s, are tra n s ie n t so lu tio n s to
sp ecific p ro b le m s . O th e rs are of a m o re e n d u rin g n a tu re lea d in g
to social c h a n g e . S u b c u ltu re s a d d re s s th e m se lv e s to stru c tu ra l
p ro b le m s , a n d im p licitly c o n ta in a critiq u e of society, a d m itte d ly
o fte n in a rtic u la te a n d tan g e n tia l. T his h a s b e e n e x p la in e d aw ay,
e sp e c ia lly in n e o -fu n c tio n a l m o d e ls, as th e p ro b le m s of a
tra n s itio n a l p h a s e in ad o lescen ce.
T h e c o n c e p t o f a 'tra n sitio n a l p h a s e ' in ad o lescen ce is o fte n
e m p lo y e d a s a p alliativ e for so c ie ty 's fu n ctio n al p ro b le m s of
re c ru itin g a n d in te g ra tin g y o u th in to a d u lt w o rld s; if it is
m e re ly 'a sta g e th e y 're g o in g th ro u g h ', th e n a d u lts frankly
n e e d n o t c o n fro n t th e p ro b le m s th e ir b e h a v io u r raises,
b e c a u se a fte r all, 'th e y 'll g ro w o u t of it'.
a s B e rg e r (1963a, p . 407), n o te s. If, h o w e v e r, so m e of th e m are
n o t g o in g to g ro w o u t of it, b u t d e v e lo p a p rid e in w h a t th e y are,
fe e lin g little in c o m m o n w ith th e law s of a society th e y feel
a lie n a te d fro m , th e n th e re is a se rio u s p ro b le m for th a t society.
S u b c u ltu re s offer so m e th in g to w o rk in g -class y o u th th a t m id d le-
cla ss y o u th s o u g h t in th e u n iv e rsity . T his is a m o ra to riu m , a
te m p o ra l a n d g eo g ra p h ic a l sp ace, w h ic h can b e u s e d to te st o u t
q u e s tio n s a b o u t th e w o rld a n d th e ir re la tio n sh ip to it. Id e n titie s
a n d id e a s c a n b e e x p e rim e n te d w ith , a n d p o ssibilities for social
c h a n g e c o n s id e re d . S u b c u ltu re s a re rebelliou s, a n d u su a lly n o
m o re th a n th is. B ut th e y d o c o n ta in th e se e d s o f a m o re radical
d is s e n t w h ic h c o u ld e r u p t in to a n actio n th re a te n in g so c ie ty .7 It
is th is w h ic h m o ra l e n tre p re n e u rs se n se . W h ere th is reb ellion
h a s a m o ra l e d g e to it, it th re a te n s th e h e g e m o n y of th e state.
T h e re a c tio n to th is is a cry for law a n d o rd e r, a n d as lo n g as th is
re b e llio n c a n b e re d u c e d to a social p ro b le m , o r a n a d o le sc e n t
p h a s e , th e n it can b e su ccessfu lly e x clu d ed from a d u lt society.
N otes
1 For brevity, I shall use the masculine pronoun and adjective when
discussing the social actor, especially as most empirical studies of
youthful subcultures are about males. The feminine gender could
be substituted in cases save where I am discussing females and
where I therefore use the feminine gender.
2 This strategy is imaginatively described in Isherwood C. (1974),
where the novelist brilliantly examines the experience of an
ageing, expatriate homosexual whose lover has recently been
killed. Individual dissociation in literature is further considered in
Brake M. (1978).
3 Hegemony is used in Gramsci's sense of a ruling group imposing
its moral, political and cultural values on the majority. This has
implications for the prevailing concepts of 'normality' and 'human
nature'. Commonsense thinking about the social world becomes
'naturalised', that is, non-problematic because it pre-empts the
notion of social change. This is broken, as Gramsci (1973, p. 366)
notes
when we succeed in introducing a new morality in conformity
with a new conception of the world.
4 These processes in the phenomenon of mental illness have of
course been dealt with by Laing R. D. (1966) and Becker E. (1964).
5 I have discussed elsewhere (Brake, 1974) how this process acted
within gay subcultures. The societal reaction generated by mass
media coverage of paedophiles during the autumn of 1977 caused
many respectable homophile groups to insist that paedophiles
should not be confused with 'real' homosexuals.
6 This form of cultural analysis has been valuably pursued by the
Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at the University of
Birmingham, and its findings can be found in Hall and Jefferson
(1976). See also Mungham and Pearson (1976), Murdock and
Phelps (1972), Murdock (1974) and Murdock and McCron (1976) in
Hall and Jefferson, op. cit.
7 These groups contain a potential political force, but it must be
noted that they can be either extreme left or extreme right wing in
their affiliations.
2
Street-wise - the delinquent
subculture in sociological
theory in Britain and
the United States
D uring the early 1920s, there was a considerable interest in

youth as an urban social problem. Both psychology and educa-
tion had previously show n concern with youth, but in the field
of developm ental psychology and pedagogy. The British psy-
chologist Cyril Burt (1929), took the Durkheimian view that
delinquency w as normal, but that it was determ ined by a
m ultiplicity of causes, involving an interaction betw een heredi-
tary factors and environm ental influences. Whilst there was no
generable observable cause, poverty was stressed, but for Burt
this w as not so m uch material poverty, but moral poverty,
particularly in the area of family life. He also noted an im portant
factor, and that was that the delinquent was a poor scholar,
probably due less to low intelligence than to under-achievem ent.
The anthropologist M argaret Mead (1928), introduced a note of
cultural relativism , to theories of adolescence with evidence that
the traditional stage of storm and stress seemed to be a W estern
phenom ena. There was the drawing together then of the
relationship betw een a social problem, and a social situation of
cultural and psychological poverty, and a concentration on
adolescence as a social phenom ena. The Depression m eant that
youth became perceived even more as a social area of concern,
in particular youth residing in the slums, the ghettos and the
dow n-tow n neighbourhoods. The work of the Chicago school
w as to develop ethnographic studies of the relationship between
neighbourhoods, life-styles and youth. These were through the
w ork of other theorists, to raise questions about the problems of
m aterial deprivation and cultural pluralism in contemporary
industrial society.
The Chicago school and the social ecology of the city
D uring the 1930s considerable interest was shown at the

U niversity of Chicago about the features of urban life-styles,
29
30 • Street-wise
a n d th e y a d o p te d a m ix tu re o f u rb a n d o c u m e n ta tio n , c ru s a d -
in g re fo rm ism a n d d e ta ile d em p iricism b a se d m a in ly o n th e
in te rv ie w a s a re se a rc h m e th o d . T his reflected o n e of th e ir
m a jo r sc h o la rs, P ark , tra in in g as a jo u rn a list. T he m o d e l
a d o p te d w a s b a se d o n p la n t ecology, a n d a d a p te d to th e
city. H u m a n b e in g s liv ed to g e th e r in a sta te of sy m b io sis,
sim ila r to p la n t life, w ith d iffe re n t sp ecies living in th e
sa m e h a b ita t. T h e social sc ie n tist's ta sk w a s to seek o u t th e
w e ll-o rd e re d , m u tu a lly a d v a n ta g e o u s e q u ilib riu m k n o w n in
p la n t life a s th e biotic balan ce, w h ich w a s p o s tu la te d to be
p r e s e n t in u rb a n life. A s M atza (1969a), su g g e sts, th e C hicago
sc h o o l w e re a w a re o f social d iv e rsity , b u t as th e y w e re co m -
m itte d to a m o d e l of so ciety as in e q u ilib riu m , th e y w e re faced
w ith th e p ro b le m of re so lv in g d ise q u ilib riu m w ith o u t a n a p p e a l
to th e p sy c h o lo g istic n o tio n of in d iv id u a l p a th o lo g y . T h ey
re s o lv e d th is b y in tro d u c in g th e c o n c e p t of social p a th o lo g y -
so cial d iso rg a n iz a tio n . In c e rta in u rb a n n e ig h b o u rh o o d s, th e
b a la n c e b e tw e e n c o m p e titio n a n d c o -o p e ra tio n h a s u p s e t th e
b io tic b a la n c e , so th a t th e v a lu e s a n d c u ltu ra l p a tte rn s of th e se
n e ig h b o u rh o o d s se e m e d socially d iso rg a n iz e d . C au sal fe a tu re s
c o u ld b e , fo r ex a m p le, u n c h e c k e d m ig ra tio n in to th e n e ig h b o u r-
h o o d . T h e social sy ste m of th e n e ig h b o u rh o o d is th ro w n o u t of
b a la n c e b y u rb a n g ro w th , so th a t social so lid a rity a n d social
c o n tro l b re a k -d o w n .
W h a t h a d b e e n rec o g n ize d , is th a t th e slu m s a n d g h e tto s h a d
th e ir o w n social s tru c tu re s w ith specific n o rm s p a tte rn s of
b e h a v io u r. U rb a n e x p a n sio n h a d h a d a n effect o n city a re a s, so
th a t th e p o o r w e re g h e tto iz e d , a n d th e re sp e c ta b le a rtisa n s
jo in e d th e lo w e r m id d le class in th e su b u rb a n a rea s of large
c ities. P a rk R. E. et al. (1925), a tte m p te d to iso late th o se fe a tu re s
o f u rb a n life w h ic h ecologically e n c o u ra g e d d e lin q u e n c y . P ark
u s e d th e c o n c e p t 'n a tu ra l a re a ' to a tte m p t to trace re la tio n sh ip s
b e tw e e n sp ecific g e o g rap h ic al are a s, a n d th e p h y sical stru c tu re
a n d social o rg a n iz a tio n of th o se a re a s. T h e 'n a tu ra l a re a ' w a s a
sm a ll re sid e n tia l are a w ith rec o g n iz e d b o u n d a rie s a n d in h a b ite d
b y d is tin c t c u ltu ra l g ro u p s. A city w as a co llection of th e se
n a tu ra l a re a s, w h ic h b ec am e divisible in to z o n e s, e x te n d in g
c o n c e n tric a lly fro m th e c e n tre to th e p e rip h e ry , reflectin g in -
d u s tria liz a tio n a n d u rb a n sp ra w l. M o rris (1957, p. 71), w rite s
O rig in a lly th e p o p u la tio n of th e city liv ed a ro u n d th e

b u s in e s s c e n tra l d istrict, b u t th is are a w as th e m o st o b v io u s
ch o ice fo r th e lo catio n of th e n e w com m ercial a n d in d u stria l
e n te rp ris e s . A s in d u s try m o v e d in , th e w e a lth ie r in h a b ita n ts
m o v e d o u t, a n d a s th e a re a d e c lin e d in term s of d esirab ility
Street-wise 31
o f re sid e n c e , th is d e p re sse d re n ta ls so it becam e th e o b v io u s
ch o ice fo r n e w c o m e rs to th e city, u su a lly p o o r im m ig ran ts
in se a rc h o f h o u s in g a t lo w e st p o ssib le cost. T h e re sp ectab le
a rtis a n s w e re as a re su lt e n c o u ra g e d to m o v e o u t, a n d th e y
in tu r n b e g a n to d isp lace th e w ell to d o w h o m o v e d fu rth e r
o u t still.
W h e re a n a re a w a s in th e th ro e s of tra n sitio n from o n e p h a se to

a n o th e r, th e s e w e re 'in te rstitial a re a s'. T he social ecology m o d e l
w a s a d o p te d b y sch o la rs in te re s te d in g a n g s a n d d e lin q u e n c y
(T h ra sh e r, 1927; S h a w a n d M cK ay, 1927), o r in th e social
o rg a n iz a tio n o f s tre e t c o m e r g ro u p s, su ch as W h y te (1943), w h o
c a rrie d o n th e tra d itio n in th e p o st-w a r p e rio d . T h ra sh e r fo cu sed
o n th e u rb a n g a n g , fo u n d in th e ch a n g in g u rb a n a re a s as a re su lt
o f so cial d iso rg a n iz a tio n . H e lo o k ed a t a p a rtic u la r area of d o w n -
to w n C h ic ag o , th e L o o p d istric t w h ic h h e d escrib es a s (1927,
p . 20)
T h e c e n tra l trip a rtite area of th e g a n g o ccupies w h a t is o ften
c alle d th e 'P o v e rty B elt' - a re g io n ch a ra c te rised b y d e te rio -
ra tin g n e ig h b o u rh o o d s , sh iftin g p o p u la tio n s a n d th e
m o b ility a n d d iso rg a n isa tio n of th e slu m . . . . A s b e tte r
re s id e n tia l d istric ts reced e b efo re e n c ro a c h m e n ts of b u sin e ss
a n d in d u s try , th e g a n g d e v e lo p s as o n e m a n ife sta tio n of th e
e co n o m ic , m o ra l a n d c u ltu ral fro n tie r w h ic h m a rk s th e
in te rstic e .
M e th o d o lo g ic a lly T h ra sh e r felt it n e c e ssa ry to e n te r th e w o rld of

th e d e lin q u e n t, u s in g h is d e fin itio n of th e situ a tio n to u n d e r-
s ta n d tw o th in g s. O n e w a s th e d e lin q u e n t's se rio u s e n d e a v o u r
to m a k e s e n s e of h is life, a n d th e o th e r, to d istin g u ish th e
fa n ta s y life o f th e g a n g (w h ich w a s o n ly to o o fte n c o n fu sed w ith
re a lity ). A lth o u g h it is o nly im plicit in h is a p p ro a c h , T h ra sh e r
e m p h a s iz e d th e m e a n in g th a t th e life-style of th e g a n g a n d th e
n e ig h b o u rh o o d h a d fo r th e slu m c o m e r boy. In slu m life, th e
s tre e t is a c ro w d e d , exciting a n d d a n g e ro u s place, w h e re
c h ild re n d a ily p erc eiv e illegal activities. C o n fro n ta tio n w ith
a d u lt a u th o rity q u ick ly forges th e s tre e t p lay g ro u p in to a g an g .
F o r T h ra s h e r th e a d v e n tu re a n d p la y activities of d e lin q u e n cy
w e re im p o rta n t, o fte n m o tiv a te d b y n o th in g m o re com plex th a n
h e d o n is m , a facto r o fte n o v e rlo o k e d for m o re com plex cau ses.
In w o rk in g -c la ss n e ig h b o u rh o o d s th e stre e t is of g re a t c u ltu ral
im p o rta n c e , a s is th e m a rk e t a n d th e p u b lic h o u se . Inform al
in te ra c tio n o ffers a social life to th e o ld o r lon ely, g o ssip a n d
r u m o u r p ro v id e in fo rm a tio n a n d d ra m a. T he stre e t is th e
b a c k d ro p a g a in st w h ic h a scen ario can be c o n stru c te d a n d
32 • Street-wise
p e rfo rm e d . T h e s tre e t is th e p la y g ro u n d o f th e d e lin q u e n t, a n d
w h e r e th e re is little else to ta k e p rid e in , it ca n b eco m e a
d e fe n sib le te rrito ry . It offers e sc ap e from a d u lt su rv eillan ce, a n d
a n a p p re n tic e s h ip in p e e r g ro u p d ev ian cy . B row n (1967),
d e sc rib e s h is o w n c h ild h o o d in su c h a n e n v iro n m e n t, in th e
s tr e e ts o f H a rle m , a n d th e d e s p e ra te a tte m p ts b y b u sy g h e tto
m o th e rs to k e e p th e ir c h ild re n in fro n t of th e h o u s e to co n tro l
th e c o rru p tin g in flu e n c e of s tre e t life. T h ra s h e r's v ie w th a t th e
s tre e t w a s a n a d v e n tu ro u s free are a, in c o n tra st to th e a n ti-
th e tic a l c o n stra in in g ag en cies of social co n tro l, se e n as w ea k ,
d u ll a n d u n a ttra c tiv e b y k id s, w a s sh a re d b y S h aw a n d M cK ay
(1927). T h e y a rg u e d th a t d e lin q u e n c y ra te s in a n are a re m a in
c o n s ta n t, d e s p ite su b sta n tia l a lte ra tio n s in th e c o m p o sitio n of
th e ir p o p u la tio n s . T his D u rk h e im ia n p e rsp e c tiv e w as ex p lain ed
b y th e v ie w th a t d elin q u e n c y w a s n o t d e te rm in e d b y th e
p h y sic a l lo c a tio n o f a n area , b u t th a t it w a s in h e re n t in a
c o m m u n ity w ith a c o m p e tin g sy ste m of c o n tra d ic to ry v alu es,
a n d w e a k c o m m u n ity a n d fam ily co n tro ls. T h ey a rg u e (S h aw
a n d M cK ay, 1927, p . 26):
T h e c o m m o n e le m e n t (am o n g social factors h ig h ly c o rre la te d
w ith ju v e n ile d elin q u en c y ) is social d iso rg a n isa tio n , o r th e
lac k o f o rg a n is e d c o m m u n ity effo rt to d e al w ith th e se
c o n d itio n s.
Im p o r ta n t se m in a l e le m e n ts a re to b e fo u n d in th e social ecology
m o d e l. T h e re is th e im p o rta n t lin k b e tw e e n n e ig h b o u rh o o d ,
c u ltu re a n d c o m m u n ity , a lth o u g h th e se a re n o t sp e lt o u t w ith
a n y so p h istic a tio n . T h e re is th e p o in t th a t w h ilst th e re m ay b e a
d e lin q u e n t tra d itio n in a n area, th is tra d itio n is n o t radically
d iffe re n t fro m m o re resp e ctab le tra d itio n s, a p o in t e la b o ra te d
la te r b y M a tz a (1964). T h ere is th e h in t of a d iffere n tial a sso cia-
tio n th e s is in S h a w a n d M cK ay, th a t w h e re th e re exists o p p o r-
tu n itie s to le a rn d e v ia n t actio n s o v e r resp ec tab le o n e s, th e re w ill
b e a v aria b le d e lin q u e n c y rate. T his o ccu rs a cco rd in g to th e m in
th e d iso rg a n iz e d n e ig h b o u rh o o d , a p o in t M e rto n (1938), w as to
lin k w ith a d isju n c tio n b e tw e e n g oals d e sire d by, b u t u n o b ta in -
a b le to th e p o o r, w h ic h C lo w ard a n d O h lin (1960), w e re to lin k
d ire c tly to th e d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re .
Criticism s o f the social ecology model. The problems of pluralism -

class, conflict and power
S e v e ra l criticism s h a v e b ee n m a d e of th e social ecology m o d el.

D o w n e s (1966, p . 71), p o in ts o u t th e tau to lo g y of th e social
d is o rg a n iz a tio n th esis:
Street-wise • 33
th e ra te o f d e lin q u e n c y in a n a re a (is se e n as) b ein g th e
c h ie f c rite rio n for its 'social d iso rg a n isa tio n ', w h ic h in tu rn
w a s h e ld to a c c o u n t for th e d e lin q u e n c y rate.
T h e e m p h a s is o n d iv e rsity r u n s in to a p ro b lem , b e ca u se of th e
s u g g e s tio n th a t th e socially d iso rg a n iz e d n e ig h b o u rh o o d lacks a
c o h e re n t s e t o f c u ltu ra l n o rm s. T h ey re so lv e d th is b y d e v elo p in g
a th e o ry a c c o rd in g to T aylor et al. (1973, p . 115), w h e re
e a c h specific a re a co u ld be se e n to re p re s e n t th e territo rial

b a se o f a d iffe rin g tra d itio n . Social d iso rg a n isa tio n becam e
tra n s la te d in to d ifferen tial social d iso rg a n isatio n .
T h e th e sis s u g g e sts th a t a p artic u la r n e ig h b o u rh o o d form s th e

te rrito ria l b a se o f a ty p e of d ifferen tial social o rg an iz atio n , a th e m e
fo u n d in A . K. C o h e n 's (1958) ty p o lo g y of se m i-p ro fessio n al
th ie f, d r u g a d d ic t a n d conflict o rie n te d su b c u ltu re s, a n d
C lo w a rd a n d O h lin 's (1960), sim ilar ty p o lo g y . T h ese p lu ralistic
e le m e n ts a re p re s e n t in d ifferen tial social o rg a n isa tio n , b u t a b se n t
in th e social d iso rg a n iz a tio n m o d el w h ich ta k e s a stru c tu ra l
fu n c tio n a list sta n c e , o p e n s u p th e p o ssib ility of conflict w ith in a
n e ig h b o u rh o o d . T h e conflict m ay b e p re s e n t in tw o area s - first
in th e local political eco n o m y o v er scarce reso u rce s, su ch as
h o u s in g , in c o m e, e d u c a tio n , h e a lth a n d e m p lo y m e n t, a n d
se c o n d , a s w e sh all see, o v e r cu ltu ra l in te rp re ta tio n s a n d
id e o lo g ic al so lu tio n s to stru c tu ra l co n trad ictio n s arisin g from
p o lic y o v e r th e first conflict.
T h is in te rp re ta tio n of th e p o ssib ility of th e d ifferen tial o rg a n -
iz a tio n m o d e l m e a n s w e n e e d to co n sid e r th e m ateria l b asis of
th is in a p lu ra listic society. B ourgeois th e o ries of p lu ra lism
c o n fu se th e em p irica l p re se n c e of sev eral cu ltu re s a n d s u b -
c u ltu re s b a s e d o n class a n d e th n icity , w ith political p lu ralism .
T h e y m a k e th e a s s u m p tio n th a t th e se g ro u p s h a v e th e p o ssibility
to w ie ld sim ila rly im p o rta n t in flu en ce o n political, econ om ic a n d
so cial p o licy . It d o e s n o t follow th a t b ec au se th e re is a cu ltu rally
ric h a n d v a rie d d iffe re n tia tio n of social life in a com plex,
in d u s tria l so ciety th a t th e v a rio u s c o m m u n ities h a v e a n y basic
in flu e n c e o n m a jo r political a n d econ om ic d ecisio n s. T he
fo rm a tio n of in te re s t a n d p re s s u re g ro u p s is cite d as a n ecessary
p a r t o f th e d em o cratic p ro cess. T h e eco n o m y of B ritain a n d th e
U n ite d S ta te s is n o t h o w e v e r d istrib u te d pluralistically. C o n c en -
tra tio n o f m a te ria l w e alth in th e U n ite d S tates is in a few
c o rp o ra tio n s (E d w a rd s et al., 1972; C hristoffel et al., 1970), w h ilst
in B ritain a sim ilar c o n c e n tra tio n is a m o n g w e a lth y elites
(A tk in so n , 1975; R eid, 1977; U rry a n d W ak efo rd , 1973 a n d
W e s te rg a a rd a n d R esler, 1975). T his g iv es a n ap p ro x im a tio n in
34 • Street-wise
th e U n ite d S ta te s of 1 p e r ce n t o w n in g 40 p e r ce n t of th e n a tio n a l
w e a lth , a n d in B ritain 2 p e r ce n t o w n in g 55 p e r cen t. A m in o rity
w h o a re re la te d b y w e a lth , c o rp o ra tio n in te re sts a n d o ften
k in s h ip , s h a rin g a c o m m o n b a c k g ro u n d can h a rd ly b e p re s e n te d
a s o n e in te re s t g ro u p am o n g m a n y o th e rs. A ru lin g class or
in flu e n tia l elite w o u ld seem m o re a p p ro p ria te , a n d as Q u in n e y
a rg u e s (T aylor et al., 1973, p . 194):
W h ilst p lu ra lists m a y su g g e st th a t th e re a re m a n y d iv erse
a n d c o n flic tin g in te re sts a m o n g g ro u p s in th e u p p e r class,
w h a t is ig n o re d is th e fact th a t m e m b e rs of th e ru lin g class
w o rk w ith in a c o m m o n fra m ew o rk in th e fo rm u latio n of
p u b lic p o licy. S u p erficially g ro u p s w ith in th e ru lin g class
m a y d iffe r o n so m e issu es. B ut in g e n e ra l th e y sh a re
c o m m o n in te re s ts , a n d th e y can ex clu d e m e m b e rs of o th e r
c la sse s fro m th e political p ro c e ss en tirely .
T h e p o litical, id eo lo g ical a n d econom ic c o n tro l of th e ru lin g class
e x te n d , a d m itte d ly in a diffu se a n d m e d ia te d w ay , in to th e local
u r b a n s tru c tu re . T h e ecological m o d e l of 'n a tu ra l a re a s' is
im p ro v e d b y a c o n sid e ra tio n of th is effect in pu b lic policy, th e
lo cal e c o n o m y a n d political sy ste m , a n d th e exercise of social
c o n tro l th r o u g h th e police a n d m ag istracy . A stab le social o rd e r
is in th e in te re s ts o f th e ru lin g class, a n d e sse n tia l to th is is a
d o cile a n d c o n te n te d w o rk force. C rim in al law is im p o rta n t in
th is , b e c a u se it is rec o g n ize d as m a k in g a n a p p e a l ab o v e th e
in te r e s ts o f specific g ro u p s to th e n e u tra lity of ju stice. D eviancy
a n d d e lin q u e n c y can b e se p a ra te d off, a s can a n y d issid e n t
e le m e n ts a s d y sfu n c tio n a l to law a n d o rd e r, a n d th u s u s e d to
d e a l sy m p to m a tic a lly w ith a p ro b le m w h ic h m ay exist s tru c tu r-
ally. In a n em p iric al s tu d y o f G la sg o w 's E a ste rh o u se , A rm stro n g
a n d W ilso n (1973), h a v e su g g e ste d a re la tio n sh ip b e tw e e n city
p o litic s a n d d e lin q u e n t n e ig h b o u rh o o d s. T h e b u ilt e n v iro n m e n t
c o m b in e d w ith local d e m o g ra p h y to stru c tu re th e p a tte rn of
y o u th re la tio n s h ip s , w h ich a lre a d y h a d a lo n g h isto ry of th e ir
o w n in G la sg o w . F actors su ch as po licin g th e area from o u tsid e
th e d istric t, th e official d e sig n a tio n a n d c o n se q u e n t stig m a tiz -
a tio n o f E a ste rh o u se as a 'p ro b le m a re a ', a n d th e social visibility
o f local s tre e t c o rn e r g ro u p s e sca la te d p ro b le m s of police c o n tro l
a n d local y o u th . T h e p ro b le m of violence a n d v a n d a lism b ecam e
a local p a rty p o litical issu e w ith v a st m e d ia in v o lv em e n t. T his
fe d b a ck to local y o u th a n im ag e of th e ir n e ig h b o u rh o o d 's
r e p u ta tio n a n d th e ir p a rt in it, le a d in g to a situ a tio n of d ev ian cy
a m p lific a tio n , k e p t alive b y local political c o n tro v e rsy o v e r
d e lin q u e n c y . T h is is in direct c o n tra st to S h a w a n d M cK ay's
c o n v ic tio n th a t a d e lin q u e n t n e ig h b o u rh o o d is n o t th e re su lt of
Street-wise • 35
local social co n tro l. In fact th e local co rp o ratio n a n d th e local
a u th o rity a re d irectly in v o lv e d in B ritain in w h a t is seen as b e st
stra te g y fo r d e a lin g w ith w h a t is c o n ce p tu aliz ed as a n e s s e n -
tia lly local p ro b le m , a n d law en fo rc e m e n t d irectly reflects th is.
M o rris (1957, p . 57), h a s su g g e ste d th a t police a ttitu d e to
o ffe n d e rs is im p o rta n tly re la te d to n e ig h b o u rh o o d . Local n e ig h -
b o u rh o o d s a n d c o m m u n itie s h av e a defin ite re p u ta tio n , d e p e n d -
in g o n th e ir class a n d e th n ic c o m p o sitio n , a n d local a d m in istra -
tiv e d e c isio n s, su b je c t to m id d le -c la ss p re ssu re g ro u p s, directly
re fle c t th e se . In d e e d , it is a t precisely th is level th a t p re ssu re
g r o u p s h a v e a n effect (see C. W rig h t M ills, 1957), ra th e r th a n at
to p d e c isio n -m a k in g level. Local ra te p a y e rs b rin g p re ssu re to
b e a r w h e re p a rtic u la r c o m m u n ity p ro jec ts are to b e sited (for
e x a m p le , c e n tre s for alcoholics o r th e m en ta lly h a n d ic a p p e d ), or
w h ic h h o u s in g e sta te s are to b e u se d for 'p ro b le m fam ilies'.
N e ig h b o u rh o o d s a re ra n k e d in th e p u b lic m in d acco rd in g to
so cial d e sira b ility , a n d th is affects p ro p e rty p rices a n d in v e st-
m e n t: o n c e stig m a tiz e d , th e self-fulfilling p ro p h e c y o p erates
w ith a d is tric t's re p u ta tio n living o n , as w ith G la sg o w 's G orbals,
lo n g a fte r it h a s b e e n re d e v e lo p e d .
H ig h ra te s o f crim in ality a n d d e lin q u e n c y in d o w n -to w n areas
c o n ta in a n in te rp la y b e tw e e n resp e cta b le a n d d e v ia n t v alu es.
W h y te (1943), fo u n d in h is C hicago slu m , th a t th e stre e t co rn e r
b o y su b c u ltu re w a s n o t sim p ly d e lin q u e n t. T he stre e t c o rn er
w a s a so cial m ilie u fo r th e local b o y s to o rg an ize th e ir social life
d u r in g u n e m p lo y m e n t. In fractio n s of th e law o ccu rred , b u t
th e s e w e re s itu a tio n s w h e re th e law w a s se e n as irrelev an t.
D e lin q u e n c y in th e se areas is a n o rm al form of b e h av io u r,
s u p p o r te d b y a m ix ed se t of v a lu e s, giving rise to a d ifferen tial
le a rn in g s itu a tio n fra m e d in a n o rm a tiv e co ntext differin g from
re s p e c ta b le m id d le -c la ss v a lu e s, a n d a llo w in g for a p p re n tic e -
s h ip s in to d e v ia n t caree rs as w ell as resp ectab le o n es.
T h e so c ia l m ea n in g o f territory in the w ork in g-class

co m m u n ity
F o llo w in g fro m th e social ecolog y m o d el, b u t ig n o re d by it, is

th e social m e a n in g th a t te rrito ry h a s in th e local w o rk in g -class
n e ig h b o u rh o o d . P h y sical sp ace is n o t m erely a sim p le territo rial
im p e ra tiv e , b u t sym b olic of a w h o le life-style. C en tral to it is th e
s ta tu s o f th e local n e ig h b o u rh o o d b u t th is n e e d s to b e u n d e r -
s to o d in th e c o n te x t of th e w id e r stru g g le for d e c e n t h o u sin g .
36 • Street-wise
T h e in n e r city te n d s to be in h a b ite d b y im p o v e rish e d , stig -

m a tiz e d g ro u p s , o fte n from e th n ic m in o ritie s a n d th e im m ig ra n t
w o rk force. H o w e v e r th e z o n in g su g g e ste d in th e social ecology
m o d e l is fa r fro m n e w . E ngels (1962), w ritin g of M a n c h e ste r in
1844, n o te s z o n in g in
all M a n c h e s te r p ro p e r, all S alfo rd a n d H u lm e . . . are all

u n m ix e d w o rk in g p e o p le 's q u a rte rs , stre tc h in g like a g ird le,
a v e ra g in g a m ile a n d a h alf a ro u n d th e com m ercial d istrict.
O u ts id e , b e y o n d th e g ird le, lives th e u p p e r a n d m id d le
b o u rg e o isie in re m o te r villages w ith g a rd e n s . . . in free,
w h o le s o m e , c o u n try air, in fine co m fo rtab le h o m e s, p a sse d
e v e ry h a lf h o u r o r q u a rte r h o u r b y o m n ib u se s g o in g in to
th e city . A n d th e fin e st p a rt of th e a rra n g e m e n t is th a t
m e m b e rs o f th e m o n e y aristo cracy can ta k e th e s h o rte st
ro a d th ro u g h th e m id d le of all th e la b o u rin g d istricts w ith -
o u t e v e r se e in g th a t th e y are in th e m id st of th e g rim y
m ise ry th a t lu rk s to th e rig h t a n d l e f t . . . th e y suffice to
co n ce al fro m th e e y e s of th e w e a lth y m e n a n d w o m e n of
s tr o n g sto m a c h s a n d w e ak n e rv e s th e m isery a n d grim e
w h ic h fo rm th e c o m p le m e n t of th e ir w e a lth .
G . S. Jo n e s (1971), re m in d s u s th a t in V ictorian L o n d o n , th e fear

o f d ise a s e , a n d a re p u g n a n c e c o n c e rn in g th e p o o r c a u se d th e m
to b e g h e tto iz e d , w h ic h m e a n t th a t a lre a d y im p o v e rish e d
b o ro u g h s h a d to p a y a larg er p o o r relief, w h ilst th e w e a lth ie r
o n e s a v o id e d a n y o b lig atio n to th e p o o r. L arge th o ro u g h fa re s
a n d w id e o p e n sp a ce s s e p a ra te d off th e p o o r. In a re a s of h ig h
r e n ts th e p o o r c a n n o t affo rd tra n sp o rta tio n , so w h e re th e y
re s id e is also d ic ta te d b y access to e m p lo y m e n t, as in th e
N o r th e r n tex tile to w n s. N o c o m p e titio n to th e rich, th e y re sid e
in u n fa s h io n a b le d istric ts, u n le ss th e se d istric ts b eco m e p e r -
c e iv e d as p o sse ssin g a p ic tu re sq u e c h arm , w h ich p u ts u p th e
p ric e s. T h e la st to a rriv e in a w o rk in g -c la ss n e ig h b o u rh o o d are
u s u a lly re le g a te d to th e ra n k s of th e 'u n re sp e c ta b le ' w o rk in g
c la ss. In m o d e rn cities th e se te n d to be im m ig ra n t w o rk ers, w h o
b e c a u s e o f a d e sire to p re se rv e th e ir cu ltu re , re sid e in a
p a rtic u la r a re a w h ic h c o n se q u e n tly th e y fin d difficult to leave.
T h e y b e c o m e b la m e d for th e d e te rio ra tio n of th a t d istrict, as
D o w n e s (1966, p . 217), in S te p n e y , in L o n d o n 's E ast E n d ,
s u g g e sts:
V irtu a lly b a rre d fro m council flats, th e 'b lac k s' in ev itab ly
re s o rt to th is d e te rio ra tin g p ro p e rty . Local w h ite re sid e n ts
lin k th e o n s e t o f d e te rio ra tio n w ith th e arriv al of th e blacks,
a n d b la m e th e n ew c o m e rs for th e d e te rio ra tio n .
Street-wise • 37
R ex a n d M o o re (1967), in th e ir stu d y of th e rela tio n s b e tw e e n

h o u s in g scarcity a n d racism in B irm in g h am , fa v o u r a 'class
s tru g g le fo r h o u s in g ' in th e W eb erian se n se , ra th e r th a n th e
so cial eco lo g y m o d e l. T he situ a tio n d e scrib ed in D o w n es w as
c o m p lic a te d in B irm in g h am b y th e u se of political p o w e r b y
in te re s t g ro u p s to g a in access to h o u sin g . T his d isa d v a n ta g e d
th e n e w im m ig ra n ts, w h o , re le g a te d to d e te rio ra tin g n e ig h b o u r-
h o o d s , b e c a m e b la m e d for th e ir decay.
T e rrito ry also h a s a n im p o rta n c e sym bolically in y o u th s u b -
c u ltu re s a m o n g th e w o rk in g class. P rid e in th e local te rrito ry
b e c o m e s a n e x p re ssio n o f c o n se rv a tism , w ith th e p ro te c tio n of it
fla rin g in to p re ju d ic e a n d racism . S ym bolically it can also
m a n ife s t itse lf in th e d efen ce b y th e v io len t of its 'tu r f', o r in
a g g re ssiv e s u p p o rt fo r local football team s. A typical exam ple
w a s th e c o n c e rn o v e r M illw all F.C . in 1978. T his local L o n d o n
te a m d e v e lo p e d a re p u ta tio n for violence a m o n g its su p p o rte rs
w h ic h se rio u sly b e g a n to affect its g ate. T h re e local y o u th
g r o u p s m a d e u p th e terrace fan s w h o ca u se d co n cern . T he
e ld e s t w e re a g ro u p of y o u n g m e n , th e 'F T eam ': th e y w e re se e n
a s a b u n c h o f 'n u tte r s ' w h o g o t in v o lv ed in 'ru c k in g ', a n d w o u ld
o n a w a y g a m e s v isit o th e r L o n d o n h o m e g ro u n d s w ith th e
in te n tio n o f fig h tin g . T he 'H alfw a y L in e' w e re te e n a g e h a r d -
c o re s u p p o rte rs w h o follo w ed th e h o m e a n d aw ay g am es, a n d
w e re p re p a r e d to 's te a m in ' o n th e 'a g g ro ', a n d finally th e
y o u n g e s t g ro u p , w h o w ere a m in i-v e rsio n of th e 'H a lfw a y L ine'.
A c a re e r w a s p o ssib le th ro u g h s u p p o rt o n th e terraces, from age
te n to a b o u t th irty y e a rs o ld, w ith a p rid e ta k e n less in th e team
(a r a th e r in d iffe re n t local on e) b u t in th e fa n s' ability to fight,
a n d th e claim 'M illw all d o n 't r u n '. 'S te a m in g in ' o n o th e r fans
w a s a te s t o f s u p p o r t for th e te rrito ry . T his se n se of local p rid e , if
u n d e r m in e d b y th e d e ca y of th e d istrict a n d its local eco n o m y , is
re p la c e d b y a c o n se rv a tism of a w o rk in g -class form , w h ic h can
ta k e a h ig h ly re a c tio n a ry stan ce a g a in st o u tsid e rs.
T h e sta tistica l p resen ce o f d elin q u en cy in w ork in g -class

n e ig h b o u r h o o d s
O n e m a in a rg u m e n t fa v o u rin g th e social d iso rg a n iz a tio n m o d el

w a s th e h ig h lev el o f d e lin q u e n c y in d o w n -to w n n e ig h b o u r-
h o o d s . C e rta in ly official sta tistics su g g e st a close relatio n
b e tw e e n d e lin q u e n c y a n d y o u n g w o rk in g -c la ss m ales. Box
(1971, C h a p te rs 3; 6), d isc u sse s th is, citin g L a n d e r (1954), w h o
fo u n d h o m e o w n e rs h ip a n d e th n ic ity co rrelatin g to d elin q u en c y ,
38 • Street-wise
B o rd u a (1967a), w h o fo u n d h o m e o w n e rsh ip th e m o st im p o rta n t
v a ria b le , w ith o v erc ro w d in g a n d e d u c a tio n n e x t a n d P olk
(1957), w h o fo u n d a co rrelatio n b e tw e e n d e lin q u e n c y a n d
e th n ic ity a n d h e n c e p o v e rty . E v en G o rd o n (1967), w h o d is p u te s
th e s e fin d in g s o n c o m p u ta tio n g ro u n d s , fin d s a co rrelatio n
b e tw e e n social class a n d d e lin q u e n cy . A n im p o rta n t e le m e n t,
th o u g h , is la w e n fo rc e m e n t policy. In all 'ro u g h ' d istric ts th e re
a re c o m p la in ts b y w o rk in g -class y o u th a b o u t police su rv e il-
la n c e , o r 'h e a v y m a n n e rs ' as y o u n g W est In d ia n s call it. Police
o n th e jo b sc re e n p o ssib le o ffe n d e rs, a n d th is is re la te d to
p a rtic u la r ty p e s o f y o u th . In A m erica, G o ld m a n (1969), fo u n d 65
p e r c e n t o f b lack s a n d 34 p e r c e n t of w h ite s re fe rre d to c o u rt,
a lth o u g h th e ra te e v e n e d o u t for m o re serio u s offences. T he
L o n d o n M e tro p o lita n Police in 1978 su g g e ste d th a t 42 p e r c e n t
o f th e ft w a s b y y o u n g blacks. P iliavin a n d B riar (1964), fo u n d
d e m e a n o u r a n im p o rta n t e le m e n t in p o lice-ju v en ile in te ra c tio n ,
w ith th o s e b e in g a rre s te d w h o w e re o ld e r, black, 'g re a se rs' o r
u n d e fe re n tia l. T h e s tu d y su g g e ste d th a t th e police c o n c e n tra te d
o n th e u rb a n g h e tto a n d in d isc rim in a te ly h a ra sse d c itizen s, a
c o m p la in t n o w h e a rd in th e g h e tto s of L o n d o n a n d B irm ing-
h a m . W e rth m a n a n d P iliavin (1967), n o te d th e im p o rta n c e of
te rrito ry , w ith g a n g b o y s se ein g th e stre e ts as th e ir 'tu rf' a n d th e
p o lic e a s e n e m ie s en fo rc in g a law s u p p o rte d a n d p ro d u c e d b y
a n e x te rn a l p o w e r stru c tu re w h ic h s u p p re s s e d m in o ritie s a n d
p r o m o te d racism . T h e ir c o n te m p t for th e police ex p la in e d th e ir
h ig h a rre s t ra te . B o rd u a (1967a) su g g e ste d th a t a rre st ra te s
re fle c t o rg a n iz a tio n a l p re ssu re s a n d p ro c e d u re s w h ic h v ary n o t
o n ly b e tw e e n police forces b u t w ith in th e m . T h e ju v e n ile b u re a u
w a s a n im p o rta n t v ariable. P e p in sk y (1976), fo u n d th a t p a tro l-
m e n d e v e lo p in fo rm a l ru le s o n th e job to d eal w ith a m b ig u ities,
a n d th a t th e s e o p e ra te o n a legal 'o p e n o r s h u t' b asis to o b ta in
c o n v ic tio n s m o re easily. C icourel (1968) in a n im p o rta n t stu d y
s h o w e d th a t s tru c tu re a n d id eo lo g y of p a rtic u la r o rg a n iz a tio n s,
s u c h a s th e police force, p ro b a tio n service a n d social w o rk
a g e n c ie s, a re im p o rta n t in n e g o tia tin g w ith o ffe n d ers c o n c e rn -
in g th e ir d isp o sa l, a n d th a t th e se rio u sn e ss of th e offence is
in flu e n c e d b y th e class o rig in s a n d h o m e c o n d itio n s of th e
o ffe n d e r. It w a s th e o rg a n iz a tio n a l in flu en c e s of d a y -to -d a y
p o licy im p le m e n ta tio n w h ic h , C icou rel (1968, p. 329) c o n -
s id e re d ,
d e te rm in e th e n a tu re of social co n tro l, th e judicial p ro -

c e d u re s th a t a re likely to follow , a n d th e k in d s of d e lin -
q u e n t o r n o n d e lin q u e n t p ro d u c ts officially re c o rd e d o r n o t
re c o rd e d .
Street-wise • 39
D if fe r e n t ia l id e n tific a tio n in th e d ep r iv e d n eig h b o u r h o o d
If, a s is s u g g e s te d a b o v e , c u ltu r a l p lu r a lis m o c c u rs in d e p r iv e d

n e i g h b o u r h o o d s , it is im p o r ta n t to c o n s id e r th e e ffe c ts o n th e
a c to r o f th is . In s u b c u ltu r a l th e o ry , S u th e r la n d a n d C re s s y
(1 96 6 ), p o s tu la te a le a r n in g th e o r y m o d e l, b a s e d o n o p e r a n t
c o n d itio n in g in p s y c h o lo g y , a n d e x te n d e d to a w id e r so c io -
lo g ic a l b a s e . B rie fly th e y a r g u e th a t w h e r e th e re e x ists a n e x c ess
o f a s s o c ia tio n w ith d e v ia n t a c to rs , e s p e c ia lly in c o n ju n c tio n w ith
in tim a te p o s itiv e r e fe re n c e g r o u p s , m o tiv e s a re le a r n e d w h ic h
r a tio n a liz e a n ti- s o c ia l b e h a v io u r . T h is m ix tu re o f le a r n in g th e o ry
a n d s y m b o lic in te r a c tio n m a y e x p la in h o w a n id e o lo g y is
b r o u g h t in to c o n s c io u s n e s s a n d e v e n le a r n e d , b u t it fails to
e x p la in le g itim a c y o f m o tiv e s . M a tz a (1969b) h a s c ritic iz e d it fo r
its la c k o f h u m a n is tic p u r p o s e a n d m e a n in g . A c to rs, h e a r g u e s
(M a tz a , 1969b, p . 107), 'in te n tio n a lly m o v e in s e a rc h o f m e a n in g
a s w e ll a s n o u r is h m e n t', a n d w h a t S u th e r la n d h a s fa ile d to
a p p r e c ia te is (M a tz a , op. cit., p . 107), 'th e in te r p e n e tr a tio n o f
c u ltu r a l w o r ld s - th e sy m b o lic a v a ila b ility o f v a r io u s w a y s o f life
e v e r y w h e re .'.
G la s e r h a s m a d e a m o r e h u m a n is tic a p p r o a c h in h is e x te n s io n
o f d if f e r e n tia l a s s o c ia tio n , a s S u th e r la n d ca lle d h is th e o ry , to
in c o r p o r a te s y m b o lic in te r a c tio n w ith c u ltu ra l p lu r a lis m (G la se r,
1966). T h is in d ic a te s th e u s e o f im a g e ry a n d r o le - ta k in g in th e
c o n s tr u c tio n o f id e n tity . G la s e r s u g g e s ts th a t d u r in g th e ir life -
tim e s , m o s t a c to r s id e n tif y w ith b o th c rim in a l a n d n o n c rim in a l
p e r s o n s , a n d th a t th is c a n b e u s e d to c o n s tru c t a th e o ry o f
d if f e r e n tia l id e n tif ic a tio n w h ic h G la s e r (1966, p . 434), s u g g e s ts
is,
I n e s s e n c e is th a t a p e r s o n p u r s u e s c rim in a l b e h a v io u r to
th e e x te n t th a t h e id e n tifie s w ith re a l o r im a g in a ry p e r s o n s
f ro m w h o s e p e r s p e c tiv e s h is c rim in a l b e h a v io u r s e e m s
a c c e p ta b le . S u c h a th e o ry fo c u s e s a tte n tio n o n th e in te r -
a c tio n in w h ic h c h o ic e m o d e ls o c c u r, in c lu d in g th e in -
d iv i d u a l's in te r a c tio n w ith h im s e lf in r a tio n a lis in g h is
c o n d u c t.
G la s e r h a s ta k e n n o te o f S h ib u ta n i's (1955), p o in t th a t re fe re n c e
g r o u p s a r e n o t o n ly re a l, b u t m y th ic a l o r im a g in a ry a lso . It is le ss
w h a t s u b c u ltu r e s a r e w h ic h a ttr a c ts a d o le s c e n ts , b u t w h a t th e y
f a n ta s iz e th e m to b e . T h is in tr o d u c e s a lso w h a t G id d e n s (1976),
c a lls 's lip p a g e ' in to s u b c u ltu r e s . S lip p a g e o c c u rs w h e n (G id d e n s ,
1976, p . 162), c o n c e p ts a re
40 • Street-wise
a p p r o p r ia te d b y th o se w h o se c o n d u c t th e y w e re o riginally
c o in e d to a n a ly se , a n d h e n c e to b eco m e in te g ra l fe a tu re s of
th a t c o n d u c t.
T h e p u r p o s e a n d m e a n in g of s u b c u ltu re s are im p o rta n t in th e
c o n s tru c tio n o f a n id e n tity w h ic h is to e v a d e th e ascrib ed
id e n tity c o m p o n e n ts in ad o lescen ce. G la se r (1966, p . 435), n o te s
T h e im a g e o f b e h a v io u r as ro le -p la y in g , b o rro w e d from th e
th e a tre p re s e n ts p e o p le as d ire c tin g th e ir actio n s o n th e
b a sis o f th e ir c o n c e p tio n s of h o w o th e rs see th e m . T he
ch o ice of a n o th e r fro m w h o se p e rsp e c tiv e w e v iew o u r o w n
b e h a v io u r is th e p ro ce ss of id e n tific atio n . It m ay b e w ith
im m e d ia te o th e rs, o r w ith d is ta n t a n d p e rh a p s a b stra ctly
g e n e ra lis e d o th e rs of o u r re fe ren ce g ro u p s.
P o ssib le ro le s w ith in th e su b c u ltu re , 'c a re e rs' o n w h ic h to b a se

th e ro le s, a n d th e m e a n in g of th e su b c u ltu re are esse n tia l
e le m e n ts in c o n stru c tin g a n id e n tity . F or ex am p le, th e official
sc h o o l ro le of p u p il m ay b e rejec te d b y a n a d o le sc e n t w h o h a s a
s e m i-c o n sc io u s re c o g n itio n of a stru c tu ra l p ro b le m , th e failure
o f sc h o o l to m e e t th e a d o le sc e n t's n e e d s d u e to c o n tra d ic tio n s in
th e a c tu a l p u rp o s e o f e d u c a tio n . T his is ex p e rie n c e d as school
b e in g p e rc e iv e d as m e a n in g le ss. T h e d e v ia n t su b c u ltu re a p p e a rs
a s a p o sitiv e re fe re n c e g ro u p (ju st as th e p u p il su b c u ltu re
a p p e a rs a s a n e g a tiv e referen ce g ro u p ), w h ic h offers sym bolic
a n d social s u p p o rt, w ith a c o u n te r-id eo lo g ica l stan c e to th a t of
sc h o o l. A n a c h ie v e d alte rn a tiv e id e n tity can b e c o n stru c te d fro m
s u b c u ltu ra l e le m e n ts w h ic h is a n a lte rn a tiv e to th e asc rib e d
sc h o o l p u p il role.
P lu m m e r (1975), h a s n o te d im p o rta n t lin k s b e tw e e n th e
c o n s tru c tio n o f id e n tity a n d su b c u ltu re s. In th e case of th e
h o m o s e x u a l su b c u ltu re , th e re is a se n sitiz a tio n to w a rd s a fu tu re
id e n tity , h e ig h te n e d in th e h o m o se x u a l case of feeling d iffe re n t.
T h is fe e lin g d e v e lo p s a h e ig h te n e d se lf-a w a re n ess a b o u t s u b -
c u ltu re s w h ic h a p p e a rs to o ffer a fit b e tw e e n o n e 's d e sire d
id e n tity a n d th e p re s e n t situ a tio n . T his h e calls significatio n,
a n d it is fo llo w ed b y su b c u ltu riz a tio n , th e a w a re n e ss o f a n d
e n tr y in to a specific su b c u ltu re . S tab ilizatio n of id e n tity follow s
s u p p o r te d b y th e n o rm a tiv e sy ste m of th e su b c u ltu re . S tab iliza-
tio n is o b v io u sly m o re te m p o ra ry in y o u th su b c u ltu re s, b u t th e
m o d e l is u se fu l. T h e c o n trib u tio n th a t su b c u ltu ra l th e o ry h a s to
sy m b o lic in te ra c tio n th e o ry h a s d e v e lo p e d b e y o n d role th e o ry
a n d re fe re n c e g ro u p th e o ry , to co n sid e rin g th e co m p licated
lin k s in th e d e v e lo p m e n t of id e n tity , a n d th e im p o rta n t p a rt
v a rio u s su b c u ltu re s p la y in th e c o n stru c tio n of social reality.
Street-wise • 41
A n o m ie th e o r y a n d its in flu e n c e o n su b c u ltu ra l stu d ie s
A n o m ie is p r e d o m in a n tly a D u rk h e im ia n c o n c e p t w h ic h a r g u e s
th a t a c o n d itio n o f n o r m le s s n e s s a ris e s w h e n a d is r u p tio n o f th e
s o c ia l o r d e r o c c u rs ( D u rk h e im , 1951). P e o p le 's a s p ira tio n s rise in
th is s itu a tio n so th a t th e y a re n o lo n g e r c o n tro lle d b y th e
c o lle c tiv e s o c ia l o r d e r , a n d h e n c e b e c o m e a s p ira tio n s b e y o n d
th e p o s s ib ility o f fu lfilm e n t. T h e s o u rc e o f a n o m ie is to b e f o u n d
in th e s tr a in a r is in g b e tw e e n th e c o lle c tiv e m o ra l a u th o rity
('c o lle c tiv e c o n s c ie n c e ') a n d in d iv id u a l in te r e s ts . A n o m ie a ris e s
w h e r e th e 'c o lle c tiv e c o n s c ie n c e ' fails to c o n tro l in d iv id u a l
a s p ir a tio n s . H o r to n (1964) s u g g e s ts th a t th is is ra d ic a l c o n s e r -
v a tis m . D u r k h e im a r g u e s th a t a n e q u ita b le d iv is io n o f la b o u r
w h ic h p e r m its m e rito c ra c y e ffic ie n tly w o u ld c re a te so c ial
a l tr u is m a n d d is in te r e s t, r e d u c in g in s titu tio n a liz e d in d iv id u a l
s e lf - in te r e s t. M e rto n (1957), s u b tly c h a n g e s D u rk h e im 's m e a n -
in g , im p ly in g a c o n s e n s u a l n o tio n o f su c c e ss. T h is is n e v e r
d e f in e d b e y o n d th e c r u d e ly m a te ria l. M e rto n se e s a n o m ie as
e n d e m ic in A m e r ic a n so c ie ty , b u t m o v e s a w a y fro m D u rk h e im 's
r a d ic a lis m a b o u t in e q u a lity a n d s e lf-d is in te re s t. H o rto n a r g u e s
(1964, p . 284)
M e r to n 's a n o m ie d iffe rs fro m th a t o f D u rk h e im in o n e

c ru c ia l r e s p e c t - in its id e n tific a tio n w ith th e v e r y g r o u p s
a n d v a lu e s w h ic h D u rk h e im s a w a s th e p rim e s o u rc e o f
a n o m ie in in d u s tr ia l so c ie tie s. M o ra lity m e a n s to D u rk h e im
. . . s o c ia l g o a ls o b e y e d o u t o f d is in te r e s t a n d a ltru is m , n o t
s e lf in t e r e s t a n d e g o is m . T o m a x im ise o p p o r tu n itie s fo r
a c h ie v in g s u c c e s s w o u ld in n o w a y e n d a n o m ie . . .
T h e r o o ts o f M e r to n 's a n o m ie lie in a s tr u c tu ra l s tr a in , g e n e r a te d
b y d if f e r e n tia l a c c e ss to o p p o r tu n ity s tr u c tu re s . S u c h a s tr a in is
d a n g e r o u s to so c ie ty (M e rto n , 1938, p . 678):
T h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f s u c h s tr u c tu r a l in c o n s is te n c y a re
p s y c h o p a th o lo g y o f p e r s o n a lity , a n d / o r a n ti so c ial c o n d u c t
a n d / o r r e v o lu tio n a r y a c tiv itie s.
A m a jo r so c ia l d a n g e r is to p o s it th e id e o lo g y o f e g a lita ria n is m
c o n c e r n in g in te r n a liz e d su c c e s s g o a ls, w h e r e th e r e is n o m a tc h -
in g o p p o r tu n ity s tr u c tu r e s . M e rto n p o s its a m o d e l o f a d a p ta -
tio n s ( p r e d o m in a n tly d y s fu n c tio n a l) a s a r e s p o n s e to th e fa ilu re
in s o c ie ty o f b o th g o a ls a n d m e a n s b e in g a c c e p ta b le to its
in h a b ita n ts . T h is o v e rlo o k s th e c o m p le x d iv e rs ity o f v a lu e s a n d
42 • Street-wise
a c tio n s in th e m o d e rn in d u stria l sta te , a n d is n a iv e a b o u t th e
re la tio n s b e tw e e n th e sta te a n d th e political eco n o m y . A n o m ie is
a fac et fo r M e rto n , of th e b u ilt-in d issa tisfa c tio n s d u e to th e
fo s te rin g o f th e n e e d to co n su m e , w h ic h e n ta ils ev e r-risin g
e x p e c ta tio n s w h ic h c a n n o t b e m e t. M e rto n 's v iew th a t all
m e m b e rs o f a so ciety h a v e acc ep ted m a te rial g ain as a d o m in a n t
v a lu e c an b e ch a lle n g e d . T hey m ay u n d e rs ta n d th a t m o n e y is
e s s e n tia l to th e m a in te n a n c e of th e ir life-style, b u t th a t it is n o t
to a rg u e th a t th e y h a v e th e sam e cu ltu ra l goals.
M e rto n 's in flu e n c e o n su b c u ltu ra l th e o ry is h o w e v e r c o n -
s id e ra b le . O n e n o ta b le re sp o n se w a s th e w o rk of a m ajo r
s u b c u ltu ra l th e o rist, A . K. C o h e n (1955). W h ilst critical of
M e rto n , C o h e n re m a in e d o u tsid e th e social ecology a p p ro a c h of
th e C h icag o school. C o h e n a rg u e s (1955), th a t M e rto n ia n m o d e s
o f a d a p ta tio n to stru c tu ra l stra in fail to a cc o u n t for 'n o n
u tilita ria n , m alicio u s a n d n e g ativ istic' b e h a v io u r in w o rk in g -
c la ss d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re s. D e lin q u e n ts steal, th u s a p p re c ia t-
in g m o n e y , y e t th ro w aw ay w h a t th e y steal, or co n c e n tra te o n
th in g s o f little v a lu e. M otiv atio n of a d e lin q u e n t n a tu re is fo u n d
n o t in a n o m ie , b u t in a d o lesc en t sta tu s p ro b le m s. S ta tu s o ccu rs
in a m id d le -c la ss n o rm a tiv e co ntext. T he p a th s to u p w a rd
m o b ility a re g u a rd e d b y th e e d u c a tio n a l sy stem , w h ich is
a p p a re n tly o b jectiv e, b u t is d o m in a te d by th e 'm id d le-c la ss
m e a s u rin g ro d '. T h e p a ra d o x for w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th is th a t,
d e s p ite a n a d h e re n c e to w o rk in g -c la ss c u ltu re , th e y face
'm id d le -c la s s criteria of sta tu s ' w h ic h e n s u re s th e y in te rn a liz e
m id d le -c la ss v alu e s. B ecause th e y are e x clu d e d b y lim ited
o p p o r tu n ity stru c tu re s from o b ta in in g m id d le -c la ss success, th e
d e lin q u e n t s u b c u ltu re evolves as a 'collective so lu tio n '. T his is
p a rtic u la rly tru e fo r y o u n g w o rk in g -c la ss m ales, b ec au se th e ir
su c c e ss d e p e n d s m o re o n a c h iev e m e n t. F or som e w o rk in g -
class b o y s, th e re is th e 'college b o y ' a d a p ta tio n , th e p u rs u it
of m id d le -c la ss e d u c a tio n a n d life-sty le. T h e re is also th e 'co rn er
b o y ' a d a p ta tio n w h ich allo w s a m in im ally crim inal a d a p ta tio n
to w o rk in g -c la ss v alu es b u t is n o t d iv o rc ed from m id d le-
c la ss a p p ro v a l. T h e su b c u ltu re for th e y o u n g w o rk in g -c la ss m ale
is 'a w a y o f lo o k in g a t th e w o rld '; it is 'a w ay of life th a t h a s
b e c o m e tra d itio n a l', w ith th e d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re d ev e lo p in g
b e h a v io u r w h ic h is 'n e g a tiv istic, m alicio u s a n d n o n -u tilita ria n ',
c o m m itte d to 's h o rt r u n h e d o n ism '. By a p ro c ess of 're a c tio n
fo rm a tio n ' th e d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re in v e rts th e m id d le-c la ss
v a lu e sy ste m , a n d o ffers a 'collective so lu tio n ' in w h ich , C o h e n
(1955, p . 28), c o n sid e rs th a t, 'th e d e lin q u e n t's c o n d u c t is rig h t
b y th e s ta n d a r d s of h is su b c u ltu re , p recisely b ec au se it is w ro n g
b y th e n o rm s of th e la rg e r c u ltu re .'
Street-wise • 43
A social p sy c h o lo g ica l p ro c ess ('rea c tio n fo rm a tio n ') is u se d in
re s p o n s e to a s tru c tu ra l p ro b le m , w h ich offers secu rity 'a g a in st
a n in n e r th re a t to h is d e fe n c e s'. T he im p o ssib ility of av o id in g
th e 'm id d le -c la ss m e a su rin g ro d ' w ith its c o n se q u e n t th re a t to
s ta tu s a n d im p lie d th re a ts to w o rk in g -c la ss c u ltu re, cau se
d e lin q u e n ts to p a rtic ip a te in a co m m o n ly ex p erie n c ed p ro b lem
to e v o lv e a collective so lu tio n .
C o h e n w a s c o n sid era b ly criticized. K itsuse a n d D ietrich
(1959), a rg u e d th a t C o h e n failed to d e m o n stra te th a t w o rk in g -
c la ss b o y s c a re d a b o u t ev a lu a tio n , a n d th a t th e ir d e lin q u e n t
in s tru m e n ta lity w a s u n d e re stim a te d . B ordua (1961), felt C o h e n
o v e re s tim a te d th e n o n -u tilita ria n a sp e c ts, a n d u n d e re m p h a -
s iz e d fam ily d y n a m ic s. M iller (1958), a rg u e d th a t d e lin q u e n t
s u b c u ltu re s refle c te d less a reactio n to loss of sta tu s th a n a n
e x te n s io n o f w o rk in g -c la ss 'focal c o n c e rn s' w h ic h cu ltu rally
d iffe re d fro m th o se o f th e m id d le class. For M iller d elin q u en cy
w a s a p ro d u c t of lo w er-class c u ltu re , a n d it w a s lo w er-class
c u ltu re w h ic h h a d a n effect o n d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re s ra th e r
th a n a re a c tio n to m id d le -c la ss c u ltu re. M iller su g g e ste d th a t
'fo ca l c o n c e rn s ' w e re id en tifiab le in w o rk in g -class c u ltu re w h ich
h e (1958, p . 7), d e fin e s as
a re a s o r issu e s w h ic h co m m a n d w id e sp re a d a n d p e rsiste n t
a tte n tio n a n d a h ig h d e g re e of e m o tio n al in v o lv em en t.
H e id e n tifie s a s focal co n ce rn s, tro u b le , to u g h n e ss, sm a rtn e ss,

e x c ite m e n t, fate, a u to n o m y , a n d th a t th e a c tin g -o u t of th e se
a u to m a tic a lly v io la te d d o m in a n t n o rm s. H e im plies th e n th a t
th e r e is a clo se in te g ra tio n in to th e p a re n t c u ltu re (w o rk in g -class
c u ltu re ) of th e d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re , w ith a focus o n certain
c o n c e rn s, a lth o u g h V alen tin e (1968), su g g e sts th a t h is focal
c o n c e rn s c a n also b e fo u n d in th e m id d le class.
C o h e n (C o h e n a n d S h o rt, 1958), re p lie d to h is critics by
a g re e in g th a t th e re is m o re th a n o n e w o rk in g -c la ss d e lin q u e n t
s u b c u ltu ra l ty p e . A su b c u ltu ra l g ro u p of w o rk in g -c la ss d e lin -
q u e n ts ( 'p a r e n t m ale su b c u ltu re ') g e n e ra te s especially in
sc h o o ls, th re e ty p e s of su b c u ltu re:
1 th e c o n flic t-o rie n te d su b c u ltu re , w h o se p rim a ry in te re st

w a s v io le n ce .
2 th e d ru g a d d ic t su b c u ltu re , d e v e lo p e d as a u tilita ria n m ea n s
o f o b ta in in g access to d ru g s.
3 th e se m i-p ro fe ssio n a l th ie f su b c u ltu re , w h ic h in m id -
a d o le sc e n c e p ro v id e d a p a th w a y in to o rg a n iz e d crim e.
T h e e m p h a s is re m a in e d o n th e p a r e n t m ale su b c u ltu re d efin ed
44 • Street-wise
a s (C o h e n a n d S h o rt, 1958, p . 22) 'p ro b a b ly th e m o st co m m o n
v a rie ty in th is c o u n try - in d e e d it m ig h t b e called th e " g a rd e n
v a rie ty " o r d e lin q u e n t s u b c u ltu re .'
C o h e n 's a rg u m e n ts a re d e b a ta b le . If w o rk in g -c la ss b o y s h a v e
in te rn a liz e d m id d le -c la ss v a lu e s (a n d th e e x te n t o f th is is a n
e m p iric a l q u e s tio n ) th e y m u s t also h a v e in te rn a liz e d w o rk in g -
cla ss v a lu e s. It w o u ld se e m th a t a d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re w o u ld
n o t n e g a te m id d le -c la ss n o rm s, b u t a d a p t th e m in so m e form ,
to g e th e r w ith w o rk in g -c la ss n o rm s. W h a t d o e s e m e rg e is a
c e n tra l c o n c e rn w ith m asc u lin ity , th e ab ility to 'h a n d le y o u rse lf'
h a s a d iffe re n t m e a n in g in w o rk in g -c la ss su b c u ltu re s. It te n d s to
e m p h a s iz e fig h tin g , w h ilst in m id d le -c la ss c u ltu re s it e m p h a -
siz e s a rtic u la tio n , y e t b o th can b e c e n tra l to m a sc u lin e w a y s of
re la tin g to th e w o rld . It is tru e th a t C o h e n is se m in a l to m u c h
s u b c u ltu ra l th e o ry , a n d h e m a k e s th e c o n n e c tio n b e tw e e n th e
n e ig h b o u r h o o d a n d th e su b c u ltu re as a so lu tio n . H is in flu e n c e
is d is tin c t in la te r s u b c u ltu ra l th e o ry . H e e m p h a siz e s (1965), th a t
M e r to n 's e rro r w a s to co n ce p tu a liz e th e so lu tio n to a n o m ie as
in d iv id u a l, w h ilst h e , a n d C lo w a rd a n d O h lin , w e re to
e m p h a s iz e th e collective so lu tio n .
C lo w a rd a n d O h lin are c o n c e rn e d w ith th e p ro b le m s o f
e c o n o m ic ju stic e , ra th e r th a n m id d le -c la ss sta tu s, for w o rk in g -
c la ss b o y s. T h e y a rg u e (1960, p . 62):
It is o u r v ie w th a t m a n y d is c o n te n te d , lo w er-class y o u th d o
n o t w is h to a d o p t a m id d le class w a y o f life, o r to d is ru p t
th e ir p r e s e n t asso c ia tio n s a n d n e g o tia te a p a ssa g e in to
m id d le class g ro u p s . T he so lu tio n th e y se e k e n ta ils th e
a c q u isitio n o f h ig h p o sitio n in te rm s of lo w er class ra th e r
th a n m id d le class criteria.
T h e y c o m b in e e le m e n ts of M e rto n ia n a n o m ie , a n d S u th e rla n d 's

d iffe re n tia l a sso c ia tio n . W o rk in g -class m ales are c o m m itte d to
su c c e ss in m a in ly m a te ria l te rm s, b u t in te rm s of w o rk in g -c la ss
c rite ria . T h e y h a v e little access to in stitu tio n a liz e d m e a n s, in
te rm s o f w h a t th e y w a n t, a n d w h a t th e y realize th e y w ill get.
T h e ir re s p o n s e is n o t re a c tio n fo rm a tio n , b u t a tu rn in g to
ille g itim a te m e a n s, w h ic h in c lu d e s b o th le a rn in g , a n d o p p o r-
tu n ity s tru c tu re s . C o n v e n tio n a l g oals a re in te rn a liz e d , b u t
le g itim a te m e a n s a re p e rc e iv e d a s b lo ck ed , so th a t stra in o ccu rs
w ith c o n s e q u e n t w ith d ra w a l o f s u p p o rt for leg itim ate n o rm s.
W o rk in g -c la ss n e ig h b o u rh o o d s h o w e v e r p o sse ss access to
ille g itim a te m e a n s , a lth o u g h th e se a re a d m itte d ly d ifferen tially
a c c e ssib le . T h e re is th e n , a local n e ig h b o u rh o o d o p p o rtu n ity
sy s te m w h ic h g iv e s rise to
Street-wise • 45
1 th e c rim in a l su b c u ltu re , w h ic h offers a n a p p re n tic e s h ip in to
a d u lt crim e.
2 th e c o n flict s u b c u ltu re , w h ic h offers o th e r ad o le sc e n ts ra th e r
th a n a d u lts a s p e e r m o d e ls. T h is g e n e ra te s conflict gan g s.
3 th e re tre a tis t s u b c u ltu re w h ic h offers a d ru g -u sin g su b c u ltu re
fo r th o s e w h o h a v e failed b o th leg itim ate a n d illegitim ate
m e a n s . T h e y a re 'd o u b le fa ilu res'.
T h is ty p o lo g y is sim ilar to C o h e n a n d S h o rt, a n d m ak es
sim ila r p o in ts a b o u t th e social o rg a n iz a tio n of a n e ig h b o u rh o o d
a n d th e local o p p o rtu n ity sy ste m . A stab le w o rk in g -class district
g e n e ra te s a c rim in al su b c u ltu re , a d iso rg a n iz e d d istrict g e n e ra te s
a co n flict s u b c u ltu re , a n d a re tre a tist su b c u ltu re d e v e lo p s w h e re
b o th le g itim a te a n d illegitim ate o p p o rtu n ity stru c tu re s are
a b s e n t. T h e ir so lu tio n , like M e rto n 's, seem s tech no cratic.
Im p ro v e th e o p p o rtu n ity s tru c tu re s a n d y o u e rad icate in -
e fficien cy w h ic h c a u se s stra in in th e sy stem . T h ey stre ss
in s tr u m e n ta l g o als (c o n c e rn e d w ith d e fe rre d g ratificatio n , logic,
p la n n in g a n d th e se e k in g of sta tu s a n d incom e) ra th e r th a n
e x p re ss iv e g o als (c o n c e rn e d w ith im m e d ia te gratification,
h e d o n is m , cre a tiv ity a n d sp o n ta n e ity ) su ch as are fo u n d in
b o h e m ia n s u b c u ltu re s. In h is later w o rk (C low ard a n d Fox
P iv e n , 1974), h o w e v e r, C lo w ard tak es a radical stan ce ag a in st
c o u n te rin g a n o m ie m erely b e c a u se it is tech no cratically in -
effic ie n t, a rg u in g in s te a d for social justice, a n d criticizing the
u s e o f w e lfa re fo r la b o u r co n tro l re a so n s.
Y o u n g (1971), e x te n d s th e c o n c e p t of an o m ie as a re su lt of a
d is ju n c tio n o f in s tru m e n ta l m e a n s a n d e n d s to d e v e lo p a th e o ry
o f 'e x p re s s iv e a n o m ie '. O n ce a c u ltu re b ecom es in a d e q u a te for
s o lv in g a p a rtic u la r g ro u p 's p ro b le m s, th e n e w c u ltu ra l m e a n s
a re c o n s tru c te d . F or h im , c u ltu re s are tra n s m itte d in te rg e n e r-
a tio n a lly , a n d h e n c e class c u ltu re is im p o rta n t. T h ese cu ltu re s
b e c o m e tra n s fo rm e d to m e e t th e exigencies of a n e w social
s itu a tio n , w h ic h th e m e m b e rs fin d th e m se lv e s in. Y oun g (1971,
p . 92), a rg u e s th a t, 'T h e old c u ltu re is th e m o ral sp rin g b o a rd for
th e e m e rg e n c e of th e n e w '. F or ex am p le, m id d le -c la ss stu d e n ts,
p e rc e iv in g th a t th e re w a rd s o f h ig h e r e d u c a tio n a re less fulfilling
th a n th e y w e re le d to b elieve, b eco m e d isillu sio n e d a n d d ro p
o u t. T h e y c o n stru c t a b o h e m ia n su b c u ltu re , re la te d to th e ir
m id d le -c la s s b a c k g ro u n d , b u t stru c tu re d to d eal w ith th e ir
c o llectiv e p ro b le m . Y o u n g (1971, p . 93), su g g e sts th a t
It w ill b e like th e c u ltu re of th e w o rk in g -c la ss d e lin q u e n t,

in th a t it ex to ls ex p re ssiv ity , h e d o n is m a n d sp o n ta n e ity , b u t
w ill h a v e a m id d le ra th e r th a n a lo w e r w o rk in g -class o rie n -
ta tio n . T h u s it w ill v alu e ex p re ssiv ity th ro u g h n o n v io len t
46 • Street-wise
a e s th e tic p u r s u its a n d h e d o n ism , th ro u g h a cool (i.e. c o n -

tro lle d ) m o d e o f e n jo y m e n t, ra th e r th a n a fre n z ie d p u rs u it
o f p le a s u re .
T h e a v a ilab ility o f so ft d ru g s in s tu d e n t b o h e m ia m e a n s th e se
a re u s e d to e x p re ss cu ltu rally d e fin e d p ro p e rtie s of th e d ru g ,
a e s th e tic a p p re c ia tio n a n d b o d ily e n jo y m e n t. A n e w c u ltu re
e m e rg e s , s tru c tu rin g a n d se lectin g th e effects a n d u se of a
sp ecific d ru g , w h ic h a ssists in so lv in g th e n e w p ro b le m s. T his
c a n b e c o n tra s te d for exam ple, w ith th e selectio n a n d u se of
alc o h o l in Irish , im m ig ra n t b a c h e lo r su b c u ltu re s, w h ic h a re u s e d
to so lv e th e p ro b le m s o f h o m e sic k n e ss, th e ab sen ce of m a rria g e -
a b le w o m e n a n d th e a lie n a tio n of th e itin e ra n t w o rk e r.
T h e in flu en ce o f A m erican naturalism , M atza and the drift in to

