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Cova & Cova 2002
Cova & Cova 2002
Tribal marketing: The tribalisation of society and its impact on the conduct of marketing
Bernard Cova, Véronique Cova,
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To cite this document:
Bernard Cova, Véronique Cova, (2002) "Tribal marketing: The tribalisation of society and its impact
on the conduct of marketing", European Journal of Marketing, Vol. 36 Issue: 5/6, pp.595-620, https://
doi.org/10.1108/03090560210423023
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VeÂronique Cova
University of Toulon-Var, France
Keywords Society, Postmodernism, Behavioural sciences, Consumer behaviour, Marketing
Abstract This paper presents an alternative, ``Latin'' vision of our societies. Here the urgent
societal issue is not to celebrate freedom from social constraints, but to re-establish communal
embeddedness. The citizen of 2002 is less interested in the objects of consumption than in the
social links and identities that come with them. This Latin view holds that people like to gather
together in tribes and that such social, proximate communities are more affective and influential
on people's behaviour than either marketing institutions or other ``formal'' cultural authorities.
There is also an element of resistance and re-appropriation in the acts of being, gathering and
experiencing together. This view of the shared experience of tribes sets it apart from both
Northern notions of segmented markets and one-to-one relationships. In this Latin view, the
effective marketing of 2002 and beyond is not to accept and exploit consumers in their
contemporary individualisation, as Northern approaches might. Rather the future of marketing is
in offering and supporting a renewed sense of community. Marketing becomes tribal marketing.
In a marketing profession challenged by the Internet phenomenon, tribal marketing is by no
means just another passing fad but a Trojan horse to induce companies to take on board the re-
emergence of the quest for community.
preserve particular memories of the past, a measure of stability in the present and particular
expectations for the future (Bounds, 1997, pp. 2-3).
This is particularly in tune with postmodern social dynamics, but the concept
of ``community'' as used in the English language suffers from an excessive
modernist bent, since it characterises a body of people with something in
common (e.g. the district of residence, the occupational interest) without
implying the existence of non-rational and rather archaic bonds. This is
completely different in Latin countries, where the word communaute in French
or communitaÁ in Italian conveys the existence of blood-related bonds.
Furthermore, with the development of the Internet, it would appear that the
concept of ``community'' is now conjoined with that of ``interest''. The latter has
little to do with archaic values, which is why we do not use the concept of
``community'' to define postmodern social dynamics, even if they can be
described as ``temporary or momentary communities'' (Firat and Dholakia,
1998, p. 155).
Postmodern tribes are inherently unstable, small-scale, ``affectual''
(Maffesoli, 1996a) and not fixed by any of the established parameters of modern
society. Instead, they can be held together essentially through shared emotion
and passion. They exhibit such strong ties not despite the fact that they are
temporary, but precisely because they are temporary (Kozinets). Tribes exist in
no other form but the symbolically and ritually manifested commitment of their
members. They cannot count on the high frequency of neighbourly bonds or
the intensity of reciprocal exchange. Tribes are constantly in flux, brought ever
again into being by the repetitive symbolic ritual of the members but persisting
no longer than the power of attraction of these rituals and of their cult-objects.
In fact, the (re)construction or (re)possession of meanings through shared
experiences and their enactment through rituals is the most potent form of
maintaining tribal identity in our postmodern societies.
Take the Lomo tribe as an example (Appendix 2). The whole tribal
phenomenon around Lomo is an ephemeral joint construction of the reality: a
shared feeling about what is going on around the tribe supported by numerous
rituals and the collective (re)construction or (re)possession of meanings.
Because the newly appropriated sign given to the Soviet camera is common
only to the tribe, its apparent secrecy lends added identity to the Lomo tribe.
So, postmodern tribes present some clear differences from archaic tribes The tribalisation
(such as Indian tribes in the USA): of society
. They are ephemeral and non-totalizing groupings. Archaic tribes were
permanent and totalizing.
. A person can belong to several postmodern tribes. In an archaic tribe a
person could only belong to one tribe. 599
. The boundaries of a postmodern tribe are conceptual. They were
physical in the archaic tribes.
. The members of a postmodern tribe are related by shared feelings and
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consumers are looking not only for products and services which enable them to
be freer, but also for products, services, employees and physical surroundings
which can link them to others, to a tribe.
601
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Figure 1.
Levels of observation of
consumption
meaningfully discriminating.
Finally, the tribe is more than an all-pervasive vogue or society-engulfing
trend (Morace, 1996). Vogues and trends tend to ignore the shared emotions
and interactions among individuals, but tribes in contrast set great store by
them. This is why Latin thinking is uneasy with some concepts such as ``life
mode communities'' (Firat and Dholakia, 1998) that are positioned at the cross-
roads of trends, communities and lifestyles. Are they aggregated actors
without interactions of their members or are they concrete actors which result
from interpersonal experiences? And the tribe is not necessarily a ``brand
community'', which is defined as ``a specialised, non-geographically-bound
community, based on a structured set of social relations among admirers of a
brand'' (Muniz and O'Guinn, 2001, p. 412). Brand communities are explicitly
commercial, whereas tribes are not. However, when a tribe is organised around
a same passion for a cult-object such as the Harley-Davidson, it exhibits many
similarities with a brand community.
The key concern of tribal marketing is to know which tribe(s) to support in
marketing terms. The tribal marketing approach places less emphasis on the
product or service for a ``specific'', ``average'' consumer, or indeed a segment of
consumers. Instead it supports products and services that hold people together
as a group of enthusiasts or devotees. This includes anything that strengthens
community links and fosters a sense of tribal belonging and membership, the
``we-ness'' (Muniz and O'Guinn, 2001). The key word here is the ``linking value''
of the product/service (Cova, 1997b). This refers to the product's, or service's,
contribution to establishing and/or reinforcing bonds between individuals.
Such linking value is rarely intentionally embedded in the use value of the
product/service concept, yet it is a quality that merits our careful attention. The
greater the contribution of a product or service to the development and
strengthening of the tribal bond, the greater its linking value will be.
The Latin approach to marketing is also challenging the way customer
loyalty can be built. In this alternative view, one-to-one marketing and other
relationship marketing panaceas can be criticised on two fronts (Cova, 1997a;
Muniz and O'Guinn, 2001):
(1) They are limited in their attempt to be the closest to known customers,
without sharing any emotion with them. They confuse proximity and
European intimacy, and base everything on customer service. In fact, increasingly
Journal of people do not want to be simply the object of an individualised service in
Marketing terms of customisation of functions. They also want an emotional bond
of a collective nature.
36,5/6
(2) Relationship marketing approaches are short-sighted in how they look at
what they call the ``relation''. Whereas the individualistic approach to
604 relationship marketing aims at creating and developing a relation
between the brand or the firm (even a member of the firm) and a customer,
the tribal approach to marketing prefers to recreate and support the
relation between customers. Products, services, physical supports and
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employees are dedicated to supporting the tribal link, not substituting for
it ± an often unfeasible and counter-productive task. The tribal inter-
relations exert pressure on members to remain loyal to the collective and
consequently to the brand.
As a consequence, it is possible to oppose a tribal way of building customer
loyalty to an individualistic one:
. whereas the individualistic approach focuses on the customer/company
relationship, the tribal approach focuses on the customer/customers
relationship;
. whereas the individualistic approach positions the company as a pole of
the relationship, the tribal approach positions the company as a support
of the relationship; company's members, products, services and
servicescapes are there to support the link between customers;
. whereas the individualistic approach uses such cognitive means as
loyalty cards, bulletin boards and so on, the tribal approach relies on
rituals and cult places;
. whereas the individualistic approach develops cognitive loyalty, the
tribal approach aims at building affective loyalty.
indications about their profile: people are anywhere between 18 and 76 years
old. They are students, white-collar workers or retirees. The analysis is
meaningless. The one significant fact is that 2CV enthusiasts tend to be found
outside big cities. Maybe not such a coincidence, after all, since big cities are
rather dangerous for such a car! In fact the bond of the 2CV tribe ± its
underlying logic, its shared experience, interpretation, representations,
discourse and action ± goes unnoticed through statistical surveys. Everything
unquantifiable and qualitative slips through the filter. What the 2CV tribe
members have in common is the pleasure of driving a car with a maximum
speed of 85 kilometres per hour and so to experience, as soon as they sit in it, a
sudden break with today's high-speed world. 2CV enthusiasts are weekend
warriors of sorts. The shared experience of breaking free from the stressing
work-week is a more powerful selector than any socio-demographic category.