an d from d elin q u e n c y
M a tz a th r o u g h th e s tu d y o f th e d e lin q u e n t s u b c u ltu re a n d
d e v ia n c y h a s n o t o n ly ra ise d th e level o f d e b a te in th e se fields to
a h ig h lev el b u t c o n trib u te d co n sid e ra b ly to p h e n o m e n o lo g ic a l
p e rs p e c tiv e s in sociology. M a tz a 's fra m e w o rk is th a t of
n a tu ra lis m , th a t of b e in g tru e to th e p h e n o m e n o n u n d e r s tu d y ,
a n d in d e e d h is p rin c ip le to su b c u ltu ra l th e o ry is th a t it d isto rts
w h a t d e v ia n ts w o u ld th e m se lv e s re co g n ize, th e e sse n c e of th e ir
re a lity . In h is e a rlie r w o rk (M atza a n d S y kes, 1957), h e rejects
th e tra d itio n a l m o d e l o f su b c u ltu ra l th e o ry , b e c a u se o f its claim
th a t d e lin q u e n ts in v e rt co n v e n tio n a l v alu es. W h y th e n d o
d e lin q u e n ts d e fe n d th e ir acts b y a claim th e y w e re m o rally
c o rre c t, a n d w h y d o th e y sh o w guilt? T h e y are co m m itte d to
w id e r v a lu e s w h ic h d o n o t reject c o n v e n tio n a l m o rality b u t
w h ic h se e k to n e u tra liz e its m o ra l b in d . D e lin q u e n ts u se 'te c h -
n iq u e s o f n e u tra liz a tio n ', ling u istic c o n stru c ts w h ic h a p p e a l to
sp e c ia l m itig a tin g circu m stan ces. T h ese act to n e u tra liz e p r e -
e x is tin g n o rm a tiv e c o n stra in ts, a n d five m a jo r ty p e s of n e u tra l-
iz a tio n a re se e n a s o p e ra tiv e . T h ese are d e n ia l of re sp o n sib ility
('I d id n 't m e a n it'), d e n ia l of in ju ry ('I d id n 't really h u r t h im '),
d e n ia l o f th e v ictim ('H e w as o n ly so m e q u e e r'), c o n d e m n in g
th e c o n d e m n e rs ('E v e ry o n e pick s o n u s') a n d a p p e a ls to h ig h e r
lo y a ltie s ('Y ou g o t to h e lp y o u r m a te s'). T h ese te c h n iq u e s reflect
th e fo rces o f social co n tro l. W h a t M atza su g g e sts is th a t
d e lin q u e n ts a re n o t really d iffe re n t, a n d h e also in tro d u c e s th e
a m b ig u o u s e le m e n t of h u m a n w ill. H o w e v e r o n e can accu se
M a tz a o f n a iv e ty . A c c o u n ts, esp ecially b y d e lin q u e n ts, are
Street-wise • 47
s k e w e d to w h a t th e in te rro g a te d su p p o se s th e in te rro g a to r
w a n ts to h e a r. M cIn ty re (1967), h a s a rg u e d th e fallacy of
a s s u m in g h o w a c to rs d efin e situ a tio n s as giving m o re th a n a
p a r t o f th e p ic tu re . M atza also ig n o re s ra tio n alizatio n as a
d e fe n c e to se lf-e ste e m .
M a tz a a rg u e s th a t th e su b c u ltu re is a se ttin g for th e co m m is-
sio n o f d e lin q u e n t acts co m m o n ly k n o w n to th e g ro u p . It in n o
s e n s e p ro v id e s a fro n ta l a ssa u lt o n co n v e n tio n a l n o rm s, b u t o n
th e c o n tra ry in d ic a te s a m o ral b in d to th em . A 'c o m e d y of
e r r o r s ' o c c u rs w ith each g ro u p m e m b e r m istak en ly su p p o sin g
th e o th e r s to h a v e a h ig h e r c o m m itm e n t to d ev ian ce th a n him .
D u rin g p e rio d s of b o re d o m , feelin gs of fru stra tio n lead a d o le s-
c e n ts to 'd r if t' in to a n d o u t o f d e lin q u e n c y . T hese are ep iso d ic
m o ra l h o lid a y s. D e lin q u e n ts a re a m b iv a le n t 'n e ith e r co m p elled
n o r c o m m itte d to d e e d s , n o r freely ch o o sin g th e m '. H en ce th e y
d rift, a s M a tz a (1964, p . 49), exp lains,
D rift s ta n d s m id w a y b e tw e e n fre e d o m a n d con tro l. Its basis
is a n a re a in th e social stru c tu re in w h ic h co n tro l h a s b e e n
lo o s e n e d , c o u p le d w ith th e a b o rtiv e n e ss of a d o le sc e n t
e n d e a v o u r to o rg a n ise a n a u to n o m o u s su b c u ltu re , a n d th u s
a n im p o r ta n t so u rc e o f c o n tro l, a ro u n d illegal actio n . T he
d e lin q u e n t tra n sie n tly exists in a lim bo b e tw e e n co n v e n tio n
a n d c rim e, re s p o n d in g in tu rn to th e d e m a n d s of each,
flirtin g n o w w ith o n e , n o w th e o th e r, b u t p o s tp o n in g
c o m m itm e n t, e v a d in g decision.
T h e la w is re s p o n d e d to, n o t as u n ju st, b u t as u n e v e n ly d is -
trib u te d . M a tz a a rg u e s a g a in st d e te rm in ism , a n d a tte m p ts to
re s to re h u m a n is m to su b c u ltu ra l th eo ry . D e lin q u e n ts feel th e m -
se lv e s to b e o b jects, p u s h e d a b o u t by forces in society o u tsid e of
th e ir c o n tro l. T h e ir se n se of d e s p e ra tio n m ak es th e m (M atza,
1964, p . 49), 'a tte m p t to re sto re th e m o o d of h u m a n ism w h ic h
th e se lf m a k e s th in g s h a p p e n '. T his can easily be a n infractio n of
th e la w , as fa ta lism h a s n e u tra liz e d its m oral b in d .
M a tz a 's c ase is su b je c t to criticism co n c e rn in g h is em pirical
e v id e n c e a b o u t d e lin q u e n t acco u n ts of th e ir m isd o in g s.
W o rk in g -c la ss a d o le sc e n ts are th e le ast articu late a b o u t th e ir
r e la tio n s h ip to th e w o rld , a n d w h e th e r th e y are c o m m itted to
s o m e fo rm o f c e n tra l v alu e sy ste m is a n em pirical q u e stio n .
T h e y a re u n lik e ly to ad v o c a te c o u n te r-a rg u m e n ts to th e
d o m in a n t sy ste m , especially in co u rt. E ven if th e y u n d e rs ta n d
th e p ro c e ss e s o f th e c o u rtro o m , th e y are too s h re w d to a d d re ss
th e b e n c h o n a d o le sc e n t h e d o n ism , o r th e n a tu re of class-b ased
la w . M o st y o u th s p erceiv e th e law as a n e x tern al u n c h a n g in g
fo rce. M a tz a 's e v id e n c e h a s b e e n su b ject to m u c h criticism . H is
48 • Street-wise
d a ta c o n s ists o f a re c o rd o f th e a ttitu d e s o f o n e h u n d r e d
in c a rc e ra te d a d o le sc e n ts a b o u t th e ir re a c tio n s to a series of
p ic tu re s of d e lin q u e n t offences. T h eir re sp o n s e s le d h im to
c o n c lu d e (M atza, 1964, p . 49), 'a n d th e a d h e re n ts o f th e su b -
c u ltu re o f d e lin q u e n c y seem little c o m m itte d to th e m isd e e d s
in h e r e n t in it'.
H e d o e s m a k e a d istin c tio n , h o w e v e r, b e tw e e n th e 'rad ical
ju s tific a tio n ' of th o s e c o n v in ced of th e rig h te o u s n e s s of th e ir
b e h a v io u r (for e x am p le, politically m o tiv a te d crim inals), a n d
th e 'a p o lo g e tic ju stific a tio n ' s e e n as typ ical o f th e d e lin q u e n t.
H in d e la n g (1970), criticized M a tz a 's lack of a co n tro l g ro u p , a n d
u n d e r e s tim a tio n o f h o w h e w o u ld b e p e rc e iv e d in th e in s titu -
tio n 's sta ff h ie ra rc h y . H e fo u n d in a sim ilar s tu d y , th a t d e lin -
q u e n ts a p p ro v e d m o re th a n n o n -d e lin q u e n ts of d elin q u e n c y .
S p e c to r (1977), a rg u e s th a t H in d e la n g 's m id d le -c la ss sa m p le
a n d re la tiv e ly in n o c u o u s acts of d e lin q u e n c y lim it its fin d in g s.
Ball (1977), a rg u e s th a t M atza sees se rio u s d e lin q u e n ts as th e
o n ly u n c o n v e n tio n a lly co m m itte d o n e s, b u t ask s w h y th e n d o
th e y h o ld b eliefs a b o u t n e u tra liz a tio n . A u stin (1977), fo u n d th a t
M a tz a u n d e re s tim a te d d e lin q u e n ts w h o are u n c o n v e n tio n a lly
c o m m itte d to th e ir m isd e e d s. M oral re stra in t, A u s tin a rg u e s, is
n e u tra liz e d , n o t ju s t b y te c h n iq u e s of n e u tra liz a tio n , b u t b y
c o m m itm e n t to u n c o n v e n tio n a l beliefs.
M a tz a in a n o th e r p a p e r (M atza a n d S y kes, 1961) su g g e sts th a t
d e lin q u e n t v a lu e s, th e se e k in g of ex citem en t, to u g h n e s s,
d is d a in fo r w o rk , a re in fact n o t so m u c h d e v ia n t, as ty pical of
sw a s h b u c k lin g le isu re v alu es h e ld b y u s all. W e in d u lg e in th e m
d u r in g c o m p e titio n in g am es, d r u n k e n o rg ies, g am b lin g ,
c y n ic ism a n d 'c o n c e a le d d e v ia n c e '. T h e se are n o t c o u n te r-
v a lu e s , b u t v a lu e s s h a re d w ith th e d o m in a n t c u ltu re w h ic h in
fa c t b in d s th e d e lin q u e n t to it. T h e d e lin q u e n t a c c e n tu a te s th e
's u b te r r a n e a n v a lu e s' of society, h e d o n ism , d is d a in for w o rk ,
a g g re s s io n , v io le n t m a scu lin ity , a n d ex clu d es m o re official
v a lu e s , a s s is te d in th is b y m a ss m e d ia m y th ical h e ro e s. T h ese
a re to b e c o n tra s te d w ith th e P ro te s ta n t E thic (W eber, 1930),
su m m a riz e d a s a m b itio n , in d iv id u a l re sp o n sib ility , th e cu ltiv a -
tio n o f skills, w o rld ly asceticism , ratio n a lity , m a n n e rs, co u rte sy
a n d p e rso n a lity , th e co n tro l of a g g re ssio n , 'w h o le so m e ' re -
c re a tio n a n d th e re sp e c t for p ro p e rty (D o w nes, 1966). Y ou ng
(1971), feels th e se h a v e b e e n re p la c e d b y g o a l-o rie n te d v a lu e s
n e c e s s a ry in m o d e rn in d u stry . U n lik e th e P ro te sta n t E thic
w h ic h a r g u e d th a t m a n realized h is tru e n a tu re th ro u g h h a rd
w o rk a n d d u ty , w h ic h e sta b lish e d h is p o sitio n in th e w o rld , th e
fo rm a l v a lu e s o f p ro d u c tio n e m p h a siz e (Y oung, 1971, p. 127),
th a t w o rk is in s tru m e n ta l to gain m o n e y to
Street-wise • 49
s p e n d in th e p u r s u it of le isu re , a n d it is in h is 'fre e ' tim e
th a t a m a n really d e v e lo p s h is se n se of id e n tity a n d
p u rp o s e .
W o rk n o lo n g e r e x p re sse s satisfactio n in itself, in c o n te m p o ra ry

in d u s tr ia l so ciety (Y oung, op. cit., p . 127).
It is d u r in g le isu re a n d th ro u g h th e e x p re ssio n o f s u b te r-
r a n e a n v a lu e s th a t m o d e m m a n seek s h is id e n tity , w h e th e r
it is in a 'h o m e c e n tre d ' fam ily o r a n a d o le sc e n t p e e r g ro u p .
F o r le is u re is a t le a st p u rp o rte d ly n o n a lie n a te d activity.
M a sc u lin ity se e m s to b e a n im p o rta n t e le m e n t of id e n tity in

th e s e v a lu e s.
M a tz a d e v e lo p s a m u c h m o re m a tu re a n d c o m p re h e n siv e
th e o ry o f d e v ia n c e , in v o lv in g w ill (M atza, 1969b). H e a rg u e s
th a t d e v ia n ts a re n o t objects p ro p e lle d by social forces, b u t
su b je c ts in v o lv e d in m e a n in g fu l action w ith th e ir w o rld .
N a tu ra lis m is a m a jo r th e m e in th is w o rk . Social circu m stan ces
p e rm it 'a ffin ity ' - a d e v ia n t h as a p re -d isp o sitio n to w a rd s
d e v ia n c y b e c a u s e it h a s a n 'a ttra c tiv e force'. A n acto r is
a ttra c te d , a n d h e ch o o ses. T h is affin ity , th is choice to co m m it
in fra c tio n s, o c c u rs in th e c o n tex t of 'a ffiliatio n ', w h ic h is a cco rd -
in g to M a tz a (1969b, p. 169), 'th e p ro c e ss by w h ic h th e su b ject is
c o n v e rte d to c o n d u c t n o v e l for h im , b u t a lre a d y e sta b lish e d for
o th e r s '.
O n e is a b le to p e rc e iv e o n e se lf as so m e o n e w h o m ig h t com m it
a d e v ia n t act, o n e is p re d is p o s e d , n o t y e t co m m itte d , m erely
'tu r n e d o n '. O n e m a y b e p re v e n te d b y 'b a n ', socio-legal co n tro l
c re a tin g secrecy . B ecause 'b a n ' m a k e s a d e v ia n t act m o re secret
th a n n e c e s sa ry , th e d e v ia n t is se n sitiv e to o rg a n iz e d a u th o rity ,
e sp e c ia lly th e sta te . 'B an c o m p o u n d s d isaffiliation a n d th u s
c o n trib u te s to th e p ro c e ss of b eco m in g d e v ia n t' (M atza, 1969b, p.
148). T h e secrecy of d e v ian cy m a y m ak e acto rs m o re d e v ia n t
th a n th e y o rig in a lly in te n d e d . B ecause a n y d e v ia n t act to be
c o n c e a le d m a k e s a n ac to r p la y a t b e in g o rd in a ry , h e g lim p ses
h im s e lf p la y in g w h ic h c o m p o u n d s d e v ia tio n . M a tz a 's so p h isti-
c a te d p h e n o m e n o lo g y is in d ire c t c o n tra st to th e p o sitiv istic
ro o ts o f tra d itio n a l crim ino lo gy . H o w e v e r, as Pearce (1976)
s u g g e s ts , h is subjectiv istic e m p h a s is m e a n s th a t h e loses th e
s e n s e o f th e s ta te a s a co n crete e n tity , w h ic h acts in specific
w a y s a t p a rtic u la r m o m e n ts in h isto ry . N e v e rth e le ss M atza
o p e n s u p th e q u e s tio n o f h o w a cto rs ch o o se d e v ian cy , a n d w h y
o th e r s d o n o t, e v e n in th e sam e social situ a tio n . T his is a u sefu l
c o u n te r-d e v e lo p m e n t to th e d a n g e r of stru c tu ra l d e te rm in ism .
50 • Street-wise
British stu d ies o f w orking-class delinquent subcultures
A m erican subcultural theory h as been view ed as in ap propriate

to Britain by m o st British subcultural theorists. D ow nes (1966),
a rg u es th a t A m erican theory is intrinsic to its ow n culture,
w h ilst th e B ritish w orking classes have their highly developed,
historical traditions. School has been seen as im p ortant in
Britain, a n d also local w orking-class neigh bourhoods an d com -
m u n ities. T he British social structure is m ore historically class-
conscious, an d do es no t share the neo-colonial im m igrant past of
th e U n ited S tates. N eith er does it h av e a nationally b o m group
of im p o v erish ed ethnic m inorities w ho contribute to the po p u lar
m y th th a t th e p o o r are non-w hites. British studies have concen-
tra te d o n local neighb ourho ods w ith local p eer groups. H o w -
ev e r this h as som etim es caused confusion. W hilst gangs ten d to
b e n ea r-g ro u p s, com posed of a closely linked core w ith a looser
n e tw o rk of p erip h eral m em bers, subcultures are w ider th an
th is. T hey are constellations of actions, values, style, im agery
a n d even life-styles, an d th roug h m edia reportage extend
b e y o n d a n eigh bourh ood, possessing a com plex relationship
w ith o th er larger cultures. G angs have often been confused w ith
th e sym bolic pseudo-com m unity of the subculture.
S ubcultural theory has developed considerably since the
m id-sixties. It can be d ivid ed into four approaches. First, there is
th e early social ecology of the w orking-class neighb ourho od
carried o u t in the late fifties an d early sixties. Second, there is
th e relation of the delinquent subculture to the sociology of
ed u catio n , a trad ition w hich is still continuing. This exam ines
th e relatio n sh ip of leisure an d y o uth culture as an alternative to
ach iev em en t in th e school. Third, there is the cultural em phasis
of th e C entre for C ontem porary C ultural Studies at Birm ingham
U niversity. This approach, w hich is influenced by the new
crim inology developed by the N ational Deviancy C onferences,
u se s a M arxist fram ew ork to consider yo u th cultures an d their
style, in term s of their relationship to class, d o m inant culture
a n d ideology. Involved in this is the attem p t to exam ine the
e th n o g ra p h y of y o u th culture, their relation to p o p u lar culture
a n d th eir m o m en ts in class history. Lastly there are the con-
tem p o ra ry n eighb o u rh o o d studies w hich look at local y o u th
g ro u p s, n o t as the early social ecologists did, b u t in the light of
influence by contem porary deviancy theory an d social reaction.
B oth of th ese approaches consider the m eaning th at y o uth
c u ltu re s a n d subcultures have for their m em bers.
Street-wise • 51
T h e s o c ia l e c o lo g y o f th e B ritish w o r k in g -c la ss n e ig h b o u r h o o d
T h e c la s h b e t w e e n w o rk in g -c la s s a n d m id d le -c la s s v a lu e s , th e
d if f e r e n t fo ca l c o n c e r n s , a n d th e h ig h r a te o f d e lin q u e n c y a n d
c r im e m e a n t th a t th e th e o ry o f so cial d is o r g a n iz a tio n w a s
p o p u l a r a s a n e x p la n a tio n in e a rly s u b c u ltu r a l th e o ry . D if-
f e r e n c e s in c la s s v a lu e s h a v e d e e p h isto ric a l ro o ts . In th e
m e d ie v a l L o n d o n d o c k s , s te v e d o r e s w e r e p e r m itte d b y th e ir
g u il d to c a r ry o ff p a r t o f a s h ip 's c a rg o a s a 'p e r k '. W h e n th is
b e c a m e d is a llo w e d b y la w , th e r e w e r e c a se s o f s te v e d o r e s s u in g
s h ip o w n e r s fo r th e s e tr a d itio n a l c ra ft r ig h ts . It c a n b e s e e n th a t
in s u c h a d is tr ic t a s D o c k la n d , tr a d itio n s w h ic h p e r m it th e ft
f r o m a n e m p lo y e r , b u t n o t a w o rk - m a te , h a v e ro o ts w h ic h a re
n o w f o r g o tte n . W r ite r s a s v a r ie d a s M a y h e w , E n g e ls a n d
S te a d m a n J o n e s h a v e s h o w n h o w h a r d s h ip b ru ta liz e s th e p o o r.
C h e v a lie r (1973), s h o w s th is e ffe c t o n th e h ig h c rim e r a te in e a rly
n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y P a ris. M ig ra tio n , fe rtility , m o rta lity a n d
d is e a s e all in f lu e n c e d e v e r y d a y life w ith d e v a s ta tin g e ffe c ts o n
w o r k , le is u r e a n d s le e p . O n e h a z a r d fo r th e p o o r w a s a v io le n t,
c r im in a l s tr e e t life. S im ila r c o n d itio n s o c c u r in p r e s e n t- d a y
N e w Y o rk a n d D e tr o it in th e g h e tto s , w ith th e ir v io le n t s tr e e t
life a n d c o lla p s in g so c ia l se rv ic e s . O n e r e s u lt in th e n in e te e n th
c e n tu r y w a s th e fe a r o f civil in s u r r e c tio n a n d rio tin g . T h e
d a n g e r o u s c la s s e s w e r e c lo se ly s u rv e ille d b y th e p o lic e , a n d
h a r s h p e n a ltie s w e r e n o t o n ly a p p lie d to c rim e , b u t a lso to
s e x u a l m o r a lity , v a g r a n c y a n d p o v e r ty . T h is m e a n t th a t a
d if f e r e n t p e r c e p tio n o f a n d re la tio n to th e p o lic e d e v e lo p e d in
d o w n - t o w n n e ig h b o u r h o o d s , w ith a c o n s e q u e n t m o r e a m b iv a -
le n t a t t i t u d e to le g a lity . E v e n to d a y p u r c h a s in g s to le n g o o d s 'o ff
t h e b a c k o f a lo r r y ' is s e e n a s a s e n s ib le fo rm o f th rift.
O b v io u s ly th e y o u n g a re s u b je c t to a d if fe r e n t so c ia liz a tio n
t h a n th e ir m id d le - c la s s p e e rs . T h e y a re n o t so m u c h u n d e r -
s o c ia liz e d (E y s e n c k , 1970; T ra s le r, 1962) so m u c h a s d iffe re n tia lly
s o c ia liz e d . I n s u c h n e ig h b o u r h o o d s , M a y s s u g g e s ts (1967, p . 88),
th a t
a s u b c u ltu r e m a y b e sa id to e x is t in p a r ts o f th e o ld e r a n d
d e t e r io r a te d u r b a n c e n tr e s . . . s o m e tim e s th e y c o r r e s p o n d
to a r e a s o f h ig h c rim e a n d d e lin q u e n c y ra te s , a n d in s u c h
c a s e s it is th e o re tic a lly p r o p o s e d th a t th e r e s id e n ts o f s u c h
d is tr ic ts s h a r e a n u m b e r o f a ttitu d e s a n d w a y s o f b e h a v in g
in c o m m o n , w h ic h p r e d is p o s e s th e m to illeg al c o n d u c t.
M a y s s u b s c r ib e s to a m o d e l o f c u ltu r a l d iv e rs ity . H e c o n tin u e s
(1967, p . 89):
52 • Street-wise
W o rk in g class w a y s o f living are n o t so m u c h a h o stile ,

n e g a tiv istic a n d re se n tfu l re a c tio n a g a in st h ig h e r in com e
g ro u p w a y s of life a s th e d e v e lo p m e n t of a n in d ig e n o u s
c u ltu re , w h ic h m e t th e ir o w n p ecu liar, p e rso n a l a n d social
n e e d s in a fairly satisfacto ry w ay . W o rk in g class c u ltu re is
n o t so m u c h d e v ia n t a s m e re ly a n a lte rn a tiv e p a tte rn .
Y o u n g (1971, p . 56) also stre sse s th is c u ltu ra l d iversity:
th e a p p a r e n t social d iso rg a n isa tio n of slu m a re a s is o fte n

m e re ly o rg a n isa tio n c e n trin g a ro u n d d iffe re n t e n d s th a n
th o s e o f re sp e c ta b le society . . . . To g ro w u p as a m a tu re
a d u lt in th e E ast E n d d e m a n d s th e in cu lcatio n of d iffe re n t
n o rm s b y d iffe re n t m e a n s th a n d o e s th a t n e e d e d to p ro d u c e
a w e ll b a la n c e d c itizen o f K n ig h tsb rid g e .
M o s t a d o le sc e n ts g ro w u p in th e se n e ig h b o u rh o o d s w ith o u t
b e c o m in g a d e lin q u e n t, a lth o u g h th e y a re m o re likely to sta tisti-
cally. T h e y d e v e lo p a m ix o f v a lu e s, a n d it is p ro b a b ly th o se for
w h o m e d u c a tio n a n d careers se e m u n te n a b le , a n d w h o feel little
in v e s tm e n t in th e e d u c a tio n a l p ro c e ss a n d c areer sy ste m w h o
d is so c ia te fro m re sp ectab ility . T h ey h a v e p ro b le m s w h e th e r
c a u s e d b y s tru c tu ra l p ro b le m s, sta tu s o r id e n tity w h ic h c a u se
th e m to b e a ttra c te d b y su b c u ltu re s w h ic h a lm o st b y d e fin itio n
h a v e d e v ia n t v a lu e s.
T h e id e a o f th e d e lin q u e n t n e ig h b o u rh o o d is n o t a n e w o n e in
B ritish crim in o lo g y . B u c h a n a n in 1846, a n d M a y h e w in 1864
b o th in d ic a te th a t th e re are n e ig h b o u rh o o d s w h e re d e lin q u e n c y
a b o u n d s , a fact also n o te d in th e Select C o m m itte e R e p o rt o n
C rim in a l a n d D e stitu te Ju v en iles, 1852 (see C a rso n a n d W iles,
1971). B agot (1941), p u b lish e d o n e o f th e earlie st ecological
s tu d ie s c o m p a rin g d a ta g a th e re d in th e 1930s o n L iverpool, a n d
th e re s t o f E n g la n d a n d W ales. It o w e s m u c h to B urt, a n d
in d ic a te s p o v e rty as a m ajor v ariab le in d e lin q u e n c y , w h o se
ro o ts w e re in u n e m p lo y m e n t, b a d h o u sin g , low in co m es a n d
o v e rc ro w d in g . A y e a r later, C a rr-S a u n d e rs, M a n n h e im a n d
R h o d e s (1942), p u b lis h e d a n im p o rta n t statistical su rv e y of p r e -
w a r L o n d o n a n d th is a ssiste d M a n n h e im (1948), in h is re se a rc h
c a rrie d o u t n o w in C am b rid g e d u e to th e e v a c u a tio n th e re o f th e
L o n d o n S ch o o l of E conom ics d u rin g w a r tim e. T h e d a ta in th e se
s tu d ie s all e m p h a s iz e d p o v e rty as b e in g a t th e ro o ts o f d e lin -
q u e n c y , w ith th e a b se n c e of a fa th e r fig u re (to b e c o n tra ste d
w ith th e c o n c e rn o v e r th e ab se n c e of th e m o th e r figu re s u g -
g e s te d b y B ow lby in th e fifties), u su a lly se rv in g in th e w a r-tim e
fo rces. P u blic g u ilt o v e r th e b re a k in g -u p of th e fam ily in a
n a tio n a l crisis, a n d b e w ild e rm e n t a t th e c o n tin u a n c e of crim e a n d
Street-wise• 53
d e lin q u e n c y d u r in g a p e rio d of p e a c e , p ro sp e rity a n d th e w elfare
s ta te le d to a c o n c e rn o v e r y o u th . O n th e o n e h a n d th e W elfare
S ta te w a s s e e n as m a k in g life too easy; o n th e o th e r h a n d th e re
w a s a c o n c e rn th a t th e p o o r w e re too c o n c e rn e d w ith m a te ri-
a lism , w ith th e c o n se q u e n c e th a t w o m e n w e re n e g lectin g th e ir
fa m ilie s to g o o u t to w ork.
T h e fifties sa w th e a d v e n t o f several co m m u n ity stu d ie s w h ic h
in c lu d e d su b c u ltu ra l s tu d ie s. S p in le y 's (1953), stu d y c o m p a re d
w o rk in g -c la ss a n d m id d le -c la ss fam ilies in P a d d in g to n , c o n cen -
tra tin g o n d iffe re n tia l socialization p a tte rn s , a n d su g g e stin g th a t
in th e s lu m th e s e w e re d o m in a te d by v a lu e s relatin g to econom ic
in s e c u rity a n d im m e d ia te fo rm s of g ratificatio n . In 1954, M ays
p u b lis h e d h is s tu d y o f L iverpool y o u th , a n d S p ro tt, Jep h co tt
a n d C a rte r lo o k e d a t a M id la n d s to w n 'R a d b y '. B oth stu d ie d
v a lu e s a n d b e h a v io u r in E nglish slu m n e ig h b o u rh o o d s. S p ro tt et
al. c o m p a re d stre e ts w ith h ig h a n d low d e lin q u e n c y rates,
s u g g e s tin g th a t d e lin q u e n c y w a s o n ly o n e of sev eral e le m e n ts of
a w a y o f life a m o n g th e 'u n re s p e c ta b le ' o r 'ro u g h ' p o o r, a n d th a t
th e s e p a tte r n s w e re carried o n in to a d u lth o o d . M ays fo u n d
th e s e ju v e n ile p a tte rn s w e re n o t s u sta in e d in a d u lt life. S p ro tt
(1954) fin d s h is are a s reflect th e 'ro u g h ' a n d 're sp e c ta b le '
d iv is io n s o f w o rk in g -c la ss life. H e su g g e sts su b c u ltu ra l s u p p o rt
fo r th e d e lin q u e n t in 'r o u g h ' w o rk in g -c la ss life, a n d in d icates th a t
d is tu r b e d d e lin q u e n ts w ill b e fo u n d in th e 're sp e c ta b le ' strata,
r a th e r th a n th e 'ro u g h ' w h e re su c h b e h a v io u r is norm al.
M a y s' d e lin q u e n ts r e p o rte d th e m se lv e s a s h a v in g p a sse d
th r o u g h a d e lin q u e n t p h a s e b e tw e e n th e ag es of 11-15, b u t n ow
fe lt th e y h a d g ro w n o u t of it. T he social stru c tu re of th e
L iv e rp o o l d o c k s h a d a long social h isto ry of eco no m ic d is-
a d v a n ta g e , m ig ra n t lab o u r, p o o r e d u c a tio n a l facilities a n d
irre g u la r w o rk . T h e v alu e sy ste m g e n e ra te d by th is w a s p a rtly
fata listic a n d d e p re s s e d a n d p a rtly ag g ressiv e a n d 'd ev il m ay
c a re '. T h e y o u n g stro n g ly d e sire d a close aso ciatio n w ith th e ir
p e e r s , a n d th is le d to a n o v e rtly d e lin q u e n t tra d itio n , w h ic h
in v o lv e s a tra d itio n of risk -ra k in g as p ro o f of s tre n g th , co urage
a n d skill. T h e su b c u ltu ra l tra d itio n e m p h a siz e d to u g h n e ss,
d a r in g a n d d e fia n c e to a u th o rity , a n d th e re w a rd it offered w as
e m o tio n a l so lid a rity . D elin q u en cy w as in L iverpool for M ays
(1954, p . 147)
n o t so m u c h a sy m p to m of m a la d ju stm e n t as a d ju s tm e n t to
a s u b c u ltu re w h ic h w a s in conflict w ith th e c u ltu re of th e
city a s a w h o le .
T h e social c o n d itio n s for M ays p re d is p o s e th e y o u n g to
d e lin q u e n c y , b u t w h e th e r th e y in d u lg e o r n o t, d e p e n d s u p o n
54 • Street-wise
th e c o m p a n io n s h ip o f th e su b c u ltu ra l p e e r g ro u p . M ays u n d e r -
e s tim a te d th e re la tio n sh ip to scho o l, c o n c e n tra tin g o n th o se
w h o c o n tin u e d d e lin q u e n c y a fte r le av in g school. M o rris's
C ro y d o n s tu d y (1957) in o n e o f th e first esse n tia lly sociological
s tu d ie s o f a n a re a su g g e ste d th a t th e re w a s a c o n fu sio n in th e
lite ra tu re b e tw e e n territo rial u n ifo rm ity a n d c u ltu ra l u n ifo rm ity .
H e c o m b in e d in fo rm a l in te rv ie w s w ith re sid e n tia l p a rtic ip a tio n ,
sta tistic s a n d case h isto rie s, m a p p in g o u t a re a s of crim in al
o ffe n c e s, a n d re sid e n c e s. D e lin q u e n t a n d crim inal re sid e n c e
w a s m a in ly in th e d e te rio ra tin g slu m s, o r th e n e w e sta te s th e
s lu m d w e lle rs h a d b e e n re h o u s e d in. T h e d u m p in g of p ro b le m
fa m ilie s o n th e se e sta te s c o n trib u te d stro n g ly to d e lin q u e n t
a re a s , a s d id ch ild so cializatio n te c h n iq u e s. Lax c o n tro l of
te e n a g e le isu re w a s for M orris a re s u lt of th e o n ly free a re a s
fo r d e lin q u e n ts b e in g th e stre e ts ra th e r th a n a n ab d ic a tio n
o f p a re n ta l re sp o n sib ility . M o rris's v iew w a s th a t d e lin q u e n c y
r a te s re fle c t socializatio n p a tte rn s in d iffe re n t classes, g e o -
g ra p h ic a lly d is trib u te d . R a th e r th a n social d iso rg a n iz a tio n , th e
w o rk in g class reject m a n y m id d le -c la ss n o rm s, a n d th e reality is
a n u n a m b ig u o u s su b c u ltu re a t v a ria n c e w ith m id d le -c la ss
v a lu e s. K e rr's L iv erp o o l stu d y (1958), co n firm s m u c h of w h a t
th e e a rlie r s tu d ie s su g g e ste d . S u b c u ltu ra l v a lu e s exist w h ic h
p e r m it fo r e x a m p le sh o p liftin g , b u t n o t th e ft from y o u r p a re n ts .
A lso , th is n e ig h b o u rh o o d h a d a c o m m u n ity w h ic h a c te d
a g a in s t 'g e ttin g ab o v e y o u rse lf'. C o n se q u e n tly sc h o la rsh ip s
w e re re fu s e d , as w e re jobs a n d h o u se s in o th e r d istricts. T h e
rig id ity o f th e local n e ig h b o u rh o o d c u ltu ra l p a tte rn s m a k e s a n y
a lte rn a tiv e life-sty le im p o ssib le. T h e stu d ie s all su g g e st a lte r-
n a tiv e w o rk in g -c la ss v a lu e s, ro u g h ly b a se d o n a c asu al a ttitu d e
to m o n e y , h a rd ly su rp risin g in p o o r n e ig h b o u rh o o d s, a n
a ttitu d e to th e ft w h ic h d o e s n o t d isc o u ra g e it, b u t m a y select th e
ta rg e ts , a c a su a l a ttitu d e to tru a n c y b e c a u se of th e p o in tle ssn e ss
o f sc h o o l a n d a cynical a ttitu d e to em p lo y e rs, a n d to th e police.
W illm o tt's s tu d y of a d o le sc e n t b o y s in E ast L o n d o n (1966),
f o u n d th e s e su b c u ltu ra l v alu es, as d id D o w n e s (1966). A n d ry
(1960), fo u n d tw o -th ird s of h is n o n -d e lin q u e n t sa m p le re p o rte d
ste a lin g , a n d th e ft fro m e m p lo y e rs c o n tin u in g in to a d u lth o o d ,
s u p p o r te d b y th e v ie w (W illm ott, 1966, p . 143):
N o m a tte r w h a t y o u d o , if y o u 're m a k in g so m e th in g o n th e
sid e , th e g o v e rn o r's m a k in g m o re.
F id d lin g a t w o rk , ste a lin g from w e a lth y in stitu tio n s a n d s h o p s is
a llo w e d , to u g h n e s s a n d m asc u lin ity a re c en tral, a n d v a n d a lism
s e e n a s a tta c k s o n p ro p e rty n o t p a rtic u la rly b e lo n g in g to a n y -
o n e . F o r W illm o tt th e d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re a ro se b e c a u se a
Street-wise • 55
re je c te d g ro u p o f a d o le sc e n t m ales reb elled a g a in st a vag u ely
c o n c e iv e d 's o c ie ty ' w h ic h p riz e d ac h ie v e m e n t. D o w n e s (1966),
in w h a t is still th e b e s t d isc u ssio n of su b c u ltu ra l th e o ry , a rg u e d
a g a in s t th e A m e ric a n th e o rie s b e in g a p p lie d to th is co u n try . In
th e tw o L o n d o n b o ro u g h s in E ast L o n d o n h e in v e stig a te d , h e
fo u n d th a t th e first sta g e of d e lin q u e n c y w as b e tw e e n th e ages
n in e a n d fifte e n , a n d in v o lv e d larcen y, fo llow ed b y a se c o n d
s ta g e a t fifte e n to e ig h te e n c o n c e rn e d w ith m o to r vehicles,
r o w d y is m a n d so m e violence. H e n o te s (D o w n es, 1966, p. 257),
T h e ir illegal b e h a v io u r se e m e d to b e d u e n o t to 'a lie n a tio n '
o r 's ta tu s fru s tra tio n ', b u t to a p ro c e ss of d isso ciatio n from
m id d le class d o m in a te d c o n tex ts of school, w o rk a n d
re c re a tio n . T h is d is e n c h a n tm e n t p ro v o k e d a n o v e r-e m p h a sis
o n p u re ly 'le is u re ' goals se d u lo u sly fo ste re d b y com m ercial
'te e n a g e ' c u ltu re s - ra th e r th a n o n o th e r n o n -w o rk areas.
T h e class p o s itio n of a n a d o le sc e n t d o m in a te s h is access n o t
o n ly a t sc h o o l a n d w o rk , b u t also d u rin g leisu re w h e re
a u to n o m y , e x c ite m e n t a n d e n jo y m e n t are so u g h t to escap e th e
m o n o to n y o f sch o o l o r w o rk . L acking th e m e a n s to achiev e th e
g la m o ro u s e le m e n ts o f leisu re c o n su m p tio n , th e w o rk in g -class
b o y re a ffirm s h is w o rk in g -c la ss v alu e sy stem . H e fin d s th a t
w o rk in g -c la s s c u ltu re o f a tra d itio n a l form n o lo n g e r satisfies
h im in le isu re a re a s, so h e reacts a g a in st b o th m id d le-class a n d
w o rk in g -c la s s c u ltu re . W h a t h a p p e n s is (D ow nes, 1966, p. 136):
d iffe re n tia l re s p o n s e b y social class to th e n e w ly e m e rg in g
'te e n a g e ' c u ltu re ca n lead th e 'c o rn e r b o y ' to a d o p t a collec-
tiv e d e lin q u e n t so lu tio n a lo n g 'c o n tra c u ltu ra l' lin es, a lth o u g h
d is d a in fo r th e lim ite d jo b -o p p o rtu n ity m a rk e t c o n se q u e n t
u p o n e d u c a tio n a l 'fa ilu re ' is a n e c e ssa ry basis for th is
se q u e n c y .
D o w n e s se e s te e n a g e c u ltu re as largely sy n th e tic , cre a te d for,
r a th e r th a n b y te e n a g e rs. T his ra ise s a n im p o rta n t q u e stio n , th a t
o f th e in flu e n c e of m a ss m e d ia a n d m a rk e tin g o n y o u th cu ltu re s.
A p o p u la r c u ltu re h a s a re la tio n sh ip w ith m a rk e tin g forces, in
th a t it is d e v e lo p e d b y th e m to b eco m e a co m m o d ity aim e d a t
p ro fit-m a k in g , b u t to w h a t e x te n t th is can su cceed d e p e n d s to a
d e g re e to th e e x te n t to w h ic h it is p ro d u c e d by th o se w h o se
n e e d s a n d d e s ire s it stim u la te s.
T h e p o p u la r e x p la n a tio n s of th e fifties d re w o n a p ic tu re of a
b o r e d te e n a g e r, a fflu e n t, w ith excess leisu re, tim e a n d m o n e y ,
a g a in s t a c la ssle ss b a c k g ro u n d . T he c lasslessn ess w a s e m p h a -
s iz e d b y th e g ro w th of te e n a g e sy n th e tic cu ltu re , a n d th is w as
e m p h a s iz e d b y A b ra m s's (1959; 1969), su g g e stio n th a t th e
56 • Street-wise
a fflu e n t w o rk in g -c la ss y o u n g w e re th e la rg e st c o n su m e rs in th e
e c o n o m y . T h is re fle c te d th e g e n e ra l o p tim ism a b o u t afflu ence
a n d e m b o u rg e o is e m e n t a m o n g th e w o rk in g class d u rin g th e
fifties. P o v e rty s tu d ie s of th e p e rio d (T itm uss, 1962; T o w n se n d
a n d A b el S m ith , 1965) rev e a le d th a t th e g a p b e tw e e n th e classes
ec o n o m ic a lly w a s relativ ely sim ilar to p re -w a r d iv isio n s, a n d
th a t 12 p e r c e n t o f w o rk in g -c la ss p e o p le lived close to official
s u b s is te n c e levels.
A t o n e level th e re w a s a n a rg u m e n t th a t y o u th w a s a
'c la s s le s s ' g ro u p , a v iew o fte n p u t fo rw a rd by th e p ro p o n e n ts of
y o u th c u ltu re (ra th e r th a n cla ss-b a se d y o u th c u ltu re s). A n o th e r
e r r o r w a s th e s u g g e stio n th a t d e lin q u e n c y w a s re la te d to th e
p re s e n c e o f d a n g e ro u s y o u th g a n g s, ra th e r th a n sp in -o ffs of
s u b c u ltu ra l re sp o n se s. S co tt (1967) fo u n d n o ev id e n c e o f g a n g s
in th e L o n d o n a re a , d isc o v e rin g in s te a d g ro u p s of loosely-
o rg a n iz e d d e lin q u e n ts , sh o rt-liv e d , a n d n o t n ecessarily d e lin -
q u e n t. T h e y w e re m o re tra n sitio n a l sh e lte rs fro m th e em o tio n a l
d e p e n d e n c e o n h o m e to a m o re se lf-d e te rm in e d existen ce, a n d
in d e e d o fte n p ro v id e d a p ro te c tio n fro m close re la tio n sh ip s w ith
girls. Y ab lo n sk y (1967) n o te s th a t in N e w Y ork g a n g s w e re
n e ith e r a s larg e o r a s w e ll-o rg a n iz e d as p o p u la r o p in io n
s u p p o s e d . H e fo u n d a 'n e a r g r o u p ' c o m p o se d of a ce n tra l core
o f n e a r-p s y c h o p a th ic m e m b e rs, w ith a largely illu sory p e n u m -
b ra o f s u b o rd in a te s . D o w n e s fo u n d n o ev id e n c e o f th is in
B ritain , a lth o u g h P atrick (1973), d is p u te s th is fo r S c o tla n d w h ic h
h e fin d s u n iq u e ly d ifferen t.
S u b c u ltu ra l stu d ie s o f d e lin q u e n c y d u rin g th e p e rio d u p to
th e m id -six tie s fa v o u re d e ith e r specific s tu d ie s of d e lin q u e n c y ,
o r c o m m u n ity stu d ie s w ith y o u th as a su b se c tio n . B oth
a p p ro a c h e s sa w y o u th as a social p ro b le m , a n d b e c a u se of th is
e m p h a s iz e d d e lin q u e n c y , w ith class a v e ry la te n t factor. T he
p o p u la r c o n c e rn w ith a d o lescen ce w a s th e g e n e ra tio n a l g a p
o v e r is su e s of m o rality . D e sp ite th e fear th a t th e re w a s a
d is c o n tin u ity of v a lu e s, in fact em p irical ev id e n c e a rg u e d
a g a in s t th is. S ch o field (1965), fo u n d o n ly o n e -th ird of h is b o y s,
a n d o n e -s ix th o f h is girls w e re sexu ally e x p e rie n c e d , m o st of
th e s e w ith re g u la r p a rtn e rs. T he E p p els (1966), fo u n d th a t m o st
y o u n g p e o p le felt th a t th e y w e re s te re o ty p e d by th e o ld e r
g e n e ra tio n s , a n d u n ju stifia b ly criticized. T h ey w e re c o n v e n -
tio n a l y o u n g p e o p le , h u m a n e , a n ti-a u th o rita ria n , socially c o n -
c e rn e d a n d v a lu in g fam ily life. V en ess (1962), fo u n d sim ilar
v a lu e s a m o n g h e r sc h o o l-leav ers, a n d Peck a n d H a v ig h u rst
(I9 60 ), fo u n d a g re e m e n t o n m o ra lity b e tw e e n y o u n g p e o p le a n d
a d u lts in th e U n ite d S tates. T h e d e lin q u e n c y stu d ie s of th e
six tie s fa v o u re d d e lin q u e n c y as a re s u lt of d isa d v a n ta g e s, in
Street-wise • 57
p a rtic u la r e d u c a tio n a l d isa d v a n ta g e , as w ell as o th e r a d v e rse
so cial c o n d itio n s. In d e e d c o n d itio n s reflect th o se d e sc rib e d in
th e w a r-tim e s tu d ie s . W allis a n d M a lip h a n t (1967), in th e ir
s tu d y o f 29 L o n d o n b o ro u g h s still fo u n d a re la tio n b e tw e e n
d e lin q u e n c y , class, e d u c a tio n , e m p lo y m e n t a n d p o o r h o u sin g ,
d e s p ite c o n sid e ra b le social c h a n g e in so m e of th e b o ro u g h s. It
w a s n o t u n til th e late sixties a n d early se v e n tie s th a t class w a s to
b e c o m e a m a jo r issu e in su b c u ltu ra l th e o ry .
Structural con trad iction s in the educational system , and the

su b cu ltu re as a 'so lu tio n '
A n im p o r ta n t a n d o fte n o v e rlo o k e d factor in su b c u ltu re s is th e

m e a n in g o f sch oo l. E v en w h e n th e stu d ie s look a t o ld e r age
g ro u p s , e d u c a tio n is a n im p o rta n t variab le, stro n g ly in flu en cin g
th e m . D o w n e s n o t o n ly d re w a tte n tio n to c lass-in eq u ality , h e
a lso p la in ly sa w th e m e a n in g le ss of school for m o st w o rk in g -
c la ss y o u th a s c e n tra l to a n y a n a ly sis of d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re s.
T h e c h ild re s p o n d s to th e factory-like sy ste m of school p r e -
p a r in g h im fo r h is facto ry-lik e w o rk life w ith ty pical w o rk in g -
c la ss fa ta lism (o n e of M iller's focal co ncern s). A m erito cratic
e d u c a tio n a l sy s te m forcibly re c ru its m o st w o rk in g -c la ss ch ild re n
in to a s y s te m w h ic h is d e sig n e d to exclud e m o st of its recip ie n ts
fro m h ig h e r e d u c a tio n a l success. D ise n c h a n tm e n t re su lts in
'd is s o c ia tio n ' r a th e r th a n a c o n tra c u ltu ra l reb ellion . W h a t occurs
is (D o w n e s, 1966, p . 273),
a n o p tin g o u t of th e jo in t m id d le class a n d skilled w o rk in g
c lass v a lu e s sy ste m , w h e re b y th e a d o le sc e n t of sem i a n d
u n s k ille d o rig in s is e n jo in e d e ith e r to 'b e tte r h im se lf' or to
'a c c e p t h is sta tio n in life'. To in su la te th e m se lv e s a g a in st
th e h a r s h im p lic a tio n s of th is creed , th e a d o le sc e n t in a
'd e a d e n d ' job in a 'd e a d e n d ' n e ig h b o u rh o o d extricates
h im se lf fro m th e belief in w o rk as of a n y im p o rta n c e
b e y o n d th e sim p le p ro v isio n of in com e, a n d deflects w h a t
a s p ira tio n s h e h a s in to a re a s of w h a t h a s b e e n te rm e d 'n o n -
w o rk '.
A b ra m s (1959) fo u n d w o rk in g -c la ss b o y s a n d m id d le -c la ss bo y s
s p e n t a lm o st th e sa m e a m o u n t w eek ly o n th e sam e g o o d s
(£ 3 .4 0 :£ 3 .5 0 p e r w e e k respectively ). W o rk ing -class girls (£2.40
p e r w e e k ) s p e n t less th a n m id d le -c la ss girls (£3.60) a n d bo ys.
H o w e v e r th e re a re im p o rta n t reg io n al a n d age differences in
w a g e s, w h ic h h a v e b e e n o v e rlo o k e d b y A b ram s. Je p h c o tt (1967),
58 • Street-wise
f o u n d five y e a rs la te r h e r av e ra g e girl in th e p ro v in c e s e a rn e d
o n ly £3.50 d u r in g h e r first tw o y e a rs a t w o rk , a n d o n ly 9 p e r c e n t
e a r n e d o v e r £9 p e r w e e k , a n d in fact d e sp ite in c re a se s for ag e
a n d b o n u s e s , 41 p e r c e n t of 1 7 -y ear-o ld s e a rn e d b e tw e e n £5 a n d
£7 p e r w e e k , w ith 15 p e r c e n t e a rn in g less th a n th is. S m ith 's
B u ry sa m p le (1966) fo u n d 90 p e r c e n t o f 17-18 y e a r-o ld s s p e n d -
in g le ss th a n £2 p e r w e e k o n le isu re , a n d 40 p e r c e n t of h is
1 8 -y e a r-o ld s s p e n d in g less th a n 75p p e r w e e k o n leisu re.
D e s p ite th is , th e m y th of te e n a g e afflu en ce (as p a rt of th e
g e n e ra l m y th c o n c e rn in g th e afflu en ce o f th e w o rk in g class)
p e rs is ts . A fe a r o f d e lin q u e n c y d e v e lo p e d , a n d th e A lb erm arle
R e p o rt (1958) s u g g e s te d th e p ro v isio n of y o u th w o rk p ro je c ts for
u n a tta c h e d y o u th w h o rejected n o rm a l y o u th w o rk p ro v isio n .
D e s p ite th e c u ltu ra l d iv e rsity su g g e s te d b y W illm o tt a n d
D o w n e s , th e s e p a ra tio n of y o u th as a class p e rsiste d . M u sg ro v e
(1964), a rg u e d th a t a d u lts c o n sig n e d y o u th to a se lf-c o n ta in e d
w o rld . T h e a rg u m e n t re m a in e d th a t w h ils t y o u n g p e o p le h a v e
e c o n o m ic in d e p e n d e n c e a n d p o w e r, th e y h a v e a su b o rd in a te
re la tio n to th e a d u lt w o rld , a n d h a v e d e v e lo p e d as a se p a ra te
class (M u sg ro v e , 1969, p . 50), 'in effect a "so cial c la ss", a class
re la tiv e ly in d e p e n d e n t o f th e stratificatio n sy ste m of a d u lts '.
H o w e v e r a s M u rd o c k a n d M cC ro n (1976, p . 18) a rg u e , it is
tr u e th a t y o u n g p e o p le re sid e in
a g e specific in s titu tio n s , it d o e s n o t follow th a t th e y are c u t
o ff fro m th e w id e r sy ste m o f class stratificatio n . O n th e
c o n tra ry th ro u g h th e in s iste n t m e d ia tio n o f th e fam ily, th e
n e ig h b o u rh o o d a n d th e sch oo l class in e q u a litie s p e n e tra te
d e e p ly in to th e ir e v e ry d a y lives, stru c tu rin g b o th th e ir
so cial e x p e rie n c e , a n d th e ir re s p o n s e to it.
D o w n e s q u o te s C o tg ro v e a n d P a rk e r (1963), w h o su g g e st
F o r th e le ss able ch ild in th e lo w e r fo rm s of th e se c o n d a ry
m o d e r n sch o o l, th e d o m in a n t p ic tu re th a t e m e rg e s is o n e of
sc h o o l a s a so u rc e o f b o re d o m a n d fru stra tio n . . . M an y
e x p e c t little fro m w o rk a n d a re satisfie d w ith w h a t th e y fin d
. . . T h e se c o n d a ry m o d e m b o y le av in g sch o ol a t fifteen h a s
re c e iv e d e a rly tra in in g in d isso c ia tin g h im se lf fro m th e
d e m a n d s w h ic h 'th e y ' m ak e u p o n h im . H e sim p ly d o e s n o t
c a re . . . d issa tisfa c tio n is th e m e a su re of th e g a p b e tw e e n
a s p ira tio n a n d ac h ie v e m e n t. F or m a n y n o su c h g a p exists -
th e ir e x p e c ta tio n s a n d a sp ira tio n s are c e n tre d o n th e w o rld
o u ts id e th e factory.
H a rg re a v e s (1967), sh o w s th a t d u rin g th e la st y e a r a t scho ol
tw o s u b c u ltu re s d iv id e th e scho ol, w h ic h reflect stre a m in g
Street-wise •59
w ithin the classroom. These are the higher educational streams,
w ith pupils identifying with the pupil role, and the lower
stream s dissociating from school and forming a 'delinquescent'
subculture potentially rather than actually delinquent. Labelling
is of prim ary importance here, the response to the school m eans
th at 'careers' are created in achievement or in potential delin-
quency, and a self-fulfilling prophecy operates. These are the
pupils about w hom Holt (1969), writes:
It has become clear over the years that these children see
school alm ost entirely in terms of the day-to-day and hour-
to-hour tasks that we impose upon them . . . they were in
school because they had to be . . . it is a place where they
m ake you go, w here they tell you to do things and where
they try to make their life unpleasant if you do not do them
or do not do them right.
Feeling they have no control over their school life, seeing no
relevance in the curriculum to their future occupations they do
not invest them selves in school, but in the youth subcultures
found outside of it. It is from these that they create some form of
identity. Downes (1966, p. 274), reminds us,
In the absence of work orientation and job satisfaction
accruing from non-work . . . the 'corner-boy' attaches
unusual im portance to leisure. There is no reason to
suppose that the delinquent 'corner-boy' does not share the
m ore technically classless 'teenage culture', a culture whose
active pursuit depends on freedom from the restraints of
adult responsibility, but which reflects the subterranean
values of the adult world.
Sugarm an (1967), makes a similar point for his London school-
boys. Those dissociating from school, identify with a role draw n
from the youth culture outside the school. He concludes (Sugar-
m an, 1967, p. 154):
This is the role of 'teenager' which is roughly an inversion
of the official pupil role. In place of the officially expected
deferred gratification, it puts an emphasis on spontaneous
gratification . . . boys committed to the teenager role and to
the youth culture . . . are on the whole rebelling against
norm s im posed by the school and performing academically
below expectation . . . youth culture defined and measured
in this sense is the culture of the mobile working class; the
dow nw ardly mobile, and those who cherish hopes of
mobility along channels where the criteria do not apply.
60 • Street-wise
T h is is re m in is c e n t o f C o le m a n 's (1961), a n a ly sis in th e U n ite d
S ta te s w h ic h h a s a sim ilarly fu n c tio n a list a p p ro a c h . S u g a rm a n 's
d is a p p ro v a l re v e a ls itse lf in h is o v er-sim p lificatio n of class a n d
e d u c a tio n w ith th e c o m m e n ts (S u g a rm a n , op. cit., p . 158):
It is n o a c c id e n t th a t th e h e ro e s of y o u th c u ltu re , p o p
s in g e rs, s o n g w rite rs , clo th es d e sig n e rs a n d o th e rs h a v e
m o s tly a c h ie v e d th e ir p o sitio n s w ith o u t lo n g y e a rs of stu d y ,
w o rk o r sacrifice . . . y o u th c u ltu re is th e n e w o p iu m of th e
te e n a g e m a s se s . . . it m a y n o t b e tru e th a t all b o y s w ith
b a d c o n d u c t h a v e lo n g h a ir, a t th e sa m e tim e it m a y also b e
tr u e th a t all b o y s w ith lo n g h a ir d o h a v e b a d c o n d u c t.
T h is s ta te m e n t c o n ta in s a d ism issa l of th e tech n ical difficulties of
d e s ig n a n d m u sic , co m b in e d w ith p h ilistin ism a n d a re d u c tio n ism
to a fo rm o f h irsu ite d e te rm in ism . S u re ly all bo ys w ith lo n g h a ir
d id n o t h a v e b a d c o n d u c t. A lso o v e rlo o k e d is th e fact th a t
m id d le -c la s s a c h ie v e rs d isso ciate fro m h ig h e r e d u c a tio n , b u t
th a t th is m a y o ccu r a t a la te r age. I h a v e re p o rte d e lse w h e re
(B rake, 1977), o f a h ig h level of d is e n c h a n tm e n t w ith h ig h e r
e d u c a tio n a m o n g h ip p ie s, w ith a c o n s e q u e n t d isso ciatio n .
B o rin g c u rric u la , d e c re a se d g ra d u a te e m p lo y m e n t, lo w e r
fin a n c ia l re w a rd th a n ex p e c te d a fte r y e a rs of s tu d y all c o n -
tr ib u te d to th e d ro p -o u t c u ltu re of th e s tu d e n t h ip p y . T he
r e la tio n s h ip o f sch o o l to y o u th c u ltu re s is of p rim a ry im p o rta n c e ,
a n d th is th e m e is p re v a le n t in th e s tu d ie s w h ic h p o sit a 'te e n a g e
s u b c u ltu r e ' o r 'y o u th c u ltu re ' of a g e n e ra l form , o r w h e re th e
s u b c u ltu re is p r e s e n te d as a so lu tio n to e d u c a tio n a l c o n tra d ic -
tio n s . T h is is im p licit in sev eral of th e su b c u ltu ra l s tu d ie s
d is c u s s e d in th is b oo k.
T h e N e w W ave o f B ritish subcultural theory
T h e 1970s s a w th e p u b lic a tio n of sev eral su b c u ltu ra l stu d ie s.

T h e s e re fle c te d im p o rta n t d e b a te s in th e sociology of d ev ian ce
d u r in g th e sixties. T h e N a tio n a l D ev ian cy C o n feren ce w a s
e s ta b lis h e d in 1968 in re sp o n se to th e d o m in a tio n in crim in olo gy
b y e s ta b lis h m e n t-b a s e d re se a rc h . It w a s felt th a t a radical
c ritiq u e , in v o lv in g th e d y n a m ic in v e stig a tio n of crim in al a n d
d e v ia n t 'c a re e rs ' w a s a n e c e ssa ry sta rtin g -p o in t for a n y u n d e r -
s ta n d in g o f d ev ia n c y . L abelling th e o ry , in a sym bolic in te r-
a c tio n is t fra m e w o rk c o n c e n tra te d o n societal reactio n as a m a jo r
v a ria b le in d e v ia n t c a re e r-m ak in g . T his a p p ro a c h itself b ecam e
Street-wise • 61
su b je c t to criticism w h ic h in tu r n led to tw o d e b a te s (d etails of
th is c a n b e o v e rv ie w e d in P. W iles, 1976) - first, th e im p o rta n c e
o f m e a n in g e x a m in e d b o th fro m a tra n sa c tio n a list a n d a n e th n o -
m e th o d o lo g ic a l sta n c e , a n d se c o n d , th e political im p licatio n s of
d e v ia n c y fro m a m o re stru c tu ra l in v e stig a tio n . O n th e o n e h a n d
is th e p u r s u a l of th e d e v ia n t as su b ject, in c lu d in g a s tu d y of a
th e o ry o f a c tio n a n d a th e o ry of social p ro cess. O n th e o th e r
h a n d th e re w a s a d e sire to d e v e lo p a radical M arxist critique
u p o n th e po litical effects of sta te policy. T his la tte r w as
d e v e lo p e d a s th e N e w C rim in o lo g y (T aylor et al., 1973; 1975),
w h ic h a r g u e d th a t a th e o ry of crim ino lo gy n e e d s to be in -
trin sic a lly re la te d to a political an aly sis. B ut as k n o w le d g e is n o t
n e u tr a l, c rim in o lo g y is re la te d to a th e o ry of k n o w le d g e w h ic h
b re a k s w ith co rre c tio n a lism a n d is c o m m itte d to th e ab olition of
w e a lth a n d p o w e r d ifferen tials. T h eir o rie n ta tio n is M arxist, a n d
a s s u c h it d iffe rs fro m a rad icalism ro o te d o n ly in scepticism or
lo c a te d in e m p iric ist e p istem o lo g y . T his h a s b e e n su b ject to
c o n sid e ra b le criticism b o th w ith in M arxism (H irst, in T aylor et
al., 1975), as w ell as o u tsid e .
T h e ra d ic a l sta n c e of th e n e w D eviancy C o n feren ce in flu e n c e d
s tu d ie s o f y o u th c u ltu re . T he tra n sa c tio n a list a n aly sis of societal
r e a c tio n a n d its effects b y S. C o h e n (1972), w a s th e first of th e se ,
fo llo w e d b y se v e ra l o th e r w rite rs. T w o m ajo r c o n trib u to rs w ere
th e B irm in g h a m C e n tre for C o n te m p o ra ry C u ltu ra l S tu d ie s, a n d
M u rd o c k 's re se a rc h in m ass co m m u n ic a tio n s a t L eicester U n i-
v e rsity . B riefly th e se stu d ie s can b e d iffe re n tia te d in to c u ltu ral
a n a ly s e s , esp e c ia lly of style, of th e re la tio n s b e tw e e n d o m in a n t
c lass c u ltu re s , h e g e m o n y a n d su b c u ltu ra l d e riv a tio n , a n d e th n o -
g ra p h ic s tu d ie s of careers in d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re s. T hese
in v o lv e a th e o ry of th e m e a n in g th a t y o u th c u ltu re s h av e, a n d a
th e o ry o f p ro c e ss in v o lv in g th e e th n o g ra p h y of y o u th s u b -
c u ltu re s . T h e c u ltu ra l d im e n sio n c o n c e n tra te s o n th e m e a n in g of
sty le , a n d th e su b c u ltu ra l d im e n sio n in v o lv es b e h a v io u r a n d
life -sty le a n d its re la tio n sh ip to w id e r social stru c tu re s.
O b v io u s ly se v e ra l stu d ie s h a v e b o th d im e n sio n s, w ith a
d iffe re n t e m p h a s is , b u t for th e sake of clarity I w ill try to
s e p a ra te c u ltu re a n d e th n o g ra p h y .
C h ro n o lo g ic a lly th e first m a jo r s tu d y of th is n e w a p p ro a c h
w a s S. C o h e n 's (1972), w o rk o n 'm o d s ' a n d 'ro c k e rs'. C oh en
b a s e s h is a p p ro a c h in a tra n sa c tio n a list fram ew o rk , w h ic h takes
a s p ro b le m a tic th e tra n sa c tio n b e tw e e n ju d g e a n d ju d g e d ,
c o n c e n tra tin g less o n w h y a n ac to r is d e v ia n t, b u t w h y is th e re a
ru le a g a in s t c e rta in form s of dev ian ce. C o h e n 's a p p ro a c h is
d e fin itio n a l r a th e r th a n b e h a v io u ra l, a n d o u tlin e s th e im p o rta n c e
o f so cietal re a c tio n to d ev ian ce as a m ajo r variable. It is b a se d o n
62 • Street-wise
L e m e rt's (1967), d istin c tio n b e tw e e n p rim a ry a n d se c o n d a ry
d e v ia n c e . L e m e rt (1967, p. 48), a rg u es:
P rim a ry d e v ia n c e is a ss u m e d to arise in a w id e v a rie ty of
social, c u ltu ra l a n d p sych olo gical c o n te x ts, a n d a t b e s t h a s
o n ly m a rg in a l im p lic a tio n s for th e p sy ch ic s tru c tu re of th e
in d iv id u a l; it d o e s n o t lead to sym bolic re o rg a n isa tio n a t th e
le v e l o f se lf-re g a rd in g a ttitu d e s a n d social roles. S e c o n d a ry
d e v ia tio n is d e v ia n t b e h a v io u r, o r social roles b a se d u p o n it,
w h ic h b e c o m e s a m e a n s of d e fe n se , a tta c k o r a d a p ta tio n to
th e o v e rt a n d c o v e rt p ro b le m s c re a te d b y societal re a c tio n to
p rim a ry d e v ia tio n .
It w a s s e c o n d a ry d e v ia n c e w h ic h w a s im p o rta n t to sociological
in v e s tig a tio n b e c a u se p rim a ry d e v ia n c e w a s so d iffu se in its
c a u sa l m o tiv a tio n . S ocietal re a c tio n la u n c h e d a cto rs o n d e v ia n t
c a re e rs. A c to rs o n ce p u b licly lab elled as d e v ia n t p erc e iv e d
th e m s e lv e s as c u t off from m a jo r v a lu e sy ste m s, a n d c o n -
s e q u e n tly th e y d e v e lo p c o u n te r-v a lu e s w h ic h in crease th e ir
d e v ia n c y . In th is w a y d ev ian cy am p lifies (see W ilkins, 1964).
C o h e n a c c e p ts th e te n e ts of th e a n o m ic p e rsp e c tiv e in s u b -
c u ltu ra l th e o ry , a n d a rg u e s th a t stru c tu ra l stra in e x p e rie n c e d by
B ritish a d o le sc e n ts in th e m id -six tie s le d to tw o socially visible
a n d p u b lic ly r e s p o n d e d -to sty les, M o d s a n d R ockers. H e c o m -
p a r e d th e s te re o ty p e s of th e s e 'folk d e v ils', w h o h a d b ro u g h t o n a
'm o ra l p a n ic ' in th e m a ss m ed ia, a n d fo u n d th e ac c u sa tio n s of
b e in g a fflu e n t y o b s, of v io len ce, d a m a g e to p ro p e rty a n d
c o n s e q u e n t lo ss of tra d e , g re a tly e x a g g e ra te d . Societal reactio n ,
a n d a tte m p ts a t c o n tro llin g s te re o ty p e d n o tio n s of w h a t w a s
o c c u rrin g , o n ly m a d e th e situ a tio n w o rse . O n e m a g istra te
re fe rre d to th e m as (S. C o h e n , 1972, p . 109), 'm e n ta lly u n sta b le ,
lo n g h a ire d , p e tty little s a w d u s t C aesars w h o seem to fin d
c o u ra g e , like ra ts, b y h u n tin g o n ly in p a c k s'. T his w a s d u e to
in d is c rim in a te p ro se c u tio n , o v e r-re a c tio n locally, a n d a m a ss
m e d ia re p o rta g e w h ic h su g g e ste d 'c a b a lism ' o r th e solidifyin g of
a m o r p h o u s g ro u p s of te e n a g e rs in to a co n sp ira to ria l collectivity.
T h e s tu d y w a s a tra n sa c tio n a l a n a ly sis of a d is a ste r th e o ry
m o d e l, w h ic h lo o k e d a t m o ral p a n ic as a re su lt of m a ss m e d ia
re a c tio n , w ith a c o n sid e ra tio n of its effects o n th e d ra m a tu rg y
p la y e d o u t o n th e E ast C o ast b e ach es. It w a s a d istin c t b re a k
fro m th e a n o m ic s tra in of D o w n e s, b u t u s e d so m e of its te n e ts to
fill o u t th e p ro c e ss of b eco m in g a su b c u ltu ra l role p lay er, a n d
th e p a r t so cietal re a c tio n p la y e d in th is.
M u rd o c k 's w o rk (M u rd o ck a n d P h e lp s, 1972; M u rd o ck , 1973;
M u rd o c k a n d M cC ro n , 1973; M u rd o c k , 1974, a n d M u rd o c k a n d
M c C ro n , 1976), follow s th e tra d itio n of th e re la tio n sh ip of th e
Street-wise • 63
sc h o o l a n d y o u th c u ltu re . It also c o n sid e rs th e im p o rta n t th e m e
o f th e ro le o f com m ercial y o u th c u ltu re s. M u rd o c k a n d th e
C .C .C .S . h a v e in flu e n c e d ea c h o th e r, a n d b o th sh o w p e rsp e c -
tiv e s d e v e lo p e d fro m th e N .D .C . M u rd o c k re in tro d u c e d th e
c lass d im e n s io n to su b c u ltu ra l th e o ry , a n d e m p h a siz e d th e
m o d e l o f s u b c u ltu re s as 'so lu tio n s ' to collectively e x p erien ced
p ro b le m s a n d c o n tra d ic tio n s. T h e la tte r occu r w h e n th e re are
g a p s b e tw e e n w h a t is su p p o s e d to be h a p p e n in g , a n d w h a t
a c tu a lly h a p p e n s . M u rd o c k ex p lain s su b c u ltu re s th u s (M urdock,
1974, p . 213):
S u b c u ltu re s a re th e m e a n in g sy ste m a n d m o d e s of e x p re s-
sio n d e v e lo p e d b y g ro u p s in p a rtic u la r p a rts of th e social
s tr u c tu re in th e c o u rse of th e ir collective a tte m p ts to com e
to te rm s w ith th e c o n tra d ic tio n s of th e ir sh a re d social
s itu a tio n . M o re p a rtic u la rly su b c u ltu re s re p re s e n t th e
a c c u m u la te d m e a n in g s a n d m e a n s of e x p re ssio n th ro u g h
w h ic h g r o u p s in s u b o rd in a te stru c tu ra l p o sitio n s h a v e
a tte m p te d to n e g o tia te o r o p p o se th e d o m in a n t m e a n in g
s y s te m . T h e y th e re fo re p ro v id e a p o o l of available sym bolic
re s o u rc e s w h ic h p a rtic u la r in d iv id u a ls o r g ro u p s can d ra w
o n in th e ir a tte m p t to m ak e se n se of th e ir o w n specific
s itu a tio n a n d c o n stru c t a viable id e n tity .
M u rd o c k (1973, p . 9), sees a re la tio n b e tw e e n w o rk a n d leisu re

th u s :
T h e a tte m p t to re so lv e th e co n tra d ic tio n s c o n ta in e d in th e

w o rk situ a tio n th ro u g h th e cre a tio n of m e a n in g fu l styles of
le isu re , ty p ically ta k e s p lace w ith in th e co ntex t p ro v id e d b y
a s u b -c u ltu re . . . su b c u ltu re s offer a collective so lu tio n to
th e p ro b le m s p o s e d b y sh a re d c o n tra d ic tio n s in th e w o rk
s itu a tio n a n d p ro v id e a social a n d sym bolic c o n tex t for th e
d e v e lo p m e n t a n d re in fo rc e m e n t of collective id e n tity a n d
in d iv id u a l self e ste e m .
T h e re is a h in t in th is of A. C o h e n 's o riginal n o tio n of a

c o llectiv e s o lu tio n a risin g as a re su lt of sta tu s p ro b le m s faced by
w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th w h e n c o m p a re d a g a in st th e 'm id d le-c la ss
m e a s u rin g r o d ' o f e d u c a tio n . Y o uth faces sev eral p ro b le m s
a g a in s t w h ic h it a tte m p ts collective so lu tio n s, as I h a v e s u g -
g e s te d e ls e w h e re (B rake, 1973b, p . 36):
S u b c u ltu re s a rise as a tte m p ts to solve c e rtain p ro b le m s in

th e social s tru c tu re , w h ic h are c re a te d b y c o n tra d ic tio n s in
th e la rg e r so ciety.
64 • Street-wise
M u rd o c k a rg u e s a g a in st th e c o n c e p t of a n o verall y o u th c u ltu re ,
a s s u g g e s te d b y S u g a rm a n , a n d b y th e A m erican th e o rists
P a rs o n s (1954), P o lk (1957; 1966), a n d C o le m a n (1961), w ith th e
s u g g e s tio n th a t y o u th is c o m m itte d e ith e r to th e c u ltu re of th e
sc h o o l o r th e o u t-o f-sc h o o l y o u th c u ltu re . M u rd o c k 's re se a rc h in
te n w id e ly d iffe re n t c o -e d u c a tio n a l se c o n d a ry sch o o ls fo u n d
s o m e p u p ils in v o lv e d in b o th le isu re a n d scho ol activities.
H o w e v e r th e m a jo rity of p u p ils n o t in v o lv e d in sch o ol activities
w e re in v o lv e d in a se t o f m e a n in g s w h ic h co u ld b e se e n as a
ty p e o f 'y o u th c u ltu re '. T h e re w e re tw o m a jo r co n ste lla tio n s
a ttra c tin g th e s e y o u n g p e o p le - first 's tre e t c u ltu re ', c h a ra c -
te ristic o f y o u n g w o rk in g -c la ss m ales, in v o lv in g football, h a n g -
in g a b o u t w ith m a te s, cafes, p u b s a n d d a n cin g ; a n d se c o n d ,
'p o p m e d ia c u ltu re ' b a se d o n activities, v a lu e s a n d ro les
p ro m u lg a te d b y se c to rs of th e m a ss m e d ia for a d o le sc e n t
c o n s u m p tio n . T h e re w a s a n o v e rla p b e tw e e n th e tw o , b u t th e
d e g re e to w h ic h scho ol rejecto rs u s e d th e 'p o p m e d ia c u ltu re '
v a rie d a c c o rd in g to sex a n d class. W o rk in g -class p u p ils w ith a
lo w c o m m itm e n t to sch o ol w e re relativ ely u n in v o lv e d w ith 'p o p
m e d ia c u ltu re ', a n d in th e E ast E n d of L o n d o n , w h e re th e re w a s
a v ig o ro u s 's tre e t c u ltu re ', th e p o p m e d ia w a s relativ ely u n -
im p o rta n t. M id d le -c la ss g ra m m a r scho ol p u p ils w e re p a rtic u -
la rly in v o lv e d w ith 'p ro g re ss iv e ' m u sic. T h is M u rd o c k sees as a n
e x te n s io n b y su ccessfu l p u p ils of in d iv id u a listic v a lu e s in th e
p a r e n t m id d le -c la ss c u ltu re , e m p h a siz in g se lf-d e v e lo p m e n t a n d
in d iv id u a l a c h ie v e m e n t ('d o in g y o u r o w n th in g '). For M u rd o c k
g e n e ra tio n a l m e m b e rsh ip h a s in n o se n se re p la c e d class
m e m b e rs h ip as a k e y d e te rm in a n t of social e x p erien ce, a n d h e
d e n ie s th a t g e n e ra tio n a l c o n sc io u sn e ss h a s b e e n s u sta in e d by
th e m a s s e n te rta in m e n t in d u s try a im e d a t y o u th . M u rd o c k sees
y o u th lo c a te d firm ly w ith in a fra m e w o rk of class re la tio n s w h ic h
ta k e s n o te o f o p p o rtu n ity s tru c tu re s b u t w h ic h is q u ite d iffe re n t
fro m th e tra d itio n a l m o d e l u sin g th a t co n c e p t. T h is v iew w a s
re fle c te d a lso b y B rake (1973b, p . 36):
Y o u th is n o t itself a p ro b le m , b u t th e re are p ro b le m s c re a te d
fo r e x a m p le b y th e co n sc rip tio n of th e m ajo rity of th e
y o u n g in to th e lo w e r stra ta of a m erito cratic e d u c a tio n a l
sy s te m , a n d th e n a llo w in g th e m o n ly to tak e u p o c c u p a tio n s
w h ic h a re m e a n in g le ss, p o o rly p a id a n d u n c re a tiv e . W o rk -
in g class su b c u ltu re s a tte m p t to in fu se in to th is b leak w o rld
e x c ite m e n t a n d c o lo u r, d u rin g th e s h o rt re sp ite b e tw e e n
sc h o o l a n d se ttlin g d o w n in to m a rria g e a n d a d u lth o o d .
B o th M u rd o c k a n d B rake h a v e b e e n criticized b y th e C .C .C .S .
(C lark e et al., 1976), for to o h e a v y a relian ce u p o n su b -
Street-wise • 65
c u ltu re s as p ro b le m -so lv in g . For th e m (C larke et al., 1976, p.
29),
th e y o u n g in h e rit a c u ltu ra l o rie n ta tio n fro m th e ir p a re n ts
to w a rd s a 'p ro b le m a tic ' co m m o n to th e class as a w h o le,
w h ic h is likely to w e ig h t, sh a p e a n d signify th e m e a n in g s
th e y a tta c h to d iffe re n t a re a s of th e ir social life. In M u rd o c k 's
a n d B ra k e 's w o rk , th e situ a tio n of th e s u b c u ltu re 's m e m b e rs
w ith in a n o n g o in g s u b o rd in a te c u ltu re is ig n o re d in term s
o f th e specific d e v e lo p m e n t of th e su b c u ltu re . T h u s a w h o le
d im e n s io n o f class socialisatio n is o m itte d a n d th e e le m e n ts
of n e g o tia tio n a n d d isp la c e m e n t in th e origin al situ a te d
class c u ltu re a re g iv e n too little w e ig h t in th e an aly sis.
T h e a n a ly sis o f th e C .C .C .S . ste m s fro m P. C o h e n 's (1972),
se m in a l article. T his ex p lo ra to ry article of w o rk in g life in E ast
L o n d o n re s ts o n th e m u tu a l artic u la tio n of th re e stru c tu re s. T he
w o rk in g -c la s s c o m m u n ity d ra w s its stre n g th from th e e x te n d e d
k in s h ip n e tw o rk w h ic h offers m u tu a l aid a n d cu ltu ra l c o n -
tin u ity . T h is d e p e n d s in tu rn o n th e local social ecology, th e
n e ig h b o u rh o o d , a d e n s e socio -cu ltu ral space w h ic h 'h e lp s to
s h a p e a n d s u p p o r t th e close te x tu re s of tra d itio n a l w o rk in g -
class life, its se n s e of so lid arity , its local loy alties a n d tra d itio n s'.
T h e th ir d s tru c tu re is th e local eco n o m y , ty in g th e n e ig h b o u r-
h o o d to th e w o rk p la c e . P o st-w a r re d e v e lo p m e n t b ro k e u p th e
tra d itio n a l n e ig h b o u rh o o d th ro u g h re h o u sin g , sp ecu lativ e
d e v e lo p m e n t a n d th e in tro d u c tio n of im m ig ra n t lab o u r. T he
tra d itio n a l e x te n d e d fam ily n e tw o rk b ecam e rep laced b y th e
p riv a tiz e d n u c le a r fam ily, in te ra c tin g o n ly w ith in its im m e d ia te
k in s tru c tu re a n d c e a sin g to be in v o lv ed in n e ig h b o u rh o o d life
a s w a s c o m m o n in th e o ld w o rk in g -c la ss c o m m u n ities. T he
e x te n d e d k in n e tw o rk b ecam e re p la c e d by a n in te n se set of
fa m ily re la tio n s. C o h e n a rg u e s (1972, p. 17), th a t 'th e w o rk in g
class fam ily w a s n o t o n ly iso lated from o u tsid e b u t u n d e rm in e d
fro m w ith in .'
T h e social sp a c e of th e p u b , c o rn e r s h o p s a n d th e stre e t h a d
th e ir c o m m u n a lity d e stro y e d b y h ig h rise flats. T h e d eclin e of
c ra ft la b o u r re d u c e d e n try in to skilled tra d e s w ith its ac-
c o m p a n y in g craft p rid e . T h e w o rk force p o la riz e d in to ro u tin e
lo w -p a id in d u s try , o r ra re specialized skills re la tin g to th e n e w
te c h n o lo g y , d e p e n d in g o n q ualification s a n d a p p re n tic e sh ip .
T h is p o la riz a tio n e x te n d e d in to th e re sp ectab le w o rk in g -class
c o m m u n ity , n o w facing th e p ro b le m s of u p w a rd m obility in to
th e n e w s u b u rb a n w o rk in g class, o r d o w n w a rd s in to u n sk ille d
r o u tin e la b o u r. C o h e n ex p lo res th e com plex w a y s d ifferen t
in tra -c la s s s tru c tu re s h a v e th e ir o p tio n s d e te rm in e d b y th e ir
66 • Street-wise
re la tio n s to th e m e a n s of p ro d u c tio n , w ith its effects o n th e
fa m ily , a n d th e p h y sic a l re lo catio n o f th e n e ig h b o u rh o o d . H e
c o n c e n tra te s o n th e effects o n th e y o u n g . T h e local e c o n o m y
c o n tra c te d , b e c a m e le ss d iv erse, a n d th e y o u n g tra v e lle d o u t of
th e c o m m u n ity to w o rk , o r m o v e d a w ay . T h o se left w e re faced
w ith p ro b le m s o f a m a te ria l, c u ltu ral, social a n d eco n om ic n a tu re .
C o h e n lo cates th e s e p ro b le m s to a class historically , a n d for h im
class d o e s n o t d is a p p e a r b u t b e c o m e s m o re com plex b e c a u se of
so c io -e c o n o m ic in flu e n c e . F or y o u th th e n , th e y h a v e to a tte m p t
to 'r e s o lv e ' sh ifts in th e s e m aterial, social, eco n om ic fo rm s, a n d
w h ic h a re also e x p e rie n c e d in th e 'p a re n t c u ltu re ' (i.e. th e
d o m in a n t w o rk in g -c la ss c u ltu re in th e n e ig h b o u rh o o d ). T he
d iffe re n tia te d w o rk in g -c la ss su b c u ltu re s a rise b ecau se (C o hen ,
1972, p . 23),
th e la te n t fu n c tio n of su b c u ltu re is th is - to e x p re ss a n d
re s o lv e a lb e it 'm ag ic a lly ', th e c o n tra d ic tio n s w h ic h a p p e a r in
th e p a r e n t c u ltu re . T h e su ccessio n of su b c u ltu re s w h ic h th is
p a r e n t c u ltu re g e n e ra te d can th u s all b e c o n sid e re d as so
m a n y v a ria tio n s o n a c en tral th e m e - th e c o n tra d ic tio n a t a n
id e o lo g ic a l level, b e tw e e n tra d itio n a l w o rk in g class p u ri-
ta n is m , a n d th e n e w id eo lo g y of c o n su m p tio n ; a t a n
e c o n o m ic lev el b e tw e e n a p a rt of th e socially m ob ile elite, o r
a p a r t o f th e n e w lu m p e n .
S u b c u ltu re s try to retriev e lo st socially co h esiv e e le m e n ts
d e s tr o y e d in th e p a r e n t c u ltu re , a n d to com b in e th e se w ith
e le m e n ts fro m o th e r class fractio n s 'sy m b o lisin g o n e o r o th e r of
th e o p tio n s c o n fro n tin g it'. T h ese p ro b le m s are alw ay s e x p e ri-
e n c e d a n d 're s o lv e d ' a t th e ideological level, a n d th is is w h y
th e y a re u n re a l, im a g in a ry o r 'm a g ic a l' so lu tio n s. T h e re are for
C o h e n (1972, p . 24)
th r e e le v e ls in th e a n aly sis o f su b c u ltu re s: o n e is th e
h isto ric a l . . . w h ic h iso lates th e specific p ro b le m a tic of a
p a rtic u la r class fractio n . . . se c o n d ly . . . th e su b sy ste m s
. . . a n d th e a c tu a l tra n sfo rm a tio n s th e y u n d e rg o form o n e
s u b c u ltu ra l m o m e n t to a n o th e r . . . th ird ly . . . th e w a y th e
s u b c u ltu re is a c tu ally lived o u t b y th o se w h o a re b e a re rs
a n d s u p p o rts .
C o h e n th e n p la c e s th e su b c u ltu re in its c u ltu ra l co n tex t, raises
th e in flu e n c e o f m a te ria l c o n tra d ic tio n s a n d th e ir effects, a n d
s u g g e s ts a d iffe re n t fo rm of p ro b le m so lv in g from th e an o m ic
m o d e l, o r th e s ta tu s d im e n sio n in its u su a l form , th a t o f a n
id e o lo g ic a l re s o lu tio n o f a n e x p e rie n c e d form a risin g fro m
c o n tra d ic tio n s in th e stru c tu re . S u b c u ltu re s can n e v e r b re a k o u t
Street-wise • 67
o f th e s e c o n tra d ic tio n s, th e y can on ly a tte m p t to relocate 'in a n
im a g in a ry re la tio n ' th e real re la tio n s w h ic h th e m e m b e rs c a n n o t
tr a n s c e n d .
T h e C .C .C .S . d e v e lo p a so p h istic a te d a rg u m e n t w hich
a tte m p ts to c o n sid e r th e re la tio n sh ip b e tw e e n class a n d y o u th in
a M a rx ist fra m e w o rk , a n d w h ic h in v o lv es th e p ro b lem of id e o -
lo g y a n d c u ltu re . C lass is itself a p ro b lem atic area em pirically
(R eid, 1977), a n d th e o re tic a lly (P o u lan tzas, 1973; M ilib and , 1969;
W e s te rg a a rd a n d R esler, 1975). P a rk in (1971), h a s su g g e ste d a
u s e fu l ty p o lo g y of th e re la tio n sh ip b e tw e e n w o rk in g -class
c o n s c io u s n e s s a n d social location. T he n o rm a tiv e o rd e r is b e st
c o n s id e re d a s a n u m b e r of c o m p e tin g m e a n in g sy stem s. T he
d o m in a n t v a lu e sy ste m w h o s e social so u rce is th e m ajo r in stitu -
tio n a l o rd e r p ro v id e s a m o ral fra m e w o rk p ro m o tin g existing
in e q u a lity . S u b o rd in a te classes d e fin e th e ex istin g social sy stem
in d e fe re n tia l o r a sp ira tio n a l te rm s. T he su b o rd in a te value
sy s te m h a s its social so u rc e in th e local w o rk in g -class co m m u n ity
a n d p ro m o te s a n acco m m o d a tiv e re sp o n se to th e existin g sy stem .
T h e re is also a ra d ic a l v a lu e sy stem w h ich d ra w s u p o n w o rk in g
class p o litical p a rtie s w h ic h p ro m o te o p p o sitio n a l in te rp re ta tio n s
o f e x is tin g class in e q u a lity . T he d o m in a n t v a lu e sy stem , d ra w n
fro m M a rx 's d ic tu m 'th e id e a s of th e ru lin g class are in e v e ry age,
th e r u lin g id e a s ' is m id d le -c la ss c u ltu re , o r th e c en tral value
sy s te m , w h ic h is a s su m e d to be th e n o rm a tiv e cu ltu re ag ain st
w h ic h o th e rs a re c o m p a re d . S u b o rd in a te classes if th e y accep t
th is c u ltu re , a re e ith e r d e fe re n tia l (accept th e w o rld as it is) or
a s p ira tio n a l (accep t th e w o rld as it is, b u t n o t o n e 's p e rso n a l place
in it). H o w e v e r th e re a re also p o sitio n s w h ich are n e ith e r
a c q u isitio n a l n o r o p p o sitio n a l to tally. It is in th is area th a t th e
C .C .C .S . place m o s t fo rm s of m e d ia tio n s b e tw e e n d o m in a n t a n d
s u b o rd in a te c u ltu re s. T h e leg itim a tio n of 'th e ir ' in stitu tio n s is
a c c e p te d (th e ir firm s, th e ir e d u c a tio n , th e ir law s) b u t 'w e ' can
n e g o tia te a sp a c e w ith in th is.
A n in d iv id u a l is b o rn in to a class location, in v o lv in g h im o r
h e r in a s e t o f in s titu tio n s a n d social rela tio n s, a n d also a
c o n fig u ra tio n of m e a n in g s w ith in th a t c u ltu re . Social g ro u p s
d e v e lo p d is tin c t p a tte rn s of life, w h ic h inv o lv e giv ing ex pressiv e
fo rm to th e ir social a n d m aterial life. A social g ro u p th e n
d e v e lo p s a p a rtic u la r w a y of life - m e a n in g s, v a lu e s, life-style,
a n d h o w it e x p re sse s re la tio n s b o th in m aterial p ro d u c tio n a n d
in le isu re . T h e m o s t im p o rta n t social g ro u p o b v io u sly is a class,
s h a rin g d istin c t h isto rical a n d m aterial co n d itio n s. P ro d u c tiv e
re la tio n s b e tw e e n classes are u n e q u a lly ra n k e d in term s of
w e a lth a n d p o w e r, b u t cu ltu re s are also ra n k e d alo n g a scale of
c u ltu ra l d o m in a tio n a n d su b o rd in a tio n . A s w a s su g g e ste d ,
68 • Street-wise
r u lin g class g ro u p s m o n o p o liz e c u ltu re a n d id eo lo g y , p o p u -
la riz e d in to a m o re d iffu se 'm id d le -c la ss c u ltu re '. T his d o m in a n t
c u ltu re h a s a m o n o p o ly legitim acy, re d u c in g o th e r v a lu e s to
re a c tio n s a g a in s t o r to it, su b su m in g a w h o le set of c o n g ru e n t
th e o rie s in v o lv in g n o tio n s su c h a s u n d e r-so c ia liz a tio n , d ev ia n c e
a n d so fo rth . G ra m sc i refers to th is as 'h e g e m o n y ' (1973),
s u g g e s tin g it o ccu rs w h e re a ru lin g class is able to ex ert to tal
so cial a u th o rity o v e r s u b o rd in a te classes, so th a t a lte rn a tiv e s
a n d o p p o rtu n itie s a re c o n ta in e d su c h th a t th e g ra n tin g of
le g itim a c y o f d o m in a n t classes a p p e a rs as s p o n ta n e o u s , n a tu ra l
a n d n o rm a l. T h e re is n o t so m u c h a lack of choice in a p lu ra list
c u ltu re , b u t th e p re fe re n c e s are sh a p e d h eg em o n ically . P o w e r is
th e n u s e d 'to p re v e n t conflict a risin g in th e first p la c e ' (L ukes,
1974, p . 23). T h e re is a h e g e m o n ic bloc of d o m in a n t class
fa c tio n s, s u p p o r te d b y su b o rd in a te classes, w ith p o w e r le g it-
im a te d th r o u g h w h a t A lth u s se r calls 'id eolo gical sta te a p p a r -
a tu s e s ' (1971) - social, cu ltu ra l, e d u c a tio n a l a n d legal in s titu -
tio n s.
F o r H a ll et al. (1978), th e B ritish w o rk in g class h a v e d e v e lo p e d
th e ir o w n h isto ric a l c u ltu re s, b u t th e re la tio n s b e tw e e n th e se
a n d th e d o m in a n t c u ltu re is n e g o tia b le a t ce rta in h istorical
m o m e n ts . W o rk in g -c la ss c u ltu re w in s 'sp a c e ' for th e d o m in a n t
c u ltu re is n e v e r to tal o r h o m o g e n e o u s. W ith in th e su b o rd in a te
c la ss c u ltu re s a re th e 'p a r e n t c u ltu re s ' (th e local v e rsio n of th e
s u b o r d in a te class c u ltu re ) a n d s u b se ts of th e se c o n c e rn e d w ith
v a rio u s 'fo cal c o n c e rn s ' - th e su b c u ltu re s. T h e 'focal c o n c e rn s'
a re re la te d b o th to th e class c u ltu re a n d th e p a re n t cu ltu re . H all
et al. s u g g e s t th a t focal co n c e rn s are w h a t is d istin c t g e n e ra tio n -
ally in y o u th c u ltu re s, w h ich h a s b e e n th e m a in e m p h a sis for
s u b c u ltu ra l s tu d y , w h ils t w h a t h a s b e e n n e g le c te d is w h a t is
s h a r e d w ith th e p a r e n t c u ltu re . C lass a n d g e n e ra tio n act to
p ro d u c e sty le . Y o u n g p e o p le e n c o u n te r th e d o m in a n t c u ltu re
n o t in a n a b stra c t d is ta n t fo rm , b u t th ro u g h in s titu tio n s w h ic h
m e d ia te th e d o m in a n t c u ltu re to s u b o rd in a te c u ltu re s. T h ey also
e x p e rie n c e th e c u ltu ra l m ilieu of th e ir n e ig h b o u rh o o d a n d (H all
et al., p . 53)
M a n y fo rm s of a d a p ta tio n , n e g o tia tio n a n d resista n c e ,
e la b o ra te d b y th e 'p a r e n t c u ltu re ' in its e n c o u n te rs w ith th e
d o m in a n t c u ltu re a re b o rro w e d a n d a d a p te d b y th e y o u n g
in th e ir e n c o u n te r w ith th e m e d ia tin g in stitu tio n s of p r o -
v isio n a n d co n tro l.
C la rk e (1976a) u s e s Lé v i-S tra u ss's c o n c e p t 'b ric o la g e ', th e
re - o r d e r in g a n d re -c o n te x tu a liz a tio n of o bjects to co m m u n ic a te
fre s h m e a n in g s . O b jects a n d m e a n in g s c o n stitu te a sig n , a n d are
Street-wise • 69
a s s e m b le d in to m e a n in g fu l p a tte rn s o r m e ssa g e s. T h ere is a
tra n s fo rm a tio n a n d re a rra n g e m e n t of w h a t exists esp ecially in
fa s h io n , w h ic h is tra n sla te d a n d a d a p te d in to a n e w context. For
e x a m p le , W illis (1978), c o n cern s h im self w ith th e re la tio n s of a
h o m o lo g y o r fit b e tw e e n ce rta in ty p e s of style, artefacts a n d
g r o u p id e n tity . S u b c u ltu ra l sty le se ts off c ertain m e m b e rs of a
c la ss fro m o th e rs , e v e n th o u g h th e su b c u ltu re co-exists w ith a
m o re in c lu siv e class c u ltu re , to p ro ject a n im age w h ic h in d icates
a d iffe re n t c u ltu ra l so lu tio n fro m th e ir p e e rs. T he y o u th fu l
v e rs io n o f th e b o h e m ia n su b c u ltu re of th e avant-garde, th e
h ip p ie s , is re la te d to its p a re n t cu ltu re , th e u rb a n c u ltu re of th e
m id d le class in te llig e n tsia , a n d is co n c e rn e d w ith in d iv id u a lism ,
c re a tiv ity a n d self-e x p re ssio n . H o w e v e r it also co n ta in s focal
c o n c e rn s o f m o re w o rk in g -class d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re s,
h e d o n is m , se a rc h for e x citem en t a n d a n a n ti-w o rk ethic. T h ere
is fo r W illis a h o m o lo g y b e tw e e n th e loose g ro u p affiliation,
su b je c tiv e o rie n ta tio n , im m ed iacy a n d th e selectio n of W est
C o a st R ock m u sic (acid rock) a n d d ru g u se (especially h allu cino -
g e n ic s), a n d th e h ip p y life-style. A s C larke (1975, p . 179), p u ts
it,
th e e v e n tu a lly p ro d u c e d style is m o re th a n th e sim ple
a m a lg a m o f all th e s e p a ra te e le m e n ts - it d e riv e s its specific
sy m b o lic q u a lity from th e a rra n g e m e n t of all th e e le m e n ts
to g e th e r in o n e w h o le e n sem b le, e m b o d y in g a n d e x p re ssin g
th e g r o u p 's self co n sc io u sn e ss.
W h e n w e c o n sid e r d iffe re n t ty p e s of su b c u ltu ra l styles w e w ill
e x a m in e specific a p p lic a tio n s of th e C .C .C .S . to p a rtic u la r s u b -
c u ltu re s . W o o d s (1977), h a s accu sed th is a p p ro a c h of ro m a n ti-
c iz a tio n o f w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th c u ltu re s. T he p ro b le m s of
le is u re a p p ly to all, n o t ju st y o u th , a n d 'm agical re so lu tio n s'
m u s t th e re fo re a p p ly b e y o n d su b c u ltu ra l so lu tio n s. H e also feels
th a t fo c u sin g o n a p a rtic u la r class o r class fractio n , can s e n ti-
m e n ta liz e its v irtu e s, a n d th a t p ro b le m s su c h as q u e e r-b a sh in g ,
P a k i-b a s h in g a n d m u g g in g are m o v e d from b e in g th e p e rso n a l
re sp o n s ib ility o f in d iv id u a ls c o n c e rn e d , to b e in g fo m e n te d by
id e o lo g ie s o r g o v e rn m e n t in a n ab stra c t w ay. H e su g g e sts th a t
w h e r e ra cialism is e x p e rie n c e d b y m in o rities in th e sam e class
p o s itio n as th o s e w h o a ttack th e m , it stra in s c re d u lity to p o sit a
c la ss e x p la n a tio n . T his is to o v erlo o k th e d iv isio n ist c o n se q u e n c e s
o f a ra c ia lism (or a sexism ) in h e re n t in a n id eolo g y. O n e im p o rt-
a n t a s p e c t is th e c o n c e p t of m a scu lin ity w h ic h I sh all d iscu ss in
th e c h a p te rs o n race a n d sex.
70 • Street-wise
T h e eth n o g rap h y and history o f B ritish w o rk in g -class you th

cu ltu res and su b cu ltu res
T h e c u ltu ra l a n a ly sis o f th e C .C .C .S . h a s in flu e n c e d sev eral

s u b c u ltu ra l th e o ris ts, M u n g h a m a n d P e a rso n (1976), W illis
(1978), H e b d ig e (1976a), F rith (1978), a n d th is a p p ro a c h w ill b e
u s e d to c o n s id e r th e h isto ry o f su b c u ltu ra l th e m e s in B ritain.
T h e re h a v e b e e n o th e r su b c u ltu ra l stu d ie s w h ic h h a v e c o m b in e d
th e so cial eco lo g y of th e local n e ig h b o u rh o o d w ith e le m e n ts of
th e n e w d e v ia n c y a p p ro a c h . T h ree im p o rta n t stu d ie s are
P a tric k 's (1973), s tu d y of a v io le n t G la sg o w g a n g , P a rk e r's
(1974), s tu d y o f d o w n -to w n a d o le sc e n ts in L iv erp oo l, a n d
P la n t's (1975), s tu d y o f d ru g s u b c u ltu re s in a sm all B ritish to w n .
T h e se refle c t e a rly n e ig h b o u rh o o d stu d ie s, b u t m a k e so m e
in te re s tin g o b se rv a tio n s a b o u t c o n te m p o ra ry y o u th . P a tric k 's
g a n g h a d a d e v ia n t c areer s tru c tu re b u ilt in th ro u g h fam ily
a s s o c ia tio n s a n d lo o se p e e r ties. T he m e m b e rsh ip w a s age-
stra tifie d , e a c h ag e g ro u p h a v in g its o w n g an g . T h e se p o s se s se d
c o re m e m b e rs in c lu d in g le a d e rs w h o se ru th le s s v io lence c a u se d
th e m to b e lab elled as 'p s y c h ie s' b y p e rip h e ra l m e m b e rs.
G la s g o w v io le n t g a n g s seem n o t to h a v e a c o u n te rp a rt in
E n g la n d . T h e G la sg o w g a n g s p o sse ss little c a m a ra d e rie, m u tu a l
k in d n e s s o r so lid a rity , w ith low c o h e sio n a n d superficial
p e r s o n a l re la tio n s h ip s . A s th e S c h w e n d in g e rs (1967), re m a rk of
sim ila r A m e ric a n g a n g s,
I t's fu ck y o u r b u d d y w eek , fifty tw o w e e k s a y ear.
F ocal c o n c e rn s w e re h a rd n e s s o r 'g e m m ie ', d rin k , d ru g s, sta tu s,
'p a t te r ' o r 'c h a t', c lo th e s a n d sex. T h ere w a s a fatalism to w a rd s
th e ir s e n s e of e d u c a tio n a l, social a n d o c c u p a tio n a l failu re, th e y
ca lle d th e m s e lv e s 'sh im m ie s ' (slu m d w ellers). T h ey tru a n te d
fro m th e h a te d scho ol, b u t b e in g to o y o u n g to w o rk h a d n o
m o n e y . T h e ir b e h a v io u r o n ly m a k e s se n se a g a in st th e W est of
S c o tla n d p a rtic u la rly th e G la sw e g ia n w o rk in g class m ale c u ltu re .
T h e h e a v y d rin k in g a n d vio len ce of th is m a sc u lin ist c u ltu re (the
W e s t o f S c o tla n d h a d a h ig h e r m u rd e r ra te th a n N o rth e rn
Ire la n d in 1977), all c e le b ra te th e 'h a r d m a n '. P a rk e r's 'R o u n d -
h o u s e B o y s' w e re in c o n tra st a stre e t c o rn e r p e e r g ro u p , closely
k n it, liv in g in a d o w n -to w n d e te rio ra tin g n e ig h b o u rh o o d . In
re a c tio n to th e b a d ly -p a id , ro u tin e w o rk available th e y h u n g
a r o u n d th e s tre e t co rn e rs, re m in isc e n t of L ieb o w 's (1967),
g h e tto u n e m p lo y e d m e n . D e m o ra liz e d b y lack o f m o n e y , th e y
b e c a m e skilfu l a t ste a lin g car ra d io s, a n activity th w a rte d by
p o lic e su rv e illa n c e a n d th e re -o p e n in g of th e job m a rk e t. F or a
b rie f p e rio d th e y a re able to re m in isce a b o u t th e 'g o o d tim e s'
Street-wise • 71
fin a n c e d b y th e ra d io th e fts, a n d th e ir s p o n ta n e o u s e n jo y m e n t
h a s to b e u n d e r s to o d in th e c o n tex t of th e 'b a d tim e s' le a rn t fro m
e x p e rie n c e a n d c u ltu ra l class tra d itio n s. T h ere is a reflection of
th e C .C .C .S . a n a ly sis of g e n e ra tio n a lly specific re sp o n se s to
c o m m o n class p ro b le m s. T h e so cio-econom ic co n d itio n s create
p ro b le m s in d o w n to w n a re a s w h ic h , b e c a u se th e y are n e v e r
b a sic a lly a lte re d a t th is level, re-o ccu r g en e ra tio n a lly . P ark er
c o m b in e s th e C h icag o tra d itio n w ith M a tz a 's n a tu ra lism . A n
im p o r ta n t a sp e c t is th e th re a t p e rc e iv e d b y th e police co n cern in g
'h a n g in g a r o u n d ', a p o in t w ell e x a m in e d b y C o rrig an a n d F rith
(1975). P la n t's in v e stig a tio n w a s b ro a d e r b o th geo grap h ically , it
to o k in a w h o le to w n , a n d in sco pe, it c o n sid e re d 'd ru g u se rs'.
T w o q u ite d iffe re n t d ru g -o rie n te d su b c u ltu re s e m e rg e d , seld o m
in te ra c tin g . O n e g ro u p in v o lv e d th e p a rt tim e 'h e a d ', w h o lived
a c o n v e n tio n a l lo w e r m id d le -c la ss life, u sin g h a llu cin o g en ics on ly
in le isu re p e rio d s , a n d th e o th e r in v o lv e d w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th s
fro m th e fu ll-tim e 'ju n k ie ' su b c u ltu re . T he la tte r w a s a po ly d ru g
u s e r , m o re d e lin q u e n t, h o m e le ss, u n e m p lo y e d a n d driftin g.
T h e 'ju n k ie ' h ie ra rc h y w as b a se d o n m u lti-d ru g a b u se , a n d as
s u c h th e y w e re in d a n g e r fro m police surveillance. T h eir s u b -
c u ltu re o ffe re d a re p o sito ry to th o se w h o felt in cap ab le of
d e a lin g w ith th e ir liv es, e ith e r from p e rso n a lity p ro b le m s or
d e p riv e d social c o n d itio n s. T h ese stu d ie s reflect stro n g ly s u b -
c u ltu ra l so lu tio n s to w id e r c o n tra d ic tio n s. T he w o rk in g -class
g r o u p s te n d to sh a re sim ilar focal co n cern s, a n d face low
p re s tig e , p o o r e m p lo y m e n t p ro sp e c ts in a d e te rio ra tin g d istrict,
w h ic h h a s a c u ltu ra l e m p h a sis o n m a n h o o d a n d d rin k , o r face
th e s e c o n c e rn s c o m b in e d w ith v agrancy .
A b r ie f h isto ry o f B ritish w o rk in g-cla ss sub cultures and sty les
O n e p ro b le m as M u rd o c k (1975), re m in d s u s is th a t c o n c e n -
tra tin g o n su b c u ltu ra l m e m b e rs te n d s to ig n o re resp ectab le
y o u th in th e sa m e class location. T his m a y be b e c a u se w h e re
y o u th feels it h a s a n in v e stm e n t in th e social sy ste m as it sta n d s,
it c a n re s p o n d d e fe re n tia lly o r asp ira tio n a lly . A n o th e r p ro b lem
is m a rg in a lity , th e e x te n t to w h ic h acto rs are o n ly m argin ally
in v o lv e d in s u b c u ltu re s . T his seem s to reflect a class d ifference
c o n c e rn in g c o n tro l o f w o rk a n d leisu re. A n o th e r p ro b le m is
o v e rla p in m e m b e rsh ip in class te rm s. C ertain ly w h ilst s u b -
c u ltu re s se e m to b e cla ss-b a se d , th is is n o t to a rg u e th e re are n o t
w o rk in g -c la s s m e m b e rs of m id d le -c la ss su b c u ltu re s a n d vice
72 • Street-wise
v e rs a . H o w e v e r m e m b e rs te n d to be fro m sim ilar class b a c k -
g r o u n d s . A s w ell as s u b c u ltu re s g e n e ra te d b y g ro u p s , th e re is a
re la tio n to th e m a n u fa c tu re d o r sy n th e tic c u ltu re . M ercan tile
in te r e s ts a re a lw a y s k e e n to ex p lo it a m a rk e ta b le c u ltu re , a n d
th e 'b ric o la g e ' e le m e n t in d ic a te s th e c o n fu sio n b e tw e e n th e
c o n trib u tio n of th e m a rk e te d e le m e n ts of fa sh io n a n d th e
g e n u in e in n o v a tio n o f style. T h e d e a th k n ell of a sty le in y o u th
c u ltu re is its a p p ro p ria tio n b y y o u n g e r ag e g ro u p s , 'b u b b le g u m '
g r o u p s , o r its m a ss p ro d u c tio n b y c h a in sto re s. T h is p o p u la riz -
a tio n m e a n s th a t sty le h a s b e e n ro b b e d of its a u th e n tic ity a n d its
m e s s a g e . A n o th e r c o m p licatio n is s e p a ra tin g th e p a rt-tim e a n d
fu ll-tim e a d h e re n ts , se p a ra tin g th e rig h te o u s fro m th e p o se u rs.
In a s u b c u ltu re w ith literary a n d artistic affiliation s, th e re are
c o re m e m b e rs a t th e c e n tre o f th e c u ltu re , o fte n creativ e a rtists,
b u t fo llo w e rs a n d p e rip h e ra l m e m b e rs w h o m a y a d o p t th e life-
s ty le , o r a p p e a ra n c e , a n d w h o m a y o r m a y n o t b e p e rc e iv e d as
'r e a l' m e m b e rs .
Teddy boys
T h e re h a v e b e e n se v e ra l d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re s sin ce th e e n d of

th e S e c o n d W o rld W ar, w ith d istin c tiv e styles. In o rd e r to
u n r a v e l s u b c u ltu re s ' re sp o n s e to th e ir o w n g e n e ra tio n a l h isto ry
it is n e c e ss a ry to d escrib e so m e of th e th e m e s a t th is p o in t.
S o c ie ta l re a c tio n h a s o fte n b e e n q u ite sev ere, a n d th e re sp o n s e
c e rta in ly illu stra te s S. C o h e n 's 'folk d e v ils' p o in t. T he first tru ly
p o s t- w a r w o rk in g -c la ss d a n d y w a s th e T e d d y b oy . T he p o s t-
w a r p e rio d o f th e la te fo rties p ro v id e d n o th in g exciting or
sp ecific fo r w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th . Fyvel (1963, p. 84), su g g e sts
th e y w e re re b e llio u s y o u th d ra w n fro m a class of u n sk ille d
w o rk e rs w h o w e re left a fter th e ir m o re a ch iev in g p e e r g ro u p s
h a d b e e n c re a m e d off in to skilled a p p re n tic e s h ip s , o r g ra m m a r
sc h o o l u p w a r d m ob ility . T h e T ed w a s p o p u la rly s u p p o s e d to
e a r n c o m p e n s a to ry h ig h w a g e s (n o n -d e fe rre d g ratification ),
w h ic h c o m p e n s a te d h im for h is ex clusio n fro m e m b o u rg e o ise -
m e n t. T h e sty le - d ra p e jack ets, v e lv e t collars, d ra in p ip e
tro u s e r s , c re p e -so le d sh o e s, b o o tlace ties - w a s d e v e lo p e d from
a b rie f flirta tio n w ith E d w a rd ia n d a n d y ism b y th e u p p e r m id d le
c la sse s. T h is w a s (C larke et al., 1976, p . 54), sty le in th e classical
s e n s e in c u ltu ra l stu d ie s.
W h a t m a k e s a sty le is th e activ ity o f sty lisa tio n - th e active
o rg a n is a tio n of ob jects w ith activities a n d o u tlo o k s, w h ic h
p ro d u c e a n o rg a n ise d g ro u p activ ity in th e fo rm a n d s h a p e
o f a c o h e re n t a n d d istin ctiv e w a y o f 'b e in g -in -th e -w o rld '.
Street-wise • 73
Je ffe rso n (in H all a n d Jefferso n , 1976), su g g e sts th a t th e T ed

b o u g h t s ta tu s , u p p e r m id d le -c la ss Savile R ow su its, a n d th e n
a d a p te d a n in d iv id u a l style. T his sy m b o liz e d a su b c u ltu re w h ic h
w a s in so m e w a y a g a in s t th e c u rre n t m o d e of e m b o u rg e o ise m e n t
a n d a c h ie v e m e n t, it cele b ra te d th e yob, th e l e ft-o u t' w o rk in g -
c la ss y o u th . It also e x p re sse d a co n cern w ith d re ss w h ic h w as
u n u s u a lly e x tro v e rt a n d w h ic h c h a lle n g e d w h a t w a s a tra d itio n a l
fe m a le e x p re ssio n . T his w a s w h y a n y in su lt to it, real or
im a g in e d , h a d to b e m e t w ith to u g h n e s s or violence. It h a d to
d e n y a n y h in t o f effem inacy . T he M ississip p i g am b ler e le m e n t of
th e im a g e h in te d a t th e o u tla w , living o n h is w its w ith n o real
v isib le m e a n s of s u p p o rt. In a d d itio n H all et al. (1976, p. 48),
su g g est
(s u b c u ltu re s ) 'so lv e ' b u t in a n im a g in a ry w ay , p ro b lem s

w h ic h a t th e c o n c re te m a te ria l level re m a in u n re so lv e d .
T h u s th e 'T e d d y B oy' e x p ro p ria tio n of a n u p p e r class style
o f d re s s 'c o v e rs' th e g ap b e tw e e n largely m a n u a l, u n sk ille d ,
n e a r - lu m p e n , real careers a n d life-ch ances, a n d th e 'all
d re s s e d - u p - a n d - n o w h e r e - to - g o ' ex p erien ce of S a tu rd a y
e v e n in g .
D is p a ra te g ro u p s in v o lv e d in d iffe re n t e v e n ts, o w in g to m ass

m e d ia c o v e ra g e , b e c a m e in th e p ub lic m in d a h olistic stru c tu re ,
p e r p e tu a tin g m y th s w h ic h in tim e th e su b c u ltu re s b e g a n to
b e lie v e a n d re s p o n d to. T he c u lt h e ro e s of th e tim e, D ean , th e
s e n sitiv e , m ix e d -u p k id , B ran d o , th e m e n a c in g b ik er h ip ste r, all
g a v e sp ecific in te rp re ta tio n s of m asc u lin ity w h ic h fo u n d a
p a ra lle l in th e ea rly ro ck a n d roll. P re sle y 's d e e p voice a n d black
g e s tu r e s b e c a m e e x p lo ite d to fit th e m a rk e t d e m a n d , a black
e n te r ta in e r w h o w a s basic a n d ra u n c h y , b u t w h o w a s w h ite.
T h e w o rk in g -c la ss S o u th e rn e r from th e w ro n g sid e of th e tracks
b e c a m e a n im p o rta n t in flu en ce in m usic.
Je ffe rso n (H all et al., 1976), su g g e sts th e T ed s tu rn e d to th e
so cially c o h e siv e force of th e ir p e e rs in re s p o n se to th e p o st-w a r
u p h e a v a l in th e w o rk in g -c la ss c o m m u n ity . T heir b u tc h n e ss set
o ff th e ir d a n d y is m a n d p ro te c te d th e ir m ascu lin ity . Societal
re a c tio n s u g g e s te d a n o th e r e x p la n a tio n (A rticle 'b y a fam ily
d o c to r', Evening News, 12.5.54)
T e d d y b o y s . . . a re all of u n s o u n d m in d in th e se n se th a t
th e y a re all su ffe rin g from a fo rm of p sy ch o sis. A p a rt from
th e b irc h o r th e ro p e , d e p e n d in g o n th e gravity of th e ir
c rim e s, w h a t th e y n e e d is re h a b ilita tio n in a p sy c h o p a th ic
in s titu tio n . . . . B ecause th e y h a v e n o t th e m e n ta l stam in a
to b e in d iv id u a lis ts th e y h a d to h u d d le to g e th e r in g ang s.
74 Street-wise
N o t o n ly h a v e th e s e ra m p a g e o u s y o u n g ste rs d e v e lo p e d a
d e g re e o f p a ra n o ia w ith a n in fe rio rity com plex, b u t th e y are
a lso in fe rio r a p a rt fro m th e ir d ise a se . . . . It is th e d e sire to
d o evil, n o t lack o f c o m p re h e n sio n w h ic h forces th e m in to
crim e.
T h is re a c tio n w a s w id e s p re a d (Rock P. a n d C o h e n S ., 1970).
O f f-d u ty so ld ie rs w e re fo rb id d e n to w e a r T e d d y -b o y su its, a n d
a le a d in g p la y w rig h t w a s d e sc rib e d as a n in tellectu al T e d d y boy.
T h e folk d e v il im a g e w a s la u n c h e d , b u t M elly (1972, p. 38),
r e m in d s u s:
T h e fig h ts a n d c in em a rio ts, th e g a n g -b a n g s a n d h a p h a z a rd
v a n d a lis m w e re p ro d u c e d b y a cla u stro p h o b ic situ a tio n .
T h e y w e re th e re s u lt of a so ciety w h ic h still h e ld th a t th e
m id d le c la sse s w e re e n title d n o t o n ly to im p o se m o ral
s ta n d a r d s o n a class w h o se w a y o f life w a s totally o u tsid e
its e x p e rie n c e ; o f a n o ld e r g e n e ra tio n w h o u s e d th e a ccid en t
o f w a r a s th e ir ex cu se to lay d o w n th e law o n e v e ry fro nt;
o f a s y ste m o f e d u c a tio n w h ic h d e n ie d a n y creative
p o te n tia l a n d le d to d e a d -e n d jo bs a n d o b lig ato ry c o n sc rip -
tio n ; of a g re y co lo u rless sh a b b y w o rld w h e re g o o d bo y s
p la y e d p in g p o n g .
M ods
A n o ta b le r e s p o n s e in w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th c u ltu re is th a t o f tw o
re a c tio n s to w o rk in g -c la ss life. T h ere is th e c eleb ratio n of
m a c h is m o , o f th e h e a v y m a n a n d of c o n se rv a tiv e w o rk in g -class
v a lu e s , a n d th e re is th e a tte m p t to a b stra c t o n e se lf from o n e 's
a s c rib e d class lo catio n b y a so p h istic a te d d ista n c in g - th e
p ra c tic e of cool. T h e h e a v y a p p e a ra n c e of th e T e d d y b oy , an
e x a m p le of th e first re s p o n se , w as re p la c e d b y th e se c o n d style
in th e m id -six tie s. T h e E d w a rd ia n su it w a s re p la c e d b y a cooler,
n e a te r im a g e , first b y th e Italian su it w h ic h gave rise to th e
'm o d e r n is t' (w ith its h in t o f p ro g re ssiv e jazz) - th e n e w h ip
y o u n g s te r. P e rso n a l sty le w a s o n its w a y to b eco m in g a form of
liv in g p e rfo rm a n c e a rt w h ic h w a s to reach its h e ig h ts in th e
h ip p y a n d th e p u n k . In th e U n ite d S ta te s th e n e w d a n d y ism
w a s to b e fo u n d m a in ly a m o n g y o u n g g h e tto blacks. F in e sto n e 's
(1957), 'c a ts ' c o m b in e d a cool d e m e a n o u r, e le g a n t c lo th in g as
in d ic a to rs o f c o n sp ic u o u s c o n su m p tio n w ith eso teric jazz k n o w -
le d g e a n d h e ro in u se , all p a id for by m y ste rio u sly living o n
o n e 's w its. T h e 'c a t' se t h im se lf off fro m th e sq u a re w o rld , b u t
th e B ritish m o d 's sm all, n e a t eleg an ce se t h im off from his
o p p o s ite , th e clu m sy , u n fa sh io n a b le , b u tc h , c la ss-b o u n d rocker.
Street-wise •75
This dichotom y w as h ow m ost people perceived m ods and
rockers as N u ttall (1969, p. 333), rem inds us,
'M o d ' m e a n t effem inate, stuck u p, em ulating the m iddle
classes, aspiring to be com petitive, snobbish, phony.
'R ocker' m ea n t hopelessly naive, loutish, scruffy.
T he division b etw een the tw o occurred w h en som e m inor
scuffles d u rin g A u g u st 1964 at East Coast seaside resorts becam e
am plified by m edia coverage into a conspiratorial series of
cu ltural battles. S udd enly everyone w as a m od or a rocker.
'M o d ' h ow ev er, desp ite its use as an om nipresent neologism ,
h a d at least four subcultural stream s.
1 The art school hig h cam p version. This explored a new form
of m ale im agery. C lum siness w as rem oved from m asculinity,
a n d th e boys w ere elaborately dressed, often w earing m ake-up
a n d carrying h and bags. The d escendants of these w ere the
glam rock a n d glitter of the early seventies, the m ore outrageous
h ip p ies, a n d th e N ew York 'cam prock' scene, as well as the high
ca m p of N e w W ave an d p u nk . In m any w ays this was the
b e g in n in g of the expression in art schools of the body as living
art.
2 M ain stream m ods. S. C ohen's (1972, p. 187) 'sm ooth m o ds',
sh arp ly d re sse d in suits, neat, narrow trousers, p ointed shoes,
accom p an ied by short-haired d ead -p an n e d girls, m oved arou nd
th e clubs displaying their clothes an d presenting new dances.
T he rock a n d roll of the Teds, M elly's 'screw and sm ash' m usic,
w a s replaced by rh y th m an d blues. D rink w as accom panied by
pills, u p p e rs a n d dow ners, leapers an d sleepers. For this group
th ere w as an attem p t to fill a dreary w ork life w ith the m em ories
of hed o n istic consum p tion d uring the leisure hours, as Hall and
Jefferson (1976, p. 48) p u t it,
T h u s in th e expropriation a n d fetishisation of consum ption
a n d style itself the 'M ods' cover the gap betw een the never-
e n d in g -w e e k e n d a n d M onday's resum ption of boring,
d e a d -e n d w ork.
T he insignificance of the w ork day was m ade up for in the
g lam o u r a n d fantasy of night life.
3 Scooter boys. The scooter, Italian in origin, becam e a working-
class sp o rts car. C overed in chrom e accessories an d several
h ea d lig h ts (stolen from o th er scooters), they were rid den by
y o u n g boys in anoraks, w ide jeans an d canvas shoes.These
w e re replaced by suits and Crom bie coats at night, w h en they
could be afforded.
76 • Street-wise
4 H a r d m o d s . T h is h a rd e r, b o tto m stra ta s p o rte d je a n s a n d
in d u s tria l w o rk b o o ts. T hey e a rn e d to o little to b e p a rt of th e
m a in s tre a m g ro u p in v o lv e d in sty le as c o m p e n sa tio n . T h ey
w e re to d e v e lo p in to sk in h e a d s in th e la te sixties.
M o d s fo r H e b d ig e (1976a, p . 91), w e re e p ito m iz e d in th e ir u s e
o f s p e e d , b o th as m o v e m e n t, a n d as a d ru g . T h e so lu tio n su b -
c u ltu ra lly w a s th a t
th e m o d w a s d e te rm in e d to c o m p e n sa te for h is relativ ely
lo w p o s itio n in th e d a y tim e sta tu s -sta k e s o v e r w h ic h h e h a d
n o c o n tro l, b y ex ercising c o m p le te d o m in io n o v e r h is
p riv a te e s ta te - h is a p p e a ra n c e a n d choice o f le isu re
p u r s u its .
L e is u re re p la c e d w o rk as a m a jo r activity, sta tu s w a s fro m
n o n - w o r k , a n d city n ig h t life to o k o n a m a jo r m e a n in g . T he
c lu b s w e re a g la m o ro u s d re a m w o rld w h e re th e ir eleg an ce
tra n s c e n d e d th e v irtu e s o f n e a tn e ss p re sc rib e d b y fam ily, school
a n d e m p lo y e rs . B arker a n d L ittle's (1964) su rv e y w a s less
e n c h a n tin g . T h e ir M a rg a te o ffe n d e rs m o d sa m p le w e re se m i-
sk ille d o r clerical w o rk e rs, w h o h a d left sch oo l early a n d e a rn e d
£11 p e r w e e k . T h e y w e re in th e lo w e r ec h e lo n s o f w h ite collar
w o rk , a n d w a n te d to in d ic a te th a t th e w o rk in g class to o co u ld b e
n e a t, g la m o ro u s, e x p e n siv e ly d re s s e d tre n d se tte rs. In d e e d th e y
w e re . Q u a n t in h e r a u to b io g ra p h y a c k n o w le d g e s th e in flu e n c e
m o d g irls h a d o n h e r fa sh io n d e sig n . H o w e v e r th e ir c o n -
s u m p tio n w a s a gift to th e m a rk e t, a n d o n e re su lt w a s C a rn a b y
S tre e t a n d 'sw in g in g L o n d o n ', a n d th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f s u p e r -
s ta rs s u c h a s th e R olling S to n e s a n d T h e W ho . M o d s w e re a
sy m b o l of a fflu e n t te e n a g e c o n su m p tio n , a n d th e ir n e a tn e s s
b e c a m e tra n s fo rm e d in to a th re a t. S exu al b o u n d a rie s w e re less
d is tin c t in th e m o d w o rld , th e girls w ith sh o rt h a ir, flat b o d ie s
a n d in e x p re ssiv e faces, th e b o y s elab o ra te ly sm a rt a n d u n b u tc h .
T h e re w a s a m id -p o in t in th e m a le -fe m a le p o la rity , u n lik e th e
h ip p ie s ' m o v e to w a rd s fe m in in ity a n d th e s k in h e a d s ' to m a sc u -
lin ism . By th e m id -six tie s h o w e v e r, th e cool, aloo f m o d girl h a d
b e e n re p la c e d b y th e p ro g ra m m e d g irlish n e ss o f th e lo n g -
h a ir e d , m in i-s k irte d b lo n d e 'd o lly girl'.
Rockers
F o r m o s t p e o p le , m o d s w e re u n s e p a ra b le from th e ir y o u th
c u ltu ra l o p p o s ite s , th e ro ck ers. A cco rd in g to B arker a n d Little,
th is g ro u p a lso h a d left school early , b u t w e re in m o re ro u tin iz e d
u n s k ille d w o rk ; th e y w e re left o u t o f th e m o d n e w w o rk in g -c la ss
Street-wise • 77
te e n a g e c o n s u m e rism a n d fa sh io n . R ockers can be se e n as tw o
g ro u p s , firstly th e b ik e rs, th e 'W ild O n e s ' of B ran do , th e 'H e ll's
a n g e ls ', h a n g in g a ro u n d tra n s p o rt caffs, in black le a th e r a n d
s tu d s , p e rfo rm in g to n -u p s o n th e n e w m o to rw a y s. T hey p ro ject
a n 'e a s y r id e r' n o m a d ic ro m a n tic ism , v io len t, loyal o n ly to each
o th e r , a n ti-a u th o rity a n d a n ti-d o m e stic ity , th e m ale free
w a n d e r e r d re a m , living o n ly for th e p re se n t. T he n o n -rid e rs,
'g r e a s e r s ' h a d a sim ilar im age, b u t w e re less in v o lv e d in th e cu lt
o f th e b ik e , s h a rin g o n ly th e stu d ie d scru ffin ess a n d agg ressively
w o rk in g class m a sc u lin ity , b a d b o y s a g a in st th e m o d s ' clean bo y
im a g e . F o r th e m m o d s w e re c o n te m p tib ly u n m a sc u lin e . T heir
g irls w e re like th e m , o fte n ag g ressiv e, sexistly se e n as p ro p e rty ,
a n d s e c o n d a ry to th e m ale cu ltu re . W illis (1978), su g g e sts a
h o m o lo g y b e tw e e n th e m a sc u lin ism of th e rocker, th e ir rejectio n
o f th e d e fe rre d fu tu re a n d th e m o to r bike. T he bike is n o t
tr a n s p o r t, b u t a n o b ject of in tim id a tio n a n d m a ste ry , w h ic h
p ro je c ts th e rid e r u n e a sily n e a r to d e a th . D ancin g h a d also b e e n
tra n s fo rm e d b y th e m in to a m o re in d iv id u a l style, aw ay from
th e c o n tro l o f d a n c e h all m a n a g e m e n t to a m o re in d iv id u a l form .
T h e e a rly ro c k a n d roll of th e 1950s w as of a 'sp ecial re so n a n c e
a n d re le v a n c e to th e ir p re s e n t liv es'. T he re p la c e m e n t of sh e e t
m u s ic by sin g le s m e a n t th e ro ck ers c o u ld re p e a t re c o rd s or
c re a te a re p e rto ire b o th in e x p e n siv e , a n d in d iv id u a liz e d to
sp ecific ta ste s. T h e m u sic of th e g o ld e n age of Elvis, G e n e
V in c e n t, E d d ie C o c h ra n w a s p h y sical a n d u n c h a n g in g , m ak in g
n o d e m a n d s o n in te lle c t o r k n o w le d g e of m elodic craft. It w as
re la te d in a c h a in of e v e n ts, m u sic - d a n c in g - m o to r bikes,
w ith th e a d d itio n s of v io len ce a n d sexuality. It w as as M elly p u t
it, 's c re w a n d s m a s h ' m usic. T h e lo catio n in th e g o ld e n age of
ro c k tie s it to a c h a n g e le ss m o m e n t in m a sc u lin ist cu ltu re s. M en
a re m e n , a g g re ssiv e , w ild a n d p ro tectiv e, a n d w o m e n k n o w
th e ir p la c e . R ock is b o d y m u sic, sim p le a n d y e t h ig h ly a g g re s-
sive; d e a th is e v e r p re s e n t o n th e bike, a n d th is th re a t is cen tral
to c o n tro l, c o n tro l o v e r th e m a c h in e , o n e 's life, o n e 's b o d y ,
o n e 's id e n tity - o n e 's m a n h o o d . R ockers w ere a k in d of
m o to riz e d c o w b o y , lo n e rs a n d o u tsid e rs, c o n te m p tu o u s of
a u th o r ity , a n d o f w o m e n w h o w e re se e n as th e tra d itio n a l ties of
m e n to re sp o n sib ility a n d respectability .
Skinheads
D u rin g th e la te sixties, th e h a rd m o d s d e v e lo p e d a n e w im age,

w ith je a n s ro lle d h ig h to rev eal D oc M a rte n in d u stria l b o o ts,
b ra c e s, h a ir c ro p p e d s h o rt (later k n o w n as su e d e h e a d s). All
p ro je c te d a n a g g re ssio n w h ic h w a s to g ain for th e sk in s a
78 • Street-wise
r e p u ta tio n a s 'b o w e r b o y s' o r 'b o o t b o y s', c o n c e rn e d w ith

'a g g r o '. T h e y fo rm e d n e ig h b o u rh o o d g ro u p s, so m e tim e s ta k in g
a le a d e r 's n a m e (e.g. S m ith y 's team ) o r a local a re a n a m e (the
S o m e rs T o w n b o y s). T h ey w e re a rd e n t football s u p p o rte rs , a n d
th e te rra c e s th e y d o m in a te d b ecam e a g ro u p n a m e for sk in h e a d
s u p p o r te r s - C h e lse a 's S h e d , A rse n a l's N o rth B ank, L iv e rp o o l's
K o p . T h e ir n o to rie ty s p re a d to th e ir b ig o try in s u p p o rt of
tra d itio n a l c o n se rv a tiv e w o rk in g -c la ss v alu es. T h eir ta rg e ts
w e re im m ig ra n ts, especially A sia n s, n o n -m a sc u lin ity , a n d th e
w o r k - s h y (h ip p ie s). T h e y in d u lg e d in P ak i-, h ip p y - a n d q u e e r-
b a s h in g . H o w e v e r a s P earce (1973b), a rg u e d , th e y m e re ly
re fle c te d v a lu e s a b o u t g a y s a lre a d y h e ld b y re sp e c ta b le
'o rd in a r y p e o p le ', a n d I h a v e d isc u ss e d e lse w h e re (Brake, 1974),
h o w in fact th e y b ec a m e p re s e n te d in th e m a ss m e d ia as a
d e v ia n t g ro u p , b e c a u se of th e ir racism . In fact th is racism w a s
e n d e m ic in B ritish p olicy a n d p olitics (it w a s n o acc id e n t th a t
P a k i-b a s h in g sk in s c h a n te d 'E n o c h , E n o c h '), a n d th e ir racism
w a s in n o s e n s e d e v ia n t, m e re ly a n e x te n sio n of ex istin g
a ttitu d e s e n c o u ra g e d b y B ritish h o stility to im m ig ra n ts. Bigots
w e re a lu n a tic frin g e , sk in h e a d s, n o t o rd in a ry p e o p le , a n d th e
ra c is m o f im m ig ra tio n a n d race re la tio n s leg islatio n co u ld b e
c o n v e n ie n tly fo rg o tte n . C lark e (1976a), a rg u e s th a t sk in h e a d s
u s e d sty le to re c re a te th e tra d itio n a l w o rk in g -c la ss co m m u n ity ,
to m a g ic a lly re c o v e r it. T hey w e re p re o c c u p ie d w ith te rrito ry ,
lo cally s e e n as th re a te n e d b y im m ig ra n ts, a n d o fte n sy m b o li-
cally d e f e n d e d in football m a tc h e s. T hey cele b ra te d th e ir
w o rk in g -c la ss o rig in s, th e ir p u rita n w o rk eth ic, th e ir m a le n e ss
(D a n ie l a n d M c G u ire , 1972). A n em p irical s tu d y (Brake, 1977),
f o u n d th e m to b e d ra w n fro m g ro u p s o f p u p ils w h o h a d b e e n
re je c te d b y sch o o l, a n d w h o in u n g u a rd e d m o m e n ts re v e a le d
d a m a g e d se lf-e ste e m . T h eir re s p o n se w a s to d e v e lo p a stro n g
w o rk in g -c la s s c o n se rv a tism , a n d th e ir w o rk eth ic w a s d e lib -
e ra te ly in o p p o s itio n to th e h ip p ie s ' aristocratic d isd a in for
w o rk . T h e y p ro te c te d th e ir w o rld a g a in st p o llu tio n , th e filth of
h ip p ie s ( u n w a s h e d a n d lazy), im m ig ra n ts (d irty a n d lo w e rin g
th e re sp e c ta b ility of th e district) a n d h o m o se x u a ls (c o rru p t a n d
v ic io u s). A g a in th e ir ra n k s w e re m ix ed, n o t all w e re racist (som e
w e re W e st In d ia n s), o r a n ti-g a y o r a n ti-h ip p y , in d e e d ska a n d
b lu e b e a t w e re fa v o u rite m u sic fo rm s, as w a s reg g a e u n til th e
m u s ic to o k a d istin c tly p ro -b lack political form . N e v e rth e le ss b y
1970 th e y w e re th e m ajo r folk dev ils. A q u a lity n e w s p a p e r
d e sc rib e s th e m as (Fox, J., 1969),
F ro m L o n d o n 's M ile E n d, lo o k in g w e s tw a rd . . . y o u can

se e w h a t a so ciolo gist w o u ld call a p h e n o m e n o n a n d w h a t
Street-wise • 79
a n a u th o rita ria n w o u ld class h o o lig an ism . Y o un g w o rk in g

class b o y s, a v e ra g e age 15 to 17 d re ss e d in a sp a rse ,
in e le g a n t w a y , b u t all d re ss e d th e sam e, o u t in th e stre e ts,
lo o k in g fo r fig h ts, p la y in g p in ta b le s, d a n c in g to B luebeat
m u s ic , c a u sin g 'a g g ro '. T h a t's th e s k in h e a d te rm for
a g g ra v a tio n , p ro v o c a tio n , a sta te of m in d , w h e re it d o e s n 't
feel g o o d to go to b e d w ith o u t h a v in g a g o o d scrap . . . .
W h a t re a lly m a d d e n s th e m a n d sta rts th e ir sh o u ld e rs
ro llin g , a n d fists p u n c h in g , sh a d o w b o xin g style, is a n y -
th in g 'fla s h ' . . . . F lo w ers, frills, co lo u rs are a n a th e m a .
H ip p y is a d irty w o rd .
L ocal g a n g s fo u g h t A sian s, h ip p ie s, g ays a n d each o th e r
(S tim p s o n , 1969):
E ach g a n g se e m s p e rp e tu a lly o n th e a le rt for so m e tro u b le.
S o m e tim e s m o n th s w ill go b y w ith o u t a fight, th e n s u d -
d e n ly th e re 'll b e a fig h t e v e ry n ig h t. 'W e are frie n d s w ith
n o o n e - n o joke. T h e re w a s a tim e w h e n w e c o u ld n 't go
o u t o f o u r a re a like u n le ss w e w as th irty h a n d e d . W e h it
e v e ry fu c k in g c rew from rig h t ro u n d h e re , u p th a t w ay,
S t J o h n 's W o o d , th e E d g w are R oad, T ufnell P ark , A rchw ay ,
B u rn t O a k , M ile E n d , K ilbu rn, H ig h b u ry , H o llow ay, ju st
s o rt o f e v e ry w h e re . . . . W e w ack ed so m e o n e fro m n early
e v e ry o n e of th o s e a re a s, a n d th e y w a s all a fter u s, th e re
w a s a lo t o f a g g ro th e n . . .
T h e p o p u la r p re s s p u t it m o re b lu n tly . A n in te rv ie w w ith 'a
s k in h e a d le a d e r' (Daily Express, 31.1.70) c o m m e n ts,
W e a re a g a in s t e v e ry o n e w h o screw s (looks at) us, P akis,
s tu d e n ts a n d q u e e rs.
W h ic h w o u ld h a v e b e e n u n fo rtu n a te for th o se w h o w e re all
th re e . T h e a tta c k s o n A sian s, le d to P ak ista n i v ig ilan te g ro u p s in
E a st L o n d o n , a n d in 1969 25 p e r c en t of th e P ak istan i S tu d e n t
F e d e ra tio n r e p o rte d b ein g a tta c k e d in th e L o n d o n area. T h eir
v io le n c e a t fo o tb all m a tc h e s led to th e police rem o v in g sk in h e a d s'
b ra c e s , b e lts a n d b o o tlaces b efo re th e g am e, a n d w a rn in g local
s h o p k e e p e r s n o t to sell th e se to sk in s. C hief C o n stab les
a d m itte d th e illegality o f th is b u t th e p re ss p ra ise d it (see th e
S u n , 2.4.70), a n d a sk in h e a d q u e stio n in g its illegality w a s fined
£50 fo r th re a te n in g b e h a v io u r. By 1971 h o w e v e r, lo n g e r h a ir w as
g ro w n , a n d a s m o o th e r im age a d o p te d , a n d sk in h e a d s tired of
b e in g sc a p e g o a te d b y e m p lo y e rs, tea c h e rs, th e police a n d rival
g a n g s , d is a p p e a re d to re a p p e a r sp asm o d ically in 1978.
80 • Street-wise
Glamrock and glitter
By th e e a rly 1970s th e n e w p ro v in cial city c e n tre s p ro v id e d

le is u re a re a s , m o stly o w n e d b y co m m ercial m a n a g e m e n ts b u t
s o m e tim e s d o m in a te d b y p a rtic u la r g ro u p s , as w ith W ig a n 's
a ll-n ig h t N o r th e r n so u l c e n tre s. T his e m b o u rg e o ise m e n t of
le is u re , c o m b in e d w ith th e c o m m ercializatio n of football, T aylor
a n d W all (1976) a rg u e , le d to th e d e v e lo p m e n t of a 'classless,
u n iv e rs a l m a n u fa c tu re d c u ltu re '. In a tte m p ts to co m b in e s k in -
h e a d h a r d n e s s a n d h ip p y p ro g re ssiv e n e ss, glam rock , in p a r -
tic u la r B ow ie, L o u R eed , B olan a n d G a ry G litte r, m a d e a b id for
s u p p o r t. It h a d a n in te re stin g effect. In a w a y re m in isc e n t of
m o d s , h a r d la d s d re s s e d u p in e x tra v a g a n t c lo th es n o t u n lik e
e a rly h ip p ie s , a n d w o re h ig h h e e ls, e la b o ra te m a k e -u p , o fte n set
o ff w ith ta tto o s. T h is w o u ld h a v e b e e n u n h e a rd -o f in th e fifties
a m o n g s t w o rk in g -c la ss h a rd s . T his d e c a d e n t im ag e, a so rt of
T h irtie s B erlin a n d N e w Y ork g ay co m b in a tio n w a s a m a sc u lin ist
v e rs io n o f c a m p ro c k . It la s te d a b rie f tim e a n d w as re p la c e d by
th e first w o rk in g -c la ss b o h e m ia n su b c u ltu re - p u n k s.
Punk
In th e s u m m e r o f 1976, a fte r a d e a rth of y o u th c u ltu re in B ritain,

a n e w folk d ev il a p p e a re d in th e m e d ia w ith a co verage
r e m in is c e n t o f th e m o d s a n d ro ck ers m o ra l o u tra g e of th e
six ties. T h is w a s th e p u n k rock er. T h e n a m e d e riv e d fro m p u n k
ro c k , a fo rm of N e w W ave m u sic d e v e lo p e d fro m m u sic earlier
in th e d e c a d e in th e U n ite d S ta te s. T his w a s m u sic b a se d o n th e
w o rk o f L o u R eed , Jo h n C ale a n d th e N e w Y ork D olls w h o se
im a g e ry w a s o u tra g e o u s a n d cam p . T he B ritish tra d e p a p e rs h a d
b e e n try in g to p ro m o te th e s o u n d fro m th e early p a rt of 1976 in
o p p o s itio n to re g g a e . P u n k h a s b e e n d e fin e d (Melody Maker,
28.5.77) as th e le ss m u sic a lly c o m p e te n t b u t m o re reb ellio u s
b a n d s , a n d N e w W ave th e sam e b a n d s la te r in th e ir careers,
w ith a m o re so p h istic a te d s o u n d . T his reflects B ritish ro ck
tra d itio n w h ic h u n lik e A m erican , u se s a m a te u r m u sic ia n s w ith
v e rv e a n d ra w n e s s b u t little te c h n iq u e , w h ilst A m erica h a s
m a n y e x c e lle n t tech n ical m u sic ia n s to d ra w fro m b u t w h o lack
th e g u t lev el o f th e a m a te u r. T h e p u n k b a n d s d e v e lo p e d in
p u b s , a n d so o n h a d a close fo llow ing , w ith h a ir sh a v e d close to
th e h e a d , d y e d v iv id co lou rs, a n d clo th es b a s e d o n b o n d a g e a n d
se x u a l fe tish ism , m a d e o u t o f re je c te d ite m s su c h a s d u s tb in
lin e rs o r o ld sch o o l clo th es. In fact a g e n u in e p u n k m ak es h is /
h e r o w n c lo th e s, a n d in te g rity is v a lu e d in a p p e a ra n c e . P u n k
Street-wise •81
b and musicians base their stage appearance on characters
developed from their own personal style and bizarre parts of
their personality. They often take new names of a rebellious
form - Poly Styrene, Sid Vicious, Johnny Rotten - and they
owe m uch to the art school and conceptual art. In this sense they
are in the tradition of art school high camp of the mods. In
Decem ber 1976, a television interview with the anarchistic Sex
Pistols, w here their lead singer was invited to swear, led to a
societal reaction which gave punk a boost into the public eye. It
coincided with one of the biggest teenage unem ploym ent rates
since before the war in Britain. It has been described as 'dole
queue rock' (Marsh, 1977) and bohemianism (Frith, 1978). In fact
it is both, because it is a stratified subculture, drawn from lower
m iddle-class art colleges attem pting to 'epater the bourgeoisie',
an d working-class kids rejecting the virtuosity of superstars, the
w ealth of successful musicians, and the hippies. Frith argues
that p u n k has connections with the Surreal, hippies and the
Situationists International. However the punk spectrum is wide:
it covers m any types of bands, nihilistic, anarchistic and
political, and w hat it manages to do successfully is to upset
everyone, left, right, centre, avant-garde and reactionary. The
punk followers create an appearance of outrage which appeals to
those w ho feel there is no future, no work and bleak prospects.
The m usic not unlike reggae, has the beat emphasized, with the
m elody in the background, and this makes a connection with
p u n k appearance and anarchy. The lyrics speaking of high rise
flats, dole queues and white riots appealed to m any working-
class kids, and the Sex Pistols m anaged to get a hit single to
num ber one, despite being banned on various airwaves because
of its anti-Royal Family sentiments. The use of hints of perverse
sexuality, sado-masochism, bondage and promiscuity was a
deliberately anti-emotional element of their style.
Politics played an im portant part in this. The National Front,
taking heart from the punks' wearing of the Iron Cross and the
Swastika, approved the racist songs and comments of super-
stars Clapton and Stuart, and commended Bowie's praise of
H itler (see their publication, British Patriot, no. 47). However
this caused several previously apolitical punk bands to take a
stand against the Nazis, and at a Rock against Racism concert
80,000 people dem onstrated against the National Front. The
commercial potential of punk will undoubtedly destroy its
vitality and verve, and the fanzines will become replaced by
glossies, but it offers chaos, excitement and warmth. It is seldom
violent despite a much-publicized 'w ar' in the summer of 1977
of teds v. punks in London's Chelsea. It shocks, either by
82 • Street-wise
fe tis h iz e d c o stu m e , a n d am b isex u ality u n c o v e rin g d esires w e
h id e e v e n fro m o u rse lv e s, o r b y its d e lib e ra te a n ti intellectu al
a n d a n ti-a c h ie v e m e n t sta te m e n ts. It is n o t su rp risin g it cam e o u t
a g a in s t th e N a tio n a l F ro n t. T h is w a s n o t th e F ro n t's first so rtie
in to th e p o litics of rock. Jo h n T y n d all h a d w ritte n in th e
National Socialist in th e early 1960s o n a n o th e r d e v ia n t rock
g ro u p , th e B eatles
I h a d h e a r d th a t th e ir b ra n d o f m u sic w a s th o ro u g h ly
B ritish . . . . B ut h a v in g sa m p le d a few b a rs of it, I b ecam e
c o n v in c e d th a t th is 'm u sic ' w a s c e rtain ly n o t n a tiv e to
B ritain , n o r to E u ro p e n o r to a n y w h e re in th e w o rld w h e re
civ ilisa tio n exists. A s th e se e ffem in ate o d d itie s g y ra te d
th e ir u n d e rd e v e lo p e d b o d ie s a b o u t th e stag e, lo ok in g for all
th e w o rld like th e m e m b e rs of a p rim itiv e A frican trib e . . . .
Is th is n o t th e ag e o f effem in acy a n d w e ird n e s s in th e m ale
ty p e - a s w e ll as th e age in w h ic h th e c u ltu ra l v a lu e s of
h isto ric E u ro p e h a v e b e e n re le g a te d to th e p o o rh o u se to be
re p la c e d b y th e ra v in g s o f th e n e w 'n ig g e rsy m p h o n y '. Is it
n o t rig h t th a t in o rd e r to be 'w ith it' o u r y o u n g m a n h o o d
s h o u ld a p e th e o u te r a p p e a ra n c e of th e q u e e r a n d th e
m u sic a l in c a n ta tio n s of th e sav ag e . . . . I co uld n o t h e lp
b u t recall th e p ic tu re of a n o th e r y o u th b elo n g in g to a n o th e r
a g e , a n d th e s ta n d a rd b e a re rs of a n o th e r spirit, th e ir b o d ie s
lith e a n d m u s c u la r a s th e se w e re u n m a sc u lin e a n d feeble,
th e ir faces as ag lo w w ith b u o y a n t h e a lth as th e se w e re p a le
a n d d is s ip a te d , th e ir voices e c h o in g n o t th e g ru e so m e
w a ilin g s o f th e A frican b u s h b u t th e p ro u d m artial airs of
th e ir E u ro p e a n fa th e rla n d .
T h is w a s h a rd ly likely to a p p e a l to th e p u n k s , a n d a fte r all, as
M ick Ja g g e r p u ts it 'I k n o w th a t it's o n ly rock a n d roll, b u t I like
it'.
F ro m th e a n a ly sis o f w o rk in g -class y o u th su b c u ltu re s it c an b e
s e e n th a t w h a t e m e rg e s are sev eral focal c o n c e rn s w h ic h se e m to
b e p r e s e n t in m o s t of th e m . T he m o st im p o rta n t is m ascu lin ity ,
a n d a s I h a v e s u g g e s te d th e se a re p re d o m in a n tly m a sc u lin ist
c u ltu re s , o ffe rin g fo rm s of m a sc u lin e id e n tity . In a s tu d y c arried
o u t a m o n g s t h ip p ie s a n d sk in h e a d s (Brake, 1977), a se m a n tic
d iffe re n tia l re v e a le d th a t b o th h ip p ie s a n d sk in h e a d s ra te d
th e m s e lv e s sim ilarly o n a m a scu lin ity co n cep t. T his acts a g a in st
th e p o p u la r n o tio n o f h ip p ie s as fe m in iz e d m ales. S im ilarly th e
im a g e ry a n d sty le of th e se c u ltu re s ex p lo re d iffe re n t p e rs p e c -
tiv e s o f m a c h ism o , re le g a tin g girls to a p p e n d a g e s , a n d re sistin g
th e ir a tte m p ts a t re sp ectab ilizin g th e m ale b y m arriag e. F ootball
is a se c o n d im p o rta n t focal c o n c e rn b o th for th e careers it offers
Street-wise • 83
a n d fo r its te rrito ria l sym bo lism . T aylor (1970), h a s su g g e ste d
th a t th e e m b o u rg e o is e m e n t of th e g am e, th e u p w a rd m obility of
th e p la y e rs in to th e in te rn a tio n a l su p e rs ta r b ra c k e t h a s d o n e
m u c h to p re s e rv e th e p la y e r as th e last w o rk in g -class h e ro
c a p a b le of m a k in g it in to th e b ig tim e. C larke (1978), sees th a t
fo o tb a ll h a s m o v e d fro m a p re -w a r e v e n t in v o lv in g th e w h o le
g r o u n d , to a p ro fe ssio n a liz a tio n w h ic h m a k e s th e sp e c ta to rs
p a s s iv e . T h is m a y e x p la in th e reactio n o n th e terraces to create
s o m e life. M a rsh , R o sser a n d H a rre (1978) su g g e st th a t football
'a g g r o ' in fact h a s a se t of o rd e rly ritu als. T erraces are c o n v e rte d
in to p a r tis a n h o m e te rrito rie s, a n d are p e o p le d b y h a rd -lin e
s u p p o r te r s o f y o u n g s te rs w h o offer a d e v ia n t c areer stru c tu re
a n d a n id e n tity . T h is is by a n in fo rm al a p p re n tic e s h ip sy stem
b a s e d o n a g e , te s te d b y p a rtis a n s h ip . A re p e rto ry g rid an aly sis
re v e a le d th e im p o rta n c e of sty le, sh o w in g th a t c o stu m e in fact
s ig n a lle d im p o rta n t c u e s a b o u t h a rd n e s s a n d team loyalty. T he
fig h ts w e re ritu a liz e d , tu rn in g a d u ll m a tc h in to a n exciting d ay
o u t. M a sc u lin ity w a s im p o rta n t, a n d th e d em a sc u lin iz in g in su lts
je e re d a t o p p o n e n ts e m p h a siz e th is. M a rsh et al. fo u n d th a t
in ju rie s a n d a rre sts w e re less th a n 0.01 p e r c e n t of a se a so n 's
a tte n d a n c e . T h e re is a d istin c t social reality o n th e terraces, a n d
th is is a n im p o rta n t e le m e n t in c o n stru c tin g a n id e n tity o u tsid e
o f w o rk a n d scho o l. E th n o cen tricism is a th ird im p o rta n t
e le m e n t. A s y o u n g s te rs h a v e to d eal w ith th e c o n tra d ic tio n of a
p u s h to w a rd s a fflu en ce, su ccess a n d c o n su m p tio n , th e y also
face th e r u n - d o w n of th e local eco n o m y , a n d th e in crease of
u n e m p lo y m e n t. T h e re su lt of th is is to blam e d e te rio ra tio n of
th e c o m m u n ity o n th e n e w c o m e rs, im m ig ra n ts. T his h a s b e e n
d is c u s s e d a b o v e a n d w ill b e ta k e n u p in th e sectio n o n black
y o u th . T h is m e a n s a re tu rn to w o rk in g -c la ss c o n serv atism .
P u rita n is m is a n o th e r focal co n cern b u t u su ally in th e w o rk
e th ic . P u rita n w o rk e th ic s allow a d e h u m a n iz a tio n of th o se seen
a s w ilfu lly id le. S k in h e a d s (Brake, 1977), re le g a te d th e ir victim s,
h ip p ie s a n d im m ig ra n ts to th e s e catego ries. It is a sp in -o ff from
w o rk in g -c la s s re a lism , in th e se n se th a t e v e ry o n e h a s to be
m a d e to w o rk , a n d it m a k e s n o se n se to sp e a k of en jo y in g it. A
c y n ic a l w o rld v iew is a n o th e r e le m e n t w h ic h acts w h e re th e
w o rk in g class a re n o t o p p o sitio n a l. T he social stru c tu re is se e n
a s r u n b y e m p lo y e rs a n d p o litician s w h o a re se e n as liars a n d
e x p lo ite rs. H o w e v e r b e c a u se of a cynicism to w a rd s p oliticians, it
is n o t felt th a t m u c h can b e d o n e . T his m e a n s th a t b ru ta liz e d ,
th e y o fte n fall b ack o n m ascu lin ism a n d violence as a form of
se lf-re lia n c e .
F a ta lism a n d re a lism are th e final focal co n cern s. M o st stu d ie s
o f y o u n g w o rk e rs h a v e sh o w n a frig h te n in g d e g re e of realism
84 • Street-wise
a b o u t th e ir lo c a tio n in life, a n d th e ir ability to d o a n y th in g a b o u t
it (see V e n e ss, 1962; W . B. M iller, 1958; D o w n e s, 1966;
H a rg re a v e s , 1967; B rake, 1977). T he w o rk w o rld is a c c e p te d as
d r e a r y a lth o u g h sh o p -flo o r c u ltu re acts a g a in st th is (W illis,
1978). M a rria g e a n d p a re n th o o d are se e n as in ev itab le, e sp e c i-
a lly fo r w o rk in g -c la ss girls, a n d a s o n e r e s p o n d e n t re m a rk e d to
th e a u th o r a t th e te n d e r age of 15
Y o u h a v e a g o o d tim e u n til y o u 're a b o u t tw e n ty , a n d th e n
it's all o v e r, a in 't it? Y ou se ttle d o w n like, g e t m a rrie d .
T h e se focal c o n c e rn s o f m a sc u lin ity , football, p u rita n w o rk
e th ic , fa ta lism a n d realism rev e a l w h a t a re g e n u in e a re a s of
c o n c e rn fo r w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th . A sp ira tio n a l a n d d e fe re n tia l
y o u th w ill a c c e p t th e situ a tio n a n d in v e st in it to g a in th e b e st
re tu r n s . D e lin q u e n t a n d d e v ia n t y o u th h o w e v e r ta k e s a
re b e llio u s fa ta lism as its stan ce. Y ou m ay n o t a g ree w ith 'th e m '
b u t y o u c a n h o ld o u t a g a in st 'th e m ' for a s lo n g as po ssib le. T he
s o lu tio n o fte n ta k e s a co n se rv a tiv e tu rn , a lth o u g h in m o m e n ts,
s u c h a s strik e s, th e re is a h e a d y se n se o f collective rad icalism .
W illis (1978), h a s in te re stin g ly p u rs u e d th e n o tio n of th e
r e la tio n s b e tw e e n c lass-ro o m a n ti-sc h o o l c u ltu re a n d sh o p -flo o r
c u ltu re , w h ic h illu m in a te s th e se focal co n c e rn s fo r u s.
W illis se e s d e e p d isju n c tio n s a n d c o n tra d ic tio n s in social a n d
c u ltu ra l re p ro d u c tio n . C lass d o m in a tio n in cap italism is n o t
s im p le a n d d e te rm in istic , b u t a c o n s ta n t stru g g le . C ap italism is
n e v e r se c u re , w h a t is acc o m m o d a tin g in w o rk in g -c la ss c u ltu re is
a ls o re s is ta n t, a n d th e m o d e m , liberal, dem o cratic fo rm of
c a p ita lis m c o n trib u te s to th is in se c u rity . W h a t are p o ssib le
fre e d o m s fo r w o rk in g -c la ss k id s, a re u s e d for self-d o m in atio n :
w o rk in g -c la ss p e o p le co llu de u n in te n tio n a lly in th e ir o w n
o p p re s s io n . S ta te in s titu tio n s su c h as th e school, are n o t in -
te n tio n a lly r u n m e re ly for th e b e n e fit of th e ru lin g class, th e y a re
n o t sim p le u n itie s w ith p a rtic u la r ty p e s of re p ro d u c tio n tak in g
p la c e w ith in th e m . In d e e d a m a jo r p ro b le m w o u ld arise if
w o rk in g -c la ss k id s a b so rb e d 'th e ru b ric of self d e v e lo p m e n t,
sa tisfa c tio n a n d in te re s t in w o rk ' w h ic h th e sch oo ls try to instil.
W o rk in g -c la ss k id s tak e u p w o rk in g -c la ss jobs b e c a u se so m e of
th e 're a l fu n c tio n s o f in s titu tio n s w o rk c o u n te r to th e ir s ta te d
a im s '. T h e c o u n te r-s c h o o l c u ltu re h a s to b e se e n o u ts id e its
im m e d ia te in s titu tio n , a n d lo cated o u tsid e in th e v e ry n a tu re of
la b o u rin g in ca p ita lism , in sexism , id eo lo g y a n d g e n e ra l a b stra c t
la b o u r. T h e w o rk in g -c la ss la d s ' o w n c u ltu re , a n ti th e school,
p r e p a r e s th e m for w o rk , a n d is p arad o x ically e x p e rie n c e d b y
th e m a s tr u e le a rn in g , a n d a s re sista n c e . T h ere is a re la tio n
b e tw e e n th e c o u n te r-sc h o o l c u ltu re d isc u sse d in th e lite ra tu re
Street-wise • 85
(see H a rg re a v e s , 1967; S h ip m a n , 1968; K ing, 1973; Y oung, 1971;
L acey , 1970), re g io n a l w o rk in g -c la ss c u ltu re a n d th e c u ltu re of
th e s h o p floor. It 'p ro v id e s p o w e rfu l in form al criteria a n d
b in d in g e x p e rie n tia l p ro c e sse s w h ic h le a d w o rk in g -class lad s to
m a k e th e " v o lu n ta r y " choice to e n te r th e factory' (W illis, 1978,
p . 188), a n d re p ro d u c e s th e class s tru c tu re of em p lo y m e n t a n d
s h o p -flo o r c u ltu re . T h e la tte r allo w s p e o p le to fin d m e a n in g in
th e ir w o rk d e s p ite h a r d c o n d itio n s a n d ex tern al a u th o rity . P a ra -
dox ically th e c u ltu re allo w s th e m to en jo y a basically alien a tin g
e x p e rie n c e , a lre a d y reflected in th e a n ti-sc h o o l c u ltu re, w h ich
h a s v a lu e s re fo u n d in th e a ctu al p h y sical w o rk of h e a v y p ro -
d u c tio n . O p p o s itio n to official a u th o rity a n d n o rm s a t school is
f o u n d in e v a d in g w o rk ('sk iv in g '), e d u c a tio n is p e rc eiv e d as
so cial c o n tro l b y th e c o u n te r-sc h o o l cu ltu re. A t w o rk th is
d e v e lo p s in to co arse h u m o u r, sexism , ro u g h h o rsep lay ,
b a d in a g e a n d v a n d a lism , d e v e lo p in g a so lid arity w ith w o rk -
m a te s to re s is t th e a u th o rity a n d m e a n in g le ssn e ss of w o rk . It is
th e a n tith e s is of acad em ically o rie n te d p u p ils, a n d of w h ite
c o lla r w o rk . A t sch o o l th e re is a lre a d y a d iv isio n w h ic h in -
flu e n c e s th o u g h ts a b o u t w o rk , a n d co n c e p ts a b o u t d ifferen t
fu tu r e s . T h e a n ti-sc h o o l 'la d s ' co m m it th e m se lv e s n o t to
p a rtic u la r jo b s, o r careers, b u t to a fu tu re of g en e ra lised ,
ro u tin is e d la b o u r. 'W h e n th e lad re ach es th e factory th e re is n o
sh o c k o n ly re c o g n itio n ', b e c a u se h e is fam iliar w ith d e fe atin g
b o re d o m , tim e -w a s tin g , a n d w ith fid d lin g a n d 'h a n d lin g h im -
se lf' b e c a u s e h e le a rn e d th e se as real e x p erien ces of m e d ia tin g
a lie n a tio n , a t school. T h e re su lt is typical w o rk in g -class fatalism
('L ife 's like th a t, it's n o b o d y 's fau lt'). T his sym bolic resistan ce to
a u th o r ity n e v e r d e v e lo p s in to real p o w er: o n th e c o n tra ry it
re in fo rc e s real p o w e r relatio n s. T h ere is in b o th c o u n ter-sch o o l
a n d s h o p -flo o r c u ltu re s, a rejectio n of officially a p p ro v e d roles, a
m is tr u s t o f official v a lu e s, a w ish to b e a n o n -co n fo rm ist, b u t
n a tu r a lly o n e h a s to m a k e a living. A d istin ctio n is m a d e by th e
la d s b e tw e e n th e official v iew of h o w th in g s w o rk , h o w th e y
re a lly w o rk , a n d b e in g in v o lv e d in su rv iv al. W illis sensitively
e x p lo re s th e s e th e m e s , a n d h e is th e o n ly w rite r really to b rid g e
w ith in s ig h t th e g a p b e tw e e n w o rk a n d school for m a n u a l
w o rk e rs .
3
The trippers and the trashers
- bohemian and radical
traditions in youth culture
T he cultural rebels - bohem ian subcultures and m iddle-class

d elin q u en cy
T hey w ere . . . well Beautiful People . . . n o t 'stu d e n ts',