Tribes convey signs with which members identify. Such signs, or traces of
identity, cannot express the totality of belonging but provide helpful hints and
put us on the path of understanding. We would argue that there are at least two
types of ``tribal traces'': temporal and spatial traces. In temporal terms tribes
emerge, grow, reach their zenith, languish, then dissolve. Their underlying
logic is timeless and fragmented. For example, in the funky music scene
(Cathus, 1998, p. 92) ``the tribe exists when it springs to life with the crowd. The
coteries, rock groups and posses, each with their own identity dissolve in the
crowd for a brief moment of existence. All differences vanish for an instant.
Even the most exclusive coteries join the flow and allow themselves to be swept
away by the flood''. Tribes also exist and occupy space physically. The tribe ±
or at least some of its members ± can gather and perform its rituals in public
spaces, assembly halls, meeting-places, places of worship or commemoration.
These spaces are ``anchoring places'' (Aubert-Gamet and Cova, 1999), which
provide a momentary home for the tribe. None of these time and space traces
exhausts the full potential of tribes. Tribal belonging exists on a daily basis at
home, as well as occasionally and informally with others anywhere. Some also
advocate that a tribe can be just a feeling, a fancy, a fantasy. Tribal members
are never alone, because they belong, in fact or virtually, to a vast and informal
community (Maffesoli, 2000).
The recognition of tribes requires a different and special effort (Maffesoli,
1996b). The marketer is well advised to cast aside the more traditional mono-
European disciplinary, systemic approaches and to favour practices based on detecting
Journal of signs, foraging for hints and exploring the unusual by undertaking:
Marketing . desk research on everything that can be said or written about the tribe in
36,5/6 newspapers and books, on chat lines, diffusion lists, Net forums; all that
done in a similar approach to that developed by Kozinets (1997) for his
606 X-files ``netnography'' in the USA;
. semi-structured interviews and non-structured interviews with
members on an individual or group basis (focus groups);
. participant and non-participant observations on specific places where
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Figure 2.
The tribal clover
The tribalisation
of society
607
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Figure 3.
Roles of tribe members
608
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Figure 4.
The in-line skaters tribe
in 1999 France
night-time skate through the city; similar gatherings also took place on
Friday evenings in Bordeaux, Lyon, Marseille, Rennes and Strasbourg.
Other visible traces included the public meetings of such Parisian associations
as Roller & Coquillages, Paris Roller and the Roller Squad Institut. Nationally,
there was the French Federation of Roller-Skating (established in 1990) with
28,000 card-carrying members! There were also special gatherings like the
Plage du Prado in Marseille, where hundreds of skaters congregated daily, and
also specialist Web sites, where skaters met to chat and connect with fellow-
members of the tribe.
The invisible side was equally rich in tribal potential. Daily skating offered
benefits to fitness freaks as well as to stunt skaters. It has been estimated that
there were over two million in-line skaters in 1999 France, compared with only
10,000 just 15 years before. There were as many female as male skaters who
skated for fun, as a means of transport, or as a sport. Hard to estimate ±
because they were less visible ± was the number of people who were part of the
in-line skating vogue, maybe not skaters but enthusiasts who relate to the more
active members of the tribe. There were even smaller tribal factions which
found expression through internal rivalries: for example, fitness skaters and
stunt skaters belong to antagonizingly different worlds.
The primary task of tribal marketing is to consider the product or service
from the angle of its linking rather than its use value (Cova, 1999). It is more
important for the firm to know how its product or service can support the tribe
in its very being than how to deliver the offer to the consumer. Here the notion
of ritual is critically important to describe the way companies marketed to the
in-line roller tribe (``intensive tribal marketing''). Durkheim (1912) discovered
that rituals endow a social entity with permanence. Just as every lasting social
relationship requires some kind of ritual to establish and sustain itself, so too a
tribe relies on rituals to pronounce its existence and sustain its membership.
Large social events and small local gatherings display rituals which can be The tribalisation
leveraged by tribal marketing activities. Such meetings are opportunities to of society
reaffirm and strengthen the underlying values of the group at the same time as
they bring together and bond the individual member with the tribe. Rituals are
a tribe's expression of shared beliefs and social belonging (Segalen, 1998). To
perform their function at social gatherings, rituals need to be supported in
various ways. Examples include the use of sacred or cult objects, ritual 609
clothing, sacred or ceremonial places, magical or ritual words, idols, icons and
sacred images.