'clerks', 'salesgirls', 'executive trainee' - C hrist, d o n 't give
m e y o u r occupation-gam e labels! w e are the Beautiful
P eople, ascen d an t from y o ur robot junk -yard . . . (Wolfe T.,
The electric cool-aid acid test, Bantam , N ew York, 1969)
T he con cep t of 'y o u th culture' has been applied popularly to
b o h em ian subcultures. A lthough they have conceptualized
th em selv es as being outside of class, they can be linked to
m iddle-class intelligentsia in origin. M iddle-class subcultures
can be differentiated from w orking-class bo th in their form ation
a n d th eir organization. W orking-class subcultures are clearly
p art-tim e , tem po rary episodes of shorter duration, an d are
n e ig h b o u rh o o d -b ased w ith local p eer g rou p affiliations. As w e
h av e seen, th e neighb ourho od is an im p ortant elem ent in the
tran sm issio n a n d interp retation of w orking-class y o uth cultures.
W orking-class y o u th ten ds to be involved in leisure activities
w h ich are able to m ediate the control of ad u lt authority. M iddle-
class su b cu ltu res ten d to be m ore diffuse, m ore conscious of an
in tern a tio n a l cultural influence. O bviously this is nationally
s h a p e d , b u t th ere is a w ider sp here of influence, for exam ple,
s tu d e n t cu ltures w hich m ay reflect political an d cultural ideas
articu lated into a m ore distinct style an d form. They have a
lo n g er influence over their m em bers' life cycle, an d have a
d istin ct relation to the values of the d o m inan t class, although
th e y m ay be 'stre tc h ed '. ('D oing y our ow n th in g ' is a hip p y
'stre tc h e d v alu e' of th e m iddle-class evaluation of individualism
a n d self-grow th.) Explorations m ay also be m ade of alternative
ad a p ta tio n s of m iddle-class form s of d om inant institutions, for
exam ple 'altern ativ e' life-styles, com m unal child care, 'free'
schools, fringe m edicine, self-aw areness groups an d so forth.
86
The trippers and trie trashers • 87
O fte n th e s e in v o lv e a fu sio n of th e d istin c tio n s b e tw e e n w o rk
a n d le isu re - 'w o rk a n d p la y ', a n d a re la tio n sh ip to m aterial
p r o d u c tio n w h ic h in v o lv es a re la tio n to su rp lu s w h e re w elfare
p ro v is io n o r th e u se o f re je c te d c o n su m e r g o o d s p ro v id e s a
m o d e s t m in im a l s ta n d a rd o f living. A ce n tra l econ o m ic e le m e n t
h a s b e e n th e p ro v isio n of h ig h e r e d u c a tio n g ra n ts, a n d in d e e d
th e v e ry n o tio n o f 'd ro p p in g o u t' p re s u p p o s e s a lo catio n in th e
c la ss s tr u c tu r e fro m w h ic h to d ro p (an d to re tu rn ) as o p p o se d to
th e h a r s h re a lity o f w o rk in g -c la ss life, a fligh t from th e 'n e v e r
h a d '. T h e d isc ip lin e o f in d u stria l life acts as a g re a t socializer.
A fte r a w e e k -e n d o f 'S a tu rd a y N ig h t F ev er' th e y o u n g w o rk e r
h a s to face M o n d a y m o rn in g . W o rk a n d leisu re re m a in
s e p a r a te d , w o rk p ro v id in g th e m e a n s to en jo y leisu re, a n d play
w h ic h is in v o lv in g e n o u g h to d e tra c t from th e b o re d o m of w o rk
h a s a lu x u rio u s e le m e n t w h ic h is ex p en siv e for y o u n g in d u stria l
w o rk e rs .
T h e d iffu s e n e s s a n d artic u la tio n of m id d le class c u ltu re s
m e a n s th a t w h e n th e y are o p p o sitio n a l, th e y te n d to be m o re
o v e rtly p o litical a n d ideological in th e ir critiq u e of w o rk . T h ey
h a v e b e e n a s s is te d in th is b y th e d e v e lo p m e n t of th e u n d e r -
g r o u n d p r e s s w h ic h p re s e n ts a political a n d c u ltu ra l critiqu e of
th e e s ta b lis h m e n t, a n d w h ic h also sp re a d s th e n o tio n of an
o rg a n is e d a n d c o h e re n t c o u n te r c u ltu re .
O n e p ro b le m in d istin g u is h in g w o rk in g -class a n d m id d le-
c la ss y o u th s u b c u ltu re s is th a t of m e m b e rsh ip . T he m a rg in ality
o f m e m b e rs h ip is a p ro b le m , a n d w h ilst y o u th su b c u ltu re s te n d
to fo llo w class tra d itio n s, in d iv id u a l m e m b e rs m ay be ex cep -
tio n s . B uff (1970), fo u n d in C hicago th a t h is w o rk in g -class b o ys
te n d e d to b e c o m e 'g re a se rs', b u t so m e to ok u p h ip p y s u b -
c u ltu re s . H o w e v e r in th e U n ite d S ta te s, som e estim a te s h a v e
c la im e d so m e th in g like a m illio n te e n a g e ru n a w a y s are o n th e
ro a d . T h is m e a n s th a t th e re is a co n sid e ra b le w o rk in g -class
se c tio n to a p p a re n tly m id d le -c la ss su b c u ltu re s su c h as s tu d e n t
o r fre a k c u ltu re s , u su a lly k n o w n as 's tre e t p e o p le ' o r y o u n g
v a g ra n ts . B rake (1977), fo u n d a h a rd core of w o rk in g -class
'd r if te r s ' in h is h ip p y sam p le, rejected by th e u n d e rg ro u n d for
m a n y o f th e re a so n s w id e r society h a d rejected th e m , lack of
sk ills, c a p ita l, e d u c a tio n a n d p ro sp e c ts, co m b in ed w ith q u a si-
c rim in a l in te rp re ta tio n s a b o u t 'lib e ra tin g ' p ro p e rty a n d 'free
lo v e '. P u n k s h a v e b o th w o rk in g -class a n d m id d le-class g ro u p s,
a n d th e s e so m e tim e s o v erlap . C lass is also co m p licated by age,
M o n o d 's (1967), P a risia n w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th s a d o p tin g th e
's n o b ' sty le (b a se d o n a R olling S to n e s im agery) m a rk e d th e m -
se lv e s off fro m th e local gay c o m m u n ity (w ho h a d a sim ilar
im a g e ) fro m th e y o u n g e r 'v o y o u ' boys w ith th e ir g re a se r style.
88 • The trippers and the trashers
T h e em ergen ce o f y o u th culture in the U n ited States
A c o m p lic a tio n in d e lin q u e n c y stu d ie s is th e d e g re e to w h ic h it

c a n b e fo u n d in th e m id d le class. Its p re se n c e th e re h a s b e e n
a ttr ib u te d to se v e ra l c a u se s - u n h a p p y b ro k e n h o m e s a n d lack
o f p a re n ta l c o n c e rn a n d d iscip lin e (N ye, 1958), acad em ic failu re
a n d a b s e n t fa th e rs (G reely a n d C asey , 1963), d o w n w a rd
m o b ility (P in e, 1965), a n d fam ily conflict (H ersk o v itz, M u rra y
a n d S p iv a k , 1959). M o st s tu d ie s c o n c e n tra te o n m in o r offences
(V az, 1967a), a n d fa v o u r p sy ch o lo g ical e x p la n a tio n s. T h e y te n d
to o v e rlo o k s u b c u ltu ra l a tta c h m e n t, a lth o u g h E n g la n d (1967),
d o e s s u g g e s t th a t a d o le sc e n ts d o se e th e m se lv e s as a collectivity
w ith sim ila r in te re s ts , a n d th e re fo re 'y o u th c u ltu re ' d o e s h a v e a n
e ffe c t o n m id d le -c la ss d e lin q u e n c y . Y o u th c u ltu re h a s b e e n u s e d
u n c ritic a lly in p o s t-w a r A m e ric a n lite ra tu re , fa v o u rin g a
g e n e ra tio n a l ra th e r th a n a class m e m b e rsh ip . P a rso n s (1954),
s u g g e s ts th a t y o u th c u ltu re is a se p a ra te c u ltu ra l sy ste m sh a re d
b y th e y o u n g . A 'm o re or less specifically irre sp o n sib le ' y o u th
c u ltu re ex ists in conflict w ith th e a d u lt w o rld 's se n se of
re s p o n sib ility , co n fo rm ity a n d p ro d u c tiv e w o rk . It e m p h a siz e s
h e d o n is m , a n d 'its recalcitran ce to th e p re se n c e of a d u lt ex p ec-
ta tio n s a n d d isc ip lin e '. S m ith (1962), n o te s a g e n e ra tio n a l c o n -
flict in A m erica, b u t m a in ly o v e r sex ual m a tte rs, a lth o u g h h e
ta k e s n o te o f su b c u ltu ra l fe a tu re s su c h a s d re ss, la n g u a g e a n d
a p p e a ra n c e , s tro n g p e e r lo y alty a n d y o u th 's o w n form s of
c o n fo rm ity . H e a n d also H o llin g sh e a d (1949), n o te class d if-
fe re n c e s in y o u th c u ltu re , a n d B a rn a rd in a m o n o g ra p h o n
y o u th a s it o n c e a g a in becam e a b u rn in g social p ro b le m (1961),
s tre s s e s class as p e rv a d in g all p a rts of te e n a g e cu ltu re , in c lu d in g
p o litic a l v ie w s. S h e n o te s also th e ir u se to th e a d u lt eco n o m y
d u e to c o n s u m p tio n , a p o in t F rie d e n b e rg (1966, p . 102) m akes:
O n ly as a c u sto m e r . . . are a d o le sc e n ts fa v o u rab ly receiv ed.
O th e rw is e th e y a re tre a te d as a p ro b le m , a n d p o te n tia lly as
a th r e a te n in g o n e . . . . A d u lts a ttrib u te to th e m a cap acity
fo r v io le n c e a n d lu st, in th is re sp e c t te e n a g e rs serv e th e re s t
o f u s a s th e o ccasio n b o th fo r w ish fu lfilm en t a n d for self
fu lfillin g p ro p h e c y .
O n th e w h o le , h o w e v e r, y o u th c u ltu re w a s e x p la in e d in te rm s
o f th e g e n e ra tio n g a p , ra th e r th a n conflicts a n d d iv isio n s d u e to
c lass. T h is a p p ro a c h w a s fa v o u re d in a n in flu e n tia l stu d y b y
C o le m a n (1961), w h o w a s d istre ss e d to d isco v er th a t s tu d e n t
a n d h ig h sc h o o l c u ltu re s fa v o u re d sociability, g la m o u r, social
s ta tu s a n d ath le tic ism , ra th e r th a n academ ic o rie n ta tio n .
The trippers and the trashers • 89
M u rd o c k a n d M cC ro n (in M u n g h a m a n d P e a rso n , 1976) re m in d
u s th a t C o le m a n 's o rig in al in te n tio n w a s to in d icate th a t d if-
fe r e n t s ta tu s sy ste m s evolve fro m th e p lu ra lism of h ig h school
c u ltu re s . C o le m a n d isc o v e re d th a t in so m e of h is h ig h schools,
s ta tu s w a s lin k e d to class o rig in ra th e r th a n to in d iv id u a l
a c h ie v e m e n t. H is in te n tio n of p re s e n tin g a p lu ralistic an aly sis
w a s u n d e r m in e d b y th e se cla ss-lin k e d v ariables.
P o lk a n d H a lfe rty (1966) a rg u e d th a t w h e re a lo w e rin g of th e
c o m m itm e n t to su ccess w a s p re s e n t, th e re w a s a m o v e to w a rd s
y o u th c u ltu re , w ith a stre ss o n a n ti-a c h ie v e m e n t a n d d e lin q u e n t
b e h a v io u r, re fle c tin g m id d le -c la ss a n d w o rk in g -class y o u th
c u ltu re s re sp e c tiv e ly . B erger (1963b) n o te s th a t C o le m a n 's y o u th
c u ltu re refle c ts A m e ric a n v a lu e s in th e a d u lt w o rld closely.
Y o u th c u ltu re , h e re m in d s u s, h a s o fte n n o t m u c h to d o w ith
y o u th ; in s te a d (B erger, 1965, p . 394), 'W h a t w e are in th e h a b it
o f c allin g y o u th c u ltu re is a c re a tu re of so m e y o u n g a n d so m e
n o t so y o u n g p e rs o n s '. In ste a d th e ty p e of b e h a v io u r w itn e sse d
in y o u th c u ltu re is fo u n d also in b o h e m ia n c u ltu re s, a n d certain
w o rk in g -c la ss o c c u p a tio n s, ra th e r th a n th e y o u n g per se. T he
y o u th fu l, r a th e r th a n th e y o u n g , create y o u th c u ltu re . B erger
c h a lle n g e s th e o v e rg e n e ra liz a tio n s of e x p la n a tio n s of y o u th
c u ltu re . Its ro o ts a re to be fo u n d o u tsid e e ith e r th e d e lin q u e n t
s u b c u ltu re , o r th e o p p o sitio n a l n a tu re of so m e u n iv ersalistic
y o u th c u ltu re .
Y o u th c u ltu re w a s c ited for w h a t it w a s c o n tra ry to, ra th e r th a n
a n a ly s e d a s to w h a t it w as. M atza (1961), su g g e sts th a t d e v ia n t
p a tte r n s o f a d o le s c e n t b e h a v io u r are in fact u n c o n v e n tio n a l
v e rs io n s o f c o n v e n tio n a l tra d itio n s. T een ag e c u ltu re m ay, in
fact, p re v e n t in d iv id u a l a d o le sc e n ts from a d o p tin g d e v ia n t
b e h a v io u r p a tte rn s . T h ere are th re e s u b te rra n e a n tra d itio n s of
y o u th (M atza, 1962), sp rin g in g from th e m a in stre a m of rebellion
w h ic h h a s c re a te d a special a p p e a l to y o u th , a re b e llio u sn e ss
w h ic h is fre q u e n tly stig m a tise d as im m a tu rity a n d irre sp o n si-
b ility . T h e se tra d itio n s are
1 D e lin q u e n c y , w h ic h w h ilst n o t d e n o u n c in g p ro p e rty a rra n g e -
m e n ts , y e t v io la te s th e m . It rejects m e th o d ism a n d ro u tin e
e sp e c ia lly w ith in th e school sy ste m .
2 B o h e m ia n ism , w h ilst actu ally in d iffe re n t to p ro p e rty , attack s
p u r ita n is m a n d m e c h a n ise d b u re a u c ra tic society.
3 R a d ic a lism , w h ic h b y fo c u sin g o n econom ic a n d political
e x p lo ita tio n , h a s a less g e n e ra liz e d c u ltu ra l attack, c o n c e n tra tin g
o n specific a re a s o f eco n om ic exp lo itatio n .
T h e s e tra d itio n s re m a in tru e of y o u th c u ltu ra l an aly sis to d a y ,
a n d fo rm m u c h o f th e b o d y of a n aly sis in th is book. T he
d e lin q u e n t tra d itio n h a s a lre a d y b e e n d isc u sse d , b u t th e c o n -
s id e ra tio n o f m id d le -c la ss y o u th c u ltu re s can b e s u b d iv id e d in to
p o litic a l a n d b o h e m ia n fo rm a tio n s o f reb ellio n. B oth g ro u p s
m a y o v e rtly u s e d e v ia n c y as a w e a p o n a g a in st th e p re v a ilin g
h e g e m o n y a n d th e d o m in a n t class fo rm a tio n s. C e rta in ly th e late
six tie s s a w in te re s tin g fu sio n s of th e rad ical a n d b o h e m ia n
tra d itio n s w h ic h u s e d fo rm s of collective a n a rc h ism to d e v e lo p
n e w d im e n s io n s o f co n sc io u sn e ss. T h e re d e v e lo p e d th e u n d e r -
s ta n d in g th a t fo r th e left, th e re h a d to b e a c u ltu ra l re v o lu tio n as
w e ll a s a m a te ria l re d is trib u tio n of re so u rc e s. C e rta in ly th e
p a rtic u la r m o m e n t in h isto ry (th e late sixties) g e n e ra te d a
sp illo v e r in to ex tra p a rlia m e n ta ry a n d ex tra tra d e u n io n stru g g le
in v o lv in g is s u e s o v e r h o u sin g , c o m m u n ity p o litics, fem in ism ,
(se e B rook a n d F in n , 1977; M ayo, 1977; W ilso n, 1977) a n d g ay
rig h ts .
T h e B eat g en eration
In p o s t- w a r P a ris, th e re d e v e lo p e d o n th e L eft B ank, a tra d itio n a l

s tu d e n t a re a , a y o u th fu l su b c u ltu re w h ic h w a s b a se d o n a
lite ra ry a n d p h ilo so p h ic a l g ro u p of in te lle c tu a ls - th e 'e x is te n -
tia lis ts '. A lth o u g h e x isten tialism h a s a lo n g a n d h o n o u re d
tr a d itio n in E u ro p e a n p h ilo so p h y , th e re g re w u p a b o h e m ia n
s u b c u ltu re b a s e d a ro u n d th e B o u lev ard St M ichel, a n d th e
c o n g re g a tio n s in cafes su c h as th e C afe d e s D eu x M agg ots. T he
in te lle c tu a ls w e re h e a d e d b y S a rtre a n d d e B eauvoir, b u t th e re
w e re a rtis ts s u c h a s C octeau a n d P icasso, a n d p e rfo rm e rs like
P e tit, B abilee, Je a n m a ire a n d G reco. A s w ith all b o h e m ia n
s u b c u ltu re s th e s e w e re th e in te lle c tu a l-a rtistic n u c le u s w h ic h
w a s th e c e n tre o f a far la rg e r e x p re ssiv e social m o v e m e n t, w h ic h
g e n e r a te d fo llo w e rs of a life-style sy m b o lized b y th e p h ilo so p h y
o f th e le a d e rs , in th e in tellig en tsia a n d th e arts. E xistentialism
b e c a m e th e b a sis o f a life-style a m o n g s tu d e n ts a n d b o h e m ia n s,
a n d its sty le o f p la id sh irts a n d b lu e je a n s w a s s p re a d by
P a ris ia n e x p a tria te s to o th e r p a rts o f E u ro p e a n d N o rth A m erica,
k n o w n in th e la tte r c o u n try as 'b o h e y s ' (b o h em ian s). T he
m o v e m e n t re fle c te d th e co n c e rn in th e avant-garde a t th e tim e
w ith th e su b je c tiv e a n d th e in te rp e rso n a l, a n d th e g ro w th of
in te r e s t in p sy c h o -a n a ly sis a n d su rre a lism . It w a s to p re d ic a te
lib e rta ria n m o v e m e n ts su c h as th e S itu a tio n ists In te rn a tio n a l
w ith th e ir ro o ts in D ad aism . T h e w a r h a d cru elly in te rru p te d
th e s e fa c tio n s. H o fs ta d te r (1955), a rg u e s th a t d u rin g th e 1920s
'b o h e m ia n is m triu m p h e d o v e r ra d ic a lism ', a n d th e d e p re ssio n
o f th e 1930s p ro d u c e d a 'lo st g e n e ra tio n ', u n e m p lo y e d , d riftin g
th r o u g h a w o rld w h e re effort a n d re w a rd h a d little re la tio n sh ip
to e a c h o th e r (D avid, 1936). T h e 1940s w e re d o m in a te d b y th e
w a r, b u t th e 1950s saw th e g ro w th of R ie sm a n 's 'fo u n d
g e n e r a tio n ', p o lite , c o n fo rm in g , su b u rb a n 'o th e r d ire c te d '
p e o p le lo st in th e 'lo n e ly c ro w d '. In d iv id u a lism w a s a m ajo r
th e m e , w ith th e so lu tio n to a lie n a tio n so u g h t in p sy c h o -
a n a ly sis . H o w e v e r e x isten tialism w a s d e v e lo p in g a b o h e m ia n
m o v e m e n t w h ic h to o k in E a ste rn m y sticism , jazz, p o e try ,
lite ra tu re a n d d ru g s . T his area h a s b e e n w ell d o c u m e n te d (E.
H . P o w e ll, 1962; S. K rim , 1960; K erouac, 1959; F eld m an a n d
G a r te n b u r g , 1959), a n d b ec a m e k n o w n as th e b e a t g en e ra tio n .
B eat, a c c o rd in g to H o lm e s (1960), w a s 'e m p tie d o u t . . . a state of
m in d fro m w h ic h all u n e sse n tia ls h a d b e e n strip p e d , leavin g it
re c e p tiv e to e v e ry th in g a ro u n d it.'
F ro m th e lite ra ry -a rtistic m o v e m e n t th e re d e v e lo p e d b o h e m ia n
v a lu e s - s p o n ta n e ity , e x p ressiv ity , creativ ity w h ic h w e re u se d
n o t o n ly in a rt, b u t th ro u g h free form a n d im p ro v isa tio n , w ere
u s e d to d e v e lo p life-sty les. T h e b e a t w a s se p a ra te d from th e
's q u a r e ', fro m th e g re y flann el m in d in th e g rey flan n el suit.
T h e b e a t w rite rs h a d ta k e n as folk h e ro th e h ip ste r. T he
h ip s te r w a s w o rk in g -c la ss a n d o fte n black, a cool cat o p e ra tin g
b y liv in g o n h is w its. H e w a s a v io le n t ex te n sio n o f th e b eat,
s tr ip p e d , s ta te o f m in d , w h o d isso c ia te d from h is feelings a n d
w h o felt (P ow ell, 1962, p . 367), 'v io len ce jolts to ja r h im o u t of
h is le th a rg y '.
T h e re w e re tw o m o d e ls in b e a t life, th e b e a tn ik a n d th e
h ip s te r . B o th d e te s te d th e s tra ig h t w o rld , y e t each saw ele m e n ts
o f th e s q u a re in e a c h o th e r. B eats saw h ip ste rs o b se sse d by
e x p e n s iv e c o m m o d itie s, c a u g h t u p in c o n su m e r p ro d u c tio n ,
a n d h ip s te rs sa w b e a ts as failed m id d le-class re tre a tists. C lass
s e p a r a te d th e m fu rth e r, th e h ip s te r w o rk in g -class, a n d u su ally
b lack , th e b e a t w h ite a n d m id d le -c la ss, o fte n a n intellectual.
T h e c u ltu ra l am b ie n c e of th e b e a t w o rld d iffered em pirically
fro m its sociological ele m e n ts. P o lsky (1971) in h is em pirical
s tu d y , s u g g e s ts th a t b eats a v o id e d in te ra c tio n w ith sq u ares.
T w o -th ird s of h is sa m p le w e re m id d le class, b u t w e re h ig h ly
a n ta g o n is tic to th e m id d le -c la ss c areer sy stem . Like m a n y
b o h e m ia n s th e y d e v e lo p e d a radical critiq u e of w h a t th e y saw as
w r o n g w ith so ciety , b u t n o t w h y , ig n o rin g th e role of th e state in
th e ir a n a ly sis. In ste a d th e y v o lu n ta rily e sp o u se d p o v e rty , d is -
a ffilia te d from fam ily , c a re e r a n d p ro sp e c ts in a n y co n v en tio n al
s e n s e , a n d w ith d re w from a society th e y d e te ste d . Being
b a sic a lly p re s e n t-o rie n te d , th e y c o n c e rn e d th e m se lv e s w ith
in d iv id u a l r a th e r th a n collective so lu tio n s. T h e y liv ed in a

b o h e m ia n g h e tto , a n d becam e in v o lv e d w ith relig io n , d ru g s ,
a n d e x iste n tia l in se c u rity . T h e ir su b c u ltu re w a s d is tin g u ish e d
b y focal c o n c e rn s of
W ithdrawal - fro m all b u t th e b a re m in im u m c o n ta c t n e c e ssa ry
fo r su rv iv a l, w ith th e sq u a re w o rld .
Disaffiliation - fro m tra d itio n a l fam ily life, society a n d c areer
s tru c tu re s .
Existential solutions - to w h a t w a s se e n as b asically ex isten tial
p ro b le m s .
T h e b e a ts m o v e d b y th e early 1960s fro m V enice W est, C alifornia
a n d G re e n w ic h V illage, N e w Y ork to N o rth Beach, S a n Francisco
a n d fin ally to H a ig h t A sh b u ry . T his la tte r w a s to beco m e a
h ip p y e p ic e n tre , a cra d le of th e n e w b o h e m ia n ism .
H ip p ie s , freak s and h ead s
T h e te rm 'h ip p y ' o b v io u sly co v ers a v a st a rra y of b o h e m ia n a n d

s tu d e n t s u b c u ltu re s , a n d as w ith th e b e a ts th e re w a s a h a rd core
o f a rtistic -lite ra ry in te llig e n tsia , w ith a n aristocracy of ro ck
m u s ic ia n s , a n d a v a s t follo w in g of life-style reb els. H ip p ie s h a v e
b e e n c o n c e p tu a liz e d as d ro p -o u ts fro m e d u c a tio n (G eoffrey a n d
G ra fto n , 1967), a s a n tin o m e a n p e rso n a litie s (A dler, 1968), se e k -
in g a r e tu r n to a n in n o c e n t c h ild h o o d , a n d a ro m a n tic g n o s -
ticism . W e s th u e s (1972), d e n ie s th is, se e in g th e m ra th e r as
p o s s e s s in g h a n g -lo o s e tra n s c e n d a n t e th ics, se e k in g h e d o n ism
y e t b e in g an ti-p o litic a l. T h eir d ru g u s e h a s b e e n sc ru tin iz e d
(C a v a n , 1970; D av is, 1967; D avis a n d M u n o z , 1968), th e ir
life -sty le a n d m o ra lity d is c u ss e d in d e ta il (H inckle, 1967; D istler,
1970; P a rtrid g e , 1973; B erger, 1967; W illis, 1978). In m u c h of th e
A m e ric a n lite ra tu re h ip p ie s h a v e b e e n e x p la in e d as a g e n e r-
a tio n a l u n it, s e e n as p ro d u c in g a c o u n te r-c u ltu re a g a in st w h a t is
d e fin e d as th e m a in e n e m y , tech n o cracy . B ecause ag e co h o rts
a re s e e n a s s ta rtin g th e ir life c o u rse s a t u n iq u e p o in ts in tim e,
th e y s h a re a h isto ric a l b ase, w h ic h can in flu e n c e g e n e ra tio n a l
c o n sc io u s n e s s. It is a rg u e d th a t b e c a u se o f im p o rta n t c h a n g e s in
th e e c o n o m ic a n d social in s titu tio n s of A m erican society, th e
v isio n a n d a n a ly sis o f th a t society w a s d istin c tly d iffe re n t for
m id d le -c la s s y o u th b y th e 1960s, fro m th a t of th e ir p a re n ts. T h e
a n a ly s is fa v o u re d is th a t of M a n n h e im (1952), w h o n a rro w s age
c o h o rts to g e n e ra tio n a l u n its, th a t is actively in v o lv e d m e m b e rs
o f a n a g e g ro u p , w h o in flu en ce social ch a n g e . L aufer a n d
B e n g s to n (1974, p . 186), d e lin e a te th is fu rth e r,
W e w o u ld a rg u e th a t g e n e ra tio n a l an a ly sis, as d istin c t from
c o h o rt lin e a g e o r m a tu ra tio n a l an aly sis, is c o n c e rn e d w ith
a g e g ro u p s as a g e n ts of social c h a n g e , w ith th e ir in tellectu al
a n d o rg a n iz a tio n a l a lte rn a tiv e s to ex istin g w o rld view s,
v a lu e s a n d life styles; w ith th e so u rc e s of o p p o sitio n w ith in
th e e x istin g society; a n d w ith th e d e v e lo p in g re la tio n sh ip
b e tw e e n th e se a g e n ts of social c h a n g e a n d o th e rs w ith in
th e ir a g e stra ta .
T h e se g e n e ra tio n a lly b a se d m o v e m e n ts for social c h a n g e occu r
w h e n th e c rite ria for social a n d econom ic p a tte rn s o f le a d e rsh ip
c h a n g e . C h a n g e s in life style a n d v a lu e s arise in re sp o n se to
th e s e . T h e se o ccu r in u p p e r-m id d le a n d m id d le-class g ro u p s,
b e c a u s e s u b o rd in a tio n is largely a fe a tu re of age in th e se g ro u p s.
T h is fo llo w s th e ir h y p o th e s is th a t (L aufer a n d B en g sto n , 1974,
p . 188),
T h e m o re in te n s e th e ex p erien ce of s u b o rd in a tio n (racism ,
se x ism , class ex p lo ita tio n , e th n ic d iscrim in atio n ), th e g re a te r
th e c o n tin u ity of ex p erien ce acro ss age b o u n d a rie s.
T h e e x c lu sio n in th e h e re a n d n o w of th is age g ro u p from
p o w e r, a n d th e ir self-co n scio u s d e v e lo p m e n t of th e re la tio n of
se lf a n d so ciety in h ig h e r e d u c a tio n (see K en isto n , 1972),
d e v e lo p s a n o p p o s itio n a l co n sc io u sn e ss. T h eir d is tru s t of th e
p o litic a l e s ta b lis h m e n t, a n d th e ir critical a w a re n e ss of in eq u ality
a n d a fflu e n c e le a d s to g e n e ra tio n a l id en tificatio n as a p ro cess for
so cial c h a n g e . It is a co n cern for th e q u ality of life, a n d a
re je c tio n o f th e 's y s te m ' a lth o u g h th is o p p o sitio n is o fte n
sim p lifie d to th e 'p e o p le ' v e rsu s th e 'p ig s '. T his ty p e of analysis
a c c e p ts th e su b je c tiv ity o f age co n sc io u sn e ss, b u t o v erlo o k s th e
o b je c tiv e e le m e n t o f class a n d its c o n tra d ic tio n s. Y o u th 's
re s p o n s e w a s to ex p lo re a lte rn a tiv e s to th e receiv ed tra d itio n s of
c a re e r, life -sty le , a n d o ccu p a tio n a lly -lin k e d id e n tity . O b v io u sly
th is d isa ffilia tio n ta k e s d iffe re n t form s, for som e m ilita n t a n d
po litic a l, fo r o th e rs m y stical a n d relig iou s W ied er a n d Z im m e r-
m a n (1974) fo u n d in th e ir research o n h ip p y co m m u n itie s, th a t
g e n e ra tio n a l u n its exist w h ic h sh o w e d in te n se h o stility to a n d
a lie n a tio n fro m c o n v e n tio n a l A m erican society. T h eir freaks
s h o w e d d istin c tly o p p o site v a lu e s to th e P ro te sta n t ethic,
fa v o u rin g im m e d ia c y , sp o n ta n e ity , h e d o n ism , rejectin g p ro p e rty
b e c a u se it a sc rib e d s ta tu s , a n d h a v in g n o q u a lm s a b o u t w elfare
o r 'p a n h a n d lin g '. T h e y so u g h t a n id e n tity o u tsid e occu p atio n al
ro le o r fam ily, w h ic h I h a v e su g g e ste d is a d o m in a n t fe a tu re of
y o u th c u ltu re s . Y o u th se e m s to b e for th e m a co n scio u s
p o litic a l ro le (at a d e m o n stra tio n A bbie H o ffm a n s u g g e ste d n o
o n e o v e r th irty s h o u ld be tru ste d ). T his se lf-c o n sc io u sn e ss of
y o u th , w ith th e d o m in a n t social force b e in g tech n o lo g y , is to b e
f o u n d in R eich (1970), w h o sees th e c o rp o ra te sta te as u s u rp in g
all v a lu e s. H e su g g e sts th a t C o n sc io u sn e ss I, th e tra d itio n a l
v a lu e s o f ru g g e d in d iv id u a lism a n d se lf-h e lp fo u n d a m o n g th e
fa rm e rs, sm all b u s in e s s m e n a n d w o rk e rs o f th e C19, w e re
re p la c e d b y th e v a lu e s o f o rg a n iz a tio n a l society, C o n sc io u sn e ss
II. T h e 'c o n tra d ic tio n s, failu res a n d exigen cies of th e C o rp o ra te
S ta te ' g e n e ra te d C o n sc io u sn e ss III (n o t u n lik e M a rc u se 's n e w
se n sib ility ), w h ic h is n o n -v io le n t, n o n -ju d g m e n ta l a n d h o n e st,
a n d w h ic h R eich (1970, p . 1) say s 'h a s o rig in a te d w ith th e
in d iv id u a l a n d w ith c u ltu re a n d if it su cceed s it w ill c h a n g e th e
p o litic a l s tru c tu re o n ly a s its final a c t'.
C o n s c io u sn e ss III is a g a in st u n c o n tro lle d tech n o lo g y , th e
d e s tru c tio n o f th e e n v iro n m e n t, th e d eclin e of lib erty , p o in tle ss -
n e s s o f w o rk , a b se n c e of c o m m u n ity a n d loss of self, a n d w ill
c o u n te ra c t th e s e n e g a tio n s. R oszak (1970) also ex am in es y o u th -
fu l o p p o s itio n to te ch n o cracy , w h ic h h e sees as b a se d in th e
w o rk o f M a rc u se , B row n, G in sb e rg , W atts, L eary a n d G o o d m a n .
V isio n a ry e x p e rie n c e h a s b e e n s u b o rd in a te d in o u r c u ltu re , a n d
th e c o u n te r-c u ltu re w ill p re s e n t a n e w v isio n of h o w to live. T his
e m p h a s is o n id e a lism w ith its ig n o rin g o f th e political eco n o m y
a n d th e s ta te a re a t v arian ce w ith m o re M arxist ex p la n a tio n s.
F lack s (1971, p . 129), a rg u e s,
T h e c u ltu re th a t is n e e d e d to m e s h w ith o u r sta te of te c h n o -
log ical d e v e lo p m e n t is o n e th a t is in c o m p a tib le w ith
c a p ita lism . T h e c u ltu re th a t is s tru g g lin g to b e b o rn stre sse s
c o o p e ra tio n o v e r co m p e titio n , e x p re ssio n o v e r success,
c o m m u n a lis m o v e r in d iv id u a lism , b e in g o v e r d o in g , m a k in g
a r t o v e r m a k in g m o n e y a n d a u to n o m y o v e r o b e d ien ce.
T h e se v a lu e s w e re m a d e p o ssib le b y a te c h n o lo g y w h ic h
e lim in a te d m u c h ro u tin iz e d w o rk , allo w in g th e d e v e lo p m e n t of
a m e a n in g fu l life, b u t th e y a re b lock ed by c o rp o ra te cap italism
w h ic h re in fo rc e s th e m o d e a n d re la tio n s o f p ro d u c tio n , in tu rn
g e n e ra tin g class e x p lo ita tio n a n d m a te ria l in eq u ality . M e an in g fu l
a n d c re a tiv e w o rk e x p erien ce re m a in th e p riv ileg e of th e few ,
a n d th e h ip p ie s m ista k e n ly th o u g h t it th e rig h t of all. H all
(1969), a rg u e s th a t th e h ip p ie s c o n stitu te d a d istin c t g ro u p in g a t
a p a rtic u la r h isto rical 'm o m e n t', p ro v id in g a sk e tc h of fu tu re
p o ssib ilitie s in te rm s o f p o st-re v o lu tio n a ry society. H ip p ie s h a v e
c o n trib u te d sty le - th e y live th e ir disaffiliation , th e y a d d n e w
sc rip ts to th e d ra m a tu rg y of re v o lu tio n a ry m o v e m e n ts, th e y
d e v e lo p a se t o f c o u n te r-v a lu e s, a n d th e y are a n a tte m p t to

p re fig u re a n e w k in d of subjectivity . T h ey re p re s e n t th e
e x p re s s iv is t r a th e r th a n th e activist p ole, stre ssin g th e p e rso n a l,
th e p riv a te a n d th e p sy cho lo gical - th a t is su bjectivity. T his
in d e e d is th e ir m a jo r co n trib u tio n .
T h e structure o f the counter-culture
H ip p ie s g a v e b o h e m ia n ism a n e w , im m e d ia te exp ressivity.

T h e y r e p r e s e n t a c o u n te r c u ltu re ra th e r th a n a politically active
m o v e m e n t (W e sth u e s, 1972). D istler (1970), sees th is as a flight
fro m a p a tristic , in s tru m e n ta l c u ltu re to a m atristic, ex p ressiv e
o n e , w h ic h re s u lts in a c u ltu ra l g ap . T h is places h ip p y v a lu e s
ra tio n a lly a n d e m o tio n a lly o u tsid e th e c o m p re h e n sio n of m o st
p a r e n ts , a th e m e w h ic h is fo u n d in m o st c o m m e n ta to rs o n
h ip p y c u ltu re . A m a jo r v ariable w as th e u se of d ru g s, especially
h a llu c in o g e n s su c h a s L .S .D . A n o th e r in flu en ce, su g g e ste d by
D a v is (1967), w a s th e le sse n in g im p o rta n c e of acad em ic q u a li-
fic a tio n s in c o n te m p o ra ry so ciety, w h ic h h a s d e v e lo p e d a m o v e -
m e n t b e s t c o n c e p tu a liz e d as a social e x p e rim e n t in life-styles.
H e se e s (D avis a n d M u n o z , 1968), d ru g u se as a n a tu ra l
e x te n s io n o f m id d le -c la ss v a lu e s su c h as in d iv id u a lism , sy m -
b o liz in g a n a tta c k o n n o rm al form s of c o n sc io u sn e ss, a n d a
d is re g a rd o f n o rm a l society. H e go es o n to d iffe re n tia te d iffe re n t
m e a n in g s th a t d ru g u s e h as. LSD is se e n as a n e g o tia te d v e rsio n
o f th e b a sic v a lu e s o f self-ex p lo ratio n a n d se lf-im p ro v e m e n t
f o u n d in m id d le -c la ss life. Y o un g (1971, p. 157), also stre sse s th e
so cial m e a n in g o f d ru g u sag e,
T h e b o h e m ia n se e k s h is id e n tity th ro u g h th e p u rs u it of
s u b te r r a n e a n v a lu e s. H e is in te n t o n c reatin g a c u ltu re
w h ic h is s h o rt te rm , h e d o n istic , s p o n ta n e o u s , ex p ressiv e,
e x c itin g a n d u n a lie n a te d . H a llu c in o g e n d ru g s facilitate su c h
a im s a d m ira b ly .
B rake (1977), in a n em p irical s tu d y fo u n d th e h ip p y c u ltu re in

B rita in to b e re lativ ely w e ll-o rg a n iz e d , p e o p le d m ain ly by
s tu d e n ts a n d e x -s tu d e n ts , w h o h a d su ffe re d a d isso ciatio n from
th e g o a ls o f h ig h e r e d u c a tio n . M e m b e rsh ip w a s v ery im p o rta n t
to its m e m b e rs. T h e p o sse ssio n of s tu d e n t g ra n ts, o r w elfare
p a y m e n ts p e rm itte d th e m a p e rio d a w a y from h o m e w h e re th e y
c o u ld e x p e rim e n t w ith n e w life-styles a n d id e n titie s. T his w a s a
m a jo r d iffe re n c e fro m th e p a rt-tim e m e m b e rs h ip of w o rk in g -
c la ss y o u th c u ltu re s. W o rk in g -class h ip p ie s h a d to m a k e a
s e v e re a d ju s tm e n t, a n d w e re liable to b e re je c te d if th e y failed to
c o m p r e h e n d o r recip ro c a te a p p ro p ria te ly in th e lo o se n o rm a tiv e
s y s te m o f th e c o u n te r c u ltu re . H ip p ie s w e re re lativ ely o ld e r,
m o re e d u c a te d , m o re m id d le -c la ss (a lth o u g h th e y se lf-re p o rte d
th e m s e lv e s a s w o rk in g -c la ss) a n d w ith b e tte r w o rk p ro sp e c ts
th a n w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th c u ltu re m e m b e rs, a n d also saw th e m -
s e lv e s a s p ro b a b ly p e rm a n e n tly h ip p ie s. W illis fo u n d in h is
s tu d y o f B ritish h ip p ie s a h o m o lo g y b e tw e e n im m ed iacy , d ru g
u s e , a n o m n isc ie n t sp iritu a lity a n d a se n se of id e n tity fo u n d in
th e h ip p y c o m m u n ity , sy m b o lized b y th e sty le a n d a p p e a ra n c e
o f h ip p ie s . H ip p ie s h a d a n u n c e rta in g rip o n th e ir o w n
id e n titie s , b u t th is w a s e x p e rie n c e d as a so u rce o f ric h n e ss
r a th e r th a n a c a u se for co n cern . Im m e d ia te su b jectiv e e x p erien ce
w a s im p o r ta n t fo r th e m , a n d d ru g s in a ssistin g th is p ro je c te d
th e m b e y o n d th e co ercio n of th e w o rld . E xp erien ce sh o w e d th a t
th e w o rld w a s coercive, a n d th is k n o w le d g e w a s stra n g e ly
lib e ra tin g , b u t th e h ip p y felt n o th in g c o u ld to u c h h im ag ain ,
e v e n a fte r h e c am e d o w n . H ip p ie s w e re c o n c e rn e d w ith tra n -
s c e n d a n c e , a n d th e fu ller sta te s of a w a re n e ss, b u t th is a w a re -
n e s s w a s b y its v e ry n a tu re u n re a liz a b le . T h e u n e n d in g p o s -
sib ility o f re so lu tio n m e a n t th a t th e sta rk n e s s of failu re n e e d
n e v e r b e faced . T h e E ast w a s a d m ire d b e c a u se it w a s a n ti-
te c h n o c ra tic . T h e re w a s a n im p o rta n t in te ra c tio n b e tw e e n p r o -
g re ss iv e ro ck m u sic a n d life-style, th e m u sic dialectically
p u r s u in g th e d r u g e x p erien ce. P ro g re ssiv e m u sic m a tc h e d in its
c o m p le x ity a n d rh y th m ic a l a sy m m e try th e h ip p y life-style,
s e ttin g th e fo rm w h ic h th ro u g h ha llu c in o g e n ic d ru g u se c o u ld be
u s e d to u n d e r c u t th e lin e a rity of th e stra ig h t w o rld . For th e
h ip p ie s th e ir c u ltu re w a s a su b v e rsiv e force c u ttin g aw a y a t
s o c ie ty 's ro o ts, a liv e d -o u t c ritiq u e o f th e m a te ria lism a n d
p h ilis tin is m o f c o n te m p o ra ry in d u s tria l society.
In o rd e r to m a k e se n se of a n o fte n c o n tra d ic to ry m a ss of
m a te ria l, it is im p o rta n t to c o n sid e r th e c o n tra d ic tio n s w ith in th e
h ip p y s u b c u ltu re , its re la tio n to th e w id e r society a n d th e
m a s s iv e so cietal re a c tio n it h a d to c o n te n d w ith . O b v io u sly th e
u n d e r g r o u n d , o r c o u n te r-c u ltu re w a s a lo ose ex p ressiv e social
m o v e m e n t, a n d re se a rc h e rs lo o k e d a t d is p a ra te e le m e n ts o f it.
T h e s u b c u ltu re d e v e lo p e d in a p e rio d of relativ e econom ic
p ro s p e rity . In d e e d if th e e stim a te d o n e a n d a h a lf m illio n
d r o p - o u ts o f th e sixties in th e U n ite d S ta te s h a d d e m a n d e d job s,
th e s itu a tio n m ig h t h a v e b e e n q u ite d iffe re n t. T h e e c o n o m y w a s
a b le to c a rry a larg e a m o u n t o f v o lu n ta rily u n e m p lo y e d , living
o n s u b siste n c e in co m es. T h e re h a d b e e n a m o v e from a
c o n s u m p tio n -o rie n te d e co n o m y fro m a p ro d u c tio n -o rie n te d
o n e , w h ic h w a s a c c o m p a n ie d b y a sh ift in v a lu e s a m o n g th e
c o n s u m in g m id d le -c la ss. T h e h ip p y su b c u ltu re can be se e n as
fittin g in a t a n o v e rla p of v a lu e s e m p h a siz in g leisu re a n d
c o n s u m p tio n , b u t also a u to n o m y a n d in d iv id u a lism . T he
c o u n te r-c u ltu re w a s c re a te d in a n a fflu e n t society, w ith a n
a d v a n c e d te c h n o lo g y , a n d it w a s p arasitic u p o n th e s u rp lu s of
th e d o m in a n t so ciety , a n d y e t a n ta g o n istic to it. H ip p ie s w e re
u n c o n c e rn e d a b o u t m a terialism , y e t lived o n a w elfare sy ste m
w h ic h itse lf re la te d to su rp lu s valu e; th e y w e re d isd a in fu l of
te c h n o lo g y , y e t liste n e d to co m plex ste re o sy ste m s, w a tc h e d
c o m p lic a te d lig h t sh o w s. T h ey felt fre e d o m w a s a n in d iv id u a l
e le m e n t y e t w e re co n tro lle d b y a p o w e rfu l sta te . W h ilst th e
so ftw a re ca m e o u t of th e h ip p y cu ltu re , m u sic, lyrics a n d
d e s ig n , th e h a rd w a re re m a in e d in th e p o sse ssio n of th e m ed ia
e n tr e p r e n e u r s . T h e sm all b u sin e sse s, craft sh o p s, re s ta u ra n ts
a re a tra d itio n a l so lu tio n for th e m a rg in a l p e tty b o u rg eo isie, a n d
th e y d e p e n d o n w a g e labo u r. C o n tra d ic tio n s so o n sh o w e d . In
1969 H a ig h t A s h b u ry fo u n d itself w ith 100,000 te e n a g e r u n -
a w a y s w ith n o a ssista n c e from th e Public H e a lth D e p a rtm e n t.
R a p e , v io le n c e a n d ex p lo ita tio n in c re a se d , 'fre a k o u ts ' w ere
c o m m o n , a n d th e M a n so n fam ily s h o w e d itself as th e evil jok er
in th e p a c k (B rake, 1973a; D . H . S m ith , 1970; S m ith a n d L uce,
1971; S m ith a n d G a y , 1972). T h e p o o r e le m e n ts of th e c o u n te r-
c u ltu re 'r ip p e d off' th e ir b ro th e rs a n d sisters b y th e ft, or
'b u r n in g ' th e m w ith b a d d o p e d eals, a n d th e m o re e n te rp risin g
o rg a n iz e d o p e n air rock co n certs w ith ex p e n siv e seats a n d
in a d e q u a te serv ices. T h ere w e re also p o sitiv e ele m e n ts. C o m -
m u n e s w e re a g e n u in e a tte m p t at a lte rn a tiv e living (A bram s a n d
M c C u llo c h , 1976; T eselle S ., 1972; H o u rie t R ., 1973; R igby A .,
1973). A c o n c e rn w ith ecology led to th e d e v e lo p m e n t of p u re
fo o d s h o p s , p re v e n tiv e m ed icin e, p o llu tio n politics a n d organ ic
fa rm in g . T h e n e c e ssity to d e v e lo p n e w a lte rn a tiv e legal a n d
so cial se rv ic e s le d to a n e w in te re s t in co m m u n ity politics.
T e c h n iq u e s o f co n sc io u sn e ss ra isin g a n d 'r a p ' g ro u p s d e v e lo p e d
a n e w c o n s c io u sn e s s of o p p re ss io n o u tsid e of tra d itio n a l class
lin e s, w h ic h b ec a m e e sse n tia l in th e d e v e lo p m e n t of fem inism
a n d g a y p o litic s in th e ir stru g g le a g a in st p a tria rc h y .
T h e h ip p y m o v e m e n t p ro v id e d for its m e m b e rs a m o ra to riu m
o f a b o u t five y e a rs in w h ic h to c o n sid e r o n e 's id e n tity a n d o n e 's
re la tio n to th e w o rld . T his lu x u ry is n oticeably lacking in
w o rk in g -c la s s life a n d w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th cu ltu re s. T h ere w as
a lso a b lu r r e d y e t d istin c t social sy stem . T he to p elite w a s th e
'a ris to p o p c ra c y ' o f h ig h s ta tu s a n d w e a lth y g ro u p s su c h as s u p e r
sta rs . T h e y w e re b e y o n d th e re la tio n sh ip to scarcity as Y oung
(1973), n o te s , a n d th e y p o ss e s se d c o n sid e ra b le , so m etim es
a b s o lu te , se x u a l p o w e r. N ex t w a s th e 'a lte rn a tiv e b o u rg e o ise '
w h o h a d sp e c ia list k n o w le d g e (su ch as electron ics, o r p r o -
d u c tio n ) o r else w e re b o h e m ia n s sy m biotic to th e u n d e rg ro u n d .
T h e 'lo w e r-m id d le -c la ss d r o p -o u t' lack ed th e skills o f th e ab ov e,
b u t w a s e m p lo y e d in a m in o r capacity b y th e m . F inally th e re
w e re th e 'lu m p e n h ip p ie s ', th e 's tre e t p e o p le ', w o rk in g -c la ss
a n d v a g ra n t, liv in g ro u g h a n d 's tre e t w ise '. T h ey h a d r u n a w a y
fro m h o m e , a n d w e re a ttra c te d to th e h ip p y life, b u t fo u n d th e y
h a d n o p la c e in th e a lte rn a tiv e so ciety for m o stly th e sam e
r e a s o n s a s th e y h a d n o place in c o n v e n tio n a l life, lack of skills,
in a rtic u la tio n a n d n o capital. L acking a n y inco m e, th e y liv ed o n
th e ir w its , b y w e lfa re , p a n -h a n d lin g , p e tty th e ft, a n d stre e t
d o p e d e a lin g (th e le a st re w a rd in g a n d m o st d a n g e ro u s fo rm of
th is activ ity ).
S o cietal re a c tio n to th e h ip p y c u ltu re w a s co n sid erab le. B ritish
n e w s p a p e r s b e tw e e n 1965 a n d 1969 re p o rt th e h ip p y as d irty ,
id le , p ro m is c u o u s a n d d ru g -u s in g . A typical re p o rt (th e People,
30.7.67) s h o w s a n a k e d m ale lo n g h a ir d a n c in g a t th e A lex an d ra
P a la c e 'lo v e -in ' w ith th e c a p tio n
If y o u d isa g re e w ith th is - th e n th is p a p e r g ives y o u te n o u t

o f te n - th e h ip p y c u lt is d e g ra d in g , d e c a d e n t a n d p la in
d a ft.
C o n sid e ra b le a la rm w a s sh o w n as th e h ip p ie s to o k u p re sid e n c e
in n e w e p ic e n tre s . In th e U n ite d S ta te s th e y m o v e d fro m V enice
W e st, C alifo rn ia a n d N e w Y ork C ity, to S a n Francisco, first to
N o r th B each a n d th e n to H a ig h t A s h b u ry - 'H a s h b u ry '. In
B rita in , th e C o rn is h v illag e of St Ives, fe a rin g for its to u rist
tr a d e , in 1969, re fu s e d to serv e o r to h o u se h ip p ie s. W e y m o u th ,
a n o th e r re so rt, u s e d d rie d b lo o d sp ra y s to p re v e n t h ip p ie s
s le e p in g in th e o p e n , a n d th e L o n d o n S tre e t C o m m u n e m a d e
in te rn a tio n a l h e a d lin e s b y s q u a ttin g in a n e le g a n t, e m p ty
G e o rg ia n m a n s io n in 144 Piccadilly. A m u c h -q u o te d re p o rt
(N ew s o f the World, 21.9.69), d e sc rib e s th e sq u a t 'lit o n ly by th e
d im lig h t of th e ir d ru g g e d c ig a re tte s' as
H ip p ie s - d ru g s - th e so rd id tr u th
D ru g ta k in g , c o u p le s m a k in g love w h ile o th e rs look o n , a
h e a v y m o b a rm e d w ith iro n b a rs, filth a n d ste n c h , foul
la n g u a g e , th a t is th e scene in sid e th e h ip p ie s ' fo rtre ss in
L o n d o n 's Piccadilly. T hese are n o t ru m o u rs b u t facts, so rd id
facts w h ic h w ill sh o c k o rd in a ry d e c e n t living p e o p le . D ru g
ta k in g a n d sq u a lo r, sex - a n d th e y 'll g e t n o sta te a id . . . .
The trippers and the trashers •99
A n o th e r re p o r t (Daily Telegraph, 19.9.69), n o te s th a t o n th e
e v ic tio n o f th e sq u a t a h o sp ita l g o v e rn o r v o m ite d , a p o lice-
w o m a n b e c a m e ill, a n d a p o lic e m a n re fu se d to allow h is d o g
in to th e sq u a t, all 'b e c a u se of th e filth '. T h e islan d of F o rm a n te ra
o ff S p a in a lso e x p e lle d its h ip p ie s from a fear th e y w o u ld affect
to u ris m . A n 'ex -M ilitary M e d a llist' is q u o te d (Daily M ail, 2.8.69):
It m a k e s m e a s h a m e d to b e B ritish, th e y h a v e ru in e d th e
is la n d . T h e y live a ro u n d in filthy cloth es, m a u lin g e ach o th e r
in th e stre e ts. N o w o n d e r o u r c o u n try h a s g o n e to th e d og s.
A n d a n o th e r E n g lish to u rist co m p la in e d (Daily M ail, 4.8.69),
O n e of th e h ip p ie s cam e to m y table, a s m y w ife a n d I w e re
h a v in g a d rin k . H e w a s o b v io u sly d ru g g e d to th e eyeballs
a n d s h o u te d , 'L ife is b e au tifu l, m ak e love to g e th e r'.
By th is tim e b illb o a rd s w e re a p p e a rin g in th e U n ite d S tates

p ro c la im in g 'B eau tify A m erica - c u t y o u r h a ir'. H o w e v e r o n e
u n iq u e fe a tu re o f th e u n d e rg ro u n d w a s th a t it h a d th e skills to
d e v e lo p its o w n p re ss. T his m e a n t it co u ld p re s e n t a n articu late
c o u n te r-id e o lo g y , it co u ld give cov erag e to political a n d social
e v e n ts n o t re p o rte d in th e 'o v e rg ro u n d ' p re ss, a n d it cou ld
p r e s e n t a c o u n te r-in fo rm a tio n service for its a d h e re n ts (see
G le ssin g , 1971; L ew is, 1972). T h is w a s a n a d v a n ta g e its m id d le -
c la ss fo llo w e rs w ith th e ir literacy skills a n d a rticu late v ocab ulary
h a d o v e r th e w o rk in g -c la ss. T h ey p o sse sse d th e skill a n d
c o n fid e n c e to p re s e n t a c o u n te r-id e o lo g y .
S o cietal re a c tio n a n d m a ss m e d ia co verage a m p lified th e
c o n tra d ic tio n s of th e h ip p y su b c u ltu re . In th e S u m m e r of Love
in 1966, s p o n ta n e o u s frie n d sh ip a n d g e n e ro sity w e re co m m on ,
a n d th e m u sic a n d d a n c e in th e stre e ts of h ip p y d istricts le n t it a
fa iry -ta le ro m a n tic ism . H e a lth h a z a rd s , police h a ra ss m e n t a n d
e x p lo ita tio n b y la n d lo rd s re su lte d in adv ice c e n tre s a n d free
clin ics. H a ig h t A s h b u ry b ecam e a te e n a g e slu m (Brake, 1973a),
a n d th e m u r d e r o f a black s tu d e n t b efo re 300,000 te e n a g e rs by
th e H e ll's a n g e ls, a p p o in te d as a secu rity force w h o b ecam e
p o lic e , ju d g e a n d e x e c u tio n e rs, d u rin g th e A lta m o n t rock
fe stiv a l s u m m e d u p th e c o n tra d ic tio n s. A s E isen (1970, p . 163),
a rg u e d
th e re o c c u rre d a stra n g e k in d of self-glorification o n th e

p a r t o f d r o p -o u t society . . . so ev e n tu a lly th e re cam e a b o u t
th e id e a th a t so m e h o w th e re w a s a n esse n tia l a n d fu n d a -
m e n ta l b re a k th a t h a d b e e n m a d e as a re su lt of th e d ru g s,
th e n e w v o c a b u la ry , th e m u sic a n d th e n e w life-styles. A n
illu sio n o f s u p e rio rity h a d su ffu se d itself th ro u g h th e h ip
100 •The trippers and the trashers
w o rld . . . It w a s a s th o u g h id en tificatio n w ith th e n e w
c u ltu re , w ith lo n g h a ir a n d se rio u s d ifferen ces w ith y o u r
p a r e n ts m e a n t th a t so m e h o w y o u p o sse s se d a s u p e rio r w a y
o f life a n d a s u p e rio r in sig h t in to th e n a tu re of th e u n iv e rse .
T h e h ip p y c u ltu re e v a d e d ra th e r th a n c o n fro n te d th e sta te , it
o v e rlo o k e d th a t a n y political so lu tio n a t a re fo rm ist o r re v o lu -
tio n a ry lev el m u s t in v o lv e a re la tio n sh ip to th e political
e c o n o m y . In d iv id u a lism a n d a rt w e re p r e s e n te d a s so lu tio n s. Its
p o litic s w e re (L y d o n M ., 1971, p . 117),
a s o rt o f tu r n e d o n liberalism , th a t th in k s th e P a n th e rs a re
g ro o v y b u t d o e s n o t like to com e to te rm s w ith th e n a sty
A m e ric a n reality . T h e politics o f th e m u c h to u te d rock
re v o lu tio n - th e y a d d u p to a h a z y belief in th e p o w e r o f a rt
to c h a n g e th e w o rld , p re su m in g th a t th e place for th e
re v o lu tio n to b e g in a n d e n d is in sid e in d iv id u a l h e a d s.
A s th e a rt a n d th e m u sic b ecam e com m ercial po ssib ilities, th e n

th e y w e re tra n s fo rm e d in to a co m m o d ity fo r th e la rg e r society.
S a n F ran cisco ro ck w a s fin a n c e d , as w e re th e B eatles a n d
th e R o llin g S to n e s, b y clever financial b ack ers, th e F ree P re ss
w a s s a v e d b y p o rn o g ra p h ic film sy n d ic a te s, h e a d sh o p s ta k e n
o v e r b y m a s s p ro d u c tio n .
By 1970 th e h ip p y su b c u ltu re h a d d iv id e d in to m y stics a n d
p o litic o s. T h e p o litico s h a d b eco m e in v o lv e d in N e w Left
p o litic s, c o m b in in g p olitics a n d life-sty le, a n d co m b a tin g O ld
L eft p u rita n is m . G ra d u a lly th e y m o v e d to th e p e rip h e ry of class
p o litic s, b e c o m in g in v o lv e d w ith c o m m u n ity politics, o r
p a tria rc h y , o r else re tre a tin g in to v a rio u s fo rm s o f w h a t T om
W o lfe calls th e 'm e ' g e n e ra tio n , e n c o u n te r g ro u p s , bio e n e r -
g e tic s, m a ss a g e o r d ie t. T h e m y stics te n d e d to a p a sto ra l
a rc a d is m , re tre a tin g in to th e c o u n try sid e a n d b eco m in g in v o lv e d
in a g ra ria n c o m m u n a rd is m w ith a su p p o rtiv e m y sticism . T he
p e rm is s iv e r e s p o n s e o f th e h ip p y su b c u ltu re w a s a re a c tio n to
th e sm a ll-to w n p u rita n is m a n d th e P ro te sta n t E thic of c o n -
te m p o ra ry so ciety. H o w e v e r th e p e rm issiv e to leran ce d e g e n e ra -
te d , w h ic h m e a n t th a t a n y m u sic s o u n d e d g o o d if y o u w e re
s to n e d e n o u g h , a n y o n e s h o u ld d o th e ir o w n th in g , also g e n e ra -
te d a ty ra n n y of a m o ra lity a n d of stru c tu re le ssn e ss. E scap e w a s
s o u g h t fro m a g e n u in e ly o p p re ssiv e society, w h ic h re fu se d to
ta k e th e s tra ig h ts a lo n g w ith th e m . C o n tra d ic tio n s a n d o p p o -
s itio n s w e re c lo u d e d o v e r b y rh e to ric , th e re w a s n o facing u p to
th e in te rn a l d iv isio n s in th e h ip p y social stru c tu re o v e r th e
r e la tio n s h ip to scarcity, n o c o n fro n ta tio n o v e r th e reality o f th e
d e p e n d e n c e o n a n d h e n c e re la tio n sh ip to th e la rg e r socio-
e c o n o m ic sy ste m . G le a so n (1970, p . 219), sh o w s th is lack of

a n a ly sis,
W e 'v e all g o n e a lo n g w ith th e illusion th a t G in sb e rg a n d
D y la n a n d Baez a n d th e B eatles a n d th e S to n e s w e re all
p a r t o f th e sa m e th in g . W ell, th e y are p a rt of o n e th in g , in
th e s e n s e th a t w e 're all h u m a n b e in g s a n d w e a re all p a rt of
th e w o rld a n d ea c h o th e r. So is L y n d o n Jo h n so n , so is th e
M afia h e a d o f C hicago , so a re th e H e ll's A n g els. W e'v e
te n d e d to m a k e th e d istin c tio n b e tw e e n U s a n d T h em . N o w
if w e 'v e g o t to reco g n ise a n y th in g , th e re 's n o t m u c h d if-
fe re n c e b e tw e e n th e A n g els b e a tin g th a t k id o v e r th e h e a d
w ith a p o o l cu e, a n d th e C hicago co p s b e a tin g y o u o v e r th e
h e a d b e c a u s e y o u 'v e g o t lo n g h air.
A fu ll-tim e le isu re ex p re ssiv e su b c u ltu re can o n ly d e v e lo p in a n
e c o n o m y w ith su fficien t su rp lu s a n d full e m p lo y m e n t, b u t as
th is c h a n g e d , th e n so d id F lo w er P o w er. T h e F lo w er C h ild re n
fa d e d a n d d ie d in th e d e s e rt o f u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d econom ic
crisis.
T h e focal c o n c e rn s of th e h ip p y su b c u ltu re are difficult to
a s s e s s b e c a u se th e te rm 'h ip p y ' is u se d v e ry loosely. N e v e rth e -
le ss, c e rta in m a jo r c o n c e rn s d o sh o w th em selv es.
1 Passive resistance
T h e p o litical sta n c e s of d o m e stic a n d fo reig n policy in th e
six tie s, a n d in p a rtic u la r th e V ietn am w a r led to a d ise n c h a n t-
m e n t w ith p o litics. In ste a d th e re w a s a ro m a n tic ism w h ic h
a r g u e d th a t if love p re v a ile d e v e ry th in g w o u ld be all rig h t. T his
a p o litic a l ig n o rin g of th e fu n c tio n s of th e sta te le d th e h ip p y
s u b c u ltu re to tak e u p ex p ressiv e v a lu e s a n d id ealism as a n
a lte rn a tiv e to ra tio n a lity a n d activism . P o w e r as a m a jo r variable
in p o litical stru g g le w a s ig n o re d a n d m y sticism a n d ritu al m agic
a p p e a le d to.
2 M ovem ent
T h e re w a s a c o n c e rn b o th w ith travelling , o fte n to th e E ast in
E u ro p e , a n d a c ro ss th e U n ite d S ta te s in A m erica, o r to S o u th
A m e ric a . T h is w a s se e n b o th a s a g e o g rap h ical a n d a sym bolic
jo u rn e y . It w a s also felt th a t o n e sh o u ld m o v e o neself, b y d ru g
u s e , m y stic ism , relig io n o r b y self-ex p lo ratio n . A n y jo u rn e y w as
th e n b o th p h y sic a l a n d existential.
3 Dissociation
D issa tisfa c tio n w a s felt w ith th e fo rm al e d u c a tio n sy ste m , at a
h ig h e r lev el for h ip p ie s, b o th w ith th e c o n te n t o f th e cu rric u lu m
w h ic h w a s s e e n a s n o n -h u m a n is tic , a n d w ith th e p o s t college
c a re e r s tru c tu re . H ip p ie s cam e o fte n fro m m aterially c o m fo rt-
a b le fam ilies a n d w a n te d s o m e th in g else of a v a g u e sp iritu a l
sa tisfa c tio n . P o v e rty th e n w a s v o lu n ta rily e n te re d into .
4 Expressivity
A c re a tiv e , ra th e r th a n a n a fflu e n t w o rk situ a tio n w a s so u g h t.
W o rk s h o u ld b e jo y o u s a n d creativ e. E xp ressiv ity w a s a g a in st
th rift a n d d e fe rre d g ratificatio n, it w a s a p ro te st a g a in st
m a te ria lism .
5 Subjectivity
S u b je c tiv ity re sis te d th e s ta n d a rd s a n d in tru s io n s of th e
o b je c tiv e w o rld , w h ic h w e re se e n as co m p etitiv e. S ubjectivity
o p e n e d th e self to e x p erien ce, a ssiste d b y d ru g s , a n d b y
re lig io u s a n d m y stical e v e n m agical ex p la n a tio n . T o m o rro w is
u n im p o r ta n t, a n d p le a s u re , ex c ite m e n t a n d fear are in c re a se d .
T h is e x p la in s th e lack o f s ta n d a rd s in h ip p y life - if y o u a re
s to n e d e n o u g h e v e ry th in g is fin e - a n d th e ir h o stility to 'p u t
d o w n s ' o r p e rs o n a l attack s. T h e d a n g e r is th a t id ealism b eco m es
a p rim e u n it o f a n a ly sis w ith d e v a sta tin g effects o n h e a lth ,
h y g ie n e a n d ex p lo ita tio n .
6 Individualism
T h is w a s a re a c tio n to th e fac e le ssn e ss of m a ss society. It m e a n t
'd o in g y o u r o w n th in g ' a n d also e v a d in g th e c o n tra d ic tio n s of
th is a rg u m e n t. It m e a n t b eliev in g th a t fre e d o m 'w a s in y o u r
h e a d ', n o t p a r t of a n objective o p p re ssiv e social s tru c tu re w ith
a tte n d a n t in stitu tio n s . Politically it m e a n t ro m a n tic a n a rc h y , o r
a p o litic ism . E isen (1970, p . 163), n o te s th is m e a n s
S tra ig h t e q u a ls b a d , freak e q u a ls free, a n d th e re fo re g oo d .
T h is in tu r n h a s led to a p e rm issiv e n e ss, a n e n c o m p a ssin g
to le ra n c e th a t acc e p ts th a t e v e ry th in g th a t p u ts stra ig h t
so c ie ty a n d th e p ig s u p tig h t. D o ing o n e 's o w n th in g is th e
re a l b y w o rd fo r th e c u ltu re . . . . B ut w h a t h a s re s u lte d h a s
b e e n a re la tiv ism th a t re fu se s to ju d g e b ecau se it h a s
a b a n d o n e d m o ra l s ta n d a rd s . . .
It w a s th is lack of a n a ly sis a n d refu sal to face u p to th e c o n tra -
d ic tio n s o f th e re la tio n to th e sta te a n d th e political eco n o m y
w h ic h le d to re tre a tism in th e c o u n te r c u ltu re . T his m e a n s
(H in c k le , W . 1967, p . 27),
T h e h ip p ie s h a v e sh o w n th a t it can be p le a sa n t to d ro p o u t
o f th e a rd u o u s job of a tte m p tin g to ste e r a difficult, u n r e -
w a rd in g so ciety . B ut w h e n th a t is d o n e , y o u leave th e
d riv in g to th e H e ll's A n g els.
T h e h ip p y w o rld h a s d e v e lo p e d its o w n social h isto ry ,

d o c u m e n te d in its o w n m ed ia. It w a s h ig h ly socially visible, a n d
u n lik e th e b e a ts w h o k e p t o u t of th e lim elig ht, it d elib erately
a tta c k e d th e p e rc e p tio n of th e silen t m ajo rity . M en w ere
flo w in g -h a ire d a n d b e a rd e d , a n d b o th sexes w o re e lab o rate
ro b e s o f a n o n -fu n c tio n a l form . T h ere h a d b e e n u se of m a riju a n a
a n d so m e m ild h a llu c in o g e n s b y th e b e a ts u p to th e late fifties, b u t
in 1958 m e sc a lin w a s p ro d u c e d a n d a d d e d to p e y o te . T he ch e a p
m a n u fa c tu re o f LSD b e g a n in 1962, a n d th e p ro se ly tiz in g of
L e a ry , a n d th e illicit acid facto ry of O w sley led to S an Francisco
b e c o m in g th e acid c e n tre of th e w o rld . (A cid w a s o n ly illegal
a fte r O c to b e r 1966 in C alifornia.) T he u se of acid b y m u sician s
p ro b a b ly c o n trib u te d co n sid e ra b ly to n e w p ro g re ssiv e rock
fo rm s. K e se y 's 'm ag ic b u s ' jo u rn e y s, a n d th e 1966 T rips Festival
s p r e a d th e u s e of acid. T he 1966 S u m m e r of Love w as th e
p e a k in g o f th e acid exp erien ce. A fter th is th e re becam e a
c o n fu s io n o f p o litics a n d y o u th cu ltu re . T he C hicago C o n v e n -
tio n s a w th e g ro w th o f th e Y ippies, a n d th e D iggers also becam e
p r o m in e n t as a c o m m u n ity political force. T he c o u n te r-c u ltu re
th e n b e c a m e su b d iv id e d in to m ilita n ts a n d m y stics, a d ich o to m y
w h ic h la s te d u n til th e se v en ties. T h e ro o ts of th e B ritish u n d e r -
g r o u n d g re w o u t o f th e b e a tn ik literary -artistic scen e a n d th e
p e a c e m o v e m e n t (C N D ). T h e re w ere A m erican o v e rla p s su c h as
G in s b e r g 's (an o rig in al b e a t p o e t tu rn e d h ip p y m ystic a n d
m ilita n t) p re se n c e a t th e A lb e rt H all In te rn a tio n a l P o etry
In c a rn a tio n in 1965. A s E n glish ro ck m u sic d e v e lo p e d w ith th e
B eatles a n d th e R olling S to n e s, th e re w a s also th e d e v e lo p m e n t
o f th e u n d e r g r o u n d p re ss, e ith e r of a n early m y stical form su ch
a s International Times, w h ic h la te r b ecam e political, o r a p u re ly
p o litic a l fo rm su c h as Ink, a m ix tu re su c h as Oz o r m erely
in fo rm a tiv e like th e A m e ric a n Rolling Stone, T he p ro -m a riju a n a
s ta n c e o f IT (as International Times w a s k n o w n ) sp re a d its re a d e r-
s h ip , a n d th e trial of th e 'R olling S to n e s' in 1966 c re a te d th e
in fo rm a tio n c e n tre a n d legal ad v ice service, R elease. In fact, th e
m a riju a n a la w s w e re a n im p o rta n t v ariab le in a lien atin g m a n y
m id d le -c la ss y o u n g p e o p le from th e in s titu tio n of law . In p u t of
a c u ltu ra l n a tu r e also o c c u rre d fro m th e A rts Labs, m u lti m ed ia
a rts la b o ra to rie s, a n d th e A n ti-U n iv e rsity H a llu c in o g e n s h a d
c a u s e d a m a ssiv e p a ra d ig m sh ift for th o u s a n d s of m id d le-class
y o u n g p e o p le . T h e W o o tto n R e p o rt o n m a riju a n a in 1969 in fact
r e c o m m e n d e d its d e c rim in a liz a tio n , b u t th e g o v e rn m e n t's
re je c tio n o f th is le d to a cy nicism b y h ip p ie s of th e stra ig h t
w o r ld 's u n d e r s ta n d in g of th e m . By th e e arly 1970s h ip p ie s h a d
c e a se d to b e a su b c u ltu re for th e y o u n g , a lth o u g h th e y o u th fu l
still re m a in e d w ith in it.
T h e radical tradition - p o litica l m ilitan cy and protest

m o v e m e n ts
O b v io u s ly a sy m b io tic re la tio n sh ip exists b e tw e e n th e cu ltu ra lly

re b e llio u s a n d th e tra d itio n of m ilita n t rad icalism in th e y o u n g
m id d le class. T h e c o n trib u tio n of th e cu ltu ra lly reb ellio u s is th a t
th e y ra is e d is su e s left o u t of tra d itio n a l a n a ly se s o f class politics
in th e re v o lu tio n a ry left, th a t of th e place o f c u ltu ra l re v o lu tio n .
T h e s tu d e n t m o v e m e n t h a s p la y e d a n im p o rta n t role since th e
m id d le o f th e C19 in political stru g g le , b u t u su a lly a t tim es of
tr a n s itio n in so cieties. In B ritain a n im p o rta n t m o v e m e n t w as
th e C a m p a ig n fo r N u c le a r D isa rm a m e n t, w h o from 1958
o rg a n iz e d m a ssiv e p ro te s t m a rc h e s. W ritin g of C N D , P a rk in h a s
th is to sa y o f m id d le -c la ss ra d icalism (P arkin, 1968, p . 2):
W h e re a s w o rk in g class rad icalism c o u ld b e sa id to b e
g e a re d la rg e ly to re fo rm s of a n econ om ic o r m a te ria l k in d ,
th e ra d ic a lism o f th e m id d le class is d ire c te d m a in ly to
social re fo rm s w h ic h are basically m o ral in c o n te n t
T h e d iffe re n c e is th a t
W h e re a s th e fo rm e r h o ld s o u t th e p ro m ise of b e n e fits to
o n e p a rtic u la r se c tio n of society (th e w o rk in g class) from
w h ic h its o w n s u p p o rte rs a re d ra w n , th e la tte r en v isa g e s n o
re w a r d s w h ic h w ill accrue to th e m id d le class specifically,
b u t o n ly to so ciety a t large, o r to so m e u n d e rp riv ile g e d
g ro u p s . . . . It w ill b e a rg u e d in fact th a t th e m a in p a y off
fo r m id d le -c la ss rad icals is th a t of a p sy ch o lo g ical o r
e m o tio n a l k in d - in satisfactio n s d e riv e d fro m e x p re ssin g
p e rs o n a l v a lu e s in action .
C N D w a s m o re th a n a n a ttitu d e to u n ila te ra l d isa rm a m e n t, it
w a s a fo cu s fo r a w h o le arra y of radical a n d h u m a n ita ria n issu e s
a n d a v e h icle fo r sy m bolic acts a b o u t a d istin c tiv e m oral-p olitical
o u tlo o k , c o m b in e d w ith d is e n c h a n tm e n t w ith d em o cratic
p o litic s in B ritain. H o w e v e r P a rk in a rg u e s th a t C N D s u p p o rte rs
w e re n o t a lie n a te d to tally fro m B ritish society, b u t fro m c ertain
d o m in a n t v a lu e s, a n d th u s C N D w a s a n ex p ressiv e activity
p o litic a lly , it e x p re s se d a n d p u r s u e d c ertain p rin cip les ra th e r
th a n e x p e c te d to a c h iev e specific goals. H e state s (Parkin, 1968,
p . 39):
C N D th u s p ro v id e d th e o n e sin g le political m o v e m e n t in
w h ic h 'p ro g re s s iv e ' v alu es w e re fully re p re s e n te d in th eir
p u r e fo rm , a n d w h e re th e y co u ld re m a in u n ta rn is h e d by
th e d e m a n d s of electo ral ex p ed ien cy .
It w a s ty p ic a l o f m o v e m e n ts w h ic h o ffered n o p a rticu la r b en efits
to th o s e w h o s u p p o r te d th e m , a n d in th a t sen se w as n o t an
in s tr u m e n ta l m o v e m e n t. It w a s a vehicle for 'p e rso n a l v alu es in
a c tio n '. T h e sa m e co u ld b e sa id of th e A n ti-A p a rth e id m o v e -
m e n t, a n d th e w h ite s tu d e n t s u p p o rt for th e A m erican Civil
R ig h ts m o v e m e n t. T h e se are rad ical m o v e m e n ts o u tsid e of class
o rg a n is e d p o litics, a n d m id d le -c la ss in v o lv e m e n t is of a d e ep ly
felt e th ic a l c o m m itm e n t. It is a h u m a n ita ria n ra th e r th a n a class
s tru g g le , m o ra l ra th e r th a n eco n o m ic refo rm is so u g h t. P arkin
a rg u e s (1968, p . 54),
T h e a p p ro a c h of th e m id d le class radical m o v e m e n t, un lik e
its w o rk in g class c o u n te rp a rt, is to tre a t each evil sui generis,
a n d a s n o t re d u c ib le to so m e g re a te r u n d e rly in g m ala d y
w h ic h th ro w s in to q u e stio n th e legitim acy of th e existing
o rd e r.
C e rta in ly B ritish societal re a c tio n to C N D w as extrem e, its
y o u th f u l m e m b e rs in p a rtic u la r w e re se e n as lo n g -h a ire d ,
b e a tn ik , im m o ra l 'b e a rd e d w e ird ie s '. T h e effect of th is w a s to
a ttra c t in to its ra n k s y o u th w h o w e re critical of au th o rita ria n ism ,
th e s ta te , tra d itio n a l p o litics, a n d p a te rn a lism , a n d it certainly in
its f o u r -d a y -a n d -n ig h t-lo n g m a rc h o ffered a n o p p o rtu n ity to
m e e t lik e -m in d e d y o u n g b o h e m ia n politicals. Its d irect action
o ffe re d a n a d v e n tu r e a g a in st th e police, a n d a g e n u in e stance
a g a in s t a u th o rity . C N D w a s d efin itely n o t resp ectab le, a n d its
c u ltu re o f folk m u sic, b o h e m ia n d re ss, a n d its 'p e rm issiv e '
re p u ta tio n m a d e it a sy m b o l of d isaffected y o u th . It h a d tw o
im p o r ta n t g ro u p s of in te lle c tu a ls, th e o ld e r g e n e ra tio n su ch as
R u sse ll, T ay lo r, a n d P riestley w h o saw it as a ch an ce for B ritain
to g a in a m o ra l le a d e rs h ip to rep lace h e r lost m ilitary a n d
e c o n o m ic p re s tig e . T h e o th e r g ro u p w ere th e Y oung A ngries,
d ra m a tis ts a n d n o v e lists of th e late fifties, su c h as B raine a n d
O s b o rn e , m a rg in a l o r tra n sitio n a l in th e ir social p o sitio n . T hey
w e re m a in ly w o rk in g class in origin, w e re n o t n o tab ly u n iv e r-
sity p r o d u c ts , a n d w ro te o f th e p ro b le m s of b ein g w o rk in g class
in a m id d le -c la s s social d em o cracy . M a n y of th e se w rite rs h a v e
n o w b e c o m e re a c tio n a ry pillars of th e e sta b lish m e n t o r n o isy
c e le b ra to rs o f sexism . T he C a m p a ig n for N u c le a r D isa rm a m e n t
(C N D ) w a s a n im p o rta n t political m e n to r. In P a rk in 's sa m p le 62
p e r c e n t o f h is politically c o m m itte d su b jects jo in e d political
p a rtie s a n d m o v e m e n ts after b e in g in C N D . T hey w e re h ig h e r-
e d u c a te d , m id d le -c la ss p ro fe ssio n a ls in v o lv e d in te ach in g ,
w e lfa re o r c reativ e w o rk . C N D e x p re sse d a pro -life h u m a n istic
a c tiv e p r o te s t a g a in s t th e feeling of h e lp le ssn e ss o v e r n u c le a r
w a r, a n d th e se e m in g inab ility of th e e lecto rate to in flu en ce
p o litic ia n s d u rin g crises. It in v o lv e d a c o n sid e ra b le a m o u n t of
y o u n g p e o p le in activ e p ro te st politics, rad icalizin g th e m o fte n
fo r life.
T h e H u n g a ria n u p risin g a n d S u ez in 1956 h a d p o la riz e d
d is c o n te n t w ith th e official p a rty line of th e O ld Left. C N D a c te d
a s a s p rin g b o a rd , w h ic h o w in g to th e s p lin te rin g off o f th e
C o m m itte e o f 100 sh o w e d th e in flu e n c e of th e B ritish A n a rc h ist
m o v e m e n t. It w a s a n ad hoc s p o n ta n e o u s m o v e m e n t, u n -
h a m p e r e d b y a n a u th o rita ria n h ie ra rc h y w h ic h a p p lie d a policy
o f d ire c t a c tio n . It m a rk e d th e b e g in n in g s of th e m o v e to c reate a
N e w L eft, b a s e d n o t o n th e L e n in ist m o d e l of c e n tra liz e d
p o litic a l p a rtie s, b u t w ith a n e w lib e rta ria n b a se in v o lv in g
T ro tsk y ite p rin c ip le s. T he N e w Left w a s to sh o w conflicts
b e tw e e n th e s e fe a tu re s d u rin g th e sixties a n d se v e n tie s. A s th e
a n ti-b o m b m o v e m e n t lo st im p e tu s a fte r th e C u b a n m issile crisis
o f 1962, a n d th e T est B an tre a ty of 1963, th e d is p a ra te e le m e n ts
in C N D b e c a m e s e p a ra te b o th in a n a ly sis a n d action . It w a s th e
V ie tn a m W a r w h ic h w a s to c a p tu re m a ss s u p p o rt fro m radicals,
w ith its m ilita rism , neo -co lo n ial eco no m ic e le m e n ts a n d its
ra c ism . It m a rk e d a d istin c t m o v e fro m d isillu sio n w ith p a ssiv e
re s is ta n c e a n d th e w a y th e sta te h a d a c c o m m o d a te d th is, to a
m o re v io le n t, lib e ra tin g re v o lu tio n a ry a c tio n , w h ic h certainly
s h o w e d itself in th e c a m p u s b a ttle s of th e sixties.
In th e U n ite d S ta te s, th e first m ajo r radical cau se for y o u th in
th e p o s t w a r p e rio d w a s th e Civil R ig h ts M o v e m e n t. A m erican
s tu d e n ts b e g a n in creasin g ly to reject th e com m ercial a n d
n a tio n a l lev els o f A m erica, in a c o u n try w h ic h d id n o th in g a b o u t
th e leg al rig h ts of its o w n m in o rity g ro u p s, a n d w h ic h d e s p ite its
g re a t w e a lth , d id little for th e p o o r. It w a s felt th a t th e la b o u r
m o v e m e n t h a d b eco m e in te g ra te d in to th e e sta b lish e d political
s y s te m , a n d c e rta in ly in A m erica th e rad ical m o v e m e n t h a s a
m o re e s ta b lis h e d h isto ry , th a n class politics. S tu d e n ts a d o p te d
p o p u lis t, e g a lita ria n g e n e ra tio n a l rh e to ric a n d style, w h ic h g re w
o u t o f th e C ivil R ig h ts M o v e m e n t, fo c u se d o n th e V ietn am W ar,
a n d s a w a c tio n in c a m p u s d e m o n stra tio n s, d ra ft re sista n c e a n d
th e C h ic a g o C o n v e n tio n . Race b ecam e a m a jo r issu e w ith th e
The tripjpers and the trashers •107
lu n c h -c o u n te r sit-in s in th e S o u th in 1960 (a lth o u g h th e re h a d
b e e n d e m o n s tra tio n s in th e late fifties), lea d in g to th e S tu d e n t
N o n - v io le n t C o -o rd in a tin g C o m m itte e (SN CC). A t th e sam e
tim e B erkeley w a s p ro te stin g a b o u t th e S an Francisco U n -
A m e ric a n A ctiv ities C o m m itte e . A s w ith C N D in Britain, direct
a c tio n o f a n o n -v io le n t form w a s u s e d , o n e h ig h lig h t b e in g th e
W a s h in g to n Peace M arch in 1962. T he Civil R ights m o v e m e n t
w a s a co alitio n o f black a n d w h ite fo cusin g o n th e S o u th a n d
u s in g th e p ro c e ss of law as a n ally. It w a s essentially m id d le -
cla ss, n o n -v io le n t a n d refo rm ist u sin g M artin L u th e r K ing a n d
th e N a tio n a l A sso ciatio n for th e A d v a n c e m e n t of C o lo red
P e o p le . V io len t S o u th e rn re sistan ce, p articu larly by law e n -
f o rc e m e n t p e rs o n n e l in cre a se d s tu d e n t activist g ro u p s su ch as
S N C C a n d C o m m itte e for O rg a n isin g Racial E quality. T he
m o v e fro m p a ss iv e resista n c e to m ilita n t action w a s n o ta b le a fter
th e m u r d e r of K ing in A pril 1968. U rb a n riots significantly
in c re a s e d in th e g h e tto s a n d w h ite assistan ce w a s re g a rd e d w ith
s u s p ic io n a n d h o stility . T h e se p a ra tism of th e Black M u slim s
g a v e a n e w p rid e in black id en tity . T he an ti-colo nial political
a n d c u ltu ra l re s u rg e n c e of black activism m a d e race riots a n d
civil in s u rre c tio n a c e n tra l issue. In 1966 th e Black P a n th e rs w ere
th e c e n tra l focu s of m ilita n t stru g g le a n d w e re system atically
a tta c k e d b y th e police a n d th e FBI. T h re a te n e d w ith d e stru c tio n
th e y fo c u se d o n c o m m u n ity action a n d local politics, b u t th e ir
a n a ly sis a n d th e ir p rid e in black ness gave a d ig n ity a n d
in s p ira tio n to a m ilitancy fo u n d in c o n te m p o ra ry B ritain, the
W e s t In d ie s a n d S o u th e rn A frica.
F o c u sin g o n th e Civil R ights m o v e m e n t, th e S tu d e n ts for a
D e m o c ra tic S ociety a tte m p te d to o rg a n iz e s tu d e n ts for social
c h a n g e in society , u sin g u n iv e rsitie s as a re n a s for activity,
a n a ly s is a n d d isc u ssio n to radicalize g rass ro o ts m o v e m e n ts.
T h e d e s ire to c h a n g e th e w id e r society w as o ften e x p re sse d in
s u c h c a m p u s issu e s as free political sp e e c h o n c a m p u s, su c h as
th e B erk eley Free S p e e c h issu e 1964, w h ich h a d w id e p ublicity
c o n c e rn in g d ire c t a ctio n te c h n iq u e s a n d w h ic h w a s to beco m e a
m o d e l fo r fu tu re s tu d e n t strateg ies. T his w a s a tu rn in g -p o in t in
w h ite s tu d e n t activ ism . As w h ite in v o lv e m e n t in civil rig h ts for
bla c k s b e g a n to fad e o w in g to th e increase of th e d e m a n d for
Black P o w e r, w h ite s tu d e n ts w e re called u p o n to d e m o n s tra te
th e ir ra d ic a lism . U p to 1965 s tu d e n ts criticized th e failure of th e
p o litical s y s te m to carry o u t its a v o w e d objectives, b u t after th is
th e r e w a s a d istin c t d is illu sio n m e n t w ith th e a u th o rity of th e
s ta te a n d a cyn icism w h ic h d e m a n d e d a re v o lu tio n ary a lte rn a -
tiv e w h ic h la s te d u n til W aterg ate. U n iv ersity in v o lv e m e n t w ith
th e w a r e c o n o m y cam e u n d e r h ea v y criticism . R esearch in v o lv e -
m e n t, p o lice o n c a m p u s, th e c e n so rsh ip of criticism o f th e w a r o r
o f th e g o v e rn m e n t m e a n t th e u n iv e rsity h a d c e a se d to b e a
b a s tio n o f lib eral d isc u ssio n . T h e d ra ft, b a se d o n scho lastic
a c h ie v e m e n t also b e c a m e a n issu e , a s d id th e p o in tle ssn e ss of
m o s t a c a d e m ic c u rricu la to c o n te m p o ra ry p ro b le m s. By th e
m id -six tie s, th e civil rig h ts m o v e m e n t h a d ta k e n a n e w m ilita n t
p h a s e , th e fe d e ra l g o v e rn m e n t se e m e d to b e a co o lin g -o u t a g e n t
r a th e r th a n a facilitato r of legally e sta b lish e d rig h ts. T h e W ar o n
P o v e rty , a re s p o n s e to civil in su rre c tio n , w a s se e n as p re se rv in g
r a th e r th a n p ro v id in g sig nifican t re fo rm s, th e u n iv e rsity w as
s e e n a s p re v e n tin g criticism , a n d th e w a r h a d e sc alated . P assiv e
re s is ta n c e a n d p ro te s t h a d n o effect o n th e Jo h n so n a d m in istra -
tio n , th e w a r w a s m is re p re s e n te d b y th e e sta b lish m e n t.
S tu d e n ts p la c e d in c o m p e titio n o v e r th e d ra ft, re siste d it. T h e re
w a s a sp ill-o v e r fro m th e se issu e s in to a co n c e rn w ith p o v e rty ,
u r b a n d e c lin e a n d o p p re ss io n , s p re a d in g from p o llu tio n , to
c o m m u n ity c o n tro l su c h a s th e P e o p le 's P ark in B erkeley, to
u r b a n g u e rilla s. Police violence in th e c o n fro n ta tio n a t C o lum bia
U n iv e rs ity a n d a t th e C hicago D em o cratic N a tio n a l C o n v e n tio n
in 1968 m e a n t th a t v io le n t o v e r-re a c tio n o n th e p a rt o f th e police
ra d ic a liz e d c o u n tle ss p re v io u sly m id d le -o f-th e -ro a d s tu d e n ts .
T h e p o litics o f c o n fro n ta tio n b ecam e a co m m o n political w e a p o n
in s tu d e n t m ilita n t p ro te st.
S tu d e n t p ro te s t w a s o f c o u rse n o t co n fin e d to A m erica.
S tu d e n ts w e re in v o lv e d in tra n sitio n a l c h a n g e s in L atin A m erica,
in th e C h in e se c u ltu ra l re v o lu tio n , in Ja p a n o v e r th e alliance w ith
th e U S A , w ith th e V ietn am W ar a n d w ith th e u se of la n d for
c o m m e rc ia l p u rp o s e s . In E u ro p e th e re w e re stru g g le s o v e r a n
a n tiq u a te d e d u c a tio n a l sy ste m in Italy; o v e r d em o cracy in S p a in
a n d P o rtu g a l; a n d in G e rm a n y o v e r th e h e rita g e o f a u th o ri-
ta ria n is m a n d N a z ism . T he co n fo rm ity o f W est G e rm a n e d u c a -
tio n w a s c h a lle n g e d o n sev eral fronts: b y th e SD S, th e socialist
G e r m a n s tu d e n ts ' re v o lu tio n a ry o rg a n iz a tio n ; b y social e x p e ri-
m e n ts , su c h a s K o m m u n e I, a n d b y a m assiv e a n ti-V ie tn a m
c a m p a ig n . T h e m a in ta rg e ts w e re police b ru ta lity , re g u la tio n s
p re v e n tin g M arx ists w o rk in g in th e p u b lic service a n d th e
S p r in g e r m e d ia c a m p a ig n a g a in st th e left. In H o lla n d a series of
d e m o n s tr a tio n s h a d le d to v io le n t p olice reactio n . T he D u tc h
a n a rc h is t g ro u p , th e P ro v o s, u sin g a series of p eacefu l a n d
im a g in a tiv e tactics, g a in e d c o n sid e ra b le sy m p a th y a m o n g th e
y o u n g . O u t o f th e lib e rta ria n ro o ts o f th is m o v e m e n t, a id e d by
th e A m s te rd a m y o u th c u ltu re , s p ra n g th e K ab o u ters, o fferin g
c o m m u n ity p o litics a n d e n v iro n m e n ta l p ro te c tio n . A n a lte rn a -
tiv e so c ie ty w a s su g g e ste d , d e v e lo p e d from th e P ro v o 'w h ite
b ic y c le s', free tr a n s p o rt for e v e ry o n e . A lte rn a tiv e services w e re
The trippers and the trashers 109
•
s u g g e s te d fo r th e eld e rly , th e y o u n g , for food d istrib u tio n a n d
c h ild care. A sim ilarity can be n o te d w ith th e S a n Francisco
D ig g e rs. T h e m a jo r s tu d e n t u p ris in g w a s in M ay 1968 in P aris.
T h e F re n c h s tu d e n t m o v e m e n t h a d b e e n active a g a in st th e
A lg e ria n w a r a t a tim e w h e n th e o rg a n iz e d L eft h a d re m a in e d
s ile n t. In 1967 F ren ch s tu d e n ts a t L yons h a d b e g u n to o rg an ize
a g a in s t se x u a l su rv e illa n c e in th e h alls of resid en ce. N a n te rre w as
d e m o n s tr a tin g a g a in s t p o o r c u ltu ra l facilities, a n d th e a tte m p ts to
c o n tro l th is s ta rte d th e N a n te rre s tu d e n t m o v e m e n t. A rre sts of
a n ti-V ie tn a m o rg a n iz e rs led to a n o c c u p atio n . N a n te rre w as
c lo s e d a n d s tu d e n t o rg a n iz e rs o rd e re d to a p p e a r b efore th e
S o rb o n n e a d m in is tra tio n in M ay 1968. A p ro te s t by th e s tu d e n t
le ft le d th e R ecto r to a sk th e police to clear th e b u ild in g s. T he
s tu d e n ts p u t u p b a rric a d e s, th e police atta c k e d , a n d a m ass
c o n fro n ta tio n w ith th e sta te o ccu rred . W o rk ers jo in e d in s tu d e n t
d e m o n s tra tio n s , facto ry o c c u p a tio n s o c c u rre d a n d a n in te re stin g
m ix tu re o f v io le n t c o n fro n ta tio n a n d im ag in ativ e stre e t slog ans,
th e la tte r in s p ire d b y th e S itu a tio n ist In te rn a tio n a l, to o k place.
W e c a n se e a lin k b e tw e e n th e S itu a tio n ist In te rn a tio n a l a n d th e
'e n r a g e s ' w h o fu se d th e o ry a n d p ractice in th e p re s e n t situ a tio n ,
th a t is th a t p ra x is c re a te s its o w n th e o ry , a n d th e lib ertarian ism of
th e K a b o u te rs a n d th e A m erican Y ippies w h o also seize th e tim e
to s h o w u p th e c o n tra d ic tio n s, a n d to create th e strateg y . A
g e n e ra l strik e fo llo w ed w h ic h tu rn e d in to m assiv e factory
o c c u p a tio n s in v o lv in g n early 10 m illion w o rk ers. D e G aulle
c a lle d fo r s u p p o r t for h is g o v e rn m e n t, a n d p la y in g o n fears of a
c o m m u n is t ta k e o v e r, b ro k e th e strike. O n e co n tra d ic tio n w as
th a t th e in d u s tria l w o rk e rs w a n te d fuller p a rtic ip a tio n in, ra th e r
th a n a n o v e rth ro w o f social d em ocracy.
O n e e x tre m e p o la rity of th e s tu d e n t u n re s t w as th e g ro w th of
th e u r b a n g u e rilla m o v e m e n t. T h e Black P o w e r m o v e m e n t th re w
u p u r b a n g u e rilla d e fe n c e g ro u p s su c h as th e Black L iberation
F ro n t, a n d th e Black P a n th e rs. H o w e v e r th e g ro u p w h ich
a ttr a c te d m o s t a tte n tio n b ecau se of th e ir c o n tra d ic to ry p o sitio n
w a s th e g r o u p c o m p o se d of m id d le -c la ss w h ite e x -stu d e n ts , th e
W e a th e rm e n , w h o h a d s p ru n g fro m th e y o u th c u ltu re a n d from
th e S D S . A m e ric a n so ciety is racist a n d v io len t, it h a s n o real
h is to ry o f class s tru g g le b a s e d o n socialism as E u ro p e h a s, it also
h a s th e w e a lth ie s t w o rk in g class in th e w o rld , a n d as su c h class
b o u n d a r ie s a re far from clear-cu t. Im p a tie n t w ith p o p u list
tra d itio n s in th e m o v e m e n t, th e W e a th e rm e n saw th e A m erican
w o rk in g c lass a s b o u rg e o isifie d . S eein g a 'w h ite h o n k y -to n k pig
ra c ist A m e rik a ' th e y d e c id e d to escalate th e stru g g le , e v en
a g a in s t th e p e o p le , a n d se e in g a n eco n o m y e v e n tu a lly ru le d by a
w o rld p ro le ta ria t. T h e y w ish e d to sta n d u p w ith black m ilitan ts
a g a in s t a w h ite so ciety , a n d to escalate a re a c tio n w h ic h w o u ld
re v e a l th e o p p re s s io n of th e sta te (W alton, 1973). T he logic of th is
w a s c a rrie d th ro u g h so th a t s u p p o rt w a s o ffered e v e n for
C h a rle s M a n so n . T h e W e a th e rm e n sa w all w h ite s as c o u n te r-
r e v o lu tio n a ry , u n le s s in v o lv e d in stru g g le , a n d sh o rtly a fte r th e y
w e n t u n d e r g r o u n d (re fu tin g th e ir orig in al sexism b y b eco m in g
W e a th e r U n d e rg ro u n d ). T he sa m e im p a tie n c e w a s s h o w n b y th e
R e d A rm y F ractio n , o rg a n iz e d b y B aad er a n d M ein h o f, b y sim ilar
J a p a n e s e g ro u p s , a n d to a le sse r e x te n t b y th e B ritish A n g ry
B rig ad e, a lth o u g h stra te g ie s d iffer o n w h e th e r p ro p e rty o r
p e r s o n s a re th e ta rg e t. T he full c o n tra d ic tio n s of th is a p p ro a c h
w a s s h o w n in th e 1974 activities of th e S y m b io n ese L ib eratio n
A rm y . C o m p o s e d of black ex -co n victs w h o h a d b e e n po liticized ,
a n d m id d le -c la ss w h ite radicals from th e V en cerem o s g ro u p , th e
g r o u p k ille d F o ster, th e O a k la n d black sch o o ls S u p e rin te n d e n t,
a n d k id n a p p e d P a tty H e a rst. T h ey sh o w m a n y of th e c o n tra -
d ic tio n s o f th e N e w Left of th e tim e. T h ey s u b s titu te d th e feelings
o f a lie n a tio n a n d m e a n in g le s sn e ss th e y e x p e rie n c e d in th e ir
p e r s o n a l liv es for a th eo retical a n a ly sis w h ic h u n d e rs to o d th a t
so cial c h a n g e fo r th e d isp o sse sse d can o n ly b e o b ta in e d b y
w o rk in g -c la ss s u p p o rt, w h ic h m a y h a v e to b e w o rk e d for d u rin g
d e c a d e s . T h e w o rk in g class c a n n o t b e e x p e c te d to give u p w h a t
little th e y h a v e b e c a u se of th e fe rv o u r of a g ro u p th e y are
su s p ic io u s of, a n d w h o m ay b e lo n g to a d iffe re n t class a n d c u ltu re
fro m th e m . B asing th e ir guerilla activities o n D eb ray a n d F a n o n ,
th e y failed to realize th e y w e re w o rk in g n o t in a n a g ra ria n T h ird
W o rld se ttin g , b u t in a W e ste rn , in d u stria l, u rb a n society w h ic h
h a d little h is to ry of c la ss-co n scio u sn ess, a n d a n e c o n o m y w h ic h
re w a r d e d d iffe re n t stra n d s in th e sam e class. T h ey ro m a n tic iz e d
v io le n c e , a n d th e b ru ta liz e d a g g re ssio n of th e ex -co ns p re s u m -
a b ly e s c a la te d th e fe rv o u r of w h ite m id d le -c la ss radicals in th e
g r o u p w h o fe a re d to look sq u e a m ish o r fearful. U nlike th e
P a n th e rs th e y w e re n o t offering a rm e d d efen ce to th e g h e tto , a n d
th e k illin g o f F o ste r m e a n t th a t th e y c o u ld n o t h id e in black 'safe
h o u s e s '. V iolence fo llo w ed th e w o rst so rt o f m a sc u lin ist p ro te s t
w h ic h b e lie v e s th a t re liev in g o n e 's p e rso n a l p a in m a y be u se fu l to
a w h o le class. It w a s a m isa p p lic a tio n of th e n e w sen sitiv ity . S u ch
a d v e n tu r is m is d a n g e ro u s b e c a u se it giv es th e forces of o p p re s -
s io n n e w re a s o n s for in c re a se d leg islatio n , a n d th e ro m a n tic iz e d
v io le n c e c a n tu r n d a n g e ro u sly a g a in st th e class it is s u p p o s e d to
h e lp . (S ee B ry an J., 1975; B elcher a n d W est, 1975; C arn ey , 1975.)
In B ritain , th e C N D ca m p a ig n s w e re re p la c e d by a n ti-V ie tn a m
w a r d e m o n s tra tio n s . T h ere w e re s tu d e n t o c c u p a tio n s in 1967, a t
th e LSE, a n d th e n a t E ssex U n iv e rsity a n d H o rn se y C ollege of A rt
in 1968. T h e a u th o ritie s feared th a t LSE w o u ld be m a d e th e b a se
The trippers and the trashers• 111
fo r th e G ro s v e n o r S q u a re a n ti-V ie tn a m w a r d e m o n stra tio n s, a n d
in d e e d it w a s u s e d for p la n n in g stra te g ie s, o nce it w a s o ccu p ied ,
a n d a s a h o sp ita l for th e d e m o n s tra tio n . T his m ilitan cy w as
o c c u rrin g a t a tim e w h e n F lo w er P o w e r w as com ing to th e
a tte n tio n o f th e B ritish public, so th a t o fte n th e m ilita n ts a n d th e
h ip p ie s w e re c o n fu se d in th e p ub lic m in d . In 1970, th e sit-in a t
W a rw ic k U n iv e rsity le d to th e d isco v ery of secret political files
k e p t o n sta ff a n d s tu d e n ts , as w ell as a reco rd of th e in flu en ce th a t
v a rio u s in d u s tria l e n te rp ris e s h a d o n acad em ic co u rses a n d o n
re s e a rc h . O c c u p a tio n s sp re a d o v e r th e c o u n try , a n d th e in v asio n
o f th e G a r d e n H o u se H o tel a t C am b rid g e led to a p itc h e d b attle
w ith th e p o lice. T h is w a s th e y e a r th a t G e rm a in e G re e r p u b lish e d
The Female E unuch, fe m in ists d is ru p te d th e 'M iss W o rld ' c o n test,
a n d I T w a s c h a rg e d w ith o b scen ity . T he m id -se v e n tie s (a lth o u g h
o n e c a n n o t g e n e ra liz e a b o u t d ecad es) b e g a n to sh o w a c h an g e
a w a y fro m s tu d e n t p o w e r. T he V ietn am W ar d re w to a close, a n d
Ire la n d b e c a m e a n im p o rta n t political issu e for th e E nglish N ew
L eft. N e o -c o lo n ia l w a rfa re m o v e d n e a re r h o m e. In 1971 th e trials
o f O z fo r o b sc e n ity , a n d th e A n g ry B rigade w e re th e re su lt of
c h a rg e s o f c o n sp ira c y , to c o rru p t p u b lic m o ra ls for th e form er
a n d to c a u se ex p lo sio n s for th e latter. T hese cases sh a re d a n
in te r e s tin g p o in t, th a t th e life-style of th e d e fe n d a n ts w a s citable
a s e v id e n c e for th e p ro se c u tio n , a n d th a t th is h a s b ecom e
c o m m o n in c h a rg e s of co n spiracy, w h e re life-style is c o n sid e re d
d e v ia n t. (S ee B u n y a n , 1977; C h ib nall, 1977; G riffith s, 1978;
R o b e rtso n , 1974; P alm er, 1971.) T h e A n g ry B rigade w e re lib e rta -
ria n s itu a tio n is ts , in a M arxist fram ew o rk . T h ey p re s e n te d a
p a rtic u la r b o g e y for th e g e n e ra l pu blic. O n th e o n e h a n d th e
u n d e r g r o u n d w a s se e n as p u b lish in g m o ra lly -c o rru p t o bscen ity ,
a s in O z, a n d o n th e o th e r it w a s se e n as escalating th e stru g g le
b e y o n d m e re s tre e t d e m o n s tra tio n s , a n d th is w as b y m id d le-
class e d u c a te d m e n a n d w o m e n . T h e y w ere p laced by a p u z z le d
m a ss m e d ia in to th e c o n sp ira to ria l lu n a c y th e sis. T hey sp a rk e d
off a m o ra l in d ig n a tio n w h ic h s u p p o rte d th e in crease of legal a n d
p o lice p o w e rs w h ic h w e re b e in g m o re a n d m o re co m m on ly u se d
in 'p o litic a l' a n d id eo lo gical m a tte rs . By th e m id -se v e n tie s,
Ire la n d h a d co m e to th e fo re a m o n g s t radicals, th e first d e m o n -
s tra to r h a d b e e n killed in m o d e rn tim es in R ed L ion S q uare
(1974), a n d fe m in ism h a d b ecom e a serio u s issu e, as h a d gay
lib e ra tio n . T h e activities of th e R ed A rm y F action in G e rm a n y
c a u s e d a re a c tio n a ry b a c k la sh th e re , w ith s tro n g s u p p o rt for law
a n d o rd e r. In A m e ric a n th e V ietn am w a r h a d e n d e d , th e black
m ilita n ts h a d re th o u g h t th e ir stra te g y a n d for su rv iv al h a d
p ro c e e d e d w ith c o m m u n ity action a n d form al politics, w ith th e
S y m b io n e s e L ib eratio n A rm y b e in g th e last m ajo r sh o o t-o u t.
W a te rg a te h a d re v e a le d th e c o rru p tio n of th e P re sid e n t a n d th e
U n ite d S ta te s c o u ld n o lo n g e r b e liev e th e in te g rity of e v e n th e
h ig h e s t in office. T he c o u n te r-c u ltu re h a d g iven w a y to an
in te r e s t in eco lo g y , a lte rn a tiv e p sy c h o lo g y especially sen sitiv ity
g r o u p s , a n d v a rio u s ty p e s of th e ra p y . In d iv id u a l ra th e r th a n
c o llectiv e a c tio n c o n c e rn e d y o u n g a d u lts.
L o o k in g b a c k o v e r th e sixties a n d m id -se v e n tie s ce rta in issu e s
s h o w th e m se lv e s. In A m erica, b e c a u se o f th e lack o f a h a rd class-
c o n s c io u s n e s s, cla ss-b a se d p olitics w e re n o t a h e rita g e a n d d id
n o t fit a collective so lu tio n as easily as in E u ro p e . P e o p le b e g a n to
e x p lo re th e ir o p p re s s io n o u tsid e of class lines. For blacks th e y
h a d a n e c o n o m ic o p p re ssio n , b u t e v e n for th e m id d le -c la ss black
th e r e w a s a clearly v isible c u ltu ra l o p p re ssio n a n d b e c a u se it w a s
lin k e d to a n u n a lte ra b le visible stig m a, co lo u r, th e re w a s som e
in te r-c la s s b a sis for so lid arity . T h ere w a s a d e v e lo p m e n t o f black
p rid e , a re w ritin g o f black h isto ry , a call for black p o w e r a n d a n
a p p re c ia tio n o f b lack b e a u ty a n d id e n tity . T h ese w e re th e
b e g in n in g s o f th e politics of th e p e rso n a l. V alues, c u ltu re a n d
id e n tity h a v e a p o litical force, n o t ju s t a p sy ch olo gical d im e n sio n .
T h e c o u n te r-c u ltu re , co m p o se d of m id d le -c la ss radicals a n d
b o h e m ia n s , p ro te s te d n o t o u t of p o v e rty , b u t a g a in st a n affluen ce
w h ic h h a d n o m o ra l c o n te n t. A d m itte d ly , v o lu n ta ry stig m a ta
s u c h a s lo n g h a ir, ca n b e re m o v e d b u t th e em b ra c in g of su c h
v isib le sy m b o ls w a s a s ta te m e n t of p ro te s t. P o v e rty a n d o p p re s -
s io n w e re re d e fin e d in th e c o u n te r-c u ltu re . A s cap italism
d e v e lo p e d in to a fu sio n of p ro d u c tio n a n d c o n su m p tio n , it w a s
n e c e s s a ry to d e v e lo p a n a w a re n e s s w h ic h w o u ld a ssist th is.
M id d le -c la ss rad ic a ls com e fro m a h ig h ly e d u c a te d g ro u p ,
e d u c a te d n o t ju s t fo r in creasin g ly com p lex skills, b u t e d u c a te d for
a n e x p a n s io n of c o m p re h e n sio n (N a im , 1968). N o w p e o p le are
n o t ju s t e d u c a te d in th e co m p lex skills of selling c o n su m p tio n , as
M itc h e ll (1971), su g g e sts, b u t also to c o n su m e a n d in d e e d
u n d e r s ta n d w h a t is b e in g sold. M itchell su g g e sts th a t id eo lo g ies
a re c u ltiv a te d in o rd e r to d e v e lo p choice o v e r a c o n su m e r m a rk e t
b u t th is c a n b o o m e ra n g (M itchell, 1971, p . 31).
T h e c u lt o f 'b e in g tru e to y o u r o w n fe e lin g s' beco m es
d a n g e ro u s w h e n th o se feelin g s a re n o lo n g e r o n e s th a t th e
so c ie ty w o u ld like y o u to feel. T e stin g th e q u a lity of y o u r
w o rld o n y o u r o w n p u lse can b rin g a b o u t so m e p re tty
s tra n g e h e a rt-b e a ts .
C o n tra d ic tio n s a rise th e n w ith th e d e v e lo p m e n t of a n y k in d of
c o n s c io u sn e ss . T h o se e d u c a te d to a critical a w a re n e ss of society
b e c o m e a w a re o f c o n tra d ic tio n s b o th w ith in it, a n d in th e ir
re la tio n s h ip to it. W h e n th is occu rs q u e stio n s are a sk e d a b o u t
th e in s titu tio n s w h ic h p ro d u c e v a lu e s a n d em o tio n s, a n d th is

in v o lv e s a critical sta n c e co n c e rn in g th e q u ality of life of th e
q u e s tio n e r. M id d le -c la ss w o m e n , for ex am p le, m ay w ell accept
a social a n d e co n o m ic place in th e w o rld , y e t q u e stio n th e
e m p tin e s s o f th e ir lives as w o m e n . T his w ill p ro v o k e a reactio n
w h ic h m a y le a d th e m to re c o n sid e r th e ir re latio n to th e w o rld
a n d w h ic h m a y (b u t n o t n ecessarily , of course) o p e n th e ir
h o r iz o n s to m a k e lin k s across in stitu tio n s to o th e r e lem en ts of
th e ir p e rs o n a l o p p re s s io n a n d th e o p p re s sio n of o th e r g ro u p s.
M id d le -c la s s g ro u p s m a y w ell m o rally q u e s tio n cu ltu ral in s titu -
tio n s , b u t it m u s t b e re m e m b e re d cu ltu ral in stitu tio n s are
d o m in a n tly m id d le -c la ss. A crisis in m id d le-class e d u c a te d
y o u th , m e a n s a c ritiq u e of th e stru c tu re a n d id eology of th e
a p p a r a tu s e s w h ic h p ro d u c e d it. T his is especially tru e for th e
w o m e n o f th is class, a n d it is n o t a n accid en t th a t initially th e
w o m e n 's lib e ra tio n m o v e m e n t w as a m id d le-class m o v e m e n t
s p r e a d th r o u g h th e u n iv e rsitie s. A s a re su lt m a n y th in g s h av e
b e e n q u e s tio n e d : th e n a tu re a n d v alu e of d o m estic lab o u r,
se x u a lity , th e p riv a c y of th e fam ily, th e ideal of dom esticity a n d
se x u a l p r o p e r ty a n d in fact th e v e ry n a tu re of h e tero sex u a lity
n o t o n ly in its in stitu tio n a liz e d form , b u t also its co n stru c tio n .
T h e m o d e o f p ro d u c tio n in c o n te m p o ra ry capitalism re q u ire s
e x p e n d a b le g o o d s, sty le a n d d e b t, n o t th rift a n d sobriety a n d
d e f e r r e d g ra tific a tio n . N e w fo rm s o f esc a p e from th e o ld v alu es
w e re n e c e s s a ry , u su a lly c o n ta in e d w ith in M a rc u se 's (1964),
're p r e s s iv e d e s u b lim a tio n '. T he c o n tra d ic tio n s w ith in p re -
d o m in a n t v a lu e s w h ic h w e re a n e c e ssa ry re sp o n se to a ch a n g in g
m o d e o f p ro d u c tio n w e re r e s p o n d e d to b y reactio n aries as a
c o lla p se of, o r a co n sp iracy a g a in st d o m in a n t v alu es. Social
c h a n g e s in th e fam ily, for ex am p le, w e re se e n in th e early sixties
as th e b re a k d o w n o f th e fam ily: in fact it w as th e arrival of serial
m o n o g a m y a n d a n ecessity for w iv es to w o rk . A t p re se n t th e
e d u c a te d m id d le class, w h o h a v e n o w ish to alter th e m o d e of
p ro d u c tio n , b u t w h o h a v e b eco m e sen sitiv e for ex am ple to th e
p sy c h o lo g ic a l stra in , c o n tra d ic tio n s a n d a lie n atio n of m a ss
so c ie ty (th e re a re a t p re s e n t a n ex cep tio n al n u m b e r of single
y o u n g a d u lts ), h a v e p ro m p te d th e g ro w th of e n c o u n te r g ro u p s
in C alifo rn ia. T h e re is a rec o g n itio n th a t affluence is n o t a
s o lu tio n to u n h a p p in e s s , iso latio n a n d co m p e titio n , a n d g ro u p
d y n a m ic s o ffer a w a y o f ex p lo rin g th e se p ro b le m s in th e
s u p p o r tiv e stru c tu re of o th e r lik e -m in d e d in d iv id u als. C o n -
sc io u s n e s s m a y be ra ise d o n a n u m b e r of issu e s, b u t th e
d ire c tio n it ta k e s, a n d th e critiq u e it m a k es are e v en tu ally
co llectiv e p o litical stru g g le s. W e can see th a t m id d le-class s u b -
c u ltu re s , w h e th e r political, b o h e m ia n o r m ilitan t are also th e
re s u lt o f c o n tra d ic tio n s in th e social stru c tu re . T h ey a re, b e c a u se
th e y a re e x p e rie n c e d in th e m id d le class, m o re in d icativ e of
c h a n g e s in th e m o d e of p ro d u c tio n , a n d th e y reflect c h a n g e s in
th e v a lu e s n e c e ssa ry to s u p p o rt th e se c h a n g e s. A s su c h , as H all
a n d Je ffe rso n (1976, p . 69), su g g e st
th e y a lso p re fig u re , an tic ip a te , fo re sh a d o w - th o u g h in
tr u n c a te d d ia g ra m m a tic a n d 'U to p ia n ' fo rm s - e m e rg e n t
so cial fo rm s. T h e se n e w fo rm s a re ro o te d in th e p ro d u c tiv e
b a se o f th e sy ste m itself . . .
M id d le -c la ss ra d ic a lism a m o n g th e y o u n g h a s b e e n se e n since
th e la te fifties a s su b v e rsiv e , esp ecially w h e n it p u b lic iz e d a n d
critic iz e d th e c o n tra d ic tio n s in society su c h as racism . W o rk in g -
c la ss y o u th fu l p ro te s t w a s e n m e s h e d alw ay s in socially d is -
a p p r o v e d acts su c h as h o o lig a n ism , v a n d a lism a n d th e ft. It w as
e a s y to re s p o n d ju s t to th e d is a p p ro v e d b e h a v io u r ind ices.
M id d le -c la ss y o u th w ith its p u rs u it of h e d o n ism a n d its criticism
o f p u rita n is m a n d h y p o c risy w a s re s p o n d e d to w ith a m ix tu re of
d is a p p ro v a l a n d en v y . A g ain tra n s g re ssio n s o f th e crim inal law
w e re p u b lic iz e d , for e x a m p le a rre s ts of le a d in g u n d e rg ro u n d
fig u re s fo r d ru g p o sse ssio n , a n d p o rn o g ra p h y c h arg es a g a in st
critical u n d e r g r o u n d m a g a z in e s. W h e n m o re political actio n w a s
ta k e n , leg al c o n tro l w a s in c re a se d , p a rtic u la r u se b e in g m a d e of
c o n s p ira c y c h a rg e s allo w in g ev id e n c e of life sty le to b e b ro u g h t
in to c o u rt. T h e c o n sp ira c y th e sis a n d th e w ritin g -o ff of m ilita n t
a c tio n as 'm in d le s s ' cam e to a n e w level w ith th e fe a r of u rb a n
g u e rilla s o r 'te rro ris ts '. W ith black y o u th , th e p o licin g of th e
g h e tto s , a n d th e p o o r relatio n s o f th e police a n d th e im m ig ra n t
c o m m u n ity w e re d e a lt w ith b y c o n sp iracy a n d th e s u sp e c te d
p e r s o n s leg isla tio n . C a m p a ig n s for law a n d o rd e r are a n
im p o r ta n t is su e in p re s e n t electoral ca m p a ig n s. T h e fear of
so c ie ty th a t it h a s lo st th e c o n fid en ce of its y o u n g a n d h e n c e
so cial c o n tro l is e x p re ss e d (o ften am b iv alen tly ) o v e r fears of sex
a n d d ru g s a n d rock a n d roll, to u n e m p lo y m e n t, te rro rism ,
m u g g in g a n d u rb a n in su rre c tio n a m o n g s t black y o u th .
4
Dread in Babylon.
Black and brown
youth
Black and brow n youth in Britain
You alw ays get this thing like w h en I w ent for a job u p the
ro a d a n d th e m an he says 'You d o n 't m ind if w e call you a
black b astard , or a w og or a nigger or anything because it's
en tirely a joke'. I told him to keep his job. H im say 'I'm not
colour p reju d iced ' . . . I d o n 't w an t to w ork for no w hite
m an . Black people have been w orking for them for a long
tim e. I d o n 't w a n t to w ork for them . I never u sed to hate
w h ite people. I still d o n 't h ate all of them . But it's them
w h o teach m e how to hate. (Black teenagers at the
H aram b ee H ostel, H ollow ay, from P. G illm an,'I blam e
E n g lan d ', Sunday Times, 30.10.73)
O n e m y th w hich w as quickly dispelled for black an d brow n
y o u th in Britain w as the view th at racial integration w ould grow
th ro u g h th e education system . H iro (1973), quotes a report by
th e M idlands co rrespond ent of The Times, as early as 1963 w ho
a t th e e n d of a long inquiry n o ted black an d w hite youth left
school separately, an d certainly did not continue their friend-
sh ip s after p u b erty . As children of black an d brow n parents saw
n o evidence of ad u lt integration, it is hardly surprising that they
also sh o u ld w ith d raw to the protection of separatism . It seem s
obviou s to say, b u t w h at m any w hites forget is that for black
p eo p le th eir prim ary identity, the w ay in w hich they are reacted
to, a n d the w ay in w hich they act up o n the w orld is m ediated by
th e ir colour, an d the op pression that brings, structurally,
politically, psychologically and econom ically. The parents of
black a n d b ro w n y o u th w ere im m igrants, an d as such prepared
to p u t u p w ith difficulties here helped as they w ere by a culture
w ith its roo ts outsid e of Britain. Their children are second an d
th ird g en eratio n im m igrants, m em bers of the previous host
p o p u latio n , yet they are still rejected by it. Im m igrants, a self-
selected g ro u p of am bitious people, are often sustained by the
115
116 • Dread in Babylon
b e lie f th e y w ill r e tu rn h o m e , e v e n th o u g h th is is a fan tasy . For
th e ir c h ild re n , th e In d ia n su b -c o n tin e n t, A frica, th e C arib b e a n
a re n o t p la c e s th e y h a v e g ro w n u p in , a n d th e se b eco m e
n o sta lg ic fa n ta sie s, s u b s titu te s for th e b le a k n e ss a n d racism of
B ritain . Y o u n g n o n -w h ite B ritons are B ritish, b u t th e re jectio n
th e y su ffe r c a u se s th e m in tu rn to reject th e B ritish, a n d th e
c risis o f id e n tity su ffe re d is d e v a sta tin g . It is h a rd ly s u rp risin g
th e y p o liticise th e se p ro b le m s in ste a d o f b ein g d e fe re n tia l o r
a c c o m m o d a tin g . T h e y are m arg in a l, s e p a ra te d from th e ir w h ite
p e e rs , e x p e rie n c in g a d iffe re n t u p b rin g in g fro m th e ir p a re n ts,
b r o u g h t u p in e d u c a tio n a lly d isa d v a n ta g e d a re a s, in p o o r in n e r
c ity a re a s, facin g p o o r e m p lo y m e n t p ro sp e c ts. T h is is n o t n e w .
A 1968 s tu d y (W righ t, 1968), fo u n d 72 p e r c e n t of W est In d ia n
w o rk e rs w o u ld p re fe r a d iffe re n t ty p e of job, a n d F igueroa
(1969) fo u n d th a t in N o rth L o n d o n , m o re th a n h a lf of h is W est
In d ia n b o y s w a n te d to leave th e ir job s as o p p o s e d to o n ly o n e in
e le v e n w h ite b o y s.
T h e p r e s e n t p ro b le m s facing n o n -w h ite y o u th h a v e to b e se e n
in th e c o n te x t of th e e co n o m y of slav ery a n d colonialism . A s a
r e s u lt o f sla v e ry , black p e o p le h a v e b e e n living in B ritain since
1602 (H iro , 1973) a n d p re ju d ic e is n o n e w th in g . O n e fear racists
e x p o u n d is th a t o f b e in g sw a m p e d , y e t th e re w e re d istu rb a n c e s
a s e a rly a s 1919, in th e do ck a re a s of C ardiff, Bristol a n d
L iv e rp o o l, w h e n th e black p o p u la tio n w a s m in u te , e n d in g in a
ra m p a g e a g a in s t blacks a n d a black se a m a n b e in g killed. H o w -
e v e r o n ly la rg e c o m m u n itie s of A sia n s a n d A fro -C a rib b e a n s
liv e d h e re fro m th e e n d of th e fifties. T he in crease of A fro-
C a rib b e a n s w a s re la te d to th e M cC arren W alter A ct 1952
re d u c in g W e st In d ia n im m ig ra n ts to 800 p e r y e a r in to A m erica,
a n d re c ru itm e n t b y th e H e a lth S ervice a n d service in d u s trie s
a ttra c te d b a d ly -n e e d e d u n sk ille d a n d sem i-sk illed lab o u r.
A s ia n s w e re a lso e m p lo y e d in th e textile in d u s try in p a rtic u la r,
a n d th e ir e m ig ra tio n p a rtly s p ra n g from In d ia 's p a rtitio n in to
In d ia a n d P a k ista n a fte r 1947. E m ig ratio n o u t of In d ia w a s
c o n tro lle d , u n til a 1960 In d ia n H ig h C o u rt ru le d th is u n c o n -
s titu tio n a l, a n d fro m 1961 In d ia n im m ig ra tio n in to B ritain
in c re a s e d . T h e 1962 C o m m o n w e a lth Im m ig ra tio n A ct w a s set
u p to c o n tro l th is. A fte r 1968 m a n y A sia n s im m ig ra te d h e re
fro m A frica a s a re s u lt of n a tio n a l g o v e rn m e n t acts th e re a g a in st
th e m . T h e C o m m o n w e a lth Im m ig ra n ts A ct 1968 w a s se t u p ,
re s tric tin g rig h t of e n try to h o ld e rs of U K p a s sp o rts b o rn h e re ,
o r th o s e w h o s e p a re n ts w e re b o m h e re . T h e 1971 Im m ig ratio n
A c t re s tric te d e n try to 'p a tria ls ' (th o se w ith a t le a st o n e B ritish-
b o r n g r a n d p a re n t) a n d th is act clo sed th e d o o r to fu tu re im -
m ig ra tio n . W e st G e rm a n y a d m itte d te n tim es as m a n y m ig ra n t
Dread in Bab ylo n • 117
w o rk e rs a s B ritain d u rin g th e sixties, m ak in g u p 11 p e r c e n t of
th e w o rk force in 1974. T h ese w o rk e rs are n o t e n c o u ra g e d to
se ttle , a n d a re d e p o rte d a t th e e n d of th e ir co n tract, a n d th is w as
th e p o s itio n for p ro sp e c tiv e im m ig ra n ts to B ritain after 1971. T he
p r o s p e r o u s W e ste rn E u ro p e a n e c o n o m ies n o lo n g e r n e e d
u n s k ille d w o rk e rs fro m th e e co n o m ies th e y colo nized. By 1974,
th e re w e re 1.6 m illion n o n -w h ite p e o p le liv in g in B ritain (2.9
p e r c e n t o f th e p o p u la tio n ). T h ey h a d alw ay s b e e n a c o n te n tio u s
is s u e in p o litical policy, a n d th e x e n o p h o b ic a ttitu d e of th e w h ite
p o p u la tio n w a s re v e a le d in a 1977 BBC su rv e y w h ic h fo u n d th a t
tw o - th ir d s o f w h ite s o v e r-e stim a te d th e p o p u la tio n size of n o n -
w h ite s , 14 p e r c e n t w ild ly , o n ly 10 p e r c e n t g e ttin g it rig h t. T his
p o p u la tio n (S m ith , 1977) is c o m p o se d of 43 p e r c e n t W est In d ia n
(tw o -th ird s Jam a ic a n , th e re s t fro m isla n d s h u n d re d s of m iles
a p a rt) a n d 57 p e r c e n t A sian. O f th e A sian s 26 p e r c e n t are
I n d ia n , 16 p e r c e n t B a n g la d e sh i/P a k ista n i a n d 15 p e r c en t
A fric a n A sia n . T h e A sian s are 40 p e r c e n t M oslem (m ainly
P a k ista n is ), 29 p e r c e n t H in d u (m ainly A frican A sians) a n d 25
p e r c e n t S ik h s (m ain ly In d ian ). T he W est In d ia n in fra stru c tu re
p r o d u c e s few m id d le -c la ss im m ig ra n ts. T h eir p ro sp e c ts are n o t
g o o d - fo r e x a m p le th o s e w h o n u rs e te n d to b ecom e SE N s (a
q u a lific a tio n n o t re c o g n iz e d o u ts id e B ritain), w h o se p ro m o tio n
p ro s p e c ts a re p o o r. A sia n s h a v e m o re m id d le -c la ss po ten tial: 22
p e r c e n t o f d o c to rs a re A sian (see K ohler, 1975), b u t th e se are in
th e lo w e r ra n k s of m ed icin e. N o n -m a n u a l w o rk fig u res reveal 40
p e r c e n t o f w h ite s , 8 p e r cen t o f P a k ista n is, a n d W est In d ia n s, 20
p e r c e n t o f In d ia n s b u t 30 p e r c e n t of A frican A sian s. A lth o u g h
th e h e rita g e o f th e W e st In d ia n slave eco n o m y is th a t m o st W est
In d ia n s a re u n sk ille d , y e t 59 p e r c e n t of W est In d ia n s are in
sk ille d m a n u a l w o rk (1970 ce n su s) as o p p o se d to 42 p e r c e n t of
w h ite s . T h e lo w e r ra n k s of m a n u a l w o rk reveal 18 p e r c e n t are
w h ite , 32 p e r c e n t W est In d ia n , 36 p e r c e n t In d ia n b u t 58 p e r
c e n t a re P a k ista n i. D e sp ite th e ste re o ty p e , on ly 5 p e r c e n t of
A s ia n s a re s h o p k e e p e rs . Black a n d b ro w n p e o p le are n o t th e n
u n ifo rm ly a t th e b o tto m of th e class h ie ra rc h y , a lth o u g h th e re is
a d is tin c t sk e w th is w ay . T h ey are relatively in d iffe re n t class
lo c a tio n s, sk e w e d to w a rd s th e b o tto m of th e h ierarch ies. Black
a n d b ro w n w o rk e rs in B ritain su ffer from th e o p p re ssio n w h ic h
affe c ts all w o rk in g -c la ss p e o p le , p o o r h o u sin g , p o v e rty , a n d
p o o r e d u c a tio n , b u t th e y su ffer from th e se d isp ro p o rtio n a te ly ,
in a d d itio n to w h ic h th e y su ffe r th e specific o p p re ssio n of
ra c ism . Im m ig ra n ts s o u g h t to esc a p e th e colonial o r sla v e -b a se d
e c o n o m y of th e ir o w n co u n trie s, w ith its e d u c a tio n a l legacy
g r o u n d e d in im p e ria l id eo log ies. T h ey so u g h t b e tte r c o n d itio n s
a n d h ig h e r e d u c a tio n facilities, o n ly too o ften to fin d on ly
m e n ia l jo b s in B ritain w ith p o o r w o rk c o n d itio n s, a n d lived in
b a d ly d e te rio ra tin g d istricts, e x p lo ite d b y p ro p e rty o w n e rs.
R acialism w a s e n c o u n te re d in th e fo rm o f th e 1958 race rio ts, th e
s u p p o r t fo r E n o ch P o w ell d u rin g th e sixties, th e re su rg e n c e o f
th e N a tio n a l F ro n t in th e se v e n tie s, a n d w ith tw o race m u rd e rs
o f y o u n g b o y s in 1978. Black a n d b ro w n y o u th b o rn in B ritain
fa c e d a n e d u c a tio n sy ste m w h ic h o p e ra te d a g a in st th e ir social
m o b ility . L ittle, M ab ey a n d W h itta k e r (1968), fo u n d th a t
im m ig ra n t e d u c a tio n a l a c h ie v e m e n t w a s re la te d to k n o w le d g e
o f E n g lish , c o u n try o f origin a n d le n g th o f e d u c a tio n in B ritain.
T h is p a rtic u la rly affected im m ig ra n t c h ild re n w h o w e re n e w ly
a rriv e d in th is c o u n try . O b v io u sly c h ild re n fro m th e In d ia n
s u b - c o n tin e n t d o n o t h a v e E n g lish as a first la n g u a g e . A n w a r
(1976), re p o rts 85 p e r c e n t of A sia n y o u th re p o rtin g th e y sp o k e
th e ir m o th e r to n g u e a t h o m e , b u t th e sa m e a m o u n t also felt th e y
s p o k e E n g lish as w ell as th e ir m o th e r to n g u e . W est In d ia n
c h ild re n h a v e d iffe re n t ling uistic c o n stru c tio n s fro m E n glish ,
s p e a k in g C re o le o r a p ato is. C o n se q u e n tly th e y p e rfo rm b a d ly
in v o c a b u la ry a n d v e rb a l re a so n in g a n d as a re s u lt m a th e m a tic s.
T h e re is fo r W e st In d ia n s, tw ice th e p o ssib ility o v e r o th e r
im m ig ra n ts , o f b e in g d e sig n a te d E SN (C oard, 1971). W est
I n d ia n s d o n o t sp e a k s ta n d a rd E n g lish , a n d acco rd in g to
H e b d ig e (1976, p . 136), slav ery fo rb ad e th e te a c h in g of E ng lish
to th e sla v e s, b u t it w a s illicitly co m b in e d w ith th e lin g u istics of
a d e fia n t c u ltu re .
D isto rtio n w a s in ev itab le, p e rh a p s e v e n d elib e ra te . S u b -
s e q u e n tly th e la n g u a g e d e v e lo p e d its o w n vo cab u lary ,
sy n ta x a n d g ra m m a r, b u t it re m a in e d esse n tia lly a sh a d o w -
la n g u a g e fulfilling in a m o re e x a g g e ra te d a n d d ra m a tic w a y
th o s e re q u ire m e n ts , w h ic h u n d e r n o rm a l circ u m sta n c e s are
sa tisfie d b y w o rk in g class a ccen ts a n d g ro u p a rg o t . . .
la n g u a g e is u s e d as a p a rtic u la rly effective m e a n s of re s ist-
in g a ssim ila tio n a n d p re v e n tin g in filtra tio n . . . it b eco m es
a n a g g re ssiv e a s se rtio n o f racial a n d class id e n titie s. A s a
liv in g in d e x to th e e x te n t of th e b la c k 's a lie n a tio n fro m th e
c u ltu ra l n o rm s a n d goals of th o se w h o o ccu p y h ig h e r
p o s itio n s in th e social stru c tu re , th e creole la n g u a g e is
u n iq u e .
A n in te re s tin g d e v e lo p m e n t in A fro -C a rib b e a n y o u th c u ltu re in
B rita in h a s b e e n th e co n scio u s re -a d o p tio n of C reole b y black
y o u th . T h e e d u c a tio n of n o n -w h ite y o u th h a s in fact d e p re s s e d
th e g e n e ra l o p p o rtu n itie s for e m p lo y m e n t a n d e d u c a tio n a l
a d v a n c e m e n t; it re p ro d u c e s th e y o u n g n o n -w h ite w o rk e r a t th e
lo w e r e n d o f e d u c a tio n a n d skill. T he c u ltu re of th e sch oo l,
Dread in Babylon •119
a r g u e s H all et al. (1978), u n w ittin g ly in th e cu rricu lu m , b u t
c o n s c io u s ly in its a ttitu d e s , attack s th e cu ltu re of th e black.
C re o le is co n sc io u sly sp o k e n so th a t a 're sista n c e th ro u g h
la n g u a g e m a rk s o u t th e scho o l as q u ite literally, a cu ltu ral
b a c k g ro u n d '.
A n o th e r p ro b le m n o n -w h ite y o u th faces, esp ecially in
a d o le sc e n c e , is th a t of police h a ra ssm e n t. Y oung A fro -C arib b ean s
in p a rtic u la r a re se e n as excitable a n d a rro g a n t b y th e police,
w h o h a v e a lo n g h isto ry of p o o r c o m m u n ity re latio n s w ith
im m ig ra n ts . T h e police c u ltu re se p a ra te s th e m fro m th e co m -
m u n ity a n d y o u n g p o licem en follow th e 'h a rd m a n ' cult. T h ere
h a s a lw a y s b e e n a h is to ry of b a d re latio n s b e tw e e n im m ig ra n ts
a n d th e p o lice (see H u m p h re y a n d Jo h n , 1972) a n d th is w as
o fficially re c o g n iz e d b y th e D e e d e s Select C o m m ittee o n P olice/
I m m ig ra n t re la tio n s. A sia n s c o m p lain th a t w h e n th e y su m m o n
th e p o lic e b e c a u se of attack s o n th e ir p e rso n o r p ro p e rty , th e
p o lic e se e m m o re in te re s te d in w h e th e r th e y th e m se lv e s are
illeg al im m ig ra n ts. T h e raid s o n th e M a n g ro v e re s ta u ra n t in
N o ttin g H ill le d to a d e m o n stra tio n w h ic h in tu rn led to a rre sts
o f d e m o n s tr a to r s la te r e ith e r a c q u itte d o r h a v in g th e ir ch arg es
r e d u c e d (M oo re, 1975). T he M etro y o u th club w a s ra id e d in th e
s a m e d istric t a n d a g a in after b e in g ac c u se d of ca u sin g a n affray
th e ju ry a c q u itte d th e d e fe n d a n ts . In 1975 th e 'm u g g in g ' scare
d e v e lo p e d . A sp ecial S co tlan d Y ard R e p o rt (n o t m a d e public) o n
S o u th L o n d o n stre e t crim e (m u g g in g is n o t a n official term , b u t
s e e m s to re fe r to th e ft fro m th e p e rso n w ith actual o r th re a te n e d
v io le n c e ) s u g g e s te d th a t '80 p e r c e n t of th e atta c k e rs are black
a n d 85 p e r c e n t o f th e victim s a re w h ite ' (see H all et al., 1978), a
sta tistic th a t re v e a le d th a t th e police n o w reco rd th e race of
a s s a ila n ts a n d v ictim s. T he re p o rt s u g g e ste d th a t th is w a s n o t a
p o lic e m a tte r, b u t w a s a re su lt of th e w id e s p re a d a lie n a tio n of
W e s t I n d ia n y o u th fro m w h ite society. H o w e v e r th is in fo rm a -
tio n e s c a la te d a m o ra l p an ic w h ic h lin k e d race, crim e a n d th e
in n e r city. A s H all et al. (1978, p . 339) p u t it:
'M u g g in g ' is n o w u n q u e stio n in g ly id e n tifie d w ith a specific
c lass fra c tio n o r categ o ry of la b o u r (black y o u th ) a n d w ith a
sp ecific k in d o f area; th e in n e r rin g z o n e s of m u ltip le
d e p riv a tio n .
H a ll et al. p la c e th e re a c tio n to m u g g in g a n d th e N a tio n a l F ro n t's
u s e o f it to e q u a te racism w ith crim e b y a M arxist analy sis of
ra c e , class a n d th e eco n o m ic crisis. T hey su g g e st th a t d u rin g th e
e a rly 1960s a se rie s o f 'd isc re te "m o ra l p a n ic s '" o ccu rred (as
w ith m o d s a n d ro ck ers) w h ic h h a d a social a n d m o ral form ,
m a in ly a c o n c e rn w ith y o u th a n d p e rm issiv e n e ss. By th e late
1960s th e s e d isc re te m o ral p a n ic s w e re m a p p e d to g e th e r in a
s p e e d e d - u p se q u e n c e , so it w a s im p lie d th a t th e y w e re a n in -
c re a sin g ly a m p lifie d g e n e ra l 'th r e a t to so ciety ' e le m e n t. T his in
tu r n h e ig h te n e d se n sitiv ity to social p ro b le m s so th a t d u rin g th e
e a rly 1970s a g e n e ra l p a n ic a b o u t law a n d o rd e r e m e rg e d . T h e re
w a s a n u n e a s e a b o u t th e stability of th e sta te , a n d a crisis w ith in
it o f h e g e m o n y . T h e re w a s a t w o rk th e d y n a m ic o f w h a t th e y
call a 'sig n ific a tio n sp ira l'. A specific issu e c a u sin g co n c e rn is
id e n tifie d , a n d w ith it a su b v e rsiv e m in o rity . T his is th e n lin k e d
('c o n v e rg e n c e ') to o th e r p ro b le m s. C e rta in th re sh o ld s , su c h as
sex , o r in th is case vio lence, w h ic h o n ce c ro sse d , le a d to a n
e sc a la tio n o f m o ra l p a n ic calling for firm ste p s a n d law a n d
o rd e r. T h e re h a d b e e n in B ritain p re v io u sly a co n c e rn w ith
v a rio u s iss u e s a s w e h a v e se e n , su c h as d ru g s , p e rm issiv e n e ss,
sex a n d s tu d e n t rev o lt. T h is m a rk e d a g e n u in e d is ru p tio n
b e tw e e n d is p a ra te b u t larg e g ro u p s of p e o p le , a n d th e a u th o rity
a n d th e h e g e m o n y of th e sta te . T h ere w a s o n o n e h a n d a
q u e s tio n in g o f b asic in stitu tio n s, social roles, life-sty les a n d th e
re la tio n o f th e s e to th e political eco n o m y , a n d o n th e o th e r h a n d
th e r e w a s a rig h t-w in g b acklash . T h e law a n d o rd e r ca m p a ig n ,
o c c u rrin g a s it d id in a w o rse n in g econ om ic crisis le d to tra d e
u n io n le g isla tio n , a co n c e rn w ith im m ig ra tio n c o n tro l, fear o v e r
th e N o r th e r n Ire la n d situ a tio n w h ic h le d to e n c ro a c h m e n ts o n
civil lib e rtie s all o f w h ic h h a d a n effect o n d iss id e n t g ro u p s. It is
a g a in s t th is th a t th e politics of m u g g in g h a s to b e se e n . E n o ch
P o w e ll's s p e e c h in B irm in g h am in 1968 h a d stru c k a c h o rd w ith
th e sile n t m a jo rity w h e n h e e x p re sse d fear of th e A m erican
B lack P o w e r m o v e m e n t. H e sa id h e c o u ld see th e R iver T iber
'fo a m in g w ith m u c h b lo o d . . . . T h a t tragic a n d in tractab le
p h e n o m e n o n w h ic h w e w a tc h w ith h o rro r o n th e o th e r sid e of
th e A tla n tic is c o m in g h e re b y o u r o w n v o litio n .' By th e m id d le
s e v e n tie s th is feelin g h a d esc a la te d , so th a t th e a n ti-m u g g in g
c a m p a ig n w a s a n e m o tiv e issu e. R elatio ns b e tw e e n th e black
a n d b ro w n c o m m u n itie s b ecam e full o f h o stility a n d d is tru s t.
H o w e v e r a s H iro re m in d s u s, P o w ell w a s c e rtain ly a catalyst,
b u t p re ju d ic e w a s s tro n g b efo re h is sp e e c h e s. E v en in 1965, it
w a s v e ry d ifficu lt to sta rt le isu re p ro je c ts w ith a m ix ed race
g ro u p . T h e se g ro u p s e v e n th e n , as th e y d o to d a y , qu ickly
p o la riz e in to all-black o r all-w h ite club s, o r m ixed clu b s w ith
a ll-w h ite o r all-black e v e n in g s.
O n e d is tu rb in g effect of racialism h a s b e e n th e ex p lo ita tio n of
ra c ist fe e lin g a m o n g th e y o u n g b y th e N a tio n a l F ro n t. T h e
g e n e ra l v ie w h a s b e e n th a t p re ju d ic e is s tro n g e s t a m o n g st o ld e r
a d u lts w h o h a v e little first-h a n d k n o w le d g e of n o n -w h ite
p e o p le . H a rro p a n d Z im m e rm a n (1977), a rg u e d th a t th e in crease
Dread in Babylon • 121
in N a tio n a l F ro n t v o te s in th e G re a te r L o n d o n C ou ncil electio ns
(A p ril 1977) w a s d ra w n from th e ra n k s of th e 'y o u n g , w h ite a n d
u n g if te d '. Y o u th fu l racialism is n o t a n e w p h e n o m e n o n , a n d acts
o f v io le n c e h a v e b e e n b la m e d o n th e N o ttin g H ill te d s in th e
fifties to th e E a st L o n d o n a n d W o lv e rh a m p to n s k in h e a d s of th e
six ties. W e ir (1978), fo u n d in a su rv e y of y o u n g v o te rs in a n E ast
L o n d o n F ro n t stro n g h o ld a m ix ed reactio n , in th a t w h ilst 15 p e r
c e n t o f th e ir sa m p le o f 16 to 2 0 -y ear-o ld s w e re co m m itte d to th e
F ro n t, n e a rly 30 p e r c e n t w e re v ery h o stile. H o w e v e r in te rm s of
ra c ia lism o n e th ird w e re p re p a re d to ex p re ss h o stility to n o n
w h ite s , a n d o n ly 53 p e r c e n t w e re a g a in st re p a tria tio n of
im m ig ra n ts a n d th e ir fam ilies. T he L ab o u r P a rty w a s still th e
d o m in a n t p a rty for th e s e w o rk in g -c la ss y o u n g ste rs, b u t N F
s u p p o r t w a s fo u n d a m o n g st m ale, u n sk ille d w o rk e rs w h o w e re
e a rly u n q u a lifie d sch o o l-leav ers. T he c o m m itte d N F y o u n g te n d
to b e in m a n u a l w o rk a lth o u g h N F sy m p a th iz e rs a re 95 p e r c en t
in w h ite co llar o r sk illed w o rk . T h e c o m m itte d N F y o u n g te n d to
b e y o u n g e r (36 p e r c e n t w e re 16 y e a rs old). S. T aylor (1978),
lo o k e d a t a n o u te r L o n d o n b o ro u g h , p re d o m in a n tly m id d le -
cla ss, a fflu e n t a n d su b u rb a n , to see if sim ilar fin d in g s w e re tru e
fo r a re a s o u ts id e th e in n e r city z o n e . Ju st a s in W e ir's stu d y , 13
p e r c e n t o f y o u n g s te rs id e n tifie d w ith th e N F (th e n u m b e r w h o
felt c lo se r to N F th a n a n y o th e r p a rty in W eir), a n d th e y te n d e d
to b e m a le , v e ry y o u n g a n d fro m m a n u a l w o rk in g -class fam ilies.
T h e T a y lo r s tu d y fo u n d th e m to com e fro m C o n serv ativ e
fa m ilie s, w h ils t th e W eir s tu d y fo u n d th e y te n d e d to com e from
L a b o u r fam ilies, a n d th e T aylor stu d y fo u n d m o re su p p o rt
a m o n g sc h o o l a tte n d e rs as o p p o s e d to W eir w h o fo u n d m o st N F
s u p p o r te r s h a d left school, b u t th e T aylor s tu d y in c lu d e d a 14- to
2 0 -y e a r-o ld sa m p le . H o w e v e r th e re is a n in d ic a tio n th a t racism
a n d N F s u p p o r t is to b e fo u n d n o t ju s t in in n e r-c ity d e p riv e d
a re a s , a n d is to b e fo u n d m o s t co m m o n ly a m o n g y o u n g ,
w o rk in g -c la s s m a le s. W h a t d o e s s h o w in th e su rv e y is th a t m o st
y o u n g N F s u p p o rte rs believe th a t th e ir n e ig h b o u rh o o d is g oin g
to d e te rio ra te in th e n e a r fu tu re b e c a u se of im m ig ra n ts. T hey
r e p o r te d h o stility to im m ig ra n ts, a n d so d id n e a rly a th ird of th e
y o u n g w h o w e re n e u tra l o r h o stile to th e N F. T his reflects
M a rs h (1977), w h o fo u n d a th ird of se c o n d a ry -m o d e rn -e d u c a te d
y o u n g s te r s a g e d 16 to 29 w e re h o stile to im m ig ra n ts, a n d w e re
th e re fo re m o re h o stile th a n a sim ilarly e d u c a te d o ld e r g ro u p . A t
th is s ta g e th e N F is n o t a n electoral th re a t, b u t it h a s rein fo rced
ra c ism a n d d iv isio n s b e tw e e n th e races.
Y o u th u n e m p lo y m e n t is h ig h e r a m o n g e th n ic m in o ritie s th a n
for y o u n g w h ite s . C e rta in ly m a n y y o u n g A fro -C arib b ean s a n d
A s ia n s h a v e com e to cease to ex p ect to fin d w o rk , a n d th e
122 •Dread in Babylon
p o s itio n fo r g irls fro m th e se g ro u p s h a s w o rse n e d . T o tal u n -
e m p lo y m e n t in c re a se d b e tw e e n 1974 a n d 1977 o v e r 120 p e r ce n t,
b u tfo rn o n -w h ite s itin c re a s e d b y 3 5 0 p e rc e n t(M a n p o w e rS e rv ic e s
C o m m issio n ; R ev iew a n d P la n , 1977). U n e m p lo y m e n t in c re a se d
fo r th is p e rio d a b o u t tw o a n d a h a lf tim e s as m u c h fo r n o n -
w h ite s a s fo r w h ite s . H u rstfie ld (New Society, 5.1.78) su g g e sts
th a t b e tw e e n F e b ru a ry 1976 a n d F e b ru a ry 1977 b lack m a le
u n e m p lo y m e n t re m a in e d stab le, b u t black fem ale u n e m p lo y -
m e n t in c re a s e d b y 24 p e r cen t. P artic u la rly illu m in a tin g w e re th e
fig u re s fo r th e 18 to 24 ag e g ro u p - 0.6 p e r c e n t for m ale s a n d
3 3 .8 p e r c e n t fo r fem ales. T h e sa m e article su g g e sts th a t o n ly 48
p e r c e n t o f W e st In d ia n a n d 39 p e r c e n t o f A sian w o m e n re g iste r
a s u n e m p lo y e d , so th a t u n e m p lo y m e n t a m o n g th e m is u n d e r -
e s tim a te d (as in d e e d it is fo r y o u n g W e st In d ia n m ales). It is
w o r th n o tin g th a t th e C o un cil fo r E u ro p e a n N a tio n a l Y o u th
C o m m itte e re p o rt (N o v em b er 1977) sta te s th a t b e tw e e n 1974
a n d 1977 u n e m p lo y m e n t a m o n g e th n ic m in o ritie s in c re a se d b y
347 p e r c e n t fo r m a le s a n d 533 p e r c e n t fo r fem ales, a n d th a t in
1977 th e n a tio n a l u n e m p lo y m e n t ra te for m ales w a s 8.1 p e r c e n t
a n d fo r W e st In d ia n s w a s 16.2 p e r c e n t. T h e se fig u re s w e re for
th e 16 to 25 a g e g ro u p a n d th e 16 to 20 a g e g ro u p resp ectiv ely .
T h e B ritish Y o u th C o u n cil (M arch 1977, Youth Unemployment)
f o u n d th a t W e st In d ia n y o u n g ste rs m a d e th re e tim e s a s m a n y
fru itle s s v isits to c a re e rs offices, to o k tw ice as lo n g to fin d a job,
a n d w e re m a d e re d u n d a n t m o re fre q u e n tly th a n th e ir w h ite
c o u n te rp a rts . T h is o c c u rs a t a tim e w h e n th e O ffice o f P o p u la -
tio n S u rv e y s a c c e p ts th a t u p to 50 p e r c e n t o f W est In d ia n y o u th
a re n o t re g iste rin g a s u n e m p lo y e d . T h is all o ccu rs in a situ a tio n
w h e r e m o re p e o p le (th re e -q u a rte rs o f a m illio n b y 1981) a re
c h a s in g fe w e r jo b s (b e tw e e n 1966 a n d 1976 th e la b o u r force
s h r a n k fro m 26 m illio n to 24.2 m illio n a c c o rd in g to M a n p o w e r
S e rv ic e s C o m m issio n statistics). O b v io u sly e th n ic m in o ritie s
w ill s u ffe r m o s t fro m th is, c o n c e n tra te d a s th e y a re in d e n s e
u r b a n a re a s w ith a c c o m p a n y in g p ro b le m s o f h o u s in g , failu re to
d e v e lo p in d u s try , a n d p o o r e d u c a tio n a l q u alificatio n s.
R u d e b o y s and R astafarians: A fro-C aribbean you th su b cu ltu res
A g a in s t th is b a c k g ro u n d o f racism , e d u c a tio n a l d is a d v a n ta g e ,
c o u p le d o fte n w ith e d u c a tio n a l a m b itio n , p olice h a ra ss m e n t a n d
fa m ily te n s io n o v e r u n e m p lo y m e n t it is im p o rta n t to c o n sid e r
th e s u b c u ltu ra l so lu tio n s o p e n to b lack y o u th . T h e ac tu a l
Dread in Babylon •123
p ro s p e c ts fo r y o u n g blacks a re p o o r, a n d ju st as th e ir p a re n ts
id e a liz e d B ritain , th e n th e y o u n g black o fte n id ealises a m y th ical
A frica. It is im p o rta n t to u n d e r s ta n d h o w th is cam e a b o u t.
R acism c a n b e s e e n a s a sy stem atic fe a tu re o f th e h o u s in g a n d
e m p lo y m e n t m a rk e ts , a n d H all et al. (1978, p . 346), a rg u e
th e s e s tru c tu re s w h ic h , w o rk in g w ith in th e d o m in a n t 'lo gic'
o f c a p ita l, p ro d u c e a n d re p ro d u c e th e social c o n d itio n s of
th e b la c k w o rk in g class, s h a p e th e social u n iv e rse a n d th e
p ro d u c tiv e w o rld o f th a t class, a n d a ssig n its m e m b e rs a n d
a g e n ts to p o s itio n s o f stru c tu re d su b o rd in a tio n w ith in it.
R ace m e d ia te s th e ex p erien ce a n d lives of black p e o p le , b u t also
ra is e s a c o n sc io u sn e ss of th e ir s tru c tu re d su b o rd in a tio n w h ic h
w h ite w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th lacks. T h is s u b se q u e n tly d e v e lo p s a
re s is ta n c e w h ic h ’ o c c u rs in th e co n tex t o f a c re a te d 'c o lo n y '
c u ltu re . T h e c o lo n y is a d e fe n siv e co h e sio n o f th e W est In d ian
c o m m u n ity a g a in s t w h ite society, w h ic h is a cu ltu ra l sp ace
a llo w in g a n a lte rn a tiv e b la c k social life. A s th e black p o p u la tio n
g re w , a n d d e v e lo p e d a W est In d ia n co n sc io u sn e ss, H all et al.
(1978, p . 351) a rg u e th a t:
H e re b e g a n th e 'c o lo n isa tio n ' o f c ertain stre e ts, n e ig h b o u r-
h o o d s , cafes a n d p u b s , th e g ro w th of reviv alist c h u rc h e s,
m id - d a y S u n d a y h y m n -sin g in g a n d m a ss b a p tism s in th e
local s w im m in g b a th s , th e sp illin g -o u t of C arib b ean fru it
a n d v e g e ta b le s fro m In d ia n s h o p s, th e sh e b e e n a n d th e
S a tu rd a y n ig h t b lu e s p a rty , th e c o n stru c tio n of th e so u n d
sy s te m s , th e b lack re c o rd s h o p s selling b lu e s, ska a n d sou l,
th e b irth o f th e 'n a tiv e q u a rte r' a t th e h e a rt of th e E n glish
city.
T h e re is o f c o u rse a n A sia n e q u iv a le n t, b u t th e y b ro u g h t w ith
th e m th e la n g u a g e s, relig io n a n d c u ltu re of h o m e , of a n in -
te g r a te d a n d co m p lex society, u n lik e th e W est In d ia n , th e y d id
n o t h a v e to d ra w o n th e re s p o n s e of a q u a si crim in al cool
s u b c u ltu re o f th e u rb a n d o w n to w n slu m h u stle r. H u stlin g is
e a r n in g a liv in g o u ts id e of w a g e la b o u r, a n d b y d efin itio n
in v o lv e s p e tty crim e. It also p ro v id e s th e s u p p ly of services,
g o o d s a n d e n te rta in m e n ts in a q u asi-leg al m a n n e r to th e
re s p e c ta b le e le m e n t o f th e black colony. H u stle rs are m e n o n th e
s tr e e t w ith sty le , like F in e sto n e 's 'cool c a ts' laid back, y e t d o in g
w e ll. T h e y a re th o se w h o c a n n o t g e t w o rk , o r w ill n o t su b ject
th e m s e lv e s to ro u tin e la b o u r fo r w h ite society, p re fe rrin g to
h u s tle . A s s u c h th e W e st In d ia n h u s tle r in B ritain d ra w s u p o n
th e 'r u d e b o y ' s u b c u ltu re of W est K in g sto n . 'R u d ie s' are th e
Ja m a ic a n h u s tle rs o p e ra tin g in th e d o w n to w n a re a s of th e W est
In d ie s , w h o live b y d o p e d e a lin g , p im p in g a n d g a m b lin g , w h o
liv e in th e s h e b e e n s a n d clubs a n d w h o s e style of 's tin g y b rim '
h a ts a n d d a rk s h a d e s w e re to b e s p o rte d b y Jam aican s in th e
e a rly six ties. V iolence a n d m a riju a n a s u rro u n d e d th e 'r u d ie ', a
n ig h t cat, w h o s e m u sic w a s ska, b lu e b e a t, rock ste a d y a n d
re g g a e , a n d w h o fo llo w e d th e sp o rtin g life o f h o rse s, d o m in o e s
a n d w o m e n . T h e o th e r m ajo r su b c u ltu ra l fig u re is th e R astafarian
lo c k sm a n , h is re lig io u s fe rv o u r a strik in g c o n tra st to th e ru d e
b o y cool. T h e R a stafarian m o v e m e n t d ra w s u p o n th e d e e p
re lig io u s fe e lin g s A frican p e o p le h a v e , b u t w h ic h re v e rse s
C h ris tia n ity to d ra w u p o n Biblical m e ta p h o rs to m a k e political
p o in ts . It is b a s e d u p o n M arcus G a rv e y 's 1929 p ro p h e c y , 'L oo k
to A frica, w h e re a b lack k ing sh all b e c ro w n e d , for th e d a y of
d e liv e ra n c e is n e a r'. T his w a s sa id to o ccu r in E th io p ia (itself a
B iblical re fe re n c e for A frica), a n d E m p e ro r H aile S elassie w as
d e c la re d R as T afari, th e living G o d , L ion of Ju d a h , K ing of
K in g s, so m e tim e s sim p ly 'Ja h '. T h u s th e black m e ssia h w a s b o rn
w h o w o u ld le a d th e C h ild re n of Israel o u t fro m B abylon
(c o lo n iz e d e x -e m p ire s su c h as Jam aica) to E th io p ia, to Z io n, th e
p r o m is e d la n d , th e b lack m a n 's h o m e - A frica. F or th e R a sta m a n
b la c k p e o p le a re d e sc e n d e d fra m S o lo m o n a n d S h eb a, th e
d e s c e n d a n t o f w h o m is H aile S elassie, h e sh all live w ith h is
b lack q u e e n (m a rria g e is sin fu l) a n d as a tru e Israelite re sist th e
w a y s o f th e w h ite m a n w h o h o ld s h im in slavery . C ap italism is
th e s y s te m o f B abylon, p ro p e rty , alcoh o l a n d g am b lin g a re
d is d a in e d , b u t th e 'h e r b ' o r 'G a n ja ' (m ariju an a) is sacred . W ith
its a id th o u g h t is tra n sfo rm e d in to feelin g, a n d b elief beco m es
k n o w le d g e . Black p e o p le are re in c a rn a te d slav es a n d as su c h
b r o th e r s a n d siste rs, h e n c e th e R a sta m a n re fe rs to a collective 'I
a n d I' r a th e r th a n w e , th o se w h o k n o w th e y are b re th re n are o n e
a n d im m o rta l. H aile S e la ssie 's d e a th m e re ly co n firm s G o d is in
all m e n , a n d w ill b e re in c a rn a te d e lse w h e re . T h e R a sta m a n
p ro m is e s th e 'r o d of c o rre c tio n ' for B abylon. H e is a n im p o rta n t
sy m b o l fo r b lack y o u th w ith h is u n c u t, lo n g d re a d lo c k s, h is
b e a rd a n d w o o lle n cap o f th e E th io p ia n co lo u rs of re d , g re e n a n d
g o ld . H is p a tria rc h y , h is m y sticism a n d p o e try are as im p o rta n t
a s h is b e lie f th a t all b lack m e n are R astafarian s a n d n e e d o n ly to
re a liz e th is. A basic c u ltu ra l c o n n e c tio n b e tw e e n B ritish y o u th
a n d Jam aica is th e m u sic a n d lyrics of reg g ae. Jam aican m u sic is
im p o r ta n t in th e co lo n y , it is m u sic for d a n c in g a n d m u sic w ith a
p o litic a l m e s sa g e , b o th esse n tia l e le m e n ts o f Jam aican style.
A m e ric a n R h y th m a n d B lues g re a tly in flu e n c e d Jam aican m u sic
in th e fifties. Its so u l c o n n e c tio n s sp o k e fro m o n e d is p o sse sse d
b la c k p o p u la tio n to a n o th e r. It b ecam e b le n d e d in to Jam aican
m u s ic first in sk a a n d th e n b lu e b e a t, fo llo w ed b y rock ste a d y
a n d re g g a e . R eg gae h a s d istin ctly R asta feeling, th e m u sic b a se d
o n th e r h y th m s o f 'b u rra ' d ru m m in g (u se d to w elcom e d is-
c h a rg e d p ris o n e rs b ack in to th e W est K in g sto n slu m s). T he
ly rics p ra is e Jah , p re a c h of black b ro th e rh o o d a n d th re a te n
re v o lu tio n in B abylon. By th e late sixties, ru d ie s w e re s p o rtin g a
R a sta sty le . A fo rm o f so ul co n sc io u sn e ss h a d b e e n ra ise d ,
w e d d in g R a sta b ro th e rh o o d a n d ru d ie violence. T h e w ritin g s of
th e A m e ric a n Black P o w e r m o v e m e n t also b ecam e im p o rta n t,
a n d th e ir p o litical m e ssa g e s p re a d a co n sc io u sn e ss of class a n d
race o p p re s s io n . T h e b asically p e a c e fu l a ttitu d e of th e R astas
w a s fu s e d w ith ru d ie m ilitan ce. R eggae b ecam e a p oetic
m a n ife s to , a n d s p re a d a political m e ssa g e to th e y o u n g blacks in
B ritain . H e b d ig e (1976b) a rg u e s th a t g ra d u a lly th e m u sic of
Jam a ic a s p re a d to th e w h ite p o p u la tio n th ro u g h W est In d ia n
c lu b s su c h a s B rix to n 's 'R am Jam '. F rom a b o u t 1967, n o t on ly
b la c k y o u th , b u t also w h ite s w e re in flu e n c e d , m ain ly th o se b o y s
in tra n s itio n fro m th e 'h a rd m o d ' to th e sk in h e a d - a form of
w h ite r u d e b o y s, fam iliar w ith C reole a n d a t th a t stag e n o t
e sp e c ia lly racist.
B u t a s F rith (1978, p . 219) n o te s, th e o rig in s of reg g ae are from
a p o litic s a n d c u ltu re o u tsid e B ritain, a n d th e c o n sc io u sn e ss
e x p re s s e d is n e ith e r y o u th fu l n o r B ritish. T he R asta in flu en ce
in s is te d o n a basic p re -c o n d itio n for accep tan ce in to W est In d ia n
s u b c u ltu re s , b e in g black a n d p ro u d . H e b d ig e in d ic a te s th a t as
th e d e m a n d fo r u n sk ille d la b o u r d im in ish e d , black a n d w h ite
sc h o o l le a v e rs cam e in to fiercer co m p e titio n for w o rk . T he
A fric a n iz a tio n o f R asta, a n d th e e x h o rta tio n of peace a n d
h a rm o n y , f o u n d o n ly in w h ite h ip p ie s, a g ro u p d e s p is e d by th e
s k in h e a d , c o n fo u n d e d w h ite y o u th . T he black se p a ra tism a n d
m e ta p h o r o f R a sta fa ria n ism d o u b ly locked o u t w h ite y o u th , a n d
a s r e g g a e 's lyrics g o t m o re political, th e c o n tra d ic tio n becam e
in s u rm o u n ta b le . H o stility b e tw e e n black a n d w h ite y o u th
in c re a s e d , a lth o u g h as w e h a v e n o tic e d , it w a s alw ay s th e re in
th e b a c k g ro u n d . T h e so lid arity o f th e black c o m m u n ity a g a in st
p o lic e h a r a s s m e n t a n d th e m u tu a l s u p p o rt y o u n g blacks gave
e a c h o th e r in fig h ts w a s so m e th in g n o t fo u n d in th e w h ite
c o m m u n ity . R o b in s a n d C o h e n (1978) a rg u e th a t th e b re a k d o w n
o f sta b le , s u b c u ltu ra l id e n tity a m o n g y o u n g w o rk in g -class
w h ite s , c o m b in e d w ith th e e ro sio n of th e tra d itio n a l s u p p o rts of
th e ir p a r e n t c u ltu re , led to w h ite y o u th feeling p a rticu larly
th r e a te n e d b y th e p re s e n c e of a n y so cio -cu ltu ral g ro u p c o hesio n .
W h ite g r o u p s a re se p a ra te d b y n e ig h b o u rh o o d , su b c u ltu ra l form
a n d in te r - g r o u p sc h ism s, b u t th e v e ry e le m e n t for w h ic h blacks
a re d e s p is e d - race - u n ite s th e m a g a in st a co m m o n th re a t, b e it
w h ite g a n g s, th e po lice o r o th e r a u th o ritie s. C e rtain ly th is is n o t
to a rg u e a sim p le fo rm o f c o h e sio n a m o n g black y o u th , b u t th e
im p re s s io n is c e rta in ly th a t th e y a d o p t sty le ra th e r th a n c o n te n t
in R a sta fa ria n ism . H o w e v e r th e y h a v e a p o p u la r c u ltu re w h ic h
s tre s s e s b lack p rid e , a n d w h ic h p ro v id e s a n a lte rn a tiv e to ro u tin e
la b o u r fo r th e w h ite m a n . It strik e s a n o te w ith w h a t is h a p p e n in g
to th e m , a n d p ro v id e s a su p p o rtiv e id eo lo g y . Y ou ng W est
In d ia n s a re in c re a sin g ly co n scio u s of th e fact th a t th e y a re b e in g
s c h o o le d fo r lo w p a id a n d low s ta tu s w o rk . T he d e g re e to w h ic h
a tta c h m e n t to R a sta fa ria n ism e x te n d s b e y o n d its style to its
c o n te n t is d ifficu lt to a sc ertain . It h a s a d e fin ite m e a n in g for
y o u n g A fro -C a rib b e a n s e x p re ssin g for th e m th e ir re jectio n of th e
w h ite s ta te a n d th e ir a scrib ed p lace w ith in it. T he fe a tu re s of th e
C a rib b e a n social e c o n o m y h a v e b e e n re p ro d u c e d in B ritain, a n d
o n e r e s u lt h a s b e e n a d istin c tly W est In d ia n d e lin q u e n t s u b -
c u ltu ra l re s p o n s e . D o d d (1978, p . 598), d e sc rib e s th is as
'a n e w re v o lu tio n of th e m in d ' is ta k in g p lace in th e black
n e ig h b o u rh o o d s o f S o u th L o n d o n . T h e re are n e w im ag es
a n d a n e w a e sth e tic o n d isp la y . T h e fu n c tio n o f p u b lic
sp a c e - like stre e t c o m e rs - h a s visibly a lte re d as th o se w h o
d e riv e id e n titie s fro m th e ir b e h a v io u r in su c h p laces try to
m a k e it p riv a te . T h e police h a v e in cre a sin g ly ta k e n o n th e
g u is e o f a lie n s c o n fro n te d b y a c u ltu re th e y d o n o t u n d e r -
s ta n d a n d so for w h ic h th e y feel c o n te m p t.
B u t th e c o n te m p t is m u tu a l. F o r th e stre e ts o f B rixton,
o n c e p a v e d w ith h o p e , a re n o w filled w ith th e fru stra tio n ,
h o p e le s s n e s s a n d d e sp e ra te p rid e o f reb els a n d g a n g ste rs.
T h e y a re th e stre e ts to o o f L aventille in T rin id a d , W est
K in g sto n in Jam aica a n d S o u th G e o rg e to w n in G u y a n a . T he
c u ltu re a n d m e a n in g o f black p o v e rty is n o w as m u c h of a
re a lity in th e in d u s tria l slu m s a n d h o u s in g e sta te s of B ritain
a s it is in th e d e c a y in g u rb a n villages o f th e C a rib b ean . T he
sla v e legacy h a s finally co m e h o m e to ro o st.
T h e first g e n e ra tio n o f im m ig ra n ts w e re a m b itio u s to esc a p e
th e ir h o m e la n d a n d h a p p y to a c cep t c o n d itio n s a s th e y fo u n d
th e m , c o m p a rin g th e m to th o s e th e y h a d left b e h in d . T h e ir
c h ild re n h o w e v e r h a v e o n ly th e ir w h ite c o n te m p o ra rie s to
c o m p a re th e ir lo t w ith , a n d th e y a re n o t p re p a re d to accep t th e ir
s tig m a tiz e d p o sitio n in w h ite society. T h e y h a v e d e v e lo p e d a n
u r b a n s tre e t c u ltu re , w ith ro o ts in th e 'r u d ie ' h u s tle r v a lu e
s y s te m , w ith a n o v e rla y of R astafarian sty le, politics a n d
rh e to ric . T h e y a re s u sta in e d b y th e m u sic a n d p o litics of th e
C a rib b e a n , a n d tu r n to Z io n, a m y th ical A frica w h e re m e rit a n d
id e n tity a re n o t ju d g e d b y p ig m e n ta tio n . P a re n ts w e re a m -
b itio u s fo r th e ir c h ild re n , a n d th e B ritish e c o n o m y h a s n e ith e r
m e t th e s e n e e d s n o r c re a te d o p p o rtu n itie s for a d v a n c e m e n t.
B lack y o u th h a v e b e e n c a u g h t in a n eco no m ic crisis w h e re black
u n e m p lo y m e n t is c o m m o n , a n d w o rk b a d ly p a id a n d d e m e a n -
in g . O fte n , b e c a u se th e ir c h ild re n h a v e rejected w h a t w o rk is
a v a ila b le , s tra in a t h o m e can b e sev ere, so m e tim e s le a d in g to
c h ild re n b e in g e je c te d , a n d liv ing in sq u a ts o r y o u th h o u se s.
T h o s e w h o c o n tin u e to live a t h o m e face d iffe re n t p ro b le m s
fro m th e ir p a re n ts , m o stly c o n fro n tin g th e reality th a t th e
p ro s p e r ity a n d o p p o rtu n ity th e ir p a re n ts s o u g h t is a m y th
c ru e lly d is p e lle d b y recessio n . R ebellion h a s b eco m e a so lu tio n ,
a s u b c u ltu ra l sty le stre tc h in g fro m re in te rp re ta tio n s o f R asta, to
s tr e e t crim e a n d V o lu n ta ry u n e m p lo y m e n t'. D o d d (1978, p.
600), a rg u e s:
F o r m a n y b lack a d o le sc e n ts g ro w in g u p in th e slu m s of
B ritain a n d th e C arib b ean , crim e is a b o u t th e o n ly fre e d o m
th e y h a v e left.
O n e r e s u lt o f th is h a s b e e n th e rise in s tre e t ro b b ery , a rg u e s
D o d d . It a c ts to d e p e rso n a liz e th e v ictim (u su ally w h ite , u n lik e
th e U n ite d S ta te s), a n d th e d y n a m ic s are first o f all a se lf-h a tre d ,
in w h ic h b la c k n e ss is in trin sic a lly in v o lv ed , th e n h a tin g th e
g r o u p w h o m a d e y o u h a te y o u rse lf, o n w h o m y o u finally tu rn in
re v e n g e . T h is D o d d se e s as th e b a c k g ro u n d to th e rise o f a black
s tr e e t s u b c u ltu re in B ritain. O b v io u sly th e p ro b le m of p e rs o n a l-
is in g th is ty p e o f h a tre d , is th a t th e w ro n g ta rg e t is in evitably
s e le c te d . T h e su b c u ltu re fu n c tio n s b e c a u se (D od d, 1978, p. 600),
'it p ro v id e s a n a p p ro p ria te social co n te x t w ith in w h ic h m ales are
fre e to e n g a g e in "c h a ra c te r c o n te s ts " to acq u ire a re p u ta tio n
a n d se c u re a n id e n tity .' H o w e v e r th e d e g re e to w h ic h black
y o u th is in v o lv e d in d e lin q u e n t o r crim inal e le m e n ts is an
e m p iric a l q u e s tio n a s y e t sy stem atically u n a n s w e re d . T he
tra d itio n a l w a y s o u t of th e g h e tto for black p e o p le , w h e re
e d u c a tio n h a s b e e n b lo ck ed , h a v e b e e n th ro u g h s p o rt o r e n te r-
ta in m e n t. H u s tlin g in so m e w a y s reflects th e se w o rld s: it is
e x c itin g a n d d ra m a tic , a n d it is o u ts id e th e w o rld of w ag e
la b o u r. H o w e v e r th e e x te n t to w h ic h y o u n g blacks are in v o lv ed
in it is u n k n o w n , b u t if th e fig u res for w h ite w o rk in g -class
y o u th a re a g u id e it is h ig h ly p ro b a b le th a t m o st of black y o u th is
n o t in v o lv e d in d e lin q u e n t e n te rp ris e s . V o lu n ta ry u n e m p lo y -
m e n t is a n o th e r c o n fu sin g te rm . It is practically im p o ssib le to
m e a s u re , a n d w h ils t y o u n g p e o p le living a t h o m e a re in v o lv ed
in te m p o ra ry v o lu n ta ry u n e m p lo y m e n t, th a t is, th e y re g iste r
w ith p riv a te ra th e r th a n p ub lic e m p lo y m e n t a g en cies, lo n g -te rm
v o lu n ta r y u n e m p lo y m e n t is a m a tte r of co njectu re. A C o m m is-
sio n fo r R acial E q u ality (1978) R epo rt, 'L o o k in g for w o rk ', w h ich
128 • Dread in Babi/lon
c o m p a re d w h ite a n d black sch o o l-le a v e rs in L ew ish am , fin d s n o
e v id e n c e o f th is, b u t fo u n d m o st black a n d w h ite u n e m p lo y e d
y o u th ac tiv e ly se e k in g w o rk (o nly tw o o f th e black sa m p le sa id
th e y w e re n o t). Black y o u th h o w e v e r w e re less likely to h a v e
jo b s fixed u p w h e n th e y left sch oo l, s p e n t lo n g e r fin d in g a job,
a n d m a d e m o re a p p lic a tio n s, a n d w e re less satisfied w ith th e
jo b s th e y fo u n d . D iscrim in atio n , d e lib e ra te o r u n in te n tio n a l,
s e e m e d to b e a m a jo r factor in th is.
A sia n y o u th is n o t in v o lv e d in th e sa m e ty p e o f a lie n a tin g
p ro c e s s e s a s C a rib b e a n y o u th . It is n o t still su ffe rin g a s black
y o u th d o e s fro m th e effects o f a slav e e c o n o m y o n its p s y -
c h o lo g y a n d o n its e v e ry d a y life. It can d ra w u p o n its o w n
h isto ric a l, c u ltu ra l a n d relig io u s tra d itio n s, a n d im p o rta n tly , its
o w n la n g u a g e s . It d ra w s u p o n th e se ra th e r th a n d e v e lo p in g a
d is tin c t y o u th s u b c u ltu re . T h e A sia n c o m m u n ity is itself d iv id e d
b y g e o g ra p h ic a l o rig in , caste a n d re lig io n a s w ell a s b y lan g u a g e .
A s ia n s a re ra re ly fo u n d in y o u th c u ltu re (a lth o u g h B rad fo rd d id
h a v e P a k is ta n i te d d y boys) a n d in d e e d a re o fte n a b s e n t fro m
fo rm a l y o u th o rg a n iz a tio n s.
A sia n y o u th
T h e A s ia n c o m m u n ity is m a d e u p of th re e m a jo r relig io u s
g r o u p s fro m th e In d ia n s u b -c o n tin e n t - M u slim s, H in d u s a n d
S ik h s a n d a lso th re e m a jo r c o m m u n itie s fro m d iffe re n t areas.
T h e se a re th e In d ia n s fro m th e P u n ja b i a n d G u je ra ti re g io n s,
P a k is ta n is fro m W e st P a k ista n a n d B a n g la d e sh , a n d E ast A frican
A s ia n s. P a k ista n is te n d to o rig in a te fro m th e p o o r ru ra l a re a s,
a n d In d ia n s fro m u rb a n a re a s a n d tra d itio n a lly th e la tte r is a
m o re tig h tly o rg a n iz e d g ro u p . T h e E ast A frican A sia n s a re m o re
m id d le -c la s s a n d E u ro p e a n iz e d . A sia n p a re n ts ex p ect a n d
ex e rc ise c o n sid e ra b le c o n tro l o v e r th e ir c h ild re n , a n d m o st
a d o le s c e n ts e x p e c t to m à rry a p a rtn e r c h o se n a n d a p p ro v e d by
th e ir p a re n ts . G irls a re closely su rv e ille d b y th e local c o m m u n ity
a n d a n in fo rm a l n e tw o rk c o n tro ls a g a in st th e po ssib ilities of
c la n d e s tin e c o u rts h ip . S h a rp e (1976), n o te s h o w e v e r th a t
d e s p ite th is m a n y o f h e r A sia n girls w e n t o u t w ith b o y s secretly ,
b u t h e r s a m p le w a s m a in ly In d ia n a n d E ast A frican A sian . A sian
y o u th m ix es v e ry little w ith w h ite o r black y o u th o u t of school.
L iv in g s to n e (1978), fo u n d th a t re g a rd le ss of a rea of o rig in o r
re lig io n , A sia n b o y s w e re u n lik e ly to jo in m u lti-racial y o u th
o rg a n iz a tio n s . A n w a r (1976), re p o rte d th a t A sia n p a re n ts w e re
n o t in te r e s te d in y o u th o rg a n iz a tio n s a n d fe a re d th e effects
th e s e w o u ld h a v e in term s of b a d c o m p a n y a n d d iffe re n t
re lig io u s a n d c u ltu ra l tra d itio n s. S o u rces of conflict w ith in th e
A s ia n c o m m u n itie s ca n be tra c e d to feelin gs of d iscrim in atio n
a b o u t e m p lo y m e n t.
A sia n s h a v e h ig h ex p e c ta tio n s of th e ir c h ild re n , w h o su ffer
p o lic e d isc rim in a tio n esp ecially ra id s for illegal im m ig ran ts,
a n d te n s io n b e tw e e n e ld e rs a n d y o u th . A sian y o u th su ffer v ery
d is tin c tly fro m in h a b itin g a d iffe re n t w o rld a t h o m e fro m th a t a t
sc h o o l. T h e p ro b le m s of 'w e ste rn iz a tio n ' w e re m e n tio n e d b y a
fifth o f A n w a r 's g ro u p , a n d th e re se e m s to b e so m e in d icatio n
th a t fam ily so lid a rity m a y w ell w e a k e n in th e fu tu re . M arriage
w a s a p a rtic u la r p ro b le m , a n d th e choice of a p a rtn e r from th e
s u b - c o n tin e n t p a rtic u la rly d islik ed . W o m e n d iffered from m e n
o n th e w o rk s itu a tio n , a n d M u slim w o m e n in p a rtic u la r su ffe re d
fro m th is. T h e lack of y o u th su b c u ltu re s p ro b a b ly sym b olizes
th e e x te n t to w h ic h A sia n y o u th d ra w s o n its o w n tra d itio n s a t
p r e s e n t, b u t a s th e s e fail to reso lv e co n tra d ic tio n s y o u th s u b -
c u ltu re w ill p ro b a b ly a rise as a sy m b ol of e m a n c ip a tio n from th e
o ld e r g e n e ra tio n . T h e p ro b le m s of racist d iv isio n w ill com pel
A s ia n y o u th to se e k n e w so lu tio n s, a n d a t p re s e n t th e ir c u ltu re s
c o n tin u e to d iv id e th e m from differin g A sian co m m u n itie s a n d
fro m A fro -C a rib b e a n s. H o w e v e r as su ccessive g e n e ra tio n s g ro w
u p , th e y w ill fin d th e ir c u ltu ra l ro o ts in su fficien t to assist th e m
w ith th e p ro b le m s of a racist society.
B lack and b ro w n g irls
W e s t I n d ia n g irls su ffer, a s d o th e ir w h ite p e e rs, from h a v in g