For the tribe of in-line skaters, it is clear that the notion of ritual provided
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Some marketing activity takes place outside the context of rituals and tribal
supports. Such activity is primarily aimed at the fraction of tribal sympathisers
who identify with, but stand silently apart from, the mainstream tribal
membership (``extensive tribal marketing''). For instance, Ford launched Ka
Roller, a limited series of 3,000 units, to capitalise on the trend. Its advertising
slogans showed that Ford was promoting a product more than a bond : ``With
Ford Ka, you will thread your way through the city like a skater!''; ``With my Ka
Roller, everything is in-line!''
Brands like Tatoo built on tribal bonds with in-line skaters to emphasise the
bonding value of its offer. In this instance the tribe of in-line skaters was the
focus of marketing and an important element of brand identity together with an
ingredient of global offering. Tatoo enabled tribal members to stay in contact,
whether they belong to the tribe of in-line skaters or another tribe. Like Magic
fanatics who haunt Magic CafeÂs everywhere, the simple fact that there was a
fanatical tribe of in-line skaters legitimatised the linking value of Tatoo. In
contrast, an effort by the French bank, Caisse d'Epargne, to promote a tribal
savings account named ``Tribu'' has been a dismal failure, because there was no
specific linking value in the offer.
Of course the approach has its limits and Tatoo had to be cautious not to
position itself as the pager of in-line skaters! Tatoo's target market was much
bigger than the in-line skaters' tribe, as its advertising spots wittily
demonstrate. Tatoo used imaginary tribes, such as the Tribe of Santa Clauses
and the Tribe of Snowmen, to avoid narrow identification with an existing
tribe, thus extending its appeal. The astonishing success of the brand Helly
Hansen also illustrates the point. Popular among skippers of racing yachts, the
Helly Hansen line of clothing has become the rage among rappers! Its Bubble
garment became a cult item in France ± in one year (1997) sales jumped from
100 to 10,000 ± and now represents an estimated 15 per cent of world-wide
sales! Rather than ignore the surprising success of its brand, Helly Hansen
softly supported it by sponsoring rap groups like Manau. At the same time, it
continued to stress the themes of genuineness and quality. In its 1998/1999
advertising campaign this resulted in an emphasis on the sporting goods
connection of its products and the up-market quality of its label. Its advertising
campaign included images of skiers being dropped high up on the mountain
slopes by helicopter! What happened to the rapper?
The company side of tribal marketing: Salomon The tribalisation
In 1994, Salomon was a very traditional brand, a little bit outdated, but still a of society
world leader in winter sports equipment. It served people skiing on ``closed''
tracks and was completely excluded from new ``open'' winter playgrounds
where ``style sports'' were practised. This also means that it was excluded from
new forms of distribution channels. One of these style sports was the
snowboard. Snowboarding was not considered a winter game; its roots were to 611
be found in urban passions. Snowboarders represented a marginal group, a
tribe, which structured itself against the whole universe of skiing (federations,
clothes, brands. . .). They wanted to stay apart from traditional skiers. They
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had their own small manufacturers (more than 150 craftsmen), their own
distribution channels (Pro-Shops), their cult-brand (Burton) and they hated
Salomon, which was considered a ``daddy's brand''.
In 1994, Salomon decided to focus on the snowboard phenomenon. The
watchword was ``Be humble!'': ``We are starting from scratch'', ``We will be low
profile'', ``We will go there to listen''. . . The aim was to build and develop
proximity between Salomon and the snowboarders. This was mainly done
through participant observation by Salomon people. In 1995, Salomon decided
to set up a marketing unit made up of snowboarders. It designed a specific
``logo'' for its snowboard activities and supported a team of good snowboarders
fitted out with non-Salomon boards (Salomon boards did not yet exist!). Some
of the tribe members were invited to join the design of Salomon projects.
In 1996, Salomon was ready to launch its snowboard production. No
advertising, just physical presence at summer camps and the launching of an
advanced batch of 200 boards for the pro-shops (not the traditional winter
sports channels). At the Grenoble exhibition, Salomon boards were on pro-shop
stands, not on Salomon's, clearly showing a different type of approach:
Salomon respected the special nature of the tribe. The following year Salomon
launched its marketing approach to the snowboard tribe:
. huge presence on playgrounds with boards to be tested by
snowboarders without any incentive to buy (``we are just there'');
. presence at cult places;
. advertising in tribal media with a great variety of visuals; and
. support for contests and events.
In 1999, Salomon rose to Number 3 in the snowboarding French market.