th e ir p ro b le m s sex u alized b y official agen cies. H o w e v e r th e
s tr u c tu r e o f th e W e st In d ia n fam ily, w ith its ro o ts in slavery,
n e e d s to b e u n d e rs to o d . In th e C arib b e a n th e stru c tu re of th e
fam ily is s u c h th a t w o m e n , b o th in th e im m e d ia te a n d th e
e x te n d e d fam ily tak e th e m a jo r re sp o n sib ility for th e care of
c h ild re n . T h e h ig h d e g re e of p o v e rty in Jam aica, a n d th e fam ily
re la tio n s o f sla v e ry m e a n t th a t c o m m o n law m a rria g e w a s a
c o m m o n b o n d . O n e c o n se q u e n c e w a s th a t a u th o rity w a s sh a re d
a n d b o th p a r tn e r s w o rk e d , b u t th e in fo rm al n a tu re of co m m o n
la w re la tio n s h ip s a n d th e p o v e rty w h ic h n e c e ssita te d th e m a n
w o rk in g a w a y fro m h o m e , w e a k e n e d th e p a te rn a l role. H iro
(1973, p . 20), a rg u e s th a t th e m a te rn a l role b ecam e m o re
im p o r ta n t th a n th e m a rita l role, a n d
T h e m a in re a s o n for a m a tria rc h a l fam ily sy ste m e v o lv in g
in th e C a rib b e a n (a n d black A m erica) w a s th e fact th a t th e
w o m a n , w ith h e r h isto rical e x p erien ce o f b e in g a p ro d u c tiv e
sla v e in h e r o w n rig h t w a s n o t econ om ically d e p e n d e n t o n
th e m a n .
A m a tria rc h a l s tru c tu re a ro se fro m th re e fe a tu re s - in fo rm al

m a rita l re la tio n s h ip s , m o th e rs p ro v id in g th e secu rity , stab ility
a n d d isc ip lin e in th e fam ily a n d m e n b e in g o fte n a b s e n t o r
c h a n g e a b le . O th e r tra d itio n s left b y slav ery w e re fertility b e in g
h ig h ly p riz e d a n d m a te rn ity as a h ig h ly d e sira b le sta te for
w o m e n . D u rin g e m ig ra tio n fam ilies w e re sp lit, a n d c h ild re n
a rriv in g in B ritain fo u n d so m e tim e s a n e w fa th e r a n d p e rh a p s
n e w sib lin g s to d e a l w ith , as w ell as th e g rief of lea v in g b e h in d
in th e C a rib b e a n th e su b stitu te m o th e r. T h is h e lp s ex p lain th e
h ig h p r o p o r tio n o f sin g le p a re n t fam ilies a m o n g st W est In d ia n s
(S m ith , 1977), c a lc u la te d a t th irte e n p e r c e n t o f W est In d ia n
fam ilie s. H o w e v e r th is fig ure is c o n fu sin g b e c a u se th e re m a y be
a sta b le c o m m o n law m arria g e , a n d th e fertility ra te h a s to b e
c o n tra s te d a g a in s t th e u s e o f c o n tra c e p tio n a n d a b o rtio n a m o n g
w h ite w o m e n . A s m o s t form al m a rria g e s h a v e b e e n p re c e d e d
b y tria l m a rria g e s (a m id d le -c la ss p h e n o m e n o n a m o n g w h ite s) it
is p o in tle s s to c o m p a re C arib b e a n m a rria g e p a tte rn s w ith A sian
o r E u ro p e a n . M o st p re s e n t-d a y a d o le sc e n ts h a v e b e e n b o rn in
B rita in , b u t n e v e rth e le s s th e re a re re p o rts of stra in b e tw e e n
c h ild re n a n d s te p -p a re n ts , a n d o v e r c h ild re n 's d e sire for m o re
in d e p e n d e n c e a n d b e tte r w o rk p ro sp e c ts th a n th e ir p a re n ts.
T h is is in te r p r e te d b y th e p a re n ts as in g ra titu d e . T h e te n sio n
b e tw e e n in d e p e n d e n c e a n d c o n tro l, th e c o n tra d ic tio n s of fam ily
a u th o r ity b a s e d o n th e C a rib b ean , a n d th e specific g e n e ra tio n a l
p ro b le m s o f y o u n g black B riton s m e a n s th a t th e re a re o fte n
s e v e re fam ily d ifficulties. S h a rp e (1976), fo u n d close co n tro l
o v e r d a u g h te r s ' social activities, esp ecially o v e r b o y frie n d s.
T h re e -q u a rte rs o f h e r W est In d ia n scho olg irls re p o rte d th a t th e ir
p a r e n ts s e ld o m o r n e v e r allo w e d th e m o u t w ith b o y s (a lth o u g h
o v e r h a lf a d m itte d to b o y frien d s). T his a p p lie d especially to
th o s e fro m re lig io u s fam ilies. R eactio n to p re g n a n c y v aries, b u t
c a n b e se v e re , th e m o th e r feelin g th e d a u g h te r h a s h a d m o re
o p p o r tu n itie s to a v o id b eco m in g p re g n a n t a n d b e tte r a lte rn a -
tiv e s. H o w e v e r a girl m a y e v e n b e tu rn e d o u t o f h o m e , b u t o n
th e o th e r h a n d th e re is m o re lik elih o o d o f th e re b e in g a s u p p o rt
n e tw o r k fo r th e ch ild . H o w e v e r th e girl is se e n as h a v in g let th e
fa m ily d o w n . W h e re a girl is tu rn e d o u t, th e p ro b le m is th a t
th e r e is n o t th e su p p o rtiv e k in sh e w o u ld h a v e h a d in th e
C a rib b e a n , a n d so sh e h a s o n ly th e social serv ices o r o th e r
h o m e le s s y o u n g p e o p le to tu r n to. K itzin ger (1978), su g g e sts

th a t th e social serv ices p ro v id e a h e lp n e tw o rk w h ic h w o u ld
h a v e b e e n m e t b y th e e x te n d e d fam ily in th e C arib b ean , o r b y a
n e x u s o f re cip ro cal re la tio n s b e tw e e n th e m o th e r a n d d a u g h te r
g e n e ra tio n , w h ic h h a s b eco m e lo st w ith e m ig ratio n . In te re s t-
in g ly , a n a re a o f d is p u te b e tw e e n m o th e rs a n d d a u g h te rs, th e
a m o u n t o f h o u s e w o rk e x p e c te d , is a legacy from back h o m e
re c ip ro c a l re la tio n s. G irls are re stric te d b ecau se p a re n ts fear
th e y w ill b e le d a stra y , a n d girls feel stro n g ly th a t th e y are
e x p e c te d to d o d o m e stic la b o u r th e ir b ro th e rs can av oid . S h a rp e
n o te s th a t h e r W e st In d ia n girls in fact p laced less e m p h a sis o n
m a rria g e a n d a fam ily th a n E n g lish girls. W h ilst th e y fo u n d
sc h o o l b o rin g , th e y p la c e d m o re e m p h a sis o n e d u c a tio n a n d job
p ro s p e c ts . T h e re is a g ro w in g reco g n itio n a m o n g W est In d ia n
g irls a s w ell a s b o y s, th a t th e y a re b e in g sch o o led for lo w e r-p a id ,
lo w s ta tu s w o rk . T h e L ew ish am stu d y (CRE, 1978), fo u n d
h o w e v e r th a t 75 p e r c e n t of W est In d ia n girls in th e sam p le
f o u n d w h ite collar w o rk , a g a in st 62 p e r c e n t of w h ite girls, a n d
in te re s tin g ly 17 p e r c e n t of w h ite girls fo u n d sh o p w o rk (a p u blic
a re a ) b u t o n ly six p e r c en t of black girls w o rk e d in sh o p s.
O v e ra ll fig u re s h o w e v e r sh o w a n in c re a sin g u n e m p lo y m e n t
a m o n g b lack girls, a n d th e e x te n t a n d d u ra tio n o f th is h a s y e t to
b e c o n sid e re d .
A s ia n g irls a re e x p e c te d to h a v e a h ig h ly d e fe re n tia l a ttitu d e
to th e ir p a re n ts , a n d a fte r p u b e rty , especially w ith M u slim girls,
a re clo sely g u a rd e d . D esp ite th e re stric tio n s o n th e lives of
A s ia n w o m e n , th e y w o rk in B ritain to a d e g re e w h ic h w o u ld be
u n u s u a l in A sia. T h e 1971 c e n su s re v e a le d th a t 40.8 p e r c e n t of
In d ia n a n d 20.7 p e r c e n t of P a k ista n i w o m e n w e re a t w ork . T his
h a d h a d a n im p o rta n t effect o n th e ir lives in th is co u n try , b u t
A n w a r (1976), n o te s th a t 85 p e r c e n t of h is A sian girls o v er 16
fe lt w o m e n s h o u ld w o rk , a n d 30 p e r c e n t of y o u n g A sian m ales
w e re o p p o s e d to th is. T h e fig u re s rev eal co n sid erab le resistan ce
b y M u slim s to w o m e n w o rk in g , o n ly a b o u t o n e te n th of H in d u s
fe e lin g th is w a y , w ith th e S ik h s in b e tw e e n . A sian w o m e n are
v e ry d e p e n d e n t o n th e ir m e n , a n d iso latio n is a n im p o rta n t
social p ro b le m . W ilso n 's (1978) m o v in g a c c o u n t of A sian w o m e n
s tre s s e s th e ir h o m e sic k n e ss a n d iso latio n a fter m arriag e. It is a
p a rtic u la r p ro b le m fo r im m ig ra n t w o m e n w h o h a v e few er
c o n ta c ts in th e ir c o m m u n ity th a n girls b o rn h e re . T he co m -
p a n io n s h ip o f w o rk is im p o rta n t, b u t religio n is still a sev ere
h in d r a n c e to th is. A m ajo r p ro b le m for A sian girls is th e
a r r a n g e d m a rria g e . It is tru e to say th a t th e y o u n g co u p le n o w
h a v e th e la st sa y in th e choice, b u t th e selectio n is still m a d e by
th e p a r e n ts . A n w a r also su g g e sts th a t th is is a p o te n tia l sou rce
o f co n flict b e tw e e n g e n e ra tio n s, a lth o u g h it is su rp risin g th e
d e g re e to w h ic h p a re n ta l a u th o rity is a c c e p te d b y b o th girls a n d
b o y s . M a rria g e b e tw e e n castes is re je c te d , a n d b e tw e e n relig io n s
o r ra c e s is b e y o n d th e p ale. A g irl's re p u ta tio n is still of p rim a ry
im p o rta n c e , a n d izzat, th e m ale p rid e of o n e 's b ro th e rs a n d
fa th e r, a c ts a g a in s t frie n d s h ip s w ith e ith e r sex o u tsid e o n e 's
im m e d ia te re lig io u s c o m m u n ity a n d caste. T h ere is little d o u b t
th a t A sia n w o m e n a n d girls face th re e m a jo r p ro b le m s. T h e se
a re se x ism , e sp ecially for M u slim w o m e n , w h ic h o p e ra te s to
iso la te th e m a n d m a in ta in th e ir e co no m ic a n d social d e p e n d e n c e
o n th e ir m e n fo lk a n d th e ir fam ilies. T h e se c o n d is racism , w h ic h
a c ts a g a in s t th e ir o b ta in in g th e ty p e of w o rk th e y w o u ld like
a n d w h ic h c a n re s u lt in p h y sical a tta c k s o n th e m o r o n th e ir
h o u s e s , a n d class. It is w o rth re m e m b e rin g th a t e v e n m id d le -
cla ss A sia n w o m e n b eco m e d e c la sse d w h e n th e y im m ig ra te to
B ritain . O b v io u sly it is h a rd for w o m e n to o rg a n ise re sista n c e to
th e ir s itu a tio n , d iv id e d as th e y are b y caste, tra d itio n a n d
re lig io n . H o w e v e r th e re are so m e sm all in d ic a tio n s th a t c h a n g in g
a ttitu d e s w ith in th e A sian c o m m u n itie s w ill lead w o m e n to
re c o n s id e r th e ir p o s itio n a n d to o rg a n iz e . T h ere are in d ic a tio n s
th a t a n in fo rm a tio n n e tw o rk c o n c e rn in g a b o rtio n exists, a n
A s ia n w o m e n 's re fu g e h a s b e e n se t u p b y A sia n c o m m u n ity
w o rk e rs , a n d re sista n c e to d o w rie s a n d a rra n g e d m a rria g e h a s
s ta rte d . It is a s y e t m u c h to o early to see th e se as a n y th in g b u t
sm a ll b e g in n in g s, b u t it is in ev itab le th a t as m o re g e n e ra tio n s
g ro w u p h e re , th e o p p re ss io n o f A sia n w o m e n w ill b e re siste d .
'Let th e p o w er fa ll' - racism and its effect on you th
T h e p o s itio n o f b lack a n d b ro w n y o u th in te rm s of its re la tio n to

th e p o litic a l e c o n o m y of B ritain h a s b e e n m a d e clearer d u rin g
th e e c o n o m ic crisis. N o n -w h ite y o u th s h a v e se e n th e m a rk e t
c lo se d a g a in s t th e m in te rm s of th e ir skills a n d a m b itio n s, a n d
se e n o sig n s of social in te g ra tio n . T h e situ a tio n a t p re s e n t
d iffe rs in re s p o n s e b e tw e e n black a n d b ro w n y o u th . H o w e v e r
th e a tta c k s o n b ro w n y o u th , in c lu d in g tw o racist m u rd e rs, h a s
d e v e lo p e d a m ilita n c y w h ic h acts a g a in st th e ste re o ty p e of th e
A s ia n a s c o n fo rm ist a n d su b m issiv e. E ast L o n d o n h a s a h isto ry
o f o rg a n iz in g d e fe n c e g ro u p s in th e A sian , especially th e
B en g ali c o m m u n ity . W h a t is im p o rta n t is th a t fam ilies re m a in in
c o m m u n itie s w h ic h can form d efen ce g ro u p s. T h ere is a d istin c t
lack o f c o n fid e n c e in th e w h ite police in th e se m a tte rs. Black
y o u th , c u t off fro m th e s u p p o rtiv e y e t divisiv e ro o ts of d istin c t
n a tio n a l c u ltu re s, h a s a d o p te d A frican isatio n as a d efen ce.
T h e re h a s b e e n a re jectio n of th e 's h it e n d ' of th e la b o u r m a rk e t.
T h e y h a v e d isc o v e re d th a t th e sy ste m w h ic h n e e d e d th e ir
p a r e n ts d o e s n o t n e e d th e m . A conflict of g e n e ra tio n s m e a n s
th a t fo r so m e black y o u th a situ a tio n arise s w h e re u n a b le to fin d
w o rk o f a n a tu re th e y w a n t, a situ a tio n arises a t h o m e w h ic h
e n d s in th e ir leav in g . H o m e le ss, s u s p e n d e d , b e tw e e n h u stlin g
a n d th e la b o u r m a rk e t, o nce th e y are d riftin g a n d 'd o s s in g ' th e y
h a v e to s u rv iv e u n e m p lo y m e n t a n d so th e y tu rn to p e tty crim e.
H a ll et al. (1978) in d ic a te th a t co n sc io u sn e ss a n d m o tiv es d o n o t
w o rk so th a t crim e is ch o se n as a political rev en g e. Black y o u th
d rifts, th e n d e v e lo p s a collective d e fin itio n of a collectively
e x p e rie n c e d s itu a tio n w h ic h d ra w s o n th e ir a n g e r a n d h o stility
a b o u t ra c ism . C rim e b eco m es a sim p le su rv iv al stra te g y , a n d is
n o t a re a l so lu tio n , b u t is b ru ta liz in g a n d d e stru c tiv e . T he police
su rv e illa n c e o f th e black c o m m u n ity tak es o n a d e e p e r political
sig n ifican ce. H all et al. (1978, p. 332), links th is to th e relatio n s of
th e s ta te a n d th e e m p lo y m e n t m ark et.
P o licin g th e b lacks th re a te n e d to m e sh w ith th e p ro b le m of
p o lic in g th e p o o r a n d po licin g th e u n e m p lo y e d ; all th re e
w e re c o n c e n tra te d in precisely th e sam e u rb a n areas - a fate
w h ic h of c o u rse p ro v id e d th e e le m e n t of g eo g rap h ical
h o m o g e n e ity w h ic h facilitates th e g e rm in a tio n o f a m ilita n t
c o n s c io u s n e ss . T h e o n -g o in g p ro b le m of policing th e blacks
h a d b e c o m e , for all p ractical p u rp o s e s , sy n o n y m o u s w ith
th e w id e r p ro b le m of policing th e crisis.
T h e ro o ts o f crim e lie in th e d o u b le ex p lo itatio n of black y o u th ,
a s a d e sk ille d class in a n e co n o m y th a t n o lo n g e r h a s a place for
th e m , a n d a s b lack p e o p le w h o e x p erien ce th e ir lives th ro u g h
ra c ism . Black y o u th can o nly b e u n d e rs to o d as a class fraction,
d e fin e d b y a g e , by g e n e ra tio n a n d by its p o sitio n in th e h isto ry
o f b lack m ig ra n t la b o u r a n d its d e v e lo p m e n t in to a black
m e tro p o lita n iz e d w o rk in g class. W h a t crim e conceals, a rg u e
H a ll et al., is w a g e le ssn e ss a n d th e re le g a tio n of black w o rk e rs to
th e p o s itio n o f d e sk ille d lab o u r. Race Today, a th eo retical jo u rn a l
p u t o u t b y th e In stitu te of Race R elatio ns, a rg u e s th a t th e
s e g m e n ta tio n of classes m e a n s th a t each secto r of th e w o rk in g
class m u s t d e v e lo p a n d m a k e felt its o w n a u to n o m o u s self-
a c tiv ity . T h e re fu sa l to w o rk of y o u n g blacks as su c h is s u p -
p o r te d as a sig n ifican t d e v e lo p m e n t b y a y o u th fu l m e m b e rsh ip
o f a class fra c tio n in re fu sin g th e tra d itio n a l role of th e reserv e
a rm y o f la b o u r. Police activity th e n is in te rp re te d as a n a tte m p t
b y th e s ta te to b rin g th e w a g eless b ack in to w ag e lab o u r. T h ese
a re d iffe re n tia te d fro m th e tra d itio n a l M arxist lu m p e n p ro le ta ria t.
T h e w a g e le ss a re d e v e lo p e d fro m a colonial e c o n o m y in th e
C a rib b e a n , a n d a re a coh esiv e social force. T h e w a g eless h a v e
re c o n s tru c te d in th e m e tro p o lita n 'c o lo n y ' a s u p p o rtin g c u ltu re
in w h ic h th e y o u th fu l se c o n d g e n e ra tio n b lacks a re re p re s e n ta -
tiv e o f a q u a lita tiv e c h a n g e in th e co m p o sitio n of th a t class. T his
p o s itio n h a s b e e n criticized, esp ecially b y C a m b rid g e a n d
G u ts m o re o f th e Black Liberator. Briefly th e y see th e y o u th fu l
re fu s a l to w o rk a s a n ideological ra th e r th a n a political stru g g le ,
w h ic h h a s little effect o n e x p lo ita tio n in a n y c o n crete se n se .
B lack w o rk e rs a re su p e r-e x p lo ite d , eco no m ically as a s u b -
s tr a tu m o f th e w o rk in g class, a n d racially as a m in o rity g ro u p .
F o r th e m b lack s a re p a rt o f a re se rv e a rm y o f la b o u r, in d e e d a
d is p r o p o r tio n a te se c tio n o f it, to b e u s e d w h e n th e eco n o m y
n e e d s th e m . T h e re se rv e arm y ca n b e tra n sfe rre d in to a n d o u t of
th e la b o u r m a rk e t a s p ro d u c tio n a n d c o n s u m p tio n p a tte rn s
c h a n g e . P e rm a n e n tly b elo w w h ite w o rk in g -c la ss g ro u p s, th e
b la c k la b o u r force b eco m es a su b -p ro le ta ria t. B oth g ro u p s a g ree
t h a t th e b la c k la b o u r force is su p e r-e x p lo ite d , econom ically a n d
ra c ia lly , a n d b o th d iffe re n tia te th e ir p o sitio n from th e tra d itio n a l
M a rx ist a n a ly sis o f th e lu m p e n p ro le ta ria t. To su rv iv e b y h u stlin g
is to su rv iv e in a w a g e le ss w o rld . H o w e (q u o te d in H all et a l ,
1978, p . 373), a rg u e s th a t h u stlin g is a c u ltu ra l re s p o n se b y a
'v ib ra n t, p o w e rfu l sectio n of th e (C aribbean) so ciety '. In fact
o n ly a m in o rity o f h u s tle rs a re crim inal, h u stlin g sh o u ld b e se e n
a s liv in g o n o n e 's w its, o f re sistin g th e h u m ilia tio n o f w o rk
d isc ip lin e , a n d o f d e v e lo p in g a fo rm of political a w a re n e ss. T he
u n e m p lo y e d in th e C arib b ean a re n o t d o w n tro d d e n , b u t h a v e
d e v e lo p e d a to u g h -m in d e d p ra g m a tism , th e y are 's tre e t w ise ',
th e w a y s in w h ic h th e y m ak e a living d e v e lo p s a c u ltu re w h ic h
is c e rta in ly p o litically a w a re , e v e n th o u g h it m a y n o t b e d irectly
p o litical.
It is in th is c o n te x t th a t th e q u a si-c rim in a l activities a n d
v o lu n ta ry u n e m p lo y m e n t o f a sectio n of black y o u th m ak e
s e n s e . H isto ric a lly th e re is a n im p o rta n t lin k w ith th e political
e c o n o m y o f th e C arib b ean a n d th e c u ltu re it g e n e ra te s as a
re s p o n s e to u n e m p lo y m e n t. T his is tra n s fe rre d to th e situ a tio n
th a t C a rib b e a n y o u th faces in th e lig h t of to d a y 's econom ic
crisis. T h e ir su b c u ltu re s a re a re a s o f re sista n c e to racism a n d
p o v e rty . W ith A sia n y o u th th e situ a tio n h a s d e v e lo p e d d if-
fe re n tly a t p re s e n t, b e c a u se of th e c o n trib u tio n s of th e ir d iffering
re lig io u s a n d c u ltu ra l b a c k g ro u n d s. T h eir p ro b le m s m a y objec-
tiv e ly b e sim ila r to th o se o f black y o u th , b u t th e y a re s u b -
je c tiv e ly e x p e rie n c e d in a d iffe re n t c u ltu ra l se ttin g . B oth g ro u p s
h o w e v e r re s e n t th e ir lim ited o p p o rtu n itie s for w o rk p ro sp e c ts
a n d a d v a n c e m e n t. (For ex am p le, see th e d isc o n te n t w ith w o rk
a n d o p p o rtu n itie s o n leav in g scho o l re c o rd e d in th e CRE 1978
R e p o rt 'L o o k in g for w o rk ', a n d its c o m p a n io n re p o rt 'A sp ira -
tio n s a n d o p p o rtu n itie s - A sian a n d w h ite school le a v e rs'.)
T h e se d issa tisfa c tio n s h a v e b e e n re c o rd e d e v e r since B ritish
sc h o o ls h a v e p r e p a re d im m ig ra n t y o u th for th e la b o u r m a rk e t.
P o lice re la tio n s in th e black a n d b ro w n co m m u n itie s h a v e b e e n
b a d e v e r sin c e th e re h a s b e e n a n y sizeab le im m ig ra n t p o p u la -
tio n . T h e se e x p lo d e d in th e 1976 C arn ival, a n d th e attack s o n
B e n g a lis in th e E ast E n d in th e m id -se v e n tie s. T h e h o stile
p r o p a g a n d a o f th e N a tio n a l F ro n t h a s also left its m ark . T h ere is
a g ro w in g re sista n c e to racism a m o n g black a n d b ro w n y o u th .
A s S iv a n a n d a n a rg u e s (1976, p . 366):
T h a t is n o t to ro m a n tic iz e th e ir futile a m b itio n to lay siege
to th e s ta te b u t to a c k n o w le d g e , e v e n w h ile ack n o w le d g in g
th e ro m a n tic ism of th e act th e d e e p d a rk co n cern o u t of
w h ic h th e ir c o m m itm e n t sp rin g s.
B ritish b la c k a n d b ro w n y o u th faces th e p ro b le m s of th e racism

e n d e m ic in th e c o u n try th e y w e re b o rn in. It also su ffers a
g e n e ra tio n a lly d istin c t a w a re n e ss of th e failu re of B ritain to offer
e d u c a tio n a l a n d o cc u p a tio n a l a d v a n c e m e n t. C lass as w ell as
ra c e is c e n tra l to th e ir p ro b le m s. D e sp ite th e a tte m p ts o f race
le g isla tio n to c re a te w h a t S iv a n a n d a n calls 'd o m e stic n e o -
c o lo n ia lism ' it is o b v io u s th a t y o u th , esp ecially black y o u th , is
im p a tie n t. In th e g o v e rn m e n t W h ite P a p e r 1975, th e H o m e
S e c re ta ry h a d a lre a d y p o in te d o u t th a t w h e re job o p p o rtu n itie s,
e d u c a tio n a l facilities a n d e n v iro n m e n ta l c o n d itio n s c o n tin u e to
b e p o o r, th e se c o n d g e n e ra tio n w o u ld fin d itself tra p p e d in 'a
v ic io u s d o w n w a rd sp iral of d e p riv a tio n ' w h ic h w o u ld be
a m p lifie d b y racial d isc rim in a tio n . T he p o sitio n of black a n d
b r o w n p e o p le in th e p re s e n t situ a tio n w o rk s th ro u g h th e
m e d iu m o f racism , a n d racism is th e co m m o n ex p erien ce th e y
a re s u b je c t to. It is race w h ic h d e fin e s th e m , w h ic h acts a g a in st
th e m , a n d w h ic h c o u ld u n ite th e m . T h eir class p o sitio n s u b -
sc rib e s th e ir e co n o m ic p o sitio n , b u t race is th e sub jectiv ity in
w h ic h th e ir class p o sitio n is liv ed , a n d sh a p e s th e ir rela tio n to
th e w o rld . O b v io u sly a t th e p re s e n t tim e, b ro w n a n d black are
d iv id e d , a n d b ro w n g ro u p s a re fu rth e r d iv id e d by caste, religion
a n d c u ltu re . Black crim e also, a s H all et al. n o te (1978, p . 395),
a c ts in a d iv id in g w a y . Ideologically
it tra n s fo rm s th e d e p riv a tio n of th e class o u t of w h ic h th e
crim e a ris e s in to th e all too intelligible sy n tax of race a n d
fixes a false e n e m y ; th e black m u g g e r.
W h e n b la c k o rg a n iz a tio n s d e fe n d black y o u th th e y a p p e a r as
d e f e n d e r s o f b lack crim in als, y e t n o t to d o so w o u ld b e to
a b a n d o n th e m to th e ra n k s o f th e p e rm a n e n tly crim in alized .
T h e im p o rta n t th in g c o n c e rn in g crim e a n d black y o u th is n e ith e r
to ro m a n tic iz e it, n o r to c o n d e m n it as sim p le -m in d e d , b u t to
s e e it in th e c o n te x t in w h ic h it h a s a rise n . It is n o t w o rk w h ic h is
r e f u s e d b y black a n d b ro w n y o u th , b u t th e so rt of w o rk a n d
w o rk in g c o n d itio n s it is o ffered. Like all y o u th it is v u ln e ra b le ,
a n d h a s n o o rg a n iz e d b a se fro m w h ic h to n e g o tia te . A w a re of
h o w o c c u p a tio n d e fin e s id e n tity , black a n d b ro w n y o u th seek a
d ig n ifie d id e n tity in a w o rld w h ic h h a s sh o w n o p p re ssio n ,
re je c tio n a n d h u m ilia tio n .
T h e b la c k c o m m u n ity a t p re s e n t faces m a n y c o n tra d ic tio n s.
T h e e x te n t to w h ic h its y o u th is in v o lv e d in crim in al as o p p o se d
to d e v ia n t e n te rp ris e s is d e b a ta b le . T h e ex p erien ce o f black
y o u th h a s le d to n o t o n ly its d isaffiliatio n fro m w h ite society, b u t
a lso to in te r-g e n e ra tio n a l stra in . It h a s to fin d a n id e n tity
c o n c e rn in g its p o s itio n as black B ritish y o u th . A t p re s e n t it
d r a w s o n th e po litics a n d c u ltu re of Jam aica. T h ere is a refe re n c e
n o t o n ly to p e a c e a n d love, b u t also to th e R od of C o rrectio n .
M a te ria lly b lack y o u th is like wh ite y o u th , b u t its id e n tity is
m o re fra g m e n te d a n d p ro b lem atic. It is h ig h ly am b itio u s, d is -
s a tis fie d w ith its p ro sp e c ts, a n d so rejects n o t w o rk per se, b u t
th e w o rk it is o ffe re d . T he e x trem e h ig h ly -p u b lic iz e d p o le is th a t
o f th e y o u n g black crim in al, o r th e re v o lu tio n a ry . It w o u ld be a
m is ta k e to se e th is a s th e o n ly re sp o n se . H o w e v e r black y o u th
c u ltu re c o n ta in s a n in flam m ab le re b ellio u s e le m e n t, a n d d ra w s
u p o n a h e a d y m ix tu re o f relig ion a n d p olitics, c o m b in e d w ith a
d e v ia n t a n d q u a si-c rim in a l h u s tlin g style w h ic h , fed as it is b y a
c o n s ta n t s e n s e o f o p p re ss io n a n d rejectio n , co u ld beco m e a
s e rio u s p o litical re s p o n se .
5
The invisible girl.
The culture of femininity
versus masculinism
In m ost subcultural studies, girls are either invisible, peripheral

or stereotyped, and as Wilson (1978, p. 66) notes:
The history of the sociology of deviance as far as women
and girls are concerned, is a history of the uncritical
adoption of conventional wisdom about the nature of
w om en, nam ely that anatomy is destiny.
Subcultures are mainly discussed in relation to dom inant value
system s, but as I have noted they are also central to the structure
of identity outside of class ascriptions. In the case where identity
is dom inated not just by occupation, age and class, but also by
gender and race, then the importance of gender is overlooked. If
subcultures are solutions to collectively experienced problems,
th en youth culture is highly concerned with the problems of
m asculinity. In fact where ethnic origin complicates subcultural
m em bership, young black and brown males will turn to an
em phasis on masculinity. It is for these reasons that most
subcultures are m ale-dom inated and masculinist in form. This is
not to say that the presence or absence of girls in subcultures is
only related to femininity but also to wom en's relationship to
production. As the expansion in population reached work age,
th en economic expansion has slowed down. This has been
experienced throughout the population. Graduate youth has
found it increasingly difficult to find work, but w hat this means
is the sort of work graduate youth has found acceptable is
scarce, whilst for working-class youth work in general has
been hard to find. Minorities in particular have found difficulties
in obtaining work, and especially girls. M anpower Services
Com m ission report a rise of 120 per cent in unemploym ent
am ong young people for the five years up to 1977 as against 45
per cent am ong the working population as a whole, especially
for black youth (350 per cent). Female unem ploym ent rose fast
for the 18 to 24 age group for both black and white, but there
w as an increase of 30 per cent for black females as opposed to 22
per cent for all females. Given these figures, one begins to see
137
138 • The invisible girl
th e im p o rta n c e th a t th e c u lt of fe m in in ity (th a t is of n o n -w o rk -
d o m in a te d id e n tity ) h a s for girls.
F o r b o y s, th e n , su b c u ltu re s allo w a n ex p lo ra tio n a n d a n
in v e s tm e n t in fo rm s of m ascu lin ity . M e n in ro u tin iz e d la b o u r,
p a rtic u la rly in h e a v y in d u s tria l w o rk , p rid e th e m se lv e s o n th e ir
a b ility to p e rfo rm a rd u o u s w o rk (ev en th o u g h th e y m a y 'sk iv e '
o ff fro m w o rk ). It is a fittin g te st of th e ir m asc u lin ity , a n d th e y
w ill e m p h a s iz e th is in c ru d e sex ist d isc u ssio n a b o u t w o m e n a n d
sex , a n d a lso in th e ir p a ro d y of h o m o se x u a l m e n . T h eir c o n -
te m p t fo r w h a t is d e e m e d u n m a sc u lin e also e x te n d s to w h ite
c o lla r w o rk e rs a n d a s su c h is fla v o u re d w ith a class d im e n sio n .
W illis (1977), illu stra te s th e lin k b e tw e e n sex ism a n d sh o p -flo o r
c u ltu re . M a n u a l la b o u r in p a rtic u la r is g iv e n m a sc u lin e q u alities
- 'm a n 's w o rk '. W o rk m a y b e d iv e ste d of its in trin sic sig -
n ific a n c e , b u t p a tria rc h y h a s filled it w ith m a sc u lin e e m p h a sis.
E v e n th e g a in s o f tra d e u n io n conflict a re p a rt of a m a sc u lin e
p r id e in stru g g lin g w ith th e e m p lo y e rs. T h u s, as W illis (1977, p.
150), su g g e sts:
T h e w a g e p a c k e t is th e p ro v id e r o f fre e d o m a n d in -
d e p e n d e n c e : th e p a rtic u la r p riz e o f m a sc u lin ity in w o rk . . . .
T h e m a le w a g e p a c k e t is h e ld to b e cen tra l, n o t sim p ly
b e c a u s e o f its size, b u t b e c a u se it is w o n in a m a sc u lin e
m o d e in c o n fro n ta tio n w ith th e 're a l' w o rld w h ic h is too
to u g h fo r th e w o m a n . T h u s th e m a n in th e d o m estic h o u s e -
h o ld is h e ld to b e th e b re a d -w in n e r, th e w o rk e r, w h ilst th e
w ife w o rk s fo r 'th e e x tra s'.
T h is is n o t ju s t tru e for th e w o rk in g -c la ss h o u s e h o ld , b u t is also
re fle c te d in m id d le -c la ss fam ilies. W e see th e n th a t w o m e n h a v e
re a lity m e d ia te d n o t ju s t b y class lo catio n in te rp re ta tio n s, b u t
a ls o b y p a tria rc h y , th e sy ste m of s u b o rd in a tio n in a w o rld w h ic h
is m a le -d o m in a te d in sexu ality a n d p ro c re a tiv e p o te n tia l; a
sy s te m w h e re w o m e n 's la b o u r is o rg a n ise d econom ically,
id e o lo g ic a lly a n d politically b y m ales. It is a w o rld w h e re sexism
is th e a rtic u la te d , as w ell as th e ta k e n -fo r-g ra n te d , u n q u e s tio n e d
su p e rio rity o f m e n . In th is se n se w o m e n in h a b it tw o locations:
th e ir ro le in th e ir specific social class a n d th e ir p o sitio n in
p a tria rc h y .
T h is is a t th e b a sis o f th e c o n stru c tio n o f th e p sy c h o lo g y of
fe m in in ity a n d th e p re p a ra tio n for th is d u a l roile p o se s p ro b le m s
fo r w o m e n d u rin g th e ir so cialization a n d e d u c a tio n . T h ere is a
c o n sid e ra b le d e b a te o n th e q u e stio n of d o m estic la b o u r (see
D alla C o sta a n d Jam es, 1972; G a rd in e r, 1976; B land et al., 1978;
H im m e lw e it a n d M o h u n , 1977). In brief, th e class a n a ly sis of
w o m e n h a s tra d itio n a lly b e e n b a se d o n th e ir h u s b a n d 's o c c u p a -
The invisible girl • 139
tio n w h a te v e r 'c u ltu ra l c a p ital' th e y m a y b rin g to th e m arria g e in
th e fo rm o f skills o r m o n e y . P a tria rc h y reco g n izes m e n as b re a d -
w in n e r s , a n d w o m e n as fin ancially d e p e n d e n t o n th em ; a
p o s itio n re fle c te d in w o m e n 's in com es. W o m en w o rk in a n
u n w a g e d ca p a c ity , serv icin g a n d su sta in in g th e fam ily; re p ro -
d u c in g n o t o n ly th e w o rk force, b u t th e m se lv e s as su sta in e rs.
H o w e v e r, w o m e n a re in v o lv e d in th e w o rk force in a v ery
c e n tra l w a y . In th e U n ite d S ta te s o v e r th e p a s t te n y ears, th e
a v e ra g e m a le w a g e h a s n o t rise n su b sta n tia lly b u t m o re w o m e n
in fam ilies h a v e g o n e o u t to w o rk , th u s in c re a sin g th e inco m e of
th e h o u s e h o ld . L a n d (1976), h a s a rg u e d a q u a rte r of a m illion
fa m ilie s w o u ld b e b e lo w th e official p o v e rty 'lin e ' if th e y w e re
n o t s u p p le m e n te d b y th e e a rn in g s of th e m o th e r, a n d th a t o n e-
six th o f h o u s e h o ld s a re su b sta n tia lly o r c o m p letely d e p e n d e n t
o n w o m e n 's e a rn in g s (this ex clu d es p e n sio n e rs) a n d m o st of
th e s e fam ilies h a v e d e p e n d a n ts . W o m en are in v o lv e d in th e
e c o n o m y a s c a su a liz e d te m p o ra ry w o rk e rs, a re se rv e a rm y of
la b o u r w h ic h serv ices th e w o rk force, w o rk s as u n p a id d o m estic
la b o u re rs , a n d a re also c o n su m e rs w ith in th e eco no m ic sy stem .
W o m e n a re ju d g e d , th e n , n o t o n th e ir o c c u p a tio n a l s ta tu s b u t
o n th e ir fe m in in ity . T h ey a re a sse sse d in te rm s of th e ir sexual
d e s ira b ility (d e sc rib e d b y Z e tte rb e rg , 1968, as th e 'se c re t ra n k in g
o f e ro tic (h ie ra rc h y '), a n d th e ir fem in in ity is d e fin e d by th e ir
re la tio n to c o n s u m p tio n (a p p e a ra n ce , ta ste , fa sh io n a w a re n e ss,
c lo th e s , c h ild re n 's a p p e a ra n c e , ho m e). W o rk available to w o m e n
in in d u s tr y is d e -sk ille d , a n d e v e n in th e p ro fe ssio n s te n d s to be
o f lo w s ta tu s . W h ilst th e ir in co m e m ay b e e ssen tial, th e ir w o rk is
d e le g a te d to b e in g of m in o r im p o rta n c e , b o th in its o rg a n iz a tio n
a n d its fo rm ; it is 'w o m e n 's w o rk '. It o fte n c o n ta in s e le m e n ts of
d o m e s tic la b o u r su c h as servicin g m e n as b o sse s (th e clerical
w o rk e r a s 'office w ife') a n d a t w o rk th e ir sou rce of p o w e r m ay
n o t b e in th e ir fu n c tio n as w o rk e rs, b u t th e ir ra n k in th e erotic
h ie ra rc h y ('fe m in in e w iles'), th a t is th e ir social so u rce of p o w er.
T h is is illu so ry p o w e r in a n y m aterial se n se , b u t it is a d efin ite
s o u rc e o f a lte rn a tiv e p o w e r in th e p e rso n a l sp h e re , as illu stra te d
b y th e sc h o o lg irl flirtin g w ith th e m ale teacher; th e ty p ist w ith
th e e x e c u tiv e s, n u rs e s w ith d o c to rs, th e sh o p -flo o r w o rk e r a n d
th e m a le o v e rse e r.
T h e c o n tra d ic tio n s of th e s e roles a re fo u n d e d a t school.
W h a te v e r th e e g a lita ria n id eo lo g y of th e school, girls a n d b oy s
a re s e ld o m g iv e n e q u a l o p p o rtu n itie s to stu d y . T h ere is alw ay s a
s c h o o lin g w ith m a rria g e in m in d , so th a t girls h a v e a n am b iv a -
le n t a ttitu d e to th e ir fu tu re , tu rn in g p artially o n th e ro m an ticism
f o u n d in p o p u la r lite ra tu re a n d m a g a z in e s, b u t also o n a n
in te r e s t in c a rin g fo r p e o p le w h ich , g iv en w o m e n 's historical
a lte rn a tiv e s , is c o m p re h e n sib le . S u e S h a rp e (1976), re m in d s u s
th a t sc h o o ls h a v e a 'h id d e n c u rric u lu m ' w h e re w o rk is p re fe rre d
fo r fo rm r a th e r th a n c o n te n t, a n d p u p ils a re ste e re d to w a rd s
'g irls ' su b je c ts s u c h a s arts. G irls a re ta u g h t to b e u n a sse rtiv e .
T h e y te n d to u n d e r-a c h ie v e a t th e ag e o f p u b e rty , a tim e w h e n
th e y b e c o m e se lf-co n scio u s a b o u t fem in in ity . S h a rp e n o te s th a t
g irls r e p o r t th a t,b o y s dislik e clev erer girls, so th a t socially th e re
is a fe a r o f su c c e ss as w ell as a fear of failure. G irls can reso lve
th is b y e m p h a s iz in g th e fe m in in e role. T h ere is so m e slig h t
e v id e n c e th a t girls m a y d o b e tte r in a ll-g irls' sch oo ls, aw a y fro m
m a le c o m p e titio n .
L ove and m arriage; escape in to rom ance
G irls re ceiv e fro m th e m a ss m e d ia a n d fro m p o p u la r fiction

d is tin c t sig n a ls a b o u t th e cu lt of fe m in in ity . R ead in g p rim e rs
re in fo rc e se x u a l ro les, a n d com ics a re d iv id e d strictly a lo n g sex
lin e s fro m th e a g e o f se v e n o r e ig h t. T h e th e m e s in g irls' com ics
a re o fte n re la te d to iso latio n , co m p e titio n , lo n e lin e ss a n d
e m o tio n a l p ro b le m s. T h e m a rk e t a im e d a t th e p u b e sc e n t girl
a n d th e a d o le s c e n t h a v e a cen tra l th e m e of ro m an ticism .
R o m a n tic a tta c h m e n t, a n d d e p e n d e n c y o n m e n is e m p h a siz e d
a n d a d v ic e o n e m o tio n s, m a k e -u p a n d fa sh io n is g iv en as w ell
a s g la m o ro u s h in ts of th e lives of p o p sta rs. T h ese are su c c e e d e d
b y g lo ssy fa sh io n m a g a z in e s, a im e d a t specific ag e g ro u p s,
a g a in w ith ad v ic e a b o u t ro m a n c e a n d sex, w ith m o re a d u lt
sto rie s , b u t n e v e rth e le s s p re s e n tin g a n esc a p ist u n p ro b le m a tic
w o rld . A p p e a ra n c e is s tre sse d , a n d fa sh io n is u s e d to c o n stru c t
a se lf w h ic h in d ic a te s to th e w o rld th a t th e girl is fro m a w o rld of
fa sh io n a b le fe m in in ity , w h e re sh e h a s a re la tio n n o t to class, b u t
to a m y th ic a l w o rld in h a b ite d b y a fa sh io n h ie ra rc h y b a se d o n
p o p u la r m e d ia fig u re s. A s girls g ro w o ld e r th e y seem to seek
m a g a z in e s w h ic h e m p h a siz e fa sh io n ra th e r th a n ro m a n tic
sto rie s. D e B eau v o ir h a s p u t th is w ell (1972, p . 543):
to c are fo r h e r b e a u ty , to d re ss u p , is a k in d of w o rk th a t
e n a b le s h e r to ta k e p o sse ssio n of h e r p e rso n , as sh e tak es
p o s s e s s io n of h e r h o m e th ro u g h h o u se w o rk , h e r ego th e n
se e m s c h o s e n a n d c re a te d b y h erself.
G irls th e n h a v e tw o so u rc e s of so cializatio n for th e ir fu tu re ,
sc h o o l a n d a t h o m e , b ack ed u p b y a m e d ia in te rp re ta tio n of
fe m in in ity w h ic h a d d s a se n se of fatalism a b o u t m a rria g e a n d
The invisible girl •141
m o th e rh o o d . F o r m a n y girls, in p a rtic u la r w o rk in g -class girls,

th e s e a re a ttra c tiv e a n d seem in g ly fulfilling goals. It is o n ly a fter
m a rria g e th a t w o m e n realize its iso latio n a n d e m p tin e ss. T he
re a lity is th a t th e a v e ra g e age of m arria g e for a w o m a n is 22, a n d
th e w o m a n 's ag e a t th e b irth of th e last child is 26, a n d 42 p e r
c e n t o f all m a rrie d w o m e n w o rk . Schools, p artic u la rly in p o o re r
a re a s w h e re o p p o rtu n itie s for w o m e n are re stric te d , p re p a re
g irls fo r th e m a rria g e m a rk e t as m u c h as for th e job m ark et. T he
f u tu r e w o rk p ro s p e c ts a re b e little d as te m p o ra ry a n d u n im p o rt-
a n t. A s S h a w (1976, p . 146), su g g ests:
T h e m e a n in g s a n d c o n se q u e n c e s of sexu al d iv isio n s in o u r
so c ie ty a re tra n s la te d in to e d u c a tio n a l te rm s so th a t th e
d iffe re n t s u b c u ltu re s of b o y s' a n d g irls' schools are b u t
sp e c ia lise d v e rsio n s of a w id e r cu ltu re , in w h ic h fem ale
f u tu re s a re still d e fin e d in essen tially d o m estic te rm s - a
s te re o ty p in g w h ic h o u r e d u c a tio n a l sy ste m d o e s little to
u n d e r m in e .
T h e o rg a n iz a tio n a n d fo rm of girls' su b c u ltu re s re m a in v ery
m u c h a m a tte r of em p irical in v e stig a tio n . A s h a s b e e n s u g -
g e s te d , a p ro m in e n t fe a tu re of m a le -d o m in a te d su b c u ltu re s h a s
b e e n its e x p lo ra tio n o f m ascu lin ity , a n d its im ag ery , w h e th e r it
is th e a m b ig u ity of m o d s a n d freak s, o r th e h e a v y m ach ism o of
g re a se rs . G irls a re p re s e n t in m ale su b c u ltu re s, b u t are c o n -
ta in e d w ith in th e m , ra th e r th a n u sin g th e m to exp lore actively
fo rm s of fe m a le id e n tity . T h e su b c u ltu re m ay be a social focus,
s o m e th in g to d re s s u p for, a n d a n e scap e from th e re stra in ts of
h o m e , sc h o o l a n d w o rk , b u t as y e t n o d istin c t m o d e ls of
fe m in in ity , w h ic h h a v e b ro k e n from tra d itio n , h a v e evo lv ed,
a lth o u g h th is m a y w ell h a p p e n w h e n fe m a le -d o m in a te d s u b -
c u ltu re s ev o lv e. T h is is u n lik ely a t p re s e n t, esp ecially a m o n g
w o rk in g -c la s s girls, b ecau se of th e d e m a n d s of a d o le sc e n t
h e te ro s e x u a lity a n d th e fem ale role. For w o rk in g -class w o m e n ,
m a rria g e is a ro le o f p rim a ry im p o rta n c e , a n d econom ically
e s se n tia l. M a rria g e m e d ia te s a g a in st th e sta rk n e ss a n d d ra b n e ss
o f w o rk , it p ro v id e s accep tab le e v id en ce of m a tu rity a n d a d u lt-
h o o d , a n d it is a n im p o rta n t in v e stm e n t for th e fu tu re . Its
a ttra c tio n m a y fa d e a w a y w ith fam iliarity, b u t it is still stro n g
e n o u g h to s tru c tu re g irls' choices. W o rk ing -class resp ectab ility
h a s to b e p a id a tte n tio n to: a girl is p e rm itte d sexual relatio n s
w ith h e r s te a d y b o y frien d , b u t sh e m u s t g u a rd a g a in st a
r e p u ta tio n w h ic h w ill releg ate h e r to th e role of 'sla g '. S h e
d e v e lo p s a cy n icism a b o u t b o y s w h o d e m a n d a sexual re la tio n -
s h ip w ith o u t em o tio n a l c o m m itm e n t w ith a view to p e rm a n e n c e .
G irls a re lo c a te d in differin g c o n tra d ic tio n s, as M cR obbie a n d
G a r b e r (1976), su g g e st. T h ey m a y b e p e rip h e ra l in o n e sp h e re ,
s u c h a s w o rk , b u t th e y can b e c e n tra l in a n o th e r, su c h as th e
h o m e . C o n se q u e n tly , w h e n th e y a re m e n tio n e d in su b c u ltu ra l
th e o ry , th e y a re se e n a s p e rip h e ra l to th e boys:
W o m e n w e re u s u a lly ac c o m p a n ie d b y a m a n a n d th e y d id
n o t s p e a k a n y th in g like a s m u c h as th e m e n . T h e re w a s a
sm a ll g ro u p o f u n a tta c h e d fem ales, b u t th e y w e re a llo w ed
n o re a l d ig n ity o r id e n tity b y th e m e n . (W illis, 1978, p . 28)
T h is, h o w e v e r, is b e c a u se th e larg ely m ale in v e stig a to rs a c c e p te d
th e m a sc u lin ist d e fin itio n o f th e g irls' ro les in th e se su b c u ltu re s.
M cR obbie a n d G a rb e r (1976) a rg u e th a t girls a re n o t m arg in al,
b u t s tru c tu ra lly d iffe re n t, p u s h e d b y m ale d o m in a n c e to th e
p e r ip h e r y o f social activity b e c a u se th e y a re c e n trally in to a
d iffe re n t s e t o f activities. G irls s p e n d m o re tim e a t h o m e ,
a c c o rd in g to B ark er (1972); C rich to n et al. (1962); a n d M cR obbie
(1978). F rith (1978), su g g e sts th re e re a so n s for g irls' a b sen ce
fro m su b c u ltu re s - first, p a re n ts co n tro l g irls' sp a re tim e m u c h
m o re clo sely. S e c o n d , girls h a v e to a ssu m e a n a p p re n tic e s h ip
fo r d o m e s tic la b o u r w h ic h b e g in s a t h o m e . In fact, girls o fte n
h a v e to e a rn th e ir p o c k e t m o n e y b y h e lp in g in d o m e stic task s.
A n d th ird , girls s p e n d a lo t o f tim e in p re p a ra tio n fo r o u t-o f-
h o m e le isu re activ ities. F rith in fact a rg u e s th a t (1978, p . 66):
m a rria g e is a g irl's c areer a n d th e so u rc e o f th e c o n stra in ts
o n h e r le isu re . T his a rg u m e n t can b e p u s h e d fu rth e r: a g irl's
le isu re is h e r w o rk . It is le isu re activities th a t a re th e se ttin g
fo r th e s ta rt o f h e r career, for th e a ttra c tio n of a m a n s u it-
ab le fo r m a rria g e .
W h e re lo w jo b a sp ira tio n s exist, as th e y d o for m o st girls, th e n
th e r e is a c o m m itm e n t to e arly m arriag e. It is a w a y o u t, a n d a
so cially a c c e p ta b le o n e , from e d u c a tio n a l failu re a n d w o rk
d is sa tis fa c tio n , a n d g irls' job d e c isio n s te n d to b e m a d e in te rm s
o f a s h o rt-te rm c o m m itm e n t a n d se c o n d a ry to th e lo n g -te rm
c o m m itm e n t o f m a rria g e . R o m an ce is c e rtain ly c e n tra l to g irls'
p e rc e p tio n s o f th e fu tu re a n d it is se e n as a p re c u rso r to
m a rria g e . S a rsb y (1972) fo u n d fo r a sa m p le of 15 -y ear-old s th a t
g irls s o u g h t p a rtn e rs w h o w o u ld b e se n sitiv e to th e m , w h ilst
b o y s s tre s s e d p h y sic a l a ttra c tio n . H e r w o rk in g -c la ss girls
s tr e s s e d th e im p o rta n c e of sec u rity a n d s u p p o rt in m arriag e. E.
F ig re s (1972), q u o te s a b a tc h o f e ssa y s w ritte n b y L o n d o n
g ra m m a r sc h o o l girls w h ic h rev eal th e ir th o u g h ts are v e ry
c e n tra lly o n m a rria g e , a n d S h a rp e (1976), fo u n d 82 p e r c e n t of
h e r s a m p le w a n te d to m a rry - th re e -q u a rte rs of th e m b y th e ag e
o f 25. M cR ob b ie a n d G a rb e r (1976), su g g e s t th a t o n e of th e m o st
im p o r ta n t fo rm s of su b c u ltu re s a m o n g st girls of th e se v e n tie s
w a s th e T e e n y B o p p e r (a lth o u g h th is p h e n o m e n o n w a s certain ly
p r e s e n t sin c e th e e a rly sixties). H o w e v e r, it b ecam e a c en tre for
m a rk e t fo cu s d u r in g th e se v e n tie s for th e 10- to 15 -y ear-old girl.
It re q u ire s o n ly th e u se of a b e d ro o m , a re c o rd p la y e r a n d a
frie n d . T h e re a re n o ex clusio n ru le s, e n tra n c e qualificatio ns, n o
ris k o f se x u a l o r social failure. F rith (1978, p . 66), agrees:
g irl c u ltu re b e c o m e s a c u ltu re of th e b e d ro o m , th e place
w h e r e g irls m e e t, liste n to m u sic a n d teach e ach o th e r
m a k e -u p skills, p ra c tise th e ir d an c in g , c o m p are sexual
n o te s , criticise ea c h o th e r 's clothes a n d g o ssip .
T h is is th e p lace th a t o th e r girls are allo w e d to v isit b y th e ir
p a r e n ts . F rith b rin g s m a rk e tin g ev id e n c e to sh o w th a t th e focus
o f th is T e e n y B o p p e r c u ltu re is u su a lly a p o p sta r, a n d w h a t is
p u r c h a s e d a re m a g a z in e s, th e n reco rd s a n d sym bo ls su ch as
T -s h irts , p o s te rs a n d p ic tu re s. T his fad es as th e girls go o u t a n d
d a n c e a n d d a te , b u t th e ir m a g a z in e s still fe a tu re p o p sta rs ra th e r
th a n p o p m u sic . A tta c k s o n T een y B o p p er id ols are a cau se of
fric tio n , a n d th e y a re p a ssio n a te ly d e fe n d e d . R o bins a n d C o h en
(1978, p . 52), n o te:
O s m o n d b a itin g w a s, in fact, o n e of th e m o st fam iliar
w e a p o n s u s e d b y o ld e r b ro th e rs in th e ir c o n tin u o u s b ick er-
in g w ith th e ir y o u n g e r sisters. A fo u rte e n y e a r o ld b oy told
h o w 'w e w e n t by th e R ain bo w [T heatre] on ce a n d w e
s ta r te d sc re a m in g o u t of th e w in d o w " O s m o n d s a re b e n t, all
q u e e r s " a n d th e y w e re lo b bin g e v e ry th in g th a t com e in
sig h t. Y ou s h o u ld see o n e of th em , s h e 's in a sta te crying
o v e r th e railin g , g o in g "Y o u b a sta rd s " a n d th e nex t m in u te
sh e p ic k e d u p a b o ttle a n d th re w it a t th e b u s '.
It is w o rth n o tin g th a t m a n y p o p id ols w h o are a m b ig u -
o u s ly m a le in th is su b c u ltu re are sexistly re d u c e d to 'p o o fs'
b y m a le s m o re in v o lv e d in o th e r e le m e n ts of rock cu ltu re.
T h e T e e n y B o p p e r su b c u ltu re is a re tre a t a n d a p re p a ra tio n for
y o u n g girls. T h e y ca n relate to th e ir b e st frien d (girls o ften
e m p h a s iz e th e im p o rta n c e of th e ir b e st frie n d , w h o se frie n d sh ip
th e y se e a s c o n tin u in g a fter m arriag e) a n d to g e th e r p ractise in
th e se c re c y o f girl c u ltu re for th e ritu a ls of c o u rtsh ip , aw ay from
th e e y e o f m a le rid icu le.
T h e re is a n o t d issim ila r p a tte rn for b o y s o u tsid e of th e m o re
d ra m a tic s u b c u ltu re s, a n d w h o h a v e th e lu x u ry of th e ir o w n o r a
f r ie n d 's ro o m . T h e y a re m o re fo cu sed o n rock m u sic, a n d o th e r
m a s c u lin e p u rs u its . T h e e m p h a sis o n ro m an ce in th e c u ltu re of
fe m in in ity le a d s to c o u rtsh ip practices. D an cin g is im p o rta n t in
th is , a n d M u n g h a m (1976), d e sc rib e s w ell th e d a n c e -h a ll
sc e n a rio , w ith its h e a v y h e te ro se x u a l m a c h ism o m a sk in g th e
fe a r o f th e in d e p e n d e n t w o m a n . G irls in th is se ttin g le a rn a n
im p o r ta n t a re a o f th e ir lives: th a t of w a itin g . T h ey c a n n o t
d ire c tly in itia te social e n c o u n te rs, b u t c a n o n ly reject o r accep t
w h a t is o ffe re d . T his is so m e tim e s c ru d e ly a n d effectively d o n e .
O n e r e s p o n d e n t to ld m e h o w h e w e n t d o w n a lin e of w a itin g
g irls to b e b r u s h e d off w ith a c ru d e 'P iss off - D racula!' G irls
b e c o m e o b s e s s e d w ith ro m a n c e in th is co n tex t, realisin g th a t th e
o n ly e x c itin g e v e n t in th e ir b leak lives m a y b e m a rria g e , a n d th e y
h a v e n o in te n tio n o f b lo w in g th is b y u n se e m ly in d e p e n d e n c e .
T h e y p r e p a r e c arefu lly for d a n c e s a n d disco s, arriv e im m a c u -
la te ly d r e s s e d w ith frie n d s, a n d d a n c e w ell. T h ey th e n h a v e to
m a n a g e th e c o u rts h ip ritu a ls, fro m b o y s try in g to 's p lit a p a ir' of
g irls, to g e ttin g off, to g o in g ste a d y , w h ic h m e a n s b e in g sexual
w ith o n e b o y , y e t g u a rd in g o n e 's re p u ta tio n a g a in st b o y s w h o ,
it is a c c e p te d , a re a fte r o n ly o n e th in g .
G irls in m a le-d o m in a ted sub cu ltures
In th e m o re d ra m a tic form s of m a le -d o m in a te d su b c u ltu re s girls

a re in a s tru c tu re d ly p a ssiv e situ a tio n , b u t th is can b e co m -
p lic a te d . D u rin g th e p e rio d of th e T ed s, girls w o u ld b e p re s e n t
d u r in g th e social activities b u t a b se n t fro m th e s tre e t c o rn e r
c u ltu re . W ith th e M o d s, girls w e re s u b o rd in a te b u t th e m o d
'c o o l' sty le a llo w e d th e m to g o o u t in g ro u p s o r alo n e. W ith
b ik e rs, th e y n e v e r p e n e tra te d th e ce n tra l m a sc u lin e core, rid in g
o r o w n in g a bike: th e y w e re a lw a y s a p illio n rid e r. In th e h ip p y
s u b c u ltu re , th e y w e re still c o n ta in e d w ith in th e s p h e re of
tra d itio n a l fe m in in ity , e v e n th o u g h it allo w e d a m o ra to riu m
w h ic h s u s p e n d e d m a rria g e (b u t n o t ste a d y re la tio n sh ip s).
H ip p y girls w e re lo n g -h a ire d , w a n to n , w ild flo w e r-c h ild re n or,
a s M cR ob bie a n d G a rb e r (1976, p . 219) su g g est:
T h e ste re o ty p ic a l im ag es w e associate m o st w ith h ip p y
c u ltu re te n d to b e th o s e of th e E arth M o th e r, b ab y a t b re a st,
o r th e frag ile P re -R a p h a e lite lady.
A s e a rly as sch o o l su b c u ltu re s, sexu al e x p lo ita tio n a n d th e
s u b o r d in a tio n of w o m e n is stre sse d . T he b o y s in S a rsb y 's s tu d y
w h o m e n tio n e d p e rso n a l q u alities s o u g h t in a girl stre ss e d
o b e d ie n c e , re sp e c t a n d v irg in ity . T h e re la tio n s w ith girls in
sc h o o l m e a n s th e y m u s t b e sexu ally in v itin g b u t n o t sex ually
e x p e rie n c e d ; sex u ally a ttractiv e e n o u g h to raise th e b o y 's sta tu s,
b u t n o t e x p e rie n c e d so th a t th e re is n o k u d o s in h a v in g a
re la tio n s h ip w ith h e r. T h ey a re ex p e c te d to service th e b oy

d o m e stic a lly ; to b e a s u rro g a te w ife. T h ey are re d u c e d to b ein g
th e re c e iv in g e n d of m a sc u lin e d e sire , a n d so h a v e to o p e ra te
w ith in a fra m e w o rk o f p a ssiv ity . W illis (1977, p. 44), su m s th is up :
A lth o u g h th e y a re its objects, fra n k a n d explicit sex uality is
a c tu a lly d e n ie d to w o m e n . T h e re is a com plex of e m o tio n
h e re . O n th e o n e h a n d in so fa r as sh e is a sex object, a co m -
m o d ity , s h e is a c tu ally d im in is h e d b y sex, sh e is literally
w o rth le s s , sh e h a s b e e n ro m an tically a n d m aterially p a rtly
co n su m ed .
T h e re lies u n d e r th is a fe a r th a t if a w o m a n 's d e sire is a w a k e n e d
th e n sh e m a y b ec o m e in d e p e n d e n t, a n d th e m ale h im self
re d u c e d to a n o b ject o f co m p a riso n . A loyal d o m estic p a rtn e r is
s o u g h t, th e 'g o o d w o m a n ' b a se d o n th e b o y 's im age of his o w n ,
o r a n id e a liz e d m o th e r.
W ith g irls in v o lv e d in d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re s, W ilson (1978),
s u g g e s ts in te re s tin g ly th a t th e y m a y be in rebellion a g a in st th e ir
tra d itio n a l ro le. T h e d e v ia n t o r d e lin q u e n t b e h a v io u r of girls
te n d s to b e se x u a liz e d b o th in th e lite ra tu re a n d in th e p o p u la r
m in d . W ilso n 's sa m p le of 13- to 15-y ear-old s follo w ed th e cu lt of
fe m in in ity in th a t th e y saw th e m se lv e s as o n e -m a n girls, a n d for
th e m lo v e w a s e sse n tia lly in v o lv e d in a re la tio n sh ip b efo re sex.
T h e ir f u tu re jo b s w e re se e n m ere ly as a ste p to w a rd s m arriag e,
a n d th e y re g u la te d th e ir b e h a v io u r so as to av o id c o n tact w ith
'e a s y la y s' w h o m ig h t c o n ta m in a te th e ir o w n re p u ta tio n s. T he
g irls w e re a b le to b e sexu ally active w ith o u t d e fin in g th e m se lv e s
a s 'b a d '. B ecau se girls w h o are d e v ia n t o r d e lin q u e n t te n d to
h a v e th e ir o ffen ces sex u alized , a la te n t fu n c tio n of con tro l, care
a n d p ro te c tio n o rd e rs is to reinfo rce co n v e n tio n a l sexual
m o ra lity . L. S. S m ith (1978) in v e stig a tin g a sa m p le of girls ag e d
14 to 16 in th e B ristol area in c lu d in g th o se in v o lv e d w ith sk in -
h e a d s a n d g re a se rs fo u n d th a t c o u rt re c o rd s re v e a le d th a t in n o
w a y w a s fem ale d e lin q u e n c y re stric te d to sexual m isco n d u ct,
b u t a lso in c lu d e d th e u su a l d e lin q u e n t acts of b o y s of a sim ilar
a g e c o h o rt. T erry (1970), fo u n d in A m erica th a t girls su sp e c te d
o f se x u a l o ffe n c e s are m o re likely th a n b o y s to be c h a rg e d , a n d
C h e s n e y -L in d (1973), fo u n d th re e tim es as m a n y girls as bo ys
in s titu tio n a liz e d for sexual offences, ru n n in g aw ay from h o m e
a n d in c o rrig ib ility (ag ain th e care, c o n tro l a n d p ro te c tio n areas),
e v e n th o u g h th e s e offences are c o m m itte d m o re by boys.
In te re s tin g ly e n o u g h , S m ith 's girls te n d e d to react to b e in g
s tig m a tiz e d a s 's lu ts ' o r 'c o m m o n ' by a g g re ssio n ra th e r th a n
p ro m is c u ity . T h e y su ffe re d a d o u b le rejection: first as d e lin -
q u e n ts , se c o n d ly stig m a tiz e d as 's lu ts '. T he girls rejected th is
la tte r v ie w , a n d in d e e d th e y c o n d e m n e d p ro m isc u ity . T hey

d e v e lo p e d se lf-im a g e s a s tom b oy s: to u g h , d o m in a n t a n d w illing
to jo in in fig h ts o n e q u a l term s w ith b o y s. S h a rp e (1976), n o te s
th a t in o n e L o n d o n scho ol it is c o m m o n for girls to fig h t each
o th e r u n til th e y a re 14 o r 15, y e t still re m a in fa sh io n -c o n sc io u s.
S m ith 's g irls fo u n d th e m se lv e s iso la te d , a s b a d ex am p les, fro m
o th e r n e ig h b o u rh o o d girls, w h ic h p u s h e d th e m in to in c re a se d
d e p e n d e n c e u p o n th e d e lin q u e n t g ro u p . T h ey b ecam e in v o lv e d
in m o re fig h tin g , sh o p -liftin g a n d d rin k in g . T h e girls w e re
s e rio u s ly in v o lv e d in th e su b c u ltu re , a n d sh o w e d g ro u p so li-
d a r ity a n d activ e p a rtic ip a tio n d u rin g g ro u p fig h ts. B ecause of
th is th e y s e e m e d to b e tre a te d a s e q u a ls. T h is can b e c o n tra ste d
w ith re p o rts fro m o th e r so u rc e s a b o u t sk in h e a d girls (Schools
B ulletin, W e st R id in g , July, 1970):
S k in h e a d g irls a d m ire th e w a y th e ir b o y s tre a t th e m . T h ey

tr e a t th e m a s if th e y w e r e n 't th e re . . . . T h ey n e v e r in c lu d e
th e m in th e ir c o n v e rsa tio n , th e y h a v e n o m a n n e rs a n d a re
d isre sp e c tfu l, b u t th e girls re sp e c t th e m for b e in g th is w ay .
It is all p a r t o f th e u n d e rs ta n d in g th a t g o es w ith b e in g a
s k in h e a d a n d b e in g a tru e o n e . . . . All sk in h e a d s a re b ig -
h e a d e d . . . h e w ill m ak e a sm all fig h t s o u n d like a m a ssacre
. . . b e fo re a s k in h e a d can ca rry a tool, h e m u s t b e able to
fig h t w ith h is fists. A tool is n o g o o d if so m e o n e can k n o ck
y o u o u t w ith o n e b lo w . T h e g irls ta k e as m u c h p a rt in th e
fig h tin g a s th e b o y s a n d w ill b e re a d y to h a v e 'a g g ro ' a t
a n y tim e.
T h e s e r e p o rts fro m tw o d iffe re n t e ssa y s b y girls illu stra te th e

v a rie d re sp o n se : firstly th e co llu sio n w ith m ale c h a u v in ism , a n d
se c o n d ly th e in v o lv e m e n t w ith fig h tin g . T h ese g irls d isso c ia te d
th e m s e lv e s fro m th e re sp e c ta b le w o rk in g -c la ss im ag e of fem i-
n in ity , y e t re m a in e d c o n ta in e d w ith in th e id e o lo g y of m ale
su p re m a c y . T h e y w e re still sex ually 're sp e c ta b le '. T h e ir fig h ts
w e re w ith o th e r g irls, b u t th e ir re la tio n to th e c u ltu re of
fe m in in ity is c om plex . In b ik e r g ro u p s th e re is a fe tish iz e d im ag e,
a fe m in iz e d c o u n te rp a rt o f th e m ale, b u t a g ain th e girl is th e
p r o p e r ty of th e m ale. A s w ith sk in h e a d girls th e re is th e
d r a w in g o n o f a n im ag e fo u n d in w o rk in g -c la ss lesb ian c u ltu res:
th a t o f th e 'd ie s e l d y k e ' o r 's to m p in g d y k e ', n o t so m u c h a
d e v e lo p m e n t o f p o ssib le n e w fem in in e im ag ery b u t fe m in ise d
in te r p r e ta tio n s o f w o rk in g -c la ss m ale im ag ery . T h e se girls m u s t
b e s e e n , a s S m ith (1978, p . 84), n o te s
in c o n tra s t to th e m a le s w h o s e d e lin q u e n t b e h a v io u r is
o fte n s e e n a s a n e x te n sio n of th e ir ro le, th e y w e re se e n to
h a v e o ffe n d e d a g a in s t th e ir o w n sex role a n d th e tra d itio n a l,

s te r e o ty p e d c o n c e p tio n s of fem in in ity .
It is v e ry d ifficu lt for girls to d ra w o n a n y a lte rn a tiv e c o n cep ts

o f fe m in in ity , b e c a u se of th e ir in tim a te in te ra c tio n , especially in
w o rk in g -c la s s c u ltu re w ith tra d itio n a l fam ilial ro les. A n y h o m -
o lo g y s o u g h t in y o u th c u ltu re is ru le d o u t b e c a u se p o p u la r
c u ltu re is itse lf sexist. W h ilst th e ex p licitn ess of rock a n d roll
s tru c k a n im p o rta n t b lo w a g a in st sm a ll-to w n p u rita n ism , from
P re s le y 's p e lv is o n w a rd s , ro ck a n d roll n e v e rth e le ss is a celebra-
tio n o f m a c h o m a le sexu ality w h ic h h a s a tra d itio n a l n o tio n of
w o m e n 's p la c e , w h e th e r it is th e sex uality of R h y th m a n d Blues,
w o m a n 's n e e d fo r a m a n in b lu e s, o r th e id eo log y of c o u n try
m u s ic . R ock a n d roll is still 'sc re w a n d s m a sh ', screw th e girls
a n d s m a s h th e o p p o sitio n . M u sician s are m ain ly m e n , except for
e so te ric e x c e p tio n s like A lice C o ltran e, a n d w o m e n are p re -
s e n te d a s ly ricists, sin g e rs o f se n sitiv e w o rk , o r sex objects.
P u n k h a s a t le a st a tta c k e d th is im ag e, a lth o u g h fetish izatio n
re m a in s , a t le a st it h a s e le m e n ts of sh o ck a n d self-satire. T he
se x ism o f p o p u la r c u ltu re , esp ecially m usic, is th a t it is ro o te d in
a n in d u s tr y w h ic h is correctly called sh o w 'b u s in e s s '. Its aim is
to m a k e m o n e y , a n d n o t to criticize itself o r society. A n y
w o m a n 's b a n d w h ic h ch a lle n g e s p ro g ra m m e d fem in in ity
u s u a lly w o rk s o u ts id e of th e in d u s try . M a ss-p ro d u c e d p o p u la r
c u ltu re is im p o rta n t b e c a u se it re a c h e s a v ery w id e a u d ie n c e , b u t
it is d o m in a te d b y th e ra tin g s, airp la y a n d o u tp u t all o p e n to
c o m m e rc ia l a n d o fte n c o rru p t m a n ip u la tio n . D e sp ite th is, a n d
p e r h a p s b e c a u se o f it, w o m e n 's rock h a s ta k e n a firm stance
a g a in s t se x ism , a n d inv o lv es a d iffe re n t re la tio n sh ip from th e
a u d ie n c e th a n th e sex u al d o m in a tio n of m ale 'cock ro ck' b a n d s.
M cR o bb ie (1978), h a s a rg u e d , as h a s W illis for b o y s, th a t th e ir
o w n c u ltu re is itself th e m o st effective a g e n t of social co n tro l for
g irls. T h e ir a n ti-sc h o o l su b c u ltu re stre sse s h a v in g a g o o d tim e,
n o t a c a d e m ic a c h ie v e m e n t. T h ey are like N ell D u n n 's h e ro in e in
Up the Junction w h o say s, T im e e n o u g h for n ig h t school, a n d all
th a t, w h e n y o u 'r e a n o ld b a g .' M arriag e is a fascin atio n for th e m
w h ic h , g iv e n th e ir a lte rn a tiv e s, is h a rd ly su rp risin g . It c o n tin u e s
to b e a m a jo r eco n o m ic a n d em o tio n a l goal d e sp ite th e ir
k n o w le d g e o f its p ro b le m s. S chool for w o rk in g -class girls relates
to th e m c o n tra d ic tio n s in th e ir class p o sitio n , b u t h o m e offers a
le ss c o m p e titiv e p o sitio n . T he tra d itio n a l fem ale role is p ro b -
le m a tic b u t c o n c re te , a n d th e ir k n o w le d g e of it is n o t a b stra c te d
th e o ry b u t d ire c t a n d e x p erien tial. Like h e r b ro th e r, th e
w o rk in g -c la ss girl m o v es from o n e fam ily to a n o th e r o n m arriage.
T h e re is n o ro o m for a w o rk in g -c la ss sing le w o m a n in tra d itio n a l
w o rk in g -c la s s c u ltu re , ex cep t o n th e m a rg in s of sexu al failure.
O n e is n o t p re p a re d in w o rk in g class to live alo n e. T h ere is a n
a n tid o te to th is in fam ily life: a b a d m a rria g e is se e n as p re fe ra b le
to lo n e lin e ss (at le a st d u rin g th e first m a rria g e a lth o u g h w o rk o n
w o m e n 's a id c e n tre s su g g e sts w h e n a lte rn a tiv e s a re p o ssib le,
th e h o ld o f m a rria g e is co n sid e ra b ly less stro n g ). A s R o w b o th a m
re m in d s u s , th e d ru d g e ry of h o u se w o rk is lu m p e d to g e th e r w ith
th e m o re re w a rd in g ta sk o f ch ild care, a lth o u g h th e re is n o
r e a s o n w h y o n e p e rs o n s h o u ld d o th is all th e tim e.
F o r m id d le -c la ss girls, th e p ro b le m s o f fe m in in ity a re basically
th e sa m e . H o w e v e r, w h ilst th e ir e d u c a tio n p re p a re s th e m for
th e d u a l ro le , th e re m a y b e a p e rio d b e tw e e n sch oo l a n d
m a rria g e w h ic h is a m o ra to riu m in th e se n se th a t th e y h a v e
s o m e tim e fo r reflectio n . It is h a rd ly s u rp ris in g th a t th e w o m e n 's
lib e ra tio n m o v e m e n t o rig in a te d a m o n g s t w o m e n in h ig h e r
e d u c a tio n . It is a m o n g st th e se w o m e n th a t sexu al politics h a s
b e e n c o n s id e rin g re la tio n s to m e n a n d to o th e r w o m e n , in th e
p o litic a l, e c o n o m ic, id eological a n d sex u al sp h e re s . It is from
th is p o litical c o n te x t th a t a c u ltu re is d e v e lo p in g w h ic h is
e x a m in in g th e ro le a n d style of th e n e w fe m in ist w o m a n .
Im p o r ta n t in th is a re th e a ttitu d e s , b e h a v io u r a n d im age in -
v o lv e d in th is. T h e se a re im p o rta n t if th e y a re to h a v e a n y effect
o n w o rk in g -c la s s girls. T h ese is ev id e n c e fro m a tte m p ts b y
fe m in is t te a c h e rs , social w o rk e rs a n d y o u th w o rk e rs to su g g e st
th a t th is c a n m e e t w ith co n sid e ra b le re sp o n se a m o n g s t w o rk in g -
c la ss y o u th . It is th ro u g h th e se s p h e re s th a t n e w c o n c e p ts of
fe m in in ity w ill p e rc o la te b u t it h a s to c o n te n d w ith th e c u ltu re of
tra d itio n a l fe m in in ity , a n d its class re in fo rc e m e n ts to succeed . It
c a n e x p e c t little a ssista n c e a t th is sta g e fro m p o p u la r c u ltu re o r
fro m m a sc u lin ist su b c u ltu re s. W o rk in g -class girls m a y w ell
re b e l a g a in s t m ale su p re m a c y , b u t e v e n th e ag g ressiv e s u b -
c u ltu re s d o n o t d ire c t th e ir to u g h n e s s a g a in st th e ir m en ; in ste a d
to u g h n e s s is a m o v e to g e t th e m se lv e s a c c e p te d b y m ach o m e n .
T h e m a jo r p ro b le m is th a t th e fe m in in e role is a t p re s e n t a
s o lu tio n fo r w o rk in g -c la ss girls especially.
T h e celeb ratio n o f m ascu lin ism
I h a v e n o te d ab o v e th e im p o rta n c e of m asc u lin ity to w o rk in g -

c la ss life in te rm s o f w h a t o n e is m a n ly e n o u g h to p e rfo rm as
w o rk , o r c a p a b le o f e a rn in g . T h ese tw o e le m e n ts can balan ce
e a c h o th e r, in th e se n se th a t if o n e is n o t d o in g a 're a l' m a n 's job,
th is is e x c u se d b y o n e 's e a rn in g capacity. In th is se n se , b ecau se
th e fe m a le w a g e is o n ly 75 p e r c e n t of th e m ale w ag e (b u t th e
m a le w a g e in c lu d e s o v e rtim e a n d b o n u se s u n lik e th e fem ale),
w o m e n n e v e r d o m e n 's w o rk in e ith e r capacity. F or ad o le sc e n ts
life, e sp e c ia lly c u ltu ra l life, is s p e n t in d ic a tin g in co n crete w ay s
to o n e 's self a n d o th e rs ju s t h o w o n e is a m a tu re ex am p le of
o n e 's a g e g ro u p o r g e n d e r d istin c tio n . G irls m a k e a d e ta ile d
s tu d y o f fe m in in ity . (The o n ly g ro u p likely to accu rately see
th r o u g h a tra n s v e s tite 's p e rfo rm a n c e are p u b e s c e n t girls. A n y
m a le try in g to p a ss in stre e t d ra g d re a d s m e e tin g th e m .)
W o rk in g -c la ss b o y s w h o a re in v o lv e d w ith specific y o u th
s u b c u ltu re s a re p la c e d in th e co n tra d ic to ry p re d ic a m e n t of
a ttra c tin g a tte n tio n , a n d h a v in g to d eal w ith ch allen g e. If th e y
s p o r t h e a v y m a c h o clo th es, as w ith H e ll's a n g e ls o r sk in h e a d s,
th e y a re a w a lk in g c h allen g e, a n d th e y h a v e to be h a rd e n o u g h
to live u p to th is im ag e. T hey h a v e to in d ic a te th e y d e se rv e th e
u n ifo rm . If th e y ta k e u p a g lam ro ck o r fem in ized im ag e, th e y
h a v e to b e e ith e r esp ecially h a rd a n d c o n fid e n t, o r v ery q u ick -
w itte d in re p a rte e . T h e y are c a u g h t u p in a situ a tio n w h e re th e y
a re w e a rin g a c o stu m e w h ic h tra n sg re sse s tra d itio n a l c o n cep ts
o f m a sc u lin e d re ss , h e n c e w h e n ch a lle n g e d o v e r effem inacy,
th e y h a v e to p ro v e th e ir m ascu lin ity , o r p ro v e b y flig ht th a t th e y
a re n o t m a sc u lin e . T his is w h y h a rd glam rock b o y s h a d th e
s in is te r im a g e o f fem in ized h a ir-sty le s, elab o rate clo th es a n d
m a k e - u p s e t off b y scars or ta tto o s. T h ey are d isso ciatin g th e m -
s e lv e s fro m th e d e s p is e d n o n -fam ilial, n o n -m a sc u lin e m ales -
h o m o s e x u a ls . In te re stin g ly e n o u g h , in h ig h ly m ach o s u r r o u n d -
in g s , fo r e x a m p le , th e m ilitary o r p riso n , g ay m e n w h o are 'o u t'
w ill p r e s e n t th e m se lv e s as o u tra g e o u s q u e e n s, b ack in g u p th e ir
ro le p la y w ith w it a n d re p a rte e , e a rn in g th e m se lv e s a c cep t-
a b ility b y 'b e in g a g o o d la u g h ' a n d rem o v in g th e m se lv e s to a
n o n - th r e a te n in g 'm a s c o t' role. T his occu rs e v e n w ith in th e gay
s u b c u ltu re . F o r w o rk in g -c la ss y o u th , m asc u lin ity is a p ro b lem .
It is th e m a rk o f o n e 's in d e p e n d e n c e , esp ecially in a co n tex t su ch
a s sc h o o l, w h e re th e d o m in a n t co de is ra tio n a l d isc u ssio n . If o n e
c a n h a n d le o n e se lf, th e n th is m e a n s th a t all d isc u ssio n can be
s e ttle d a s a d ire c t ch allen g e. T his sets o n e 's p o sitio n in th e local
y o u th h ie ra rc h y , a n d m ak es o n e a valu ab le m e m b e r of local
te a m s o r fig h tin g crew s. A s I h a v e n o te d , team s n o w c o n tain
g irls w h o a re p re p a re d to fig h t o th e r girls, a lth o u g h as R obins
a n d C o h e n (1978, p . 96), say:
th is a g g ro d id n o th in g to a lte r th e g irls' fu n d a m e n ta l o n e-
d o w n p o s itio n in th e local y o u th c u ltu re - as in o th e r are a s
o f th e ir lives.
150 •The invisible girl
M id d le -c la ss y o u th su b scrib e to th e c u lt of m a sc u lin ity , b u t
le s s d ire c tly . T h ey d o n o t h a v e th e n e ig h b o u rh o o d tra d itio n s of
w e ll-k n o w n h a r d local fam ilies, o r th e m y th ical a c c o u n ts of
fa m o u s p a s t fig h ts. H o w e v e r, th e ir c o m p e titiv e n e ss a n d m a sc u -
lin ity ta k e m o re su b tle form s, a n d a re in stitu tio n a liz e d in to th e ir
e d u c a tio n a n d w o rk situ a tio n s. In a n em p irical stu d y (B rake,
1977), c o m p a rin g a sem an tic d iffe re n tial score for real, id e al a n d
p e rc e iv e d c o n c e p ts of self b e tw e e n m id d le-c la ss h ip p ie s a n d
w o rk in g -c la ss s k in h e a d s, b o th sk in h e a d s a n d h ip p ie s saw
th e m s e lv e s a s b ra v e , stro n g a n d m a sc u lin e. In d e e d , b o th
g r o u p s h a d a sse sse d th e m se lv e s e q u a lly o n th e b ra v e ry a n d
m a sc u lin ity scale. H o w e v e r, th e ir in te rp re ta tio n of th is a n d th e
a c tin g o u t o f it a t th e b e h a v io u ra l level w a s q u ite d ifferen t.
B asically th e c u lt o f m asc u lin ity is a t th e b asis o f re la tio n s w ith
o th e r m e n , a n d w ith w o m e n . W h ite h e a d (1976), sh o w s h o w in a
ru r a l se ttin g , th e p u b is u s e d to rein fo rce th e cu lt o f m a scu lin ity :
w o m e n a re u s e d to m a in ta in so lid a rity a n d a m b iv a le n t riv alry
b e tw e e n m e n ; jo k es w e re u s e d to s te re o ty p e w o m e n as c o n -
te m p tib le a n d a s sex objects to b e co n tro lled ; p re stig e w a s
re la te d to a n ab ility to c o n tro l o n e 's w ife; a n d th a t th e se
in v a ria b ly in flu e n c e m arital re la tio n sh ip s. S h e su g g e sts th a t
th e s e a re a n o rm a l fe a tu re o f h e te ro se x u a l m e n in g ro u p s.
C e rta in ly , th e s e a ttitu d e s filter d o w n to y o u n g m ales, a n d th e
se x ist jo k e s a n d s h o u ts th a t g irls a n d w o m e n h a v e to p u t u p
w ith d a ily is a n in d ic a tio n of th e com plex d e sire a n d h a tre d of
th a t d e s ire th a t m e n h a v e for w o m e n .
Z a re ts k y (1976), a rg u e s th a t as in d u stria l society o rg a n iz e d
p r o d u c tio n a ro u n d a n in c rea sin g ly a lie n a te d lab o u r, th e n
p e r s o n a l re la tio n s b e c am e p u r s u e d a s e n d s in th em selv e s. B ereft
o f a m e a n in g a n d a n a u th o rity a t w o rk , m e n so u g h t th e se a t
h o m e . O b v io u sly , re sp o n se s a re m o re co m p licated th a n th is, as
s tu d ie s o f th e fam ily su g g e st (W illm ott a n d Y oung, 1957; R osser
a n d H a rris, 1965; G a v ro n , 1966; Ball, 1968; Y oung a n d W illm ott,
1973), b u t th e h o m e h a s b eco m e th e focus for ex p re ssiv e life,
le is u re a n d c o n su m p tio n . T his is h o w e v e r tru e o n ly fo r m e n ; for
w o m e n th e e x p e rie n ce of h o m e is h o u se w o rk . M a n u a l la b o u r is
o rg a n iz e d a ro u n d th e w o rk g ro u p , a n d a s T olson (1977, p. 59),
re m in d s us:
T h u s a m a n 's p e rso n a l e x p e rien c e of w o rk is e x p re sse d
th r o u g h a n e n d le s s d ra m a o f g ro u p in te ra c tio n , a n d h is
social a cc ep ta b ility is d e fin e d in te rm s of h is d ra m atic self-
p re s e rv a tio n .
M a sc u lin ity is im p o rta n t, a n d as su c h , sw e arin g , sexist talk , a
b a n d in g to g e th e r a g a in st w o m e n , u n ite th e in d iv id u a l in to th e
c o llec tiv ity o f th e w o rk g ro u p a n d th e co m p an y of m e n . T h ey
g lo ss o v e r th e c o n tra d ic tio n s of m ale ch a u v in ism , a n d la u g h off
th e u n e a s e th a t m e n feel a b o u t th e ir n e e d for love a n d for th e
s u p p o r t o f w o m e n . U n h a p p ily , o fte n th is tak es th e form of
n e e d in g w o m e n for sex u al a n d d o m estic services, b u t sav in g
th e ir d e e p e r feelin g s fo r o th e r m e n , w ith w h o m th e re is n o
c o m p lic a tio n o f sex u al re la tio n s. T his is reflected in th e m ale
b o n d in g m o v ie s w h ic h h in t a t th is c o n tra d ic tio n . T h ere is a n
a s s u m p tio n th a t m e n h av e tru e eg a lita ria n re la tio n sh ip s, b u t
m u s t a s s u m e a p o w e r relatio n o v er w o m e n . T he c o n q u e st of
w o m e n is in c o m p e titio n w ith o th e r m e n , w h o a re also co m -
p e tin g fo r s ta tu s . S to lte n b e rg (1975, p. 35), says:
u n d e r p a tria rc h y , th e c u ltu ral n o rm of h u m a n id e n tity is by
d e fin itio n - m a sc u lin ity . A n d u n d e r p a tria rc h y th e c u ltu ral
n o rm o f m a le id e n tity c o n sists in p o w e r, p re stig e , p riv ilege
a n d p re ro g a tiv e a s o v e r a n d a g a in st th e g e n d e r class
w o m e n . . . . M ale b o n d in g is in stitu tio n a lise d le a rn e d
b e h a v io u r w h e re b y m e n reco g n ize a n d reinfo rce o n e
a n o th e r 's bona fide m e m b e rsh ip in th e m ale g e n d e r class . . .
m a le b o n d in g is h o w m e n le a rn fro m each o th e r th a t th e y
a re e n title d u n d e r p a tria rc h y to p o w e r in th e cu ltu re. M ale
b o n d in g is h o w m e n g et th a t p o w e r a n d m ale b o n d in g is
h o w it is k e p t. T h e refo re m e n en force a tab o o a g a in st
u n b o n d in g . . .
T h is illu s tra te s th e im p o rta n c e of p e e r g ro u p s for m ales in y o u th
c u ltu re s , a n d w o rk g ro u p s in sh o p -flo o r c u ltu res. M en d e v e lo p
a c o n flic tin g a ttitu d e to a fam ily: th e y are a sig n of m ascu lin ity ,
o f b e in g a b le to s u p p o rt a n d co n tro l it, b u t th e y a re also a
re c o g n iz e d ra tio n a liz a tio n for failure. D om esticity is a valid tie, a
v a lid re s tric tio n o n w h a t m ig h t h a v e b e en . T he m aterial s u p p o rt
fo r th e fam ily is also th e co n d itio n for th e re co g n itio n by th e
fam ily o f th e m a le a u th o rity a n d in flu e n ce lacking a t w o rk .
H o m e is a re tre a t fro m w o rk , a n d T olson a rg u e s th a t th e
h a r m o n io u s faça d e a t h o m e is im p o rta n t for th e b re a d w in n e r to
c o n tin u e to w o rk . H e n ce w o rk in g -class m e n ev a d e o r d e n y
m a rita l te n s io n , le av in g th e ru n n in g of th e fam ily to th e w ife.
T h is re tre a t to th e p a tria rc h a l role, a n d its su p p o rt in w o rk in g -
c lass m a le c u ltu re , m e a n s th a t feelings a n d se n sitiv ity are n o t
d is c u s s e d . D e p re ssio n , p artic u la rly for m en , is e x p lain ed aw ay
a s 's u lk in g ', a n d em o tio n al life rem a in s a n u n sp o k e n -o f area, as
d o e s se x u a lity .
M id d le -c la ss m e n h a v e a m o re in d iv id u a liz e d w o rk life. T he
ro u g h m a c h ism o o f w o rk in g -class m e n , o ften stru ctu ra lly
e n c o u ra g e d b e c a u se of th e n e ce ssity to p re se rv e a patrio tic
152 . The invisible girl
m ilita rism in th e p a s t, is re p la ce d b y a sm o o th e r b u t n e v e rth e -

le ss e n tre n c h e d m ale id e n tity . E d u ca tio n a n d caree rs a re b o th
c o m p e titiv e s tru c tu re s re q u irin g self-co n fid en ce a n d ag g re ssiv e
d riv e . H e is o fte n su p p o rte d a t w o rk b y w o m e n w h o are
e x p e c te d to co m b in e a q u a si-d o m e stic servicing as w ell as
clerical a n d a d m in istra tiv e skills. T o lso n a rg u e s th a t m id d le -
c la ss m e n u s e th e ir careers as in d ic a to rs of id e n tity a n d sta tu s,
a n d w h e re c o n fid e n c e in th is is sh a k e n , th e p ro fe ssio n a l m a n
fo c u se s h is a ttitu d e s of p a tria rc h y o n h is fam ily. W h ere th e
m id d le -c la ss c a re e rist beco m es d isillu sio n e d , fam ily d o m e stic ity
b e c o m e s th e fo cu s of h is co n ce rn , p ro te c tio n a n d a u th o rity , a n d
fa m ily in te ra c tio n can b eco m e a focus fo r ten sio n . H o w e v er, th e
h o m e is still c e n tra l to m ale a u th o rity ; it is h is c areer a n d in com e
th a t is c e n tra l. T h e w ife, like h o u se w iv e s in all classes, can
b e c o m e lo n ely , iso la te d , o fte n to o lacking in co n fid en ce to w o rk
e v e n th o u g h sh e w a n ts to, a n d d e p re sse d . S exuality is o fte n a
p ro b le m , b e c a u se th e re is a d istin c t e m p h a sis o n sexu al su ccess,
a n d th e c o n c e p t o f sex as e n te rta in m e n t w h ic h h a s in c re ase d
sin c e th e six ties h a s u n d e rm in e d m ale c o n fid en ce, o r else s u b -
s titu te d a s tu d id e o lo g y of sex u al d o m in a tio n b y skill.
O n e effect o f h e te ro se x u a l m ale c u ltu re a n d th e re sp o n se b y
th e fe m in ists h a s b e e n o n th e lives of g ay p e o p le . S u b c u ltu ral
s tu d ie s of y o u th n e v e r m e n tio n h o m o se x u als, a n d th is is h a rd ly
s u rp ris in g g iv e n th e m asc u lin ist e m p h a sis of practically all
y o u th f u l su b c u ltu re s. Y oung g ay p e o p le a re sw a m p e d b y th e
h e te ro s e x is t e m p h a sis th e y fin d in p e e r g ro u p s a n d su b c u ltu re s.
A s fa r a s p o p u la r c u ltu re is c o n c e rn e d th e y are invisible. Y oung
p e o p le te n d to b e a w a re a t th e ag e of a b o u t te n th a t th e y are
d iffe re n t, a n d b y th e tim e p u b e rty a rriv e s th e y are g e n era lly
a w a re w h a t th is d ifferen ce is. H o w e v e r, a d m ittin g th is to
th e m s e lv e s a n d esp ecially to o th e rs is d e la y e d u su a lly u n til
s o m e s u p p o rtiv e su b c u ltu re h a s b e e n fo u n d to 'co m e o u t' in.
G iv e n th e o b se ssio n of m o st y o u n g p e o p le 's su b c u ltu re s,
e sp e c ia lly in th e e arly te e n s, w ith h e te ro se x u a l success a n d
id e n tity , it is h a rd ly su rp risin g th a t fin d in g o th e r h o m o se x u als is
a p ro b le m . T h is is th e b asis of d ifferin g v iew s of fem in ists a n d
g a y ra d ic a l m e n a b o u t p a e d o p h ilia . F or m o st gay m e n , a
p u b e s c e n t o r a d o le sc e n t se d u c tio n w ith a m a tu re o ld e r m a n
w o u ld h a v e e a se d th e ir p ro b le m s c o n sid e ra b ly , w h ilst for m o st
y o u n g g irls a p a e d o p h ilia c re la tio n sh ip is v e ry likely to be
e x p lo ita tiv e . Y o u n g g ay p e o p le u su a lly d o n o t fin d h o m o sex u al
s u b c u ltu re s u n til th e y h av e left h o m e . T h ere is a su b c u ltu re
in v o lv in g y o u n g b o y s in th e g ay w o rld , k n o w n as 'c h ic k e n s'.
T h e y c a n b e h e te ro se x u a l b o y s, u sin g a sexual m a rk et-p lac e for
p r o s titu tio n (see R eiss, A ., 1961; B rake a n d P lu m m e r, 1970;
The invisible girl •153
H a rris , 1973). M o st c o m m u n ity h o m e s a n d b o rsta ls h a v e an

in fo rm a l in fo rm a tio n sy ste m telling ru n a w a y boys w h e re th e
se x u a l m a rk e ts a re , o r else a list of 'p h o n e n u m b e rs a n d
a d d re s s e s th a t w ill o ffer so m e w h e re to stay a n d a few p o u n d s in
e x c h a n g e fo r sex u al services. T h ey are also a h a v e n for y o u n g
h o m o s e x u a l b o y s w h o h a v e ru n aw ay from a n u n h a p p y h o m e ,
a n d fro m a d re a ry h etero sex u ally d o m in a te d life in th e p ro -
v in c e s. T h e re is a h ig h s ta tu s p o sitio n for a ttractiv e y o u n g b o y s in
th e y o u th -d o m in a te d gay w o rld , a n d it p ro v id e s a n a lte rn ativ e
fo rm o f social m obility.
Y o u n g g a y girls fin d th e situ a tio n m o re difficult. T h ere is an
o rg a n iz a tio n w h ic h h o ld s m e e tin g s a n d social e v e n ts for h o m o -
se x u a l te e n a g e rs , a n d v ario u s gay o rg a n iz a tio n s offer te le p h o n e
a n d b e frie n d in g fo rm s of co u n sellin g . W o rk in g -class lesb ian s, if
th e y a re a w a re o f th e ir h o m o se x u a lity a t a n early age, fin d th e
p u b s a n d c lu b s b u t b e c au se of th e secrecy a b o u t h o m o sex u ality ,
c o m b in e d w ith th e secrecy a b o u t w o m e n 's sexuality g enerally ,
y o u n g g ay g irls a re less p re s e n t o n th e gay scene. M iddle-class
g a y w o m e n , like th e ir m ale c o u n te rp a rts, can fin d a n e n try to
g a y s u b c u ltu re s th ro u g h gay socs a t college a n d u n iv e rsity .
O u ts id e o f th is s tu d e n t g ro u p , gay w o m e n fin d th e gay w o rld
th r o u g h th e fe m in ist m o v e m e n ts, a lth o u g h it is p ro b ab ly tru e to
sa y th a t m o s t h o m o se x u a l p e o p le a re in tro d u c e d by a re la tio n -
s h ip to th e g a y w o rld or, in p a rtic u la r m e n , g rad u a lly becom e
in v o lv e d th ro u g h local gay p u b s a n d clubs. In g e n e ral, h o w e v er,
fo r m e n h o m o se x u a l b e h a v io u r m ay tak e place in h etero se x u a l
p e e r g ro u p s in c o n te x ts w h ic h p e rm it th e d isav o w al of h o m o -
se x u a l lab ellin g . B ecause of th e n a tu re of casu al sex in th e m ale
g a y w o rld , it is p o ssib le to fin d sexual o u tle ts w h ilst d e n y in g
a n y se lf-lab e llin g of h o m o se x u a l, o r b e in g in v o lv ed w ith th e gay
c o m m u n ity . W o m e n , h o w e v e r, te n d to seek d e e p ly affectionate
re la tio n s h ip s a n d so te n d to c o n c e n tra te o n e stab lish in g a n d
m a in ta in in g a lo v in g re la tio n sh ip in th e ir early lesb ian career.
W e c a n see th e n th a t th e 'a b se n c e ' of girls from m ascu lin ist
s u b c u ltu re s is n o t v e ry su rp risin g . T h ese su b c u ltu re s in som e
fo rm o r o th e r e x p lo re a n d celeb rate m ascu lin ity , a n d as su ch
re le g a te g irls to a su b o rd in a te p lace e v en tu a lly , w ith in th e m .
T h e y re flec t th e sexism of th e o u tsid e w o rld . A sexism w h ich
still a c c e p ts th e sex u al d iv isio n of la b o u r a n d w o m e n 's tra -
d itio n a l p la ce in th e m o d e s of p ro d u c tio n a n d re p ro d u c tio n . In
so m e s u b c u ltu re s g irls h a v e w o n th e m se lv e s accep tan ce, as for
e x a m p le in fig h tin g tea m s, b u t ag a in th e se te a m s o p era te
a g a in s t o th e r girls. T h e m ale a ttitu d e w h e n it com es to sexual
re la tio n s re m a in s tra d itio n a l. H o w e v e r th e re are th e b eg in n in g s
o f a c h a lle n g e to th is, b u t u n til th is fin d s a re sp o n se in th e
154 •The invisible girl
la rg e r, in p a rtic u la r th e w o rk in g -c la ss c o m m u n ity , it is u n lik e ly

to b e re fle c te d in w o rk in g -c la ss s u b c u ltu re s in v o lv in g y o u th . In
p o p u la r c u ltu re su c h a s th e ro ck in d u s try , w o m e n a re still
re le g a te d to th e ro le o f sin g e r, u su a lly p e rfo rm in g sex ist c e le b ra -
tio n s o f se x u a l c o m e -h ith e r o r s a d b a lla d s o f w o m a n 's lo t. T h e
c u ltu re o f fe m in in ity is re fle c te d in th e v a rio u s y o u th su b c u ltu re s
in v o lv in g g irls. B ut n e v e rth e le ss p o p u la r c u ltu re c an h in t a t
a lte rn a tiv e s . F rith s u g g e sts (1978, p . 207):
F e m a le m u sic ia n s, w h e th e r th ro u g h im p licit b u t d is tu rb in g
im a g e s o f w h a t a w o m a n co u ld b e o r o n th e b a sis o f a n
e x p lic itly fe m in ist c u ltu re , c an ch a lle n g e th e safe so lu tio n s
to th e g la m o ro u s s ta r-a s-m u m .
T h a t is n o t to sa y th a t g irl p e rfo rm e rs a re n o t c o n tro lle d b y th e
se x ism w h ic h is a d o m in a n t fo rm in rock . T h e re a re ex cep tio n s
a s B u rch ill a n d P a rso n s (1978) in d ic a te . T h ey a c c u rately d esc rib e
ro c k (B u rch ill a n d P a rso n s, 1978, p . 86):
R o ck is a p e d e s ta l sp o rt, a s in b e in g a m o n a rc h - w h e n e v e r
p o s s ib le a b o y in h e rits th e th ro n e - fem ales a re n o t th o u g h t
to b e th e s tu ff w o rs h ip /id o ls a re m a d e fo r/o f. G irls a re
e x p e c te d to g ro v e l in th e m e z z a n in e w h ile th e s tu d s tru ts
h is s tu ff u p th e re , w h ile a g irl w ith th e a u d a c ity to g o o n
s ta g e is a lw a y s je e re d , sn e e re d a n d le e re d u p to - ro ck a n d
ro ll is v e ry m issio n a ry , v e ry re lig io u s, v e ry re p re ssiv e .
A g u ita r in th e h a n d s o f m a n b o a sts 'c o c k ' - th e sam e
in s tr u m e n t in fem ale h a n d s th e re fo re (to a w a rp e d m ale
m in d ) sc re a m s 'c a s tra tio n '.
D e s p ite th is g e n e ra liz a tio n , th is d o e s h e lp to ex p la in w h y
c h a n g e s in g irls' a ttitu d e s w ill com e fro m th e in flu e n c e o f a n
o ld e r a g e g ro u p , a n d th ro u g h th e m e d iu m o f fem in ism . N e v e r-
th e le s s th e p o litical th ru s t a t th e p e rip h e ry o f p o p u la r c u ltu re
w ill a t so m e tim e a tta c k th e n o tio n o f th e p ro g ra m m e d w o m a n .
6
Subcultures, manufactured
culture and the economy.
Some considerations of
the future
Subcultures and manufactured culture
O n e p ro blem in th e analysis of any y o uth culture is the extent

to w h ich it is a resp o n se to a culture deliberately m anufactured
for m ark etin g an d consum ption. Rock m usic, as well as the
artefacts m an u factu red to accom pany it, is very big business.
F rith (1978), rem in d s us th at in 1974 over four m illion dollars
w as sp e n t o n m usical products in Am erica, an d in Britain 160
m illion reco rd s w ere prod uced , w ith p op ular m usic m aking up
b e tw e e n 85 a n d 90 p e r cent of the sales. This consum ption is an
im p o rta n t elem ent of yo uth culture. Eighty p er cent of buyers
are u n d e r 30, an d the 12- to 20-year-old age group buys over 75
p e r cen t of p o p u lar m usic. This com m ercialization has led to a
th e o ry of m ass culture w hich Frith calls the Leavisites approach.
H e b ases th is on th e followers of the literary critic F. R. Leavis
w h o sees m ass culture as effortlessly consum ed, escapist and
sta n d a rd ise d an d art as unique, challenging an d instructive. The
L eavisites reject p o p u lar m usic because it is m ass-produced,
p ro fit-o rien ted an d u n auth en tic. H e quotes H olbrook (1973),
w h o arg u es th at y o u th is exploited by a com m ercial yo uth
cu ltu re w h ich separates them from their p aren ts an d the com -
m u n ity , dep erso nalizes love an d prom otes sex an d violence.
F rith also attacks a form of vulgar M arxism w hich argues that
th e com m ercial in p u t of y o u th culture deradicalizes it. H e
favo urs B enjam in's (1970), arg um en t th at the technology of
m ass p ro d u c tio n contains a progressive force w hich broke the
trad itio n al au th o rity a n d aw e (the 'au ra') of art. A rtists could
becom e dem ocratic producers an d their w ork can becom e open
to th e m ass of th e people each of w hom can becom e an 'expert'.
C reative w o rk can be collectivized into a socialist aesthetics:
L aing (1969), extends this to consider p o pu lar m usic. Capitalist
cu ltu ral form s contain liberating as well as oppressive elem ents,
a n d rock m usic resu lts from th e m usic in d u stry 's attem pts to
d ev elo p n ew m arkets, and its youthful au dien ce's attem pts to
155
156 Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy
find a m edium to express its own experience. Musicians can
exploit this tension to find a creative space in which to develop
their art. It is because m arketing influences are not entirely
determ inistic that a cultural struggle occurs involving both
audience and musicians in a struggle for cultural symbols. Frith
argues against romanticizing rock music into a revolutionary
sym bol and suggests careful consideration of patterns of con-
sum ption am ong teenagers, and how they themselves see their
culture. He finds, w ith Murdock, sharp class differences con-
cerning youth's use of similar musical symbols. Frith argues that
m iddle-class children are interested in alternative values,
expressed in the lyrics of rock music, whilst working-class
children are m ore concerned w ith the beat and dancing, draw -
ing their alternative values from their street peer culture. Music
for working-class children, he argues, is a background for other
activities, although I would argue it is an intrinsic part of other
activities and they certainly listen to the lyrics. Frith emphasizes
age as a m ajor variable in musical preference, and he quotes the
statistics of the BBC Audience Research Unit, which finds Radio
1 has an audience which is more significant on age than class
differences, a finding reflected in readership of the musical
press. Music, Frith argues, is an activity enjoyed by a vast
num ber of non-deviant kids, and whilst subcultures give m ean-
ing to music, subculturists freeze the adolescent world into
subcultures and the rest. A visibly different leisure style is
elevated above the less apparent sexual and occupational
differences, in leisure activities. He accepts Young's thesis
(1973) that the use of rock music in the hippy subculture is an
expression to the 'ethos of productivity' but only because they
have a definitive ideology of leisure. This he feels cannot be
extended to all youth culture, and suggests that the teds'
interest in rock and roll was an elem ent of their dependence on
teenage consum ption.
Willis, how ever, has shown (1978) that this is too simple. His
rockers selected a definite musical style which was homologous
to their life-style and use of activity through fighting, m otor
cycles and dancing. Frith breaks dow n the m eaning of rock
m usic into a distinct sixth form subculture which prefers pro-
gressive album s, and a working-class preference for Top
Tw enty singles and discos. For both groups in his sample, music
w as a background rather than a focus for their lives, although
there are groups as w ith N orthern Soul, a working-class youth
culture focused on music and all-night discos. These are the
exception, and for m ost young people music is a background or
an activity and not a symbol. It is for m ost groups a background
Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy 157
r a th e r th a n a focus, e v e n th o u g h it m ay m ak e a sym bolic

c o m m u n ity o u t o f d isp a ra te g ro u p s. W h a t is in v o lv ed , h e a rg u e s,
is (p. 205):
n o t th e a u to n o m o u s e x p ressio n of c u ltu ra l o r su b -c u ltu ra l
v a lu e s b u t th e d iffe re n t p a tte rn s of free d o m a n d c o n stra in t
e x p e rie n c e d b y y o u n g p e o p le in d iffe re n t re la tio n sh ip s to
p ro d u c tio n .
H o w e v e r it c o u ld b e a rg u e d th a t a d o lesc en ts select certain
ty p e s o f m u sic a n d w h ilst th e m u sic p lay s a n a p p a re n t
a c c o m p a n y in g ro le, it is n e v e rth e le ss c en tra l to th e ir lives.
D iffe re n t g ro u p s select specific ty p e s of m u sic a n d w h ilst it m ay
b e p r e s e n t in th e b a c k g ro u n d , it a rtic u la te s ra th e r th a n reflects
m e a n in g s . A s W illis (1977), su g g e sts, c u ltu re s relocate given
a s p e c ts o f co m m ercial c u ltu re s, a n d m usic is im p o rta n t becau se
it a rtic u la te s a sp e c ts o f k id s' lives, a t a real o r fan tasy level. T hey
se le c t sp ecific k in d s of m u sic (th is is n o t to say th a t th e y a re n o t
in flu e n c e d b y o p in io n lead ers) a n d th e ir u n d e rs ta n d in g of m usic
is q u ite so p h istic a te d . In v o lv ed in th is m ay be w h a t b ein g a rock
s ta r o r a fo o tb a lle r m e a n s for a g ro u p , b u t b ecau se a g ro u p d o es
n o t a rtic u la te a d efin itiv e ideological stan ce d o e s n o t m e an it
d o e s n o t h a v e a n artic u la te d m e a n in g a n d v alu e sy stem . It is
im p o rta n t to u n d e r s ta n d w h a t m e a n in g s are typical for th a t
g ro u p .
F rith also c o n sid e rs th e o rig in s of p o p u la r m usic. R ath e r th a n
b e in g m in d le ssly fed com m ercial p ro d u c ts, th e a u d ie n c e 's
re s p o n s e is carefu lly m o n ito re d b y th e in d u stry . C om m ercial
fa ilu re a n d o v e r-p ro d u c tio n a re a v o id e d by careful selection
fro m th e v a st a m o u n t o f rec o rd s p ro d u c e d . T he n e e d s a n d taste s
o f th e p ro sp e c tiv e a u d ie n c e a re carefully re se a rc h e d a n d reco rd
p ro d u c tio n b o o ste d b y th e ra tin g s, th e sta r sy ste m a n d a
're s e rv e a rm y ' of m u sician s. C reativ e b re a k th ro u g h s com e from
a c o m b in a tio n o f a rtists, su b c u ltu re s, localities a n d a u d ie n c es.
R ock m u sic th e n for F rith is a n e x p re ssio n of p o p u la r c u ltu re
w h ic h re v e a ls c e rta in c o n tra d ic tio n s b e tw e e n free d o m a n d c o n -
stra in t. R ock p ro je c ts vision s w h ic h c o u ld b ecom e critiq u es of
re a lity , a n d re c o rd co m p a n ies a n d m a ss m ed ia id eo lo g ists try to
c o n tro l th is. T h e id e o lo g y of rock rests o n th e re latio n sh ip
b e tw e e n p ro d u c e rs a n d c o n su m e rs, o n th e te n sio n s b e tw e e n th e
a tte m p t to m a k e rock acceptab le a n d its critical, an arch istic
e d g e . M o st o f all it is en jo y ab le, it is fu n , a n d it p e rsists d e sp ite
a tte m p ts to re stric t it to leisu re m o m e n ts, a n d to freeze th e
a u d ie n c e in to a serie s of m a rk e t ta stes. In te rn a lly th is is d o n e by
u s in g th e a m b itio n s of p e rfo rm e rs to co n tro l th e ir less socially
a c c e p ta b le id e a s o r life-styles. T his ex p lain s p u n k s ' a g g ressio n
158 • Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy
a n d d e lib e ra te b a d ta ste . U ltim ately th e in d u s try h a s to re s p o n d
to th e e m o tio n s, h o p e s a n d a n g e r o f its a u d ie n c e , a n d th e se can
b e p o litic al c ritiq u e s o f th e ir e v e ry d a y life, a d m itte d ly c o n ta in e d
in a m u sic a l fo rm , b u t critical n e v e rth e le ss. T h ere is a b a ttle
b e tw e e n artistic co n tro l a n d m a rk e t p ro d u c tio n w ith th e k id s'
h o p e s , d e sire s , d re a m s a n d fears in th e m id d le. T h is is w h y it is
d is tu rb in g , jo y o u s a n d intoxicating.
D e sp ite F rith 's criticism w h ic h m a y b e tru e for rock m usic,
o n ly o n e e le m e n t of a su b c u ltu re , a n d d e sp ite h is v iew of class
w h ic h in m a n y w a y s seem s to focus o n life ch a n c es, su b c u ltu re s
d o se e m to a rise o u t of a series of factors re la te d to th e collective
e x p e rie n c e o f a g ro u p o f y o u n g p e o p le . T h ese can b e trac ed to
s tru c tu ra l c o n tra d ic tio n s arisin g fro m th e ir basic class p o sitio n ,
a n d in v o lv in g e m p lo y m e n t, e d u c a tio n , th e te n sio n of free d o m
a n d c o n s tra in t, a n d also th e local n e ig h b o u rh o o d . S u b c u ltu ra l
re s p o n s e artic u la te s so m e th in g a b o u t a g ro u p of y o u n g p e o p le 's
g e n e ra l re la tio n s h ip to th e class p ro b le m s of a specific age co h o rt
a t a p a rtic u la r m o m e n t in class h isto ry . T h ey ca n beco m e a
s o u rc e o f a lte rn a tiv e v alu es, o r less d istin c tly , a tra n sla tio n of
c la ss v a lu e s d e v e lo p to m e e t a g e n e ra tio n a lly specific form of a
tr a d itio n a l class p ro b lem . A s su c h th e y c o n stru c t a v ib ra n t
m o n ta g e , th e y 'w in sp a c e ' from d o m in a n t cu ltu re s, 'w a rre n in g
fro m w ith in ' to fo rm a m in im al u n ity w ith in th e class c o n -
fig u ra tio n , a n d re la tin g to a n d re s p o n d in g to th e p a re n t cu ltu re.
E le m e n ts a re d ra w n fro m th e sy n th e tic m a n u fa c tu re d c u ltu re of
p o p u la r m u sic a n d artefacts, b u t th e se a re relo ca te d a n d tra n s -
fo rm e d ('b ric o la g e '). A s su c h th e y rev eal m u c h of th e in te rstice s
a n d h id d e n sp ac e o f th e 'u n d e rs id e ' of y o u th a n d its p ro b le m s.
F ro m th is c u ltu re a n d its sym bols, y o u n g p e o p le can w o rk a t
c re a tin g a collective id e n tity w h ic h a rtic u la te s th e ir p ro b le m s,
a n d th e ir v a lu e s a n d th e ir se ts of m e a n in g s. F rom th is m ate rial
th e y c a n c o n s tru c t a p e rso n a l id e n tity w h ic h for a b rief m o m e n t
c e le b ra te s th e ir y o u th a n d sy m b o lizes for th e m a n a c h iev e d
id e n tity w h ic h s ta n d s tem p o ra rily o u tsid e of th e asc rib e d
id e n tity g iv e n b y class, e d u c a tio n a n d o c cu p atio n .
O n e p ro b le m w h ic h arises fro m su b c u ltu ra l stu d ie s, is th a t
th e y a re a d a p ta tio n s for a m in o rity , w h o b e c a u se of th e ir
d ra m a tic sty le , a re g iv e n v ast m ed ia co v erag e a n d p re s e n te d as
'ty p ic a l' o f w a y w a rd y o u th , o r c o n fu se d ad o lescen ce. M u rd o c k
a n d M c C ro n (1976), n o te th a t in th e ir stu d y m a n y re s p o n d e n ts
w e re n o t in v o lv e d in local su b c u ltu re s, b u t h a d ta k e n o v e r sty les
fro m official y o u th p ro v isio n , o r th e te e n a g e e n te rta in m e n t
in d u s tr y . T h e y w e re e x p re ssio n s a n d e x te n sio n s of th e d o m i-
n a n t m e a n in g sy ste m , ra th e r th a n d e v ia n t fro m o r in o p p o sitio n
to it. T h e y re flec t P a rk in 's d e fe re n tia l w o rk in g -class g ro u p . M o st
Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy • 159
y o u th s u b c u ltu re s u n le ss th e y h a v e a n artic u la te d political
e le m e n t, a re n o t in a n y sim p le se n se o p p o sitio n al. T hey m ay be
re b e llio u s, th e y m a y celeb rate a n d d ra m a tiz e specific styles a n d
v a lu e s , b u t th e ir reb ellio n d o e s n o t rea c h a n articu la ted
o p p o s itio n . E v en w h e re th e y d o , th e y m ay be acc o m m o d ated
a n d c o n ta in e d . It h a s b e e n a rg u e d th a t th is h a s h a p p e n e d for
e x a m p le to th e h ip p y c u ltu re , to th e e x te n t th a t th e re a p p e a rs to
b e a b e lie f th a t n o th in g really h a p p e n e d in th e 'six ties' (th a t is
th e p e rio d b e tw e e n 1964 a n d 1972). H o w ev e r, as w e h a v e se en ,
th e c o u n te r-c u ltu re co v e re d sev eral d iffe re n t ty p e s of g ro u p s,
so m e d e fe re n tia l a n d so m e h ig h ly political. W h ere c e n tu rie s of
id e o lo g ic a l d o m in a tio n , as for ex am p le w ith ch allen g es to th e
tra d itio n a l fam ily a n d tra d itio n a l fem in in ity , failed to be o v e r-
th r o w n o v e rn ig h t, co n serv ativ e cynicism se t in. B ut g iv en th e
p o w e r o f th e o p p o sitio n , th is is n o t su rp risin g . T he ex cep tio n in
c o n te m p o ra ry so ciety m ay b e black a n d b ro w n y o u th , w h ich
c a n n o t h a v e its o b v io u s ex p lo itatio n easily a c co m m o d a te d by
w h ite so ciety . T h e situ a tio n is th a t m o st of th e y o u n g e r
g e n e ra tio n a re n o t c o n se rv a tiv e in so m e sim p le w ay, b u t accept
th e ir s itu a tio n w ith realistic fatalism . T h ey feel th a t th e y h av e
s o m e s o rt o f in v e s tm e n t in society as it is, th a t a ra p id ch an g e
m a y m a k e th in g s m u c h w o rse . T h ere are p o w e rfu l ideological
fo rce s a c tin g to rein fo rce th is, in c re asin g th is in v e stm e n t by
e x p lo itin g ro m a n c e in to th e in s titu tio n of m arriag e, a n d u sin g
w o rk a s a s tro n g socializing a g e n t. T h ey fear o p p o sitio n to th e
e x istin g p o litic al ec o n o m y a n d social stru c tu re m a y lose th e m
th e little th e y h a v e . H all et a l (1978, p . 155), n o te P a rk in 's v iew s
o f a s u b o rd in a te v a lu e sy ste m w h ic h p ro d u c e s a cu ltu re w h ic h is
b o th d iffe re n t a n d su b o rd in a te - a 'c o rp o ra te ' sy stem .
T h e d iffe re n c e b e tw e e n 'c o rp o ra te ' a n d 'h e g e m o n ic ' c u ltu res
e m e rg e s m o s t clearly in th e c o n tra st b e tw e e n g en era l id eas
(w h ic h th e h e g e m o n ic c u ltu re d efin es) a n d m o re con-
te x tu a lise d o r s itu a te d ju d g e m e n ts (w h ich w ill c o n tin u e to
re fle c t th e ir o p p o sitio n a l m a te rial a n d social b a se in th e life
o f th e s u b o rd in a te classes). T h u s it se em s perfectly 'logical'
fo r so m e w o rk e rs to ag ree 'th e n a tio n is p a y in g itself too
m u c h ' (g en eral) b u t a re o n ly too w illin g to go o n strik e for
h ig h e r w a g e s (situ ated ).
G r o u p s th e n h o ld , in re la tio n to d o m in a n t v alu e s, v alu es w h ic h
a p p e a r logically in c o n siste n t w ith th e ir official view . In a d d itio n
th e s tro n g se n s e o f id en tifica tio n th e y h a v e w ith th e ir n e ig h -
b o u r h o o d , p e e rs, im m e d ia te circle of k in, co m m u n ity a n d
lo c ality a c ts a s a d iv isiv e force fro m o th e r g ro u p s. G iv e n th is, it
is h a r d ly s u rp ris in g th a t th o se y o u n g p e o p le w h o id e n tify som e
160 Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy
in v e s tm e n t in th e p re s e n t social stru c tu re , a n d w h o are th e n

re in fo rc e d in th is in v e stm e n t m ateria lly b y w o rk , m arria g e ,
d e p e n d a n ts a n d p o sse ssio n of a sm all a m o u n t of p ro p e rty , a d o p t
a c o n se rv a tiv e sta n c e , a n d a n id en tifica tio n w ith resp ectab ility .
C o n v e n tio n a lity , reb ellio n o r a rejectio n o f so m e form of
re sp e c ta b ility (u su a lly a d iffe re n t in te rp re ta tio n of specific
a s p e c ts of re sp e c ta b ility , ra th e r th a n a w h o le sa le re je c tio n of it)
is re la te d to th e ac tu a l age g ro u p o f y o u n g p e o p le c o m b in e d
w ith th e ir class p o sitio n . T h o se w h o h a v e realistically se e n
sc h o o l a s n o t re la te d to th e ir fu tu re life in ro u tin iz e d lab o u r h a v e
d iffe re n t a ttitu d e s to th o se w h o see a lin k b e tw e e n e d u c a tio n
a n d th e ir fu tu re caree rs. W ork is re s p o n d e d to w ith e n th u sia sm
a t first, th e n d isillu sio n m e n t u su a lly fo llo w ed b y su b c u ltu ra l
w o rk a d a p ta tio n s w h ic h h e lp th e w o rk e r to d e al w ith th e w o rk
s itu a tio n . S im ilar c h a n g e s can be n o te d in th o se w h o are
u n a tta c h e d fro m em o tio n a l re la tio n sh ip s, a s d istin c t fro m th o se
w h o a re e n g a g e d , n e w ly m a rrie d a n d so fo rth . T h ese re la tio n -
s h ip s also reflect a n in v e stm e n t in society as it is. T h e tra n sitio n
fro m sch o o l to w o rk , from u n a tta c h m e n t to c o m m itm e n t in
e m o tio n a l re la tio n sh ip s, from w o rk as p e rip h e ra l to w o rk as
c e n tra l to e x isten ce , a n d th e in flu en ce th e se all h a v e o n id e n tity
a re im p o rta n t in u n d e rs ta n d in g th e social re la tio n s y o u n g
p e o p le h a v e to p ro d u c tio n . T he reality of violence w h ic h ru n s
th r o u g h y o u n g w o rk in g -class m ale c u ltu re n e e d s to b e u n d e r -
s to o d n o t ju s t as th e re sp o n se to b ru ta liz in g circu m stan ces, b u t
b o th a s a ro le a n d a n id e n tity in a m ascu lin e ca ree r stru c tu re ,
a n d a m u ffle d a n d sem i-a rticu late fo rm of co m m u n ic atio n .
T h e se all refle ct d iffe re n t re latio n s a t d iffe re n t 'm o m e n ts ' to th e
so cial s tru c tu re . C lose a tte n tio n n e e d s to b e p a id to g ro u p s of
y o u n g p e o p le a t d iffe re n t sta g es a n d a t d iffe re n t ag es. A sta rt
h a s b e e n m a d e w ith th e lin k s tra ce d b e tw e e n girls a n d th e
c u ltu re o f fem in in ity a t school, w o rk a n d a t h o m e , a n d w ith
c o n n e c tio n s b e tw e e n sh o p -flo o r c u ltu re a n d sch o o l-re sistin g
c u ltu re a m o n g a d o le sc e n t w o rk in g -c la ss m ales alo n g th e lin es of
W illis (1977).
C la ss in e q u a litie s a re m e d ia te d th ro u g h su b c u ltu re s, a n d th e
d e g re e o f o p p re s s io n in v o lv ed is n o t ju s t sim p ly a m a tte r o f life
c h a n c e s , th e p o sse ssio n of g o o d s a n d o p p o rtu n ity sy ste m s as
s u g g e s te d in th e W eb e rian a n d M e rto n ia n m o d e ls. M aterially
w e c a n s e p a ra te y o u n g p e o p le, b u t w e n e e d to o b se rv e also th e ir
c la ss lo c a tio n , a n d th e ir social relatio n s to p ro d u c tio n . S tu d e n ts
m a te ria lly c a n b e s e p a ra te d from o th e r g ro u p s of y o u n g p e o p le.
T h e y a re n u m e ric a lly sm all, 520,000 fu ll-tim e s tu d e n ts (a b o u t 14
p e r c e n t o f th e 1 8 -y ear-o ld age g ro u p ), a fig u re e x p e cted to fall
s h a rp ly in th e 1990s (D e p a rtm e n t of E d u c atio n a n d Science,
Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy * 161
F e b ru a ry 1978). T h eir incom e is h a rd to assess, b ecau se it is

b a s e d o n th e ir g ra n ts, ra th e r th a n a n y su p p le m e n ta ry so u rces,
b u t it se e m s m u c h less th a n th e a v erag e w ag e for a co m p arativ e
w o rk in g a g e g ro u p , b u t it m u s t b e re m e m b e re d s tu d e n ts are
o fte n su b s id iz e d fro m h o m e a n d p a y n e ith e r tax n o r N atio n al
In s u ra n c e . T h e ir c u ltu ra l cap ital is c o n sid erab ly h ig h e r, a n d
th e ir o p p o rtu n ity to e x p e rim e n t w ith id ea s a n d life-styles, th e ir
m o ra to riu m fro m w a g e lab o u r all place th e m in a u n iq u e a n d
p riv ile g e d p o sitio n . T he v a lu e s of certification from h ig h e r
e d u c a tio n flu c tu a te a cco rd in g to th e m a rk e t, b u t n e v e rth e le ss
e v e n w ith g ra d u a te u n e m p lo y m e n t, th e em b o u rg o ise m e n t of
m in o r p ro fe ssio n s su c h a s social w o rk , a d m in istra tio n a n d
n u r s in g still g ive s tu d e n ts a fav o u rab le w e ig h tin g to w a rd s
e m p lo y m e n t. T h e y m a y n o t receive so easily th e jobs th e y h av e
c o m e to e x p e c t b u t th e y still h a v e a relativ e a d v a n ta g e o v er th e
re s t o f th e p o p u la tio n .
U n e m p lo y m en t and th e local econ om y
O n e p ro b le m w h ic h h a s in c re a se d for y o u th , especially w o rk in g -
c lass y o u th , is th a t of u n e m p lo y m e n t. T he D e p a rtm e n t of
E m p lo y m e n t G a z e tte (N o v em b er 1977) re p o rts th a t in Jan u ary
1977, 14.1 p e r c e n t o f girls in th e u n d e r-1 8 age g ro u p w e re
u n e m p lo y e d , a s o p p o s e d to 12.8 p e r c e n t of boys. D esp ite th e
flu c tu a tio n s o f th e sc h o o l-leav in g age (29.6 p e r c e n t of u n d e r
1 8 -y e a r-o ld g irls w e re u n e m p lo y e d , in c o n tra st to 28.6 p e r ce n t
o f b o y s in Ju ly 1977), u n e m p lo y m e n t is h a v in g a m a rk e d effect
o n th e y o u n g fem ale w o rk m a rk e t. O p p o rtu n itie s for girls lead
to a s itu a tio n w h e re th e av erag e w o m a n reach es h e r m ax im u m
e a rn in g ca p a city b y h e r m id -tw e n tie s, a n d th e tre n d in
w o m e n 's w a g e s in d ic a te th e y are m u c h less th a n m e n 's. A t
p r e s e n t th e fig u re q u o te d is th a t a w o m a n 's w a g e is 75 p e r ce n t
o f a m a n 's , b u t th e se are fig u res w h ic h in c lu d e all m ale e a rn in g s
in c lu d in g o v e rtim e . T h e situ a tio n is p ro b a b ly n e a re r th e 1975
fig u re w h e re a w o m a n 's w ag e a v e ra g e d 57.4 p e r ce n t o f a m a n 's.
(T h e E q u al P a y A ct 1970, w as a m e n d e d a n d s u p p le m e n te d by
th e S ex D isc rim in a tio n A ct 1975 a n d th e E m p lo y m e n t P ro tectio n
A c t 1975. T h e 1970 A ct cam e in to force o n 29 D ecem b er 1975.)
T ra in in g is p o o r fo r w o m e n , w h o m o stly w o rk in clerical a n d
d is trib u tiv e tra d e s , w h o se p ro fe ssio n al tra in in g is still m ain ly
n u r s in g a n d a s a C o u n cil of E u ro p e N a tio n al Y outh C om m ittee
R e p o rt (N o v e m b e r 1977, p . 22) n o te s,
In th e U K le ss th a n h a lf of all scho ol leav ers in 1974