Along with this first foray into the tribal world with the snowboard,
Salomon investigated the ways of supporting the in-line roller tribe. This
approach was more systematic:
(1) Phase 1, Ethnomarketing: Salomon moves closer to the in-line skaters
(1995-1996):
. analysis of rituals and practice codes;
. encounters with the milieu;
European . presence at in-line events;
Journal of . participant observation of in-line skaters.
Marketing (2) Phase 2, Co-Design: Salomon launches its in-line activities (1997-1998):
36,5/6 . design of products in collaboration with skaters;
. work on distinctive features of the product with skaters;
612
. product tests by a team of skaters supported by Salomon.
(3) Phase 3, Tribal Support: Salomon takes root in the in-line skate tribe
(1999):
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Figure 5.
A different anchorage of
the effort
Some managers could say that there is nothing new under the sun, and that The tribalisation
these kinds of tribal support have always existed. As a matter of fact, they may of society
have existed in a pre-modern form but have vanished from marketing today.
For example, in the South of France, Ricard, which produces a very well-known
alcoholic beverage Pastis, has supported the peÂtanque[5] groupings and
competitions for many years. It is noteworthy that this support was dedicated
to a geographically bounded group of people, whereas tribes are more 615
conceptually bounded, and that there was no attempt to co-opt and integrate
customers' competencies, whereas tribal approaches are willing to open the
company to an outside collective actor. Finally, even the return to pre-modern
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practices can be seen as a way of softening the pure business orientation of the
company.
Other authors argue that societing is just another buzzword to hide ``the
ability of the market to co-opt, usurp and commodify, as a part of mainstream
culture, the subversions attempted by the consumers'' (Firat and Dholakia,
1998, p. 64). Globally, societing would be another vehicle of hypercapitalism
(Rifkin, 2000). On the contrary, we think that these critics neglect a reverse
movement of hypercapitalism that forces business firms to relinquish part of
their power in dealing with tribes of enthusiasts. This movement pushes
companies outside the market sphere and involves them in societal efforts. To
be intimate with tribal enthusiasts requires the firm to act as a voluntary
organisation. In fact, we are not so sure that there is only one move: the
invasion of the societal sphere by the market sphere. There may well be a
reverse move: the invasion of the market sphere by the societal sphere. More
and more tribes of enthusiasts want to play a part in the firm's decisions that
concern their object of passion. And this phenomenon is likely to take on a new
and larger shape with the development of the Internet.
On the Internet, virtual tribes structured around a shared passion are
growing rapidly (Rauch and Thunqvist, 2000). These emotional tribes that we
see as something more than just ``communities of interest'' (cf. Northern
cybermarketing approaches) are to be considered with care: ``Online consumers
are much more active, participative, resistant, activist, loquacious, social and
communitarian than they have previously been thought to be'' (Kozinets, 1999,
p. 261). In order to support these e-tribes, it is not enough to open a new Web
site. It is important to support the myriad Web sites that already exist. ``The
goal is not to control the information, but to use it wisely in order to build solid,
long-lasting relationships'' (Kozinets, 1999, p. 263). For example, the French
automotive manufacturer CitroeÈn undertakes tribal marketing on the Web in
support of a selected number of the 1,500 ``Citroenthusiasts'' sites. This is in
addition to its official CitroeÈn Web site. In doing so, CitroeÈn facilitates the
emotional experience these enthusiasts can have on the Web. But even this is
not sufficient. Tribes of cyberenthusiasts want to take part in decisions and
they have the power to do so. In fact, if you do not want to play with tribes of
enthusiasts, never mind, they will play with you anyway! And they will force
the company to adopt Societing.
European Societing is an approach which is willing to establish mutually beneficial
Journal of compromises between market and society rather than an approach that targets
Marketing the colonisation of one by the other, or the enclavisation of one versus the other.
The notion of tribe gives the business firm the opportunity to develop such an
36,5/6 approach. Thus, ``the company is not only a simple economic actor adapting to
the market, but a social actor relating to the societal context'' (Badot et al., 1993,
616 p. 51).
Conclusion
In this paper, the tribe of in-line skaters has been used to illustrate the
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Notes
1. Also called the Southern School of Marketing or the Mediterranean School of Marketing.
2. In-line roller skates resemble ice-skates with the blade replaced by four ``in-line'' rollers.
3. The 2CV is the cheap car launched by CitroeÈn at the beginning of the 1950s. This ``ugly''
car was in production until the end of the 1980s. It is now a cult-object.
4. The clover is directly linked with superstition, and so with archaic values.
5. Game of bowls.
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