re c e iv e d a n y lo n g te rm vo catio n al tra in in g , o n ly 6 p e r c e n t
o f th e s e w e re girls a n d th e ir tra in in g w a s m a in ly lim ited to
h a ird re s s in g .
T h is m e a n s th a t v irtu a lly h alf of B rita in 's sch o o l-leav ers are

u n q u a lifie d , a n d face a w o rk life of g en e ra l ro u tin iz e d o r
u n s k ille d la b o u r. T h e N a tio n a l Y o u th E m p lo y m e n t W o rk in g
P a rty (1974), w h o cite th is fig u re, stre ss q u a lita tiv e facto rs th e y
feel a re a s im p o rta n t as stru c tu ra l econo m ic factors. T he
'm a jo rity e x p e rie n c e ' of e m p lo y ers n o te s c h a n g e s in th e a ttitu d e
o f th e p re s e n t g e n e ra tio n . Y ou ng p e o p le are n o w 'm o re
q u e s tio n in g ', 'le ss likely to re sp e c t a u th o rity ', a n d 'te n d to
r e s e n t g u id a n c e a b o u t th e ir a p p e a ra n c e ' (p. 74). O n ly a th ird of
a p p lic a n ts p o s s e s s e d th e 'sm a rt a p p e a ra n c e ' a n d 'm e n ta l a le rt-
n e s s ' sp e c ifie d b y th e jobs. T he re p o rt a sk s n o t o n ly for tra in in g
sc h e m e s b u t su g g e sts a ttitu d e s s h o u ld b e affected, a n d m o ti-
v a tio n a sse sse d . It see m s th a t n o t o n ly black sch o o l-leav ers q u e s-
tio n e m p lo y e rs ' re q u ire m e n ts o u ts id e specific job skills. Y outh
u n e m p lo y m e n t is n o t a te m p o ra ry flu ctu atio n . It tre b le d for
th e u n d e r-2 0 -y e a r-o ld s d u rin g July 1974 to July 1975, a n d for th e
p e rio d 1976-8 s u m m e r a n d w in te r u n e m p lo y m e n t ra te s h a d
in c re a s e d fo r th is ag e g ro u p . T h e D e p a rtm e n t of E m p lo y m e n t
G a z e tte (M arch 1978) in d ica tes 142,000 b o y s a n d 132,000 girls
u n e m p lo y e d in th is g ro u p . F or th e first tim e th e re w e re m o re
u n d e r-1 8 -y e a r-o ld g irls (67,900) o u t of w o rk th a n b o y s (67,000),
a n d th is g ro u p m a k e u p o n e -six th of u n e m p lo y e d w o m e n a n d
6.3 p e r c e n t of u n e m p lo y e d m e n . Y o u th is in crea sin g ly in
c o m p e titio n fo r jo b s, a n d th e econom ic riv alry h a s in c re a se d
b e tw e e n m a le s a n d fem ales, w h ite a n d n o n -w h ite . A s D e an
(1976), n o te s , th a t w h ilst th e re a re a larg e a m o u n t of u n -
e m p lo y e d sc h o o l-lea v ers, th e re are a n eq u a l n u m b e r of u n -
e m p lo y e d o th e r te e n a g e rs, a n d th a t th is la tte r is n o t a te m p o ra ry
p h e n o m e n o n a s th e fo rm e r o fte n is. W h ilst th e g o v e rn m e n t h a s
in s tig a te d sc h e m e s to co m b at u n e m p lo y m e n t (re c ru itm e n t s u b -
s id ie s, jo b c re a tio n p ro je cts, c o m m u n ity in d u s try a n d sim ilar
sc h e m e s) a re in n o se n se cre atin g n e w p e rm a n e n t e m p lo y m e n t.
T h e se s h o rt-te rm m e a su re s in n o se n se relieve th e u n e m p lo y -
m e n t situ a tio n , b u t m ere ly sh ift it o n to a n o ld e r age g ro u p .
S e v e ra l fe a tu re s h a v e a d d e d to th e p re s e n t p ro b le m s c o n c e rn -
in g th e in n e r city a n d its effect o n th e y o u n g . Since th e w a r,
s ta te in v o lv e m e n t h a s in cre ase d in th o se a re a s w h ic h w h ilst
n e c e s s a ry in p ro v id in g m a te rials a n d serv ices for th e e co n o m y ,
w e re th e m se lv e s u n p ro fita b le . T h ese w e re th e o ld e r h e a v y
in d u s tr y se c to rs (m in in g , iro n a n d steel), a n d services in th e
Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy •163
public sector (railways, health, education and the social
services). The economy is serviced by these sectors, and allow it
to concentrate on more profitable areas. State services grew at a
tim e w hen capital began to experience problems of productivity
an d profitability. As a result, since the seventies, successive
governm ents cut back on the non-productive sectors, the public
services in particular. This was at a time w hen distinct effects
w ere felt in the local economies of particular districts. Areas
involved w ith the less profitable, older industries have usually
h ad little reinvestm ent since the early part of this century.
W here the local economy was based on coal, steel, shipbuilding
or the docks there grew depressed areas, designated as 'develop-
m ent areas'. The w orst hit were the large 'inner city' urban
areas, as found in Glasgow, the North-East, Birmingham,
Liverpool and East London. These areas are inhabited by the
m ore depressed groups of the work force, the old, the unskilled
an d im m igrants. There is a move away from a large skilled work
force to servicing, distribution and warehousing needing smaller
an d less skilled labour. The reports of the Community Develop-
m ent Projects, set up in these areas, reflect these sorts of
changes in the local economy. To take one area of East London,
a traditional riverside area with the main industries of docking
an d sugar refinem ent, built up during the colonial expansion of
the last century, several changes occurred. As docking declined,
the dockers accepted a severance scheme which compensated
them for their trade, and for their strong union protection. The
docks becam e w arehouse and storage units, requiring only
m aintenance staff, so that betw een 1965 and 1976, 25,000
p erm anent jobs were lost. Profits were never put back into the
local plant, so that profits m ade in the area were taken out of it,
and lack of plant, the expense of m aintenance and replacement
w as avoided by the introduction of autom atized or maintenance
industries. In a situation, where at the start of the century
industry was show ing 25 per cent profit, as the area was
allow ed to deteriorate, the companies reinvested in other
industries or, due to the transportable nature of contemporary
light industrial plant, m oved from the area when it faced
deterioration of the area or m ilitant union action. By 1976,
the area had a 9 per cent unem ploym ent rate, with the
skilled w orkers and professionals leaving, so that only the
unskilled and the young were left. Council house expansion
coincided w ith deterioration of the housing units (by the
1940s) and because the area was scheduled for redeve-
lopm ent, little was done to improve existing housing stock.
The area had one of the highest perinatal mortality rates,
164 •Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy
a h ig h re s p ira to ry d e a th ra te a n d a p o o r g e n e ra l h e a lth record.
T h e o ld e r sch o o ls w e re k e p t fo r th e less able c h ild re n (70 p e r
c e n t o f sc h o o lc h ild re n in th e b o ro u g h ) a n d th e re w e re n o
facilities fo r c h ild re n after th e c o m p u lso ry age of a tte n d a n c e .
(S ee C. T yrell, 1975; N e w h a m C o m m u n ity D e v e lo p m e n t P ro -
je c t, 1976; Jo in t D ocks A ction G ro u p R esource T eam , 1976; Jo in t
D o c k la n d s A ctio n G ro u p R esource T eam , 1977; C IS /C D P R ep o rt
1 3 ,1 9 7 5 ; C D P /I P 1977, F eb ru ary .) T his is a typical situ a tio n , a n d
o n e w h ic h g e n e ra te s d e lin q u e n t su b c u ltu re s a t a tim e w h e n
y o u th u n e m p lo y m e n t is th e w o rst in th e p o st-w a r p e rio d . It is
h o w e v e r, p a r t o f a g e n e ra l u n e m p lo y m e n t crisis.
T h e re s p o n s e of th e successive g o v e rn m e n ts of th e 1960s a n d
1970s w a s to m a k e B ritish cap italism p ro fitab le a g ain . A co n cern
w a s c e rta in ly s h o w n fo r th e d e p re s s e d in n e r city are a, b u t th e
p a ra d ig m u s e d to ex p la in it te n d e d to b e th a t of th e 'c u ltu re of
p o v e r ty ' a n d th e 'cycle of d e p riv a tio n '. B riefly th is a rg u e s th a t
p e o p le in h e rit p o v e rty , n o t d u e to p o o r econom ic p la n n in g , o r
in d u s tria l d e c lin e , b u t b ecau se th e ir life-style a n d v a lu e sy ste m
e n tr a p s th e m . T h e s ta te 's failu re to d eal w ith p o v e rty is u su a lly
c o n c e iv e d b y th e g o v e rn m e n t as p rim a rily a n a d m in istra tiv e o r
m a n a g e ria l p ro b le m a t th e local level. W h a t is o v e rlo o k e d is th e
local p o litic al ec o n o m y . A reas n e e d m a ssiv e pu b lic in v e stm e n t,
a n d th e e n d in g o f c u ts in th e p u b lic secto r. W h a t in fact h a s
h a p p e n e d is th a t th e re h a s b e e n a n a tte m p t to in v o lv e co m -
m u n ity o rg a n iz a tio n s, a n d to d e v e lo p c o m m u n ity p ro jects
r a th e r th a n p ro v id in g m assiv e in p u ts of in v e stm e n t. T h e re su lt
h a s b e e n in th e w o rd s o f th e C D P /IP T eam 'g ild in g th e g h e tto '.
T h e U rb a n A id p ro je c ts, th e E d u ca tio n a l P rio rity A reas, C o m -
m u n ity D e v e lo p m e n t P rojects a n d th e C o m p re h e n siv e C o m -
m u n ity P ro g ra m m e s a s w ell as sc h e m e s of area m a n a g e m e n t
h a v e fo u n d e re d o n th e eco n o m ic crisis. T h e re su lt h a s b e e n to
p re s s u riz e local a u th o rity m a n a g e m e n t to re d ire c t th e ir p rio ri-
tie s, a n d to fin an c e th e m o u t of local d e cisio n s c o n c ern in g cu ts
in th e p u b lic secto r. C u ts in, fo r e x am p le, th e R ate S u p p o rt
G r a n t, m e a n s th a t local a u th o ritie s a re fo rced to b rin g th e ir
s p e n d in g in to lin e w ith cen tral g o v e rn m e n t policy. A s a re su lt
th e r e h a s b e e n a n in c rea se in w h a t C o c k b u rn (1977) calls th e
'lo c a l s ta te ', a n d d e c isio n s p a ss fro m th e e lected officers in to th e
e x p e rtis e o f c o rp o ra te m a n a g e m e n t o n th e g ro u n d s of te c h n o -
c ra tic efficiency. P rofitability in B ritish in d u s try se em s to be
f o u n d e d o n a re d u c tio n in w a g e s, low e m p lo y m e n t a n d c u ts in
p u b lic h e a lth , h o u s in g , e d u c atio n al a n d social services. T his h a s
le d to a situ a tio n w h e re so m e o b se rv e rs see th e e n tire P o v e rty
P ro g ra m m e o f th e sixties as th e m a n a g e m e n t of p o o r p e o p le ,
a n d in c re a sin g c o m m u n ity care to m a k e local a re a s d e al w ith
Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy •165
p ro b le m s tra d itio n a lly d e a lt w ith b y th e pu b lic services. For th e
y o u n g u n e m p lo y e d e v e n w ith c a sh in jectio n s, as w ith th e Y o u th
O p p o rtu n itie s P ro g ra m m e (b ased o n th e H o lla n d R ep o rt, 1977,
M a n p o w e r S erv ices C o m m issio n ), p riv a te in d u s try h a s n o t
re s p o n d e d g re a tly to th e su g g e stio n th e y sh o u ld offer W ork
E x p e rie n c e P ro g ra m m e s to y o u n g p e o p le. A s for th e y o u n g
p e o p le th e m se lv e s, all th a t h a p p e n s is th a t th e y a re p a id ,
in s te a d o f social sec u rity , £18 p e r w e ek , w h ic h places th e m in
th e lo w -p a id w o rk force b ra ck et, a n d p ro v id e s th e m w ith
te m p o ra ry jo b sc h e m e s ra th e r th a n p e rm a n e n t e m p lo y m e n t
w ith so m e fo rm of p ro sp e c ts.
Y outh cu ltu re and id en tity
W h a t c a n b e se e n fro m th e a b o v e, is th a t a q u a si-d e lin q u e n t

m a le -d o m in a te d su b c u ltu re in a d istric t as d e sc rib ed above,
p e r h a p s w ith a h ig h im m ig ra n t p o p u la tio n , h a s its o rig in s in
s tru c tu ra l c o n tra d ic tio n s, a n d is m e d ia te d b y class, race a n d
g e n d e r, a n d fu rth e r m o d ified b y th e local w o rk in g -c la ss co m -
m u n ity , a n d th e local political e co n o m y . A s su c h it is a far cry
fro m a q u a si-b o h e m ia n sixth fo rm c u ltu re , w h o se ro o ts a re in
th e p ro g re s s iv e m id d le-c lass in te llig e n tsia, a n d w h o se co n cern
is w ith lib eral o r ra d ica l criticism , a n d m o tiv a te d b y self-g ro w th
a n d in d iv id u a lity . P ro sp e c ts for th is g ro u p are n o t o n ly d iffe re n t
in te rm s o f o p p o rtu n itie s a n d a lte rn a tiv e s, b u t also a t th e level of
p e rs o n a l life, e m o tio n s a n d social re la tio n sh ip s. Y o u th c u ltu re
lin k s a n d e x p lo re s y o u n g p e o p le 's re la tio n s to m aterial p ro -
d u c tio n , a n d also th e social re la tio n s th a t th e ideological s u p e r-
s tr u c tu re m e d ia te s to th em . T h is is felt d e e p ly a t th e level of th e
p e rs o n a l. A m a jo r a ttra c tio n of su b c u ltu re is its reb ellio n , its
h e d o n is m a n d its a lte rn a tiv e s to th e re stric tio n s of h o m e , school
a n d w o rk - it is fu n . It offers a sp ace to celeb rate re b ellio u sn e ss
a n d h e d o n is m . It also ex p lo res h e tero sex u ality , m a sc u lin ity a n d
b y d e fin itio n fe m in in ity . It h a s a n im p o rta n t socializing e lem e n t
fo r th e c o n tin u a tio n o f society. D o m in a n t id eo lo g y h a s m a n a g e d
to a c c o m m o d a te a n y a tta c k o n tra d itio n a l n o tio n s a n d roles
c o n c e rn in g se x u ality a n d fam ily life. E v en w h e n th e se h a v e
b e e n a rtic u la te d , as w ith p a rt of th e h ip p y c u ltu re , th e c h a n g e s
h a v e b e e n m o re a p p a re n t th a n actu al. D e sp ite a d u lts ' fears of
p ro m is c u ity , re sp ec ta b ility , alb e it re d e fin e d , h a s n o t b e en
d e s tro y e d , a n d m o st su b c u ltu re s rein fo rce trad itio n a l sexual
ro le s. T h e o n ly su b c u ltu re s w h ic h h a v e d e v e lo p e d a critique of
tra d itio n a l h e te ro se x u a lity a n d ro les h a v e b e e n th o se w h ic h h av e
d e v e lo p e d o u t o f b e in g o p p re s s e d b y tra d itio n a l sex u ality , th a t

o f ra d ic a l h o m o se x u a l a n d fem in ist su b c u ltu re s. T h ese h a v e
b e e n m o re in th e fo rm o f social a n d po litical m o v e m e n ts, b u t
th e y h a v e d e v e lo p e d su b c u ltu re s w ith in th e se . T h ese s u b -
c u ltu re s h a v e g a in e d a space in tra d itio n a l sex u ality to d e v e lo p
a n a re n a fo r stru g g le . S om e m id d le -c la ss g ro u p s su c h as
's w in g e r s ' o r 'm a te s w a p p e rs ' h a v e u s e d th is to d e v e lo p a
s tra te g y to co m b a t sex u al b o re d o m , w h e re p e rm issiv e a d u lte ry
is p ra c tis e d a n d carefu lly sc rip te d to a v o id a n em o tio n al e n ta n g le -
m e n t w h ic h m ig h t th re a te n th e m a rria g e, d e scrib ed b y G a g n o n
(1977), a s 'fo rm a l re w ritin g ' of th e sexu al 'sc rip t'. S u c h e x p e ri-
m e n ta tio n b e lo n g s to m id d le-c la ss p o st-a d o le sc e n t sexuality,
a n d c e rta in ly th e sex u al b e h a v io u r (S chofield, 1965; 1973),
re m a in s m o n o g a m o u s a n d ro m a n tic. T h e a re a w h e re sexual
b e h a v io u r h a s in c re a se d is b e tw e e n co u p le s h a v in g a ste a d y
re la tio n s h ip : in d e e d , th e a d o p tio n of th e c o n trac ep tiv e pill is a
fo rm o f c o m m itm e n t ritu al. In w o rk in g -class g ro u p s tra d itio n a l
ro le s re m a in , b u t th a t is n o t to sa y th e re is n o c o n sid e ra tio n of
a lte rn a tiv e s . W o rk in g -class w o m e n a re v e ry co n scio u s a b o u t th e
re s tric tio n s o f m a rria g e , b u t th e y are also v e ry realistic a b o u t
th e ir liv e s, eco n o m ically a n d em o tio n a lly , sh o u ld th e y reject it.
It is n o t s u rp ris in g th a t th e cu lt of ro m a n ce h a s su c h a stro n g
g rip o n te e n a g e w o rk in g -c la ss girls.
Y o u th c u ltu re also offers a collective id e n tity , a referen ce
g r o u p , fro m w h ic h to d ev e lo p a n in d iv id u a l id e n tity , 'm ag ically '
fre e d fro m th e a sc rib e d ro les of h o m e , school a n d w o rk . It
p ro v id e s c o g n itiv e m a teria l fro m w h ic h to d e v e lo p a n a lte rn a -
tiv e c a re e r, k e p t se c re t fro m , a n d in reb ellio n w ith , th e a d u lt w o rld .
It is a free a re a b e tw e e n th e c o n tro l a n d a u th o rity of th e a d u lt
w o rld a n d fre e d o m a m o n g s t o n e 's p e e rs. F or a te m p o ra ry p e rio d
d u r in g y o u th , a n a lte rn a tiv e sc rip t can b e p e rfo rm e d , o u tsid e of
th e so c ia lizin g forces o f w o rk , a n d b efo re th o se of m a rria g e
b e c o m e im p o rta n t. Y o u n g p e o p le n e e d a n id e n tity w h ic h
s e p a ra te s th e m fro m th e e x p ec ta tio n s a n d ro les im p o se d u p o n
th e m b y fam ily , sch o o l a n d w o rk . O n ce th e y h a v e m a d e th is
s e p a ra tio n , w h ic h m a k e s a d ra m a tu rg ic a l s ta te m e n t a b o u t th e ir
d iffe re n c e fro m th o se ex p ec ta tio n s im p o se d u p o n th e m b y
o th e rs , th e y feel free to explore a n d d e v e lo p w h a t th e y are. T h ey
w ill c re a te a n im a g e , o fte n of a q u a si-d e lin q u e n t, o r reb ellio u s
sty le , w h ic h m a rk s th e m a p a rt fro m th e e x p e ctatio n s in p a r-
tic u la r o f th e ir fam ily a n d o th e r a d u lts. O n c e th is se p a ra tio n h a s
b e e n m a d e fro m th e id e n tity im p o se d b y th e fam ily in p a rtic u -
la r, th e y a re lib e ra te d to d ev e lo p a n o th e r id e n tity . T his h e lp s
e x p la in w h y th e y o fte n th e n give u p th is id e n tity of tra n s -
fo rm a tio n . T h e y rejec t it as 'a d o le sc e n t', in a v e ry real se n se it is
Subcultures, manufactured culture ami the economy • 167
n o lo n g e r th e m . In th is se n se th e m a te ria l of y o u th c u ltu re is of
c o n s id e ra b le ex iste n tia l im p o rtan c e. It h a s a p artic u la r a p p e a l to
th o s e y o u n g p e o p le w h o feel little c o m m itm e n t to o r in v e stm e n t
in th e p re s e n t sta te of affairs. It attra c ts th o se w h o feel th e y d o
n o t s o m e h o w fit, o r feel rejec te d , w h e re th e life of th e y o u n g
p e rs o n re in fo rc e s th is iso latio n o r alien atio n , w h e re h e /s h e feels
a m isfit, th e n th e sc rip ts b e in g c o m p o sed in su b c u ltu re s are
h ig h ly a ttra c tiv e . F or w o rk in g -class y o u th th e su b c u ltu re is
u s u a lly a local v a ria tio n of a n a tio n -w id e th e m e , w h e re th e
n e ig h b o u rh o o d m e d ia te s th e fo rm a n d style of th e su b c u ltu re.
M id d le -c la ss y o u th is a ttra c te d to a su b c u ltu re w h ic h u su a lly is
c la ss-b a se d , b u t n o t n e ig h b o u rh o o d -b a se d , p a rtic u larly w h e re it
is in flu e n c e d b y six th form o r s tu d e n t c u ltu re . M in o rity g ro u p s
a re c a u g h t in a situ a tio n w h e re th e ir n a tio n a l c u ltu re s su p p o rt
a n d s u s ta in th e m , b u t also c o n stra in th e m a n d k e e p th e m
se p a ra te fro m o th e r su b c u ltu re s. T his can b e a conscious
e s p o u s a l o f a p a rtic u la r form of reb ellio n a g a in st a n eo -colonial
p o litic a l e c o n o m y , as w ith black y o u th 's rejectio n of B ritain a n d
a d o p tio n o f C a rib b e a n accents, a rg o t a n d sty le. T his h a s its ro o ts
in th e A fro -C a rib b e a n slave e c o n o m y , a n d th e situ a tio n is
d iffe re n t fro m th a t o f A sian s. W ilson (1978) d escrib es A sian
sc h o o lg irls w h o se ek su p p o rt fro m th e ir h o m e la n d c u ltu re a n d
la n g u a g e , o n ly to fin d th a t th e ir re tre a t to th is cu ltu re is th e very
re a s o n th e y a re d islik ed a n d d isc rim in a te d a g a in st. U nlike
A fro -C a rib b e a n g irls a n d b o y s w h o offer so lid arity to each o th e r
a n d w h o w ill a g g re ssiv e ly d e fe n d th em selv es, A sian girls fin d
th e ir d iffe re n t c u ltu re s, relig io n s a n d g eo g rap h ical areas of
o rig in s d iv isiv e , a n d th e ir u p b rin g in g as A sian w o m e n p re v e n t-
in g th e m a s s e rtin g th e m se lv e s. A sia n s h a v e n o t as y e t fo u n d a
su b c u ltu ra l id e n tity b e tw e e n tw o c u ltu re s, as h a v e W est
In d ia n s , w h o s e o rig in al n a tio n a l c u ltu re a n d lan g u ag e w as
d e s tr o y e d b y slav ery .
Y outh as a so cia l problem
Y o u th , its c u ltu re s a n d su b c u ltu re s, h a v e alw ay s b e e n se en as a

so cial p ro b le m in th e m in d s of g e n eral public a n d policy-
m a k e rs. A fa ilu re to socialize a d e q u a te ly in to its place in th e
w o rk fo rce p re s e n ts se rio u s co n se q u en ce s. T he p re s e n t situ a tio n
o f y o u th u n e m p lo y m e n t ca u ses co n c ern b e ca u se o n e u n in -
te n d e d c o n se q u e n c e is th e loss of w o rk h a b its a n d w o rk d is-
c ip lin e. T h e y o u n g u n e m p lo y e d w h o h a v e becom e disaffiliated
fro m la b o u r a tte m p t to m ak e a living fro m h u stlin g , o r crim inal
o r q u a si-c rim in a l m e a n s. T h is h a s a d d e d to a g e n era l m o ral
p a n ic a b o u t la w le ssn e ss in th e in n e r city w h ic h h a s b e e n
e s c a la te d b y th e N a tio n a l F ro n t. A m a jo r fu n c tio n o f job cre a tio n
sc h e m e s h a s b e e n to k e e p y o u th in v o lv e d w ith w o rk discip lin e.
It is to o e a rly to say to w h a t e x te n t th e se w ill b e u se fu l, b u t th e y
p ro v id e n o re a l su b s titu te for p e rm a n e n t e m p lo y m e n t. D e lin -
q u e n c y p re v e n tio n p ro g ra m m e s h a v e failed in th e p a s t b e c au se
e s s e n tia lly th e y a re p iecem eal a tte m p ts to d e a l w ith stru c tu ra l
p ro b le m s , a n d as su c h offer n o real stru c tu ra l a ltern ativ e.
B asically th e y h a v e b e e n c o m p o se d of c o u n sellin g m e th o d s
b a s e d o n in d iv id u a l m a la d a p ta tio n , g ro u p w o rk , b e h a v io u r
m o d ific a tio n , re sid e n tia l p ro g ra m m e s and c o m m u n ity
a p p ro a c h e s . T h e re seem s little e v id en c e th a t a n y form of
c o u n s e llin g fro m a n ag en cy h a s m u c h effect o n d e lin q u en c y .
T h e re is ce rta in ly sco p e for in d iv id u a l co u n se llin g a n d g ro u p
w o rk , b u t it n e e d s to b e in a co m m u n ity se ttin g , o n th e k id s'
te rm s r a th e r th a n w ith ag ency w o rk o n th e o rg a n isa tio n 's term s.
C o m m u n ity p ro g ra m m e s h a v e b e e n p o p u la r in th e U n ite d
S ta te s su c h a s th e P ro v o e x p e rim e n t a n d th e C aliforn ia C o m -
m u n ity T re a tm e n t P roject, w h ic h u se a situ a tio n of b o y s living
in th e c o m m u n ity , w h o s p e n d so m e tim e a t th e p ro je ct c e n tre
w ith g ro u p w o rk p ro g ra m m e s. T h ese p ro jec ts h a v e h a d so m e
su c c e ss w ith a d o le sc e n ts id e n tifie d a s n e u ro tic , b u t less effect o n
th o s e c o m m itte d to a d e v ia n t v a lu e sy stem . T h e C hicago A rea
P ro je c t w a s b a s e d n o t o n c o n c e n tra tin g o n in d iv id u a ls w ith in
g ro u p s , b u t o n th e ecological m o d e l of th e early C hicag o school,
a n d a s s u c h fo c u se d o n th e n e ig h b o u rh o o d in w h ic h d e lin -
q u e n c y to o k place. Basically th e p ro je c t a tte m p te d to d e v e lo p
local w e lfa re o rg a n iz a tio n a m o n g th e co m m u n ity u sin g local k ey
fig u re s. F ro m th is local n e ig h b o u rh o o d g ro u p s w e re b u ilt u p .
T h e su c c e ss o f th e p ro je ct is h a rd to a sc erta in , a n d th e c o n -
c lu sio n s re a c h e d a re th a t th e p ro g ra m m e p ro b ab ly h e lp e d
re d u c e d e lin q u e n c y 'b e c au se a n y su b sta n tia l im p ro v e m e n t in
th e social clim ate of a co m m u n ity m u s t' (K obrin, 1967, p . 330).
(F o r fu lle r d e ta ils o f th e se stu d ie s see La M ar T. E m p ey a n d J.
R a b o w , 1961; M . Q . W a rren , 1970; K obrin, 1967.) V ario u s o th e r
p ro je c ts se e m to h a v e little la stin g effect. T he C am b rid g e-
S o m e rv ille p ro je c t (P o w e rs a n d W ilm er, 1950; M cC ord J. a n d
M c C o rd W ., 1959), h a d n o sig n ifican t effect o n a d u lt crim inality,
a n d o th e r p ro g ra m m e s u sin g g ro u p w o rk te c h n iq u e s in th e
m id -six tie s m e t w ith little success. R eckless a n d D initz (1972),
u s e d a th re e -y e a r p ro g ra m m e b a se d o n fifteen y ea rs re se a rc h ,
try in g to reso cialize d e lin q u e n ts b y ex p o sin g th e m to socially
a p p r o v e d m o d e ls w ith little success, p ro b ab ly b e ca u se th e
m o d e ls a n d th e a sse ssm e n t w e re resp ec ta b le a n d m id d le class.
O th e r p ro je c ts h a v e u s e d d e ta c h e d w o rk e rs to w o rk o n th e
s tre e t w ith g a n g s (Y ablonsky, 1967; K lein, 1971; M iller, 1962),
s e e m to h a v e a m ix e d effect. T he stre e t w o rk e r acts as a 'ro le
m o d e l' a n d w h ilst th is m ay be co n stru ctiv e it d o e s n o t seem to
h a v e re d u c e d d e lin q u e n c y rates. T he o rie n ta tio n of th e se
a p p ro a c h e s a re re h ab ilita tiv e a n d b y d e fin itio n refo rm ist. S c h u r
(1973), ta k e s a m o re critical sta n ce , see k in g radical social ch an g e
ra th e r th a n a re fo rm e d p e n a l sy stem , a n d ra th e r th a n u se th e
c o u rts to a n y g re a t d eg ree 'le av e th e k id s a lo n e w h e n e v e r
p o s s ib le ' (S c h u r, 1973, p. 155). T h e e m p h a sis is less o n th e
in d iv id u a l a p p ro a c h , b u t ra th e r o n v o lu n ta ry in v o lv e m e n t in
co llectiv e a c tio n p ro g ra m m e s. V o lu n ta ry in v o lv e m e n t red u ce s
c rim in a liz a tio n th ro u g h th e b re a k in g of law s w h ic h in A m erica
o n ly a p p ly to c h ild re n a n d ju v en ile s (such as tru a n c y , cu rfew s,
a n d sm o k in g law s). S c h u r a rg u e s (1973, p . 155):
P ie c em ea l socioeconom ic refo rm w ill n o t g re atly affect
d e lin q u e n c y ; th e re m u st be th o ro u g h g o in g c h a n g e s in th e
s tru c tu re a n d th e v alu e s of o u r society. If th e choice is
b e tw e e n c h a n g in g y o u th a n d ch a n g in g th e society (in -
c lu d in g so m e of its law s), th e radical n o n in te rv e n tio n ist
o p ts fo r c h a n g in g th e society.
H e is le ss specific o n actu al ap p lica tio n s of th is p rin cip le, a n d
c a n b e a c c u se d o f a fo rm of id ealism w h ic h su g g e sts h u m a n istic
id e a s o n th e ir o w n w ill a lter th e co n c ep ts of ju stice a n d th e ru le
o f la w w ith o u t b e in g p a rt of a w id e r class a n aly sis, a n d re la te d
to w o rk in g -c la ss stru g g le . T h e re is n o p u rs u it of th e p ro b le m of
d iffe re n tia tin g b e tw e e n actio n s w h ich are th e re su lt of b ru taliz in g
a n d o p p re s s iv e forces, a n d w h ic h raise serio u s q u e stio n s of
p e rs o n a l re sp o n sib ility , su ch as violence, a n d th o se w h ic h are
c u ltu ra l e x p re ssio n s a n d a d a p ta tio n s as w ith th e ft from w o rk , or
in fo rm a l rec e iv in g sy ste m s fo u n d in w o rk in g -class districts.
U ltim a te ly crim in a l a n d d e lin q u e n t e n te rp rise s a re n o t so lu tio n s
fo r a d o le sc e n ts c a u g h t u p in th e re su lts of a n econom ic
re c e ssio n . U ltim ately it b ru ta liz e s a n d d e g ra d e s th e m , creatin g a
s itu a tio n w h ic h m a k e s it difficult for th e m to escap e. B ut th is
b e h a v io u r h a s to b e traced to w h a t it is a co n se q u e n ce of. It h a s
to b e d e a lt w ith a t th e in d iv id u a l level, a n d th is m e a n s w o rk in g
c lo se ly w ith in d iv id u a ls, b u t it also w ill n o t cease as a p h e n -
o m e n o n u n le ss its stru c tu ra l ro o ts a re alte red . A s D ean (1976)
a rg u e s , th e re is n o p u b lic c o n se n su s a b o u t legality, a n d b ecau se
re h a b ilita tio n is ts h a v e failed to see th a t g ro u p s in h a b it d ifferen t
m o ra l w o rld s, th e y fail to see th a t law is a n e x p re ssio n of p o w e r
o f c e rta in g ro u p s , a n d n o t so m e co n se n su a l, dem ocratically
re a c h e d leg al sy ste m . A s a re su lt re h ab ilitativ e m e a su re s h a v e
m a d e a n a s s u m p tio n of in d iv id u a l m a la d ju stm e n t o r social
p a th o lo g y . A t p re s e n t o nly official a g en cies o ffer a ssistan ce
w h ic h is b o u n d b y sta tu to ry d u tie s, b u t it is n o t h a rd to see th a t
it w o u ld b e p o ssib le to c o n stru c t so lu tio n s w h ic h a re b u ilt in to a
n e ig h b o u rh o o d a n d w h ich w o rk a t a g rass ro o ts level w ith
p a rtic u la r g ro u p s. T h is h a s of co u rse a lre a d y o cc u rred w ith
p a rtic u la r g ro u p s w h ic h are p ro b le m -b a se d , su ch as alcoholics,
a d d ic ts , v a g ra n ts a n d so fo rth . F or y o u n g p e o p le , th e n e ig h -
b o u rh o o d c a n b e u s e d a n d h a s b e e n , as a c o n sid e ra b le reso u rce .
T h e re is so m e e v id e n c e to in d ic ate th a t m o n e y s p e n t o n y o u th
w o rk p ro v isio n , e v e n w h e re th a t p ro v isio n is tra d itio n a l club
w o rk , h a s lo w e re d d e lin q u e n c y ra te s (Bagley, 1965).
T h e re a re o b v io u sly m acro a n d m icro levels to th e p ro b le m s of
th e in n e r city. M o re reso u rc es a re n e e d e d in d e p re s s e d n e ig h -
b o u rh o o d s . T h e m ac ro level p ro b le m s of p o v e rty , ed u c a tio n ,
a n d u n e m p lo y m e n t a re felt a t th e m icro level of th e n e ig h b o u r-
h o o d . T h e v a lu a b le re sea rc h of th e C o m m u n ity D e v e lo p m e n t
P ro je c ts h a s tra c e d p ro b le m s w h ic h m a n ife st th e m se lv e s as
d e lin q u e n c y , p o o r h e a lth , racism a n d lack of w o rk , to th e
c o m b in e d fo rces o f th e collapse o f th e local ec o n o m y , a n d th e
re d u c tio n o f p u b lic services. In th e case of e d u c a tio n , th e re su lts
m a y b e e v e n m o re specific m a n ife stin g in p a rtic u la r local
sc h o o ls. P o w e r et al. (1967) a n d P h illip so n (1971), su g g e st th e re
is e v id e n c e th a t it is specific sch o o ls w h ic h h a v e h ig h ra te s of
d e lin q u e n c y a n d tru a n c y . P o w e r a n d S irey (1972), fo u n d th a t
tw o -th ir d s o f th e ir d e lin q u e n t sa m p le cam e from in ta ct, c o n -
c e rn e d fam ilies, a n d th a t th e im p o rta n t variab le w a s th e effect of
th e sc h o o l. In th e sa m e school, a q u a rte r of b o y s from a h ig h
d e lin q u e n c y a re a w e re d e lin q u e n t, b u t so w e re a q u a rte r of b o y s
fro m a lo w d e lin q u e n c y area. W est a n d F a rrin g to n (1973), a rg u e
th a t sc h o o ls w ith a h ig h d e lin q u e n c y ra te w e re receiv in g p u p ils
w ith a h ig h 'd e lin q u e n c y p ro n e ' in ta k e a t th e ag e of co m -
m e n c in g se c o n d a ry ed u c a tio n . S chools are se e n in a local
n e ig h b o u rh o o d as b e in g for th e d e lin q u e n t a n d th e sch o la s-
tically p o o r, a n d th e re su lts a re th e in te rn a liz a tio n b y p u p ils of
b e in g d ifficu lt a n d u n te a c h a b le . R ey n o ld s (1976), su g g e sts th a t
sp ecific sc h o o ls u se te c h n iq u e s w h ich in d iv id u a lize p ro b lem s
su c h a s tru a n c y . O n e p ro b le m w ith a n y o rg a n iz a tio n su ch as a
sc h o o l, o r social w o rk a g en c y , is th a t a n in d iv id u a l, w h o is n o t
c a te re d for b y th e p ro g ra m m e of th e o rg a n iz a tio n b ecom es a
p ro b le m fo r th a t o rg a n iz a tio n , b u t th e p ro b lem is in d iv id u aliz ed .
It is th a t in d iv id u a l w h o is 'd iffic u lt', n o t th e fact th a t for v a rio u s
a d m in is tra tiv e re a so n s th e o rg a n iz a tio n c a n n o t cate r for h im o r
h e r.
T h e d e e p e n in g o f th e econ o m ic crisis a n d th e o v e rt racism of
w o rk in g -c la s s in n e r city life, c o m b in ed w ith its tra d itio n a l
se x ism , c re a te m a jo r p ro b le m s fo r rad ical y o u th w o rk e rs. R obins
a n d C o h e n (1978), su g g e st th a t w h e re th e re are co m m u n ity
d e m a n d s fro m th e local y o u th p o p u la tio n for, say , a disco , th is
c a n b e d e v e lo p e d in to a n ex ercise in p o litical p o w e r a n d
stra te g y . In th is w a y th e y follow c o m m u n ity actio n tactics.
H o w e v e r, w h ils t th e ir d isco c o n ta in e d local ju v e n ile crim e a n d
n e ig h b o u rh o o d v a n d a lism , th is o n ly n e u tra liz e d th e local k id s '
b a rg a in in g p o w e r. In ste a d th e y su g g e st a form o f social a n d
p o litic a l e d u c a tio n , b u t n o t in a tra d itio n a l se n se , w h ic h w o u ld
a s s is t k id s to b eco m e th e te a c h e rs a n d sp o k e sp e rso n s o f th e ir
p e e rs . H o w e v e r, th e c o n crete w a y o f d o in g th is see m s to b e a
s n o w b a llin g te c h n iq u e o f te a c h in g in d iv id u a ls a m o n g th e local
y o u th c o m m u n ity , w h o th e n se t u p te a c h in g g ro u p s o f th e ir
o w n . S u c h id e a s m a y seem to k id s v e ry close to sch o o l, a n d m ay
w o rk in th e a re a o f b lack p o litics, b u t it is h a rd to en v isa g e th e m
d e v e lo p in g a m o n g d isaffe c te d w h ite y o u th . T h ey a re also m ale-
o rie n te d . A n o th e r su g g e stio n th e w rite rs h a v e is Y oung
T e n a n ts ' A sso c ia tio n s w h ich se rv e 'th e po litical, c u ltu ra l a n d
e d u c a tio n a l n e e d s o f th e m a ss o f w o rk in g class y o u th in its
v ic in itie s'. A g a in , th e te c h n iq u e o f c o m m u n ity w o rk is u se d to
d e v e lo p c o re m e m b e rs fro m th e 'y o u n g , a b o u t to b e m a rrie d s
lo o k in g fo r re sp e c ta b ility a n d s ta tu s in th is ro u g h n e ig h b o u r-
h o o d a n d te a ra w a y s w ish in g to re fo rm '. T h e YTA acts as a n
a d v ic e g ro u p , d e fe n c e g ro u p a n d also a c o m m u n icatio n cen tre .
A g a in th is d e p e n d s o n th e local n e ig h b o u rh o o d b e in g stab le,
a n d w o u ld o n ly d e v e lo p in specific ty p e s o f n e ig h b o u rh o o d .
T h e se m o d e ls d ra w n fro m c o m m u n ity actio n a n d c o m m u n ity
o rg a n iz a tio n c o u ld w ith so m e a d a p ta tio n b e u s e d in certa in
n e ig h b o u rh o o d s . C e rta in ly m id d le -c la ss y o u th c u ltu re s m a n a g e d
to d e v e lo p se v e ra l in te re s tin g fo rm s o f leg al, clinical, ad v iso ry
a n d h o u s in g c e n tre s w h ich h a v e b e e n u s e d in c o m m u n ity
p ro je c ts in B ritain a n d th e U n ite d S ta te s. H o w e v e r, o n e m o d el
w h ic h se e m s to b e o f u se in w o rk in g w ith y o u n g p e o p le is a
c o m m u n ity -b a s e d p ro je c t w h ic h ta k e s u p a n d d e fe n d s th e p lace
o f y o u n g p e o p le in th e local co m m u n ity . O b v io u sly o n e m ain
a im w ill b e to a ss ist th e jo b less.
F uture p rosp ects
T h e re a re o b v io u sly d iffe re n t p ro b le m s in d iffe re n t n e ig h b o u r-

h o o d s . T h o se w ith racially m ix ed co m m u n itie s a re in a p o te n tia lly
e x p lo siv e situ a tio n . M an y y o u n g black k id s a re h o m e less,
a n d th is h a s b e e n tack led in so m e n e ig h b o u rh o o d s b y local
c o m m u n ity h o u se s. T his is p a rt of th e black c o m m u n itie s'
d e te r m in e d p o litical effo rts to o ffset locally th e re su lts of racism .
T h e re is a n e q u a l d e te rm in a tio n to d e fe n d black y o u th a g a in st
p o lic e h a ra s s m e n t th ro u g h n e ig h b o u rh o o d law c e n tre s w h ic h
ta k e u p th e cases of y o u n g blacks, a n d fig h t th e p re s e n t 's u s
la w s ' w h ic h s ta te so m e o n e m a y b e a p p re h e n d e d b y th e police if
th e y s u s p e c t h e is a b o u t to co m m it a crim e. R acism in local
n e ig h b o u rh o o d s h a s also m a n a g e d to k e e p black a n d w h ite
y o u th se p a ra te , a n d th is is p ro b a b ly o n e of th e m o st w o rry in g
p ro b le m s in v o lv in g race a n d y o u th in B ritain to d a y . C o ttle
(1978), d e sc rib e s th e b itte rn e ss felt b y y o u n g blacks se n sitiv e to
th e fact th a t w h ite a d u lts w ill n o t p h y sically com e in co n tact
w ith th e m . W h ite te a c h e rs o fte n d o n o t to u c h th e m d u rin g
p h y sic a l e d u c a tio n , o r e v e n sh a k e th e m d u rin g a school ro w .
Y o u th w o rk e rs w o rrie d b y th e N a tio n a l F ro n t's a tte m p ts to g ain
p la c e s o n th e m a n a g e m e n t g ro u p s of te n a n ts ' asso ciatio n s a n d
y o u th c lu b s h a v e fo rm e d a W o rk ers w ith Y o u th a g a in st F ascism
G r o u p , w h ic h also trie s to c o u n te ra c t racist p ro p a g a n d a . T h is is
sim ila r to th e w o m e n y o u th w o rk e rs w h o h a v e fo rm ed a
fe m in is t p re s s u re g ro u p to co m b at sexism in m ale y o u th club
m e m b e rs a n d le a d e rs.
O n e th in g th a t se e m s to be c o n sta n tly m e n tio n e d b y w o rk in g -
c la ss y o u n g p e o p le is th e u se le ssn e ss of school cu rricu la in
te rm s o f th e ir fu tu re lives. W e s h o u ld c o n sid e r w h e th e r fu ll-
tim e sc h o o lin g n e e d s to b e c o n tin u e d to th e age of 16. O b v io u sly
th e re a re re a c tio n a ry d a n g e rs in a sch em e of th is ty p e a n d th is
n e e d s to b e g u a rd e d a g ain st. I a m n o t p ro p o sin g th a t ad o le sc e n ts
s h o u ld b e e x p lo ite d as c h e ap w a g e la b o u r. W rig h t (1977), h a s
s u g g e s te d d e c e n tra liz in g school a u th o rity b e tw e e n te a ch ers,
p a r e n ts , p u p ils a n d th e local a u th o rity so th a t n o o n e g ro u p h a s
c o n tro l, a n d th a t c o m p u lso ry e d u c a tio n sh o u ld e n d a t 11 y e a rs
o f a g e . It w o u ld se e m sen sib le n o t to force y o u n g p e o p le to le a rn
th in g s th e y re je ct, w h e n th e y w o u ld p re fe r to w o rk . T he ac tu a l
a g e o f sc h o o l-le a v in g is a m a tte r for c o n sid e ra tio n b u t, p e rh a p s
fro m 13 y e a rs o ld , ad o le sc e n ts co u ld sta rt p a rt-tim e w o rk w ith a
g e n e ra liz e d a p p re n tic e s h ip sch e m e w h ic h w o u ld b e o c c u p a tio n -
sp ecific la te r. T h ey c o u ld th e n leave fu ll-tim e e d u c a tio n a t 14 o r
15, w ith a n o p tio n to re tu rn in la te r life w ith u p to fo u r y e a rs'
fu ll-tim e e d u c a tio n o n a g ra n t o r o n full p ay . B azalgette (1978),
a lso c o n sid e rs th a t th e ex p erien ce of school is ra rely e x a m in e d o r
d r a w n u p o n b y y o u n g w o rk e rs, w h o p erceiv e scho ol as failing
to p ro v id e th e m w ith a n y th in g w h ic h h e lp s th e difficult
tra n s itio n fro m sch o o l to w o rk . S chool, th e y see, as p re p a rin g
p u p ils fo r th e p u b lic e x a m in atio n sy ste m , ra th e r th a n for w o rk
life. B ecau se y o u n g p e o p le a re b a d ly p re p a re d for w o rk , a n d
b e c a u s e o f th e restric tio n s of th e local e co n o m y , th e y e ith e r
c o n s ta n tly m o v e job s, o r fin d th e m se lv e s in a stable situ a tio n ,
w h ic h o n ly a fte r a y e a r o r tw o a t w o rk , th e y reco g n ize as a d e a d
e n d . T h is is w h y so m e d ire c t ex p erien ce of d ifferin g jobs,
rea listic a n d p re c ise in fo rm a tio n a b o u t th e job m a rk e t, a n d m o re
d is c u s s io n s a b o u t c aree rs w o u ld assist. T he actu al ex p erien ce of
w o rk in g w o u ld b e a v alu ab le ste p , a n d a n earlier sta rt at
fu ll-tim e w o rk , w h ic h d id n o t close th e d o o r finally o n full-tim e
f u r th e r a n d h ig h e r e d u c a tio n w o u ld be p referab le to th e p re s e n t
sy ste m . It w o u ld also assist th e p ro je cte d crisis in h ig h e r
e d u c a tio n fo re to ld fo r th e 1990s.
A c o m b in a tio n of th e se factors c o u ld a lter th e stru c tu re of
sc h o o ls a s th e y are a t p re se n t, so th a t in ste a d of b ein g age lin k ed
th e y b e c o m e c o m m u n ity colleges for th e e n tire p o p u la tio n . A t
p r e s e n t a d o le sc e n ts e n te r o cc u p a tio n s w h ic h are e ith e r specific
a n d tie th e m to a p a rtic u la r ty p e of job, o r g e n eral lab o u rin g .
E v e n s tu d e n ts p re p a rin g for a p ro fe ssio n al life u n d e rta k e to
s tu d y su b je c ts w h ic h a re o ffered a t school, ra th e r th a n c o n sid e r-
in g a w id e r ch oice of cu rricu lu m . If a d o le sce n ts are u n h a p p y at
sc h o o l th e y m a y as w ell leave a n d w o rk , w ith a n o p tio n to
r e tu r n la te r to fu ll-tim e e d u c atio n . G iv e n th e re d u c tio n in th e
b ir th ra te it is fairly certain th e re w ill b e m a n y vacancies in
h ig h e r e d u c a tio n . W h a t n e e d s to be g u a rd e d ag a in st is th e
e x p lo ita tio n of th is b y em p lo y e rs, a n d h e re y o u th tra d e u n io n s
w ill b e im p o rta n t. T h e se m u s t n o t be m a le -d o m in a te d , o th e r-
w ise th e y w ill rein fo rce th e ca re er of h o u se w ife for girls. I am
p ro p o s in g th a t c h ild re n a n d ad o le sc e n ts p articip a te in th e w o rld
a r o u n d th e m , a n d receiv e re im b u rse m e n t for th is, from a n early
a g e. T h e e x p lo ita tio n of w o rk in g -c la ss c h ild re n in V ictorian
in d u s tria l so ciety m u s t n o t be re p e a te d , b u t its grim w a rn in g
n e e d n o t p re v e n t e x p e rim e n ta tio n . T his m e a n s a form of p artia l
d e s c h o o lin g , b u t n o t d esk illin g . Y o ung p e o p le w o u ld be
e x p o s e d a t a n e a rlie r ag e to c u ltu ra l a n d p ro d u c tiv e activities
o u ts id e th e fo rm al e d u c a tio n a l se ttin g . T his w o u ld h e lp th e m to
se le c t th e w o rk a n d tra in in g th e y ex p erien tially p refer. It w o u ld
a lso p ro v id e a w a y o u t for th o se c a u g h t u p in g e n e ral labou r.
It is, as I h a v e su g g e ste d , im p o rta n t to invo lv e girls a n d y o u n g
w o m e n in th is so th a t th e care er of h o u sew ife as a n a lte rn ativ e
to w o rk is b ro k e n . T h e tra d itio n al fem ale role in fam ily life a n d
r e p ro d u c tio n h a s a llo w ed w o m e n a te m p o ra ry a n d false escape
fro m w o rk in to d o m e stic la b o u r. W h a t is im p o rta n t is th a t
y o u n g w o m e n a re ex p o se d to w id e r o p p o rtu n itie s a n d a lte rn a -
tiv e s to th e ir tra d itio n a l roles. O u r p re s e n t social o rg an iz a tio n
a n d w o rk p ro d u c tio n is sexist, a n d o b v io u sly th e re a re m a n y
c o m p le x fac to rs o f a co n crete a n d ideological n a tu re c o n trib u tin g
to th is. T h is m e a n s ex p o sin g w o m e n to o p p o rtu n itie s to e a rn
d e c e n t w a g e s , a n d to o c c u p a tio n s o u tsid e th e c asu a lize d a n d
s w e a te d in d u s trie s w h ic h h a v e b e e n tra d itio n a lly o p e n to th e m .
T h e y n e e d to b e a w a re of th e ir w o rk p o te n tia l a n d p o w e r
th r o u g h tra d e u n io n activities, a n d th e y n e e d to b e m a d e
c o n fid e n t e n o u g h to re tu rn to a full-tim e e d u c a tio n a l p ro -
g ra m m e w h ic h w o u ld p re p a re th e m for a lte rn a tiv e o c cu p atio n a l
o p p o rtu n itie s .
O b v io u sly th is is o n ly p o ssib le if th e re is su fficien t w o rk for
a d o le s c e n ts to b e in te g ra te d in to . T h e econom ic crisis w ith its
e m p h a s is o n c u ttin g b ack in th e sta te sec to r m e a n s th a t a larg e
n u m b e r o f jo b s h a s b e e n p e rm a n e n tly lost. T h ere is a d e e p social
a n d c u ltu ra l crisis in society a n d th e re a re d a n g e rs of a re a c tio n -
a ry b a c k la sh n o t o n ly a m o n g st a d u lts b u t also y o u n g p e o p le.
R ace, law a n d o rd e r, co n tro l of th e tra d e u n io n s, are cen tral
p o litic a l iss u e s in B ritish c o n te m p o ra ry politics. T h e b ru n t of
'p o lic in g th e crisis' is felt b y im m ig ra n ts a n d th e ir c h ild re n a t
p r e s e n t. T h e d e v e lo p m e n t of policy c o n c e rn in g E d u catio n al
P rio rity A re a s, U rb a n A id G ra n ts, C o m m u n ity D ev e lo p m e n t
P ro je c ts a re all p a rt o f a p o v e rty p ro g ra m m e w h ich h a s, a fte r te n
y e a rs , h a d little la stin g effect. It h a s b e e n d e scrib ed by a g ro u p
o f c o m m u n ity w o rk e rs w o rk in g in sid e th e se p ro je c ts as 'g ild in g
th e g h e tto ' (C o m m u n ity D e v e lo p m e n t P roject, 1977). H o m e
O ffice in v e s tm e n t in th e U rb a n D e p riv a tio n P ro g ram m e w as
p a rtia lly a c o n c e rn w ith th e w elfare of th e p o o r in d e te rio ra tin g
n e ig h b o u rh o o d s , b u t also m e a n t a 's o ft' a p p ro a c h to social
c o n tro l. U rb a n p o v e rty le d to crim e, d e lin q u e n c y a n d , in racially
m ix e d d istric ts, race rio ts. H o w e v e r, it w o u ld be a m istak e to
re fu s e s u c h a id b e c a u se of its social c o n tro l c o m p o n e n ts; w h a t is
im p o rta n t is to d e v e lo p th e c o m m u n ity 's ability to d e fe n d itself
a g a in s t u n e m p lo y m e n t, p o v e rty , p o o r h e a lth a n d e d u c a tio n a l
facilities. T h e crisis h a s given th e sta te carte blanche in c u ttin g
b a c k e sse n tia l serv ices a n d in v e stm e n t in d e p riv e d areas. T his
m e a n s th a t a n y su c h p la n as th a t o u tlin e d ab o v e for schools
m e a n s th a t it is e sse n tia l th a t a n y m o n e y sa v e d is n o t h iv e d off
fro m th e e d u c a tio n a l sp h e re , b u t is k e p t a s a m a n d a to ry d u ty for
th e D e p a rtm e n t o f E d u catio n a n d S cience to fulfil. It is
im p o rta n t fo r local co m m u n itie s to re sist th e c u ttin g -b a c k of
p u b lic e x p e n d itu re a n d lack of in v e stm e n t u n d e r th e id eo lo g y of
'th e c o m m o n g o o d ' a n d 'tig h te n in g o n e 's b e lt'. C erta in ly a t
p r e s e n t th e re h a s b e e n a re tu rn to c o m m u n ity aid , w h ic h m e a n s
u tiliz in g local v o lu n ta ry w o rk e rs (i.e., w o m en ) to d ea l w ith
p ro b le m s u su a lly m a n a g e d by local social services. C o m m u n ity
a c tio n o fte n , a s C o c k b u rn (1977) su g g e sts, p o in ts to deficiencies
in th e se rv ic e s p ro v id e d by th e 'local sta te ', th e local a u th o rity . It
fo c u se s o n p a rtic ip a tio n of sm all g ro u p s in a p lu ra list society,
c o m p le te ly o v e rlo o k in g th e reality o f historical class stru g g le,
w h ic h is p o w e rfu l forces ra n g e d a g a in st each o th e r o v e r
c e n tu rie s . A n y stru g g le o v e r services is a stru g g le o v er th e
fo rce s o f re p ro d u c tio n . A n y stru g g le o v er y o u th a n d its cu ltu res,
o v e r p ro v isio n s fo r y o u th , y o u th em p lo y m e n t, a n d sch ools, is
p a r t o f th is stru g g le . It is n e c e ssa ry to p e rsu a d e y o u th to accept
th e re la tio n s o f p ro d u c tio n a n d re p ro d u c tio n . L eisu re is a n area
o f social c o n tro l, w h ic h is p a rt of 'p o licin g th e crisis' in a v ery
re a l s e n se . It reflects a n d rein fo rces th e fu n d a m e n ta l class
re la tio n s o f in d u s tria l society, a n d a n y an aly sis of it n e e d s to
c o n s id e r th e s e re la tio n s, a n d th e ir p o sitio n in th e re p ro d u c tio n
o f id e o lo g y , a n d th e re p ro d u c tio n of w a g e lab o u r. It is p a rt of
m o n ito rin g a w h o le class to its h isto rical d e stin a tio n . It is
im p o rta n t to e m p h a siz e th a t a n y area of social co n tro l by
id e o lo g y is n e v e r static. B ecause it is a p ro cess, th e re are sh iftin g
o p p o s itio n s a n d re sista n c e s to ideological d o m in a tio n , a lth o u g h
th e s e n e e d n o t b e o v e rtly political o r e v e n radical. T he te n sio n s
b e tw e e n class in te rp re ta tio n s g e n e ra te te n sio n s w h ic h in tu rn
a ffe ct p ro c e ss, b u t th e d ire c tio n of th is p ro c e ss re m a in s a n area
o f c o n s tra in t a n d stru g g le. T his is w h y c u ltu ra l reb ellio n is so
o fte n q u ick ly d ep o litic ised , a n d rele g a te d to area s p erceiv ed as
triv ial, s u c h as b o h e m ia n b a itin g o f th e b o u rg eo isie, w a y w a rd
y o u th o r h o o lig a n ism .
T h a t th e re is a stru g g le in th e su b cu ltu ral re sistan c e to
c o n s tra in t b y d o m in a n t c u ltu re s is felt b y y o u th , a n d form s p a rt
o f its a ttra c tio n . Its sy m b o lizatio n of th is th ro u g h style is
r e s p o n d e d to e m o tio n ally ra th e r th a n ratio n ally . T h ere is n o
lo g ical c o m p re h e n s io n of its m e a n in g , a n d its a p p e a l is becau se
o f its e m o tio n a lity , a n d its p erceiv ed effect o n th e a d u lt w o rld . It
is 'fe lt' ra th e r th a n a rtic u late d . It h a s a p a rtic u la r d ram atic form ,
sy m b o liz in g th e re la tio n s of y o u n g m ales w h o feel in som e w ay in
d is ju n c tio n w ith th e ir w o rld ex p erien ce. It also reinfo rces
tra d itio n a l re la tio n s b e tw e e n th e sexes a t p re se n t. It explores,
re -in te rp re ts a n d celeb rates m a sc u lin ism , a n d w h ilst th e style of
tra d itio n a l sex u al ro le s are re -in te rp re te d , th e co n tex t re m a in s
th e sa m e . T h e m a te ria l offered b y su b c u ltu re s can b e u se d to
b u ild id e n tity , b u t th e id e n tity , w a y of actin g u p o n th e w o rld is
o n ly re v o lu tio n a ry w h e n th e c o n tex t a n d id eo lo g ies c o n ta in in g
th e tra d itio n a l ro les a re a tta ck ed . O n ly th e n h a s a su b c u ltu re
a n y re a l p o te n tia l to a lte r co n c e p ts of id e n tity . E ven th e n it m u st
b e re c o g n iz e d th a t a c u ltu ral attac k is in su fficien t in itself,
b e c a u s e it d o e s n o t a lte r th e re la tio n s of p ro d u c tio n w h ich are
176 •Subcultures, manufactured culture and the economy
p art of the economic structure of society. At best subcultures are
dram aturgical guerilla forays on the main body of a culture.
Their im portance is that they are rallying points and symbols of
solidarity, and possible points for further analysis. O utside of
subcultures w ith a political element, the analysis is not articu-
lated beyond a form of a discourse of style.
Considerable work has been carried out empirically on sub-
cultures, and on youth culture. The abstracted empiricism of the
thirties, forties and fifties has been filled out with theoretical
debates concerning the nature of culture and ideology in con-
tem porary capitalism. There has been a recognition that links
have to be m ade betw een a sociology of youth and the relations
of class in an industrial society, and this m eans the relations
w ith adults, and the total relations of these groups to the m eans
of production. M any studies explore the impact of societal
reaction, or the m eaning of style, or the effects of neighbour-
hood, of im m igrant culture, of femininity or of popular m anu-
factured culture, and these are now being related to the struggle
for space w ithin dom inant ideologies. Policy has tended to
ignore the needs of youth exploited by their location in class,
a nd has at best developed containm ent strategies which may in
the light of the present economic crisis be inadequate. There is
still a great need to examine and analyse subcultures as a key to
com prehending any life-style or ways of relating to and acting
u p o n the world outside of one's own parochial location within
o ne's ow n parochial culture. There are considerable explora-
tions to be m ade of subcultures, and these can be cultural,
existential, structural or economic. One result of the cultural
rebellions betw een 1964 and 1972 (loosely called the sixties) was
th at new forms of institutions and social relations have begun to
be explored by an articulate minority. It is im portant that these
are not lost in the conservative backlash of the economic crisis.
They m ust not however become a substitute for political action
per se. We need to hold firmly to the notion that society produces
individuals, but that only collective action will act to change that
society and its consequent social relations. Cultures and sub-
cultures are not merely conveyers of alternative phenom eno-
logical forms of social reality, but indicators of material power
an d ideological domination. Some are trivial, some are hedo-
nistic and joyous, some are expressions of the brutalizing effects
of class oppression. Often they are all of these, but a few do
contain the radical kernel of a revolutionary and liberated
culture. Youth cultures are a response to the combined ex-
perience of primarily a location in the labour force and in social
class, and the experience of a reality m ediated by education,
n e ig h b o u rh o o d , g e n e ra tio n , le isu re , social c o n tro l a n d d o m in a n t
v a lu e s. Y o u th c u ltu re is an e ssa y in th e m in i-p o litics of reb ellio n
a g a in s t o b sc u re social forces. F rom th is is cre ated a collective
sy m b o lic id e n tity w h ic h for a b rief tim e d u rin g y o u th ste p s
o u ts id e th e s ta rk rea lity of in d u stria l society to explore th e
e x c ite m e n t a n d v itality of b e in g y o u n g , op tim istic a n d jo y o u s, a
m o m e n t all to o b rie f in p e rso n a l b io g rap h y .
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Index
Abrams, M., 57, 58 Cloward, R. and Fox Piven, F ., 45

Angry Brigade, 111 Cloward, R. and Ohlin, L. E., 32
Anomie: and subcultural theory, Cohen, A., 12, 33, 63; criticisms
41-6; and Cloward and Ohlin, of, 43; and subcultures, 42-3
44; and Durkheim, 41; expres- Cohen, P., 22, 63, 66, 125; see
sive, 45; Mertonian, 41-2 also Robins, D. and Cohen, P.
Argot, 12, 15 Cohen, S., 61, 62
Asians: girls' attitudes, 128, 131, Coleman, J., 60
132; immigration, 116, 117; Consciousness I, II, III, 94
women, 132; youth, 128-9 Contraculture, 11
Counterculture, 93; structure of,
Beat generation 90-2 95-8
Berger, B., 23, 27 Culture, 5-9, 17, 94, 155;
Becker, H., 18 'corporate' and 'hegemonic',
Black Liberator, 134 159; manufactured, 155-7
Black Panthers, 109, 112
Black power, 109, 112; see also Dancing, 77, 143
Civil Rights Movement Delinquency: in Britain, 50-71;
Black and brown youth, 115-35, British 'New Wave', 60;
159 delinquent subculture, 29-85;
Bohemianism, 7, 10, 24, 81, programmes with delinquents,
86-7, 89, 95-104 168, 169; statistical rate of,
Brake, M., 60, 63, 64, 78, 82, 83, 37-9; and subcultural theory
87, 95, 97, 99, 150 in the United States, 41-6, 89;
'Bricolage', 158; definition of, 68 'subculture of delinquency',
48; types of British delinquent
Campaign for Nuclear Disarma- subcultures, 71-80
ment, 103, 104-6 Demeanour, 12
Carter, A., 14, 15 Differential association, 44
Centre for contemporary cultural Differential identification, 18; in
studies, 61, 64, 65, 67, 70, 71 the deprived neighbourhood,
Chicago school, 29-32 39-40
City: social ecology of 29-34; Disaffiliation, 92
inner city, collapse of, 163-4 Dissociation, 55, 59, 60, 101
Civil Rights Movement, 106-7 Dodd, D., 126, 127
Clarke, J., 68, 69, 78, 83 Douglas, M., 17, 32
Clarke, J., Hall, S., Jefferson, T., Downes, D., 8, 9, 48, 50, 55, 57,
and Roberts, B., 15, 72 58, 59
201
202 • Index
Drift: definition of, 47; and freaks and heads, 92-104;
delinquency, 46-8 structure of subculture,
Drugs, 70, 71, 76, 95, 103, 124 95-104, working-class hippies,
D urkheim , E., 41 96
Holt, J., 59
Existential solutions in beat sub- Hom ology, 15, 69, 77, 96
culture, 92 H ustling, 127, 134, 138
Expressivity, 102
Identity, 3, 7, 9, 16, 40, 93, 95,
Fashion, 13, 15 158, 165-7
Fatalism, 43, 57, 83, 84 Image, 12, 15
Fem ininity, 140, 141, 144, 146, Individualism , 102
147, 148, 149; culture of, 138
Fighting, 55, 70, 83, 146 Labelling, 3; self-labelling, 3
'Focal concerns', 21, 43, 57, 68, Leisure, 13
70; definition of, 8; of beats, Lem ert, E., 19, 62
92; of hippies, 101-3; in w ork-
ing-class youth subcultures, McRobbie, A., and G arber, J., 2,
82-4 142, 144, 147
Folk devil, 1, 62 M annheim , K., 25, 26, 52, 53
Football, 37, 83 M arriage, 141, 147
Frith, S., 78, 125, 143, 154-8 M arsh, P., 81, 121
M arsh, P., Rosser, E., and
G angs, 31, 56, 169; in Glasgow, H arré , R., 83
34, 70 Marx, K., 7
G ay youth, 152– 3 M asculinism , 148-54; at work,
G enerational theories, 25– 7 150, 151
Girls, 148-54; A sian girls' M asculinity, 77, 82, 83, 138, 150
attitudes, 128, 131, 132; Black M atza, D., 11, 23, 30, 32, 39,
an d brow n girls, 122, 129-32; 46-9
an d education, 139; and M ays, J. B., 51, 53
em ploym ent, 131, 137, 139, Melly, G ., 74
162; 'th e hidden curriculum ', M erton, R. K., 32, 41-2
140; 'girl culture', 143; and M iddle-class delinquency, 86-90
violence, 145-6 Miller, W. B., 6
G lam rock, 80 M ods, 62, 74-6; hard m ods, 76,
Gram sci, A., 28, 68 125; typology of, 75-6
M orris, T., 54
Hall, S., Critcher, C., Jefferson, M ovem ent, 101
T., Clarke, J., and Roberts, B., M ugging, 119, 127
119, 123, 134, 135, 159 M ungham , G ., and Pearson, G .,
Hall, S., and Jefferson, T., 68, 73 70
H argreaves, D., 58, 85 M urdock, G ., 63, 64, 71, 156,
H ebdige, D., 76, 118, 125 158; and McCron, R., 58, 158;
H egem ony, 4, 18, 26, 27, 28, 68, an d Phelps, G ., 62
159
H ipsters, 91 N ational Front, 81, 82, 135, 168;
H ippy subculture, 7, 8, 15, 60; Young N ational Front, 120,
'focal concerns' of, 92-102; 121
Index • 203
'P aren t' subculture, 7, 43; re- Sm ith, L. S., 145, 146
lation w ith dom inant culture, Social disorganisation, 29-33;
68 and pluralism , 33-5
Paris 1968, 109 Social ecology, 29-32; in Britain,
Parkin, F., 104, 158 51-7; criticism of, 32-5
Passive resistance, 101 Social reality: subcultures and
Pearce, F., 49, 78 identity, links w ith, 16-18
Plum m er, K., 3 Status passage, 20
Police: attitude to offenders, 35, Stigma, 3; collective 'solutions'
38; an d non-w hite youth, 132, to, 4-5; individual solutions
133; an d young people, 34 to, 3 -4
'P op m edia culture', 64 Street, 31, 32
Punks, 80-1, 83, 87, 157 Street culture, 64
Street people, 87, 98
Race Today, 133 Style, 12-16
Radical youth, 24, 89, 104-13; Subculture: analytical frame-
politicos, 100-1; see also work, 20-3; and black youth,
Cam paign for Nuclear Dis- 122-32; British working class
arm am ent; Civil Rights Move- youth, 70-80; concept of,
m ent; Vietnam w ar 5-13; definition of, 63; 'deli-
Rastafarians, 11, 124-8 quescent', 59; delinquent see
Red Arm y Faction, 111 delinquency; and girls, 140-8;
Reggae, 124, 125 and identity, 16-18, 165-7,
Realism, 83, 84 175; 'm agical' solution, 66, 73;
Reference groups, 9, 39 and m anufactured culture,
Reich, F. A., 94 155-60; and masculinity,
Robins, D., and Cohen, P., 125, 148-54; middle-class youth,
142, 149, 171 86-114; 'N ew W ave' in Britain,
Rock m usic, 15, 69, 77, 154-7; 60-7; as oppositional, 85; and
ideology of, 157 style, 12-16; and social reality,
Rockers, 62 16-18; sum m ary, use of, 24;
Role, 20, 40; playing, 18 relation to dom inant culture,
Romance: culture of, 140, 142-4 159, 175; and urbanisation, 10;
Roszak, T., 94 and values, 53-6
Rude boys, 123-5 Subjectivity, 102
Subterranean values, 11, 14, 23
Sarsby, J., 142, 144 Sugarm an, B., 59
Saussure, P., 13 Sym bionese Liberation Army, 110
School, 57-60, 84, 85, 170; Symbolic universe, 17, 18
counter-school culture, 59; and
girls, 139, 140
Self, 3 Taylor, I., W alton, P., and
Semiology, 13 Young, J., 19, 33, 34, 61
Sex, 56, 141, 145, 146, 151, 152, T echniques of neutralisation, 46,
166 48
Sexism, 138, 145, 150, 151 Teddy boys, 15, 72-4
Sharpe, S., 128, 131, 133, 140, 142 Teenage culture, 55, 56
Skinheads, 77-9, 146; and girls, Teeny bopper, 143
145, 146; and self-image, 150 Territory, 35-7
204• Index
U nem ploym ent: an d black W illis, P., 14, 15, 69, 84, 96, 138,
youth, 122, 128; and girls, 122, 145, 147, 156, 160
137, 139; and the local W illm ott, P., 54, 55
econom y, 161-5; and youth, W ilson, A ., 131, 132, 167
121-2, 137, 161; see also youth W ilson, D ., 137, 145
unem ploym ent; girls; Asian W ithdraw al, 92
youth; W est Indian youth W oods, P., 25, 69
W orking-class neighbourhood,
Value stretch, 11, 86 36, 37-40, 70, 164
V alues of young people, 56, 150 W hyte, W ., 35
V ietnam w ar, 108
Young, J. , 11, 21, 45, 52, 98
W eatherm en, 109 Y outh culture: in Britain, 70-1;
W est Indian youth: culture of, an d identity, 165-7; in the
118; em ploym ent of, 116, 131; U nited States, 36, 88-104
education of, 118; unem ploy- Y outh unem ploym ent, 121-2,
m ent and, 122, 128 137, 161, 162

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ROUTLEDGE REVIVALS

The Sociology of Youth Culture and

This edition first published in 2013 by Routledge

Sim ultaneously published in the USA and Canada

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 1980 M ike Brake

A ll rights reserved. N o p art of this book m ay be reprinted or reproduced or

A Library of Congress record exists un der ISBN : 79 0 41 22 8

ISBN 13: 9 7 8-0-4 1 5-8 28 34 -5 (hbk)

Routledge & Kegan Paul

Set in Linocomp Palatino by

© Mike Brake, 1980

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

ISBN 0 7100 0363 3

In this book I have developed an examination of m uch of the

A dolescents are grouped together by adults and defined as

Young people have always suffered from the envious criticism

Individual and collective 'solutions' to stigma

1 Individual 'solutions' to stigma

These are not solutions in any positive sense, but strategies

2 Collective 'solutions' to stigma

T h e se a re b y d e fin itio n su b c u ltu ra l, b u t th e fo rm of su b c u ltu re o r

s u b c u ltu re s . A rg u m e n ts c an b e fo c u se d th ro u g h 'a g it-p ro p ',

c R eform ist m ovem ents

T h e e a rlie s t u s e o f su b c u ltu re in sociology se e m s to b e its

a n d a n y o th e r c ap ab ilities a n d h a b its ac q u ire d b y m a n as a

in flu e n c e d b y , th e p e rc e p tio n s, v a lu e s, b e h a v io u r, a n d in s titu -

Subcultures and style

It h a s b ee n arg u ed above th at stru ctu ral conditions, especially

T h e d re s s . . . w a s n o t p rim a rily a fu n ctio n al exigency of

T h u s th e T e d d y B oy' e x p ro p ria tio n of a n u p p e r class style

O b je c ts a n d arte fa c ts (both of a sym bolic a n d a co ncrete form )

It h a s b e e n su g g ested above th a t subcultures offer on the one

T h e d e v e lo p m en t o f an analytical fram ew ork for the stu d y o f

B eck er (1963), h a s s u g g e ste d th a t a fru itfu l w a y o f c o n sid e rin g

D e la M a te r (1968), su g g e sts th a t a stu d y of d ev ian ce also n e e d s

G la s e r a n d S tra u ss su g g e st sev eral p ro p e rtie s affecting sta tu s

4 T h e social o rg a n iz a tio n o f th e su b c u ltu re . T his in v o lv es tw o

Youth becomes a social problem - the development of subcultures as a

O n e p ro b le m facing co m plex in d u stria l societies is h o w d if-

S ta te s w a s fac ed w ith th e p ro b le m of a n im m ig ra n t la b o u r force.

Y ou c a n d is tin g u is h th re e levels in th e an aly sis of s u b -

s y s te m s , a n d th e a c tu a l tra n sfo rm a tio n s th e y u n d e rg o from

O b v io u s ly y o u th fu l reb ellio n is relativ e a n d , a s B erger (1963),

This group tend to be involved in subcultures in the fringes of

4 Politically militant youth

This group are in the radical tradition of politics. The scope

A d o le sc e n c e a n d early a d u lth o o d is a p e rio d for re sh a p in g

D uring the early 1920s, there was a considerable interest in

The Chicago school and the social ecology of the city

D uring the 1930s considerable interest was shown at the

O rig in a lly th e p o p u la tio n of th e city liv ed a ro u n d th e

W h e re a n a re a w a s in th e th ro e s of tra n sitio n from o n e p h a se to

M e th o d o lo g ic a lly T h ra sh e r felt it n e c e ssa ry to e n te r th e w o rld of

Criticism s o f the social ecology model. The problems of pluralism -

S e v e ra l criticism s h a v e b ee n m a d e of th e social ecology m o d el.

e a c h specific a re a co u ld be se e n to re p re s e n t th e territo rial

T h e th e sis s u g g e sts th a t a p artic u la r n e ig h b o u rh o o d form s th e

T h e so c ia l m ea n in g o f territory in the w ork in g-class

F o llo w in g fro m th e social ecolog y m o d el, b u t ig n o re d by it, is

T h e in n e r city te n d s to be in h a b ite d b y im p o v e rish e d , stig -

all M a n c h e s te r p ro p e r, all S alfo rd a n d H u lm e . . . are all

G . S. Jo n e s (1971), re m in d s u s th a t in V ictorian L o n d o n , th e fear