Made in Brazil Sexuality Intimacy and Id

QUEERING MIGRATIONS
TOWARDS, FROM, AND

BEYOND ASIA
Edited by
Hugo Córdova Quero, Joseph N. Goh, and
Michael Sepidoza Campos
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QUEERING MIGRATIONS TOWARDS, FROM, AND BEYOND ASIA
Copyright © Hugo Córdova Quero, Joseph N. Goh, and Michael Sepidoza
Campos, 2014.
All rights reserved.
First published in 2014 by
PALGRAVE MACMILLAN®
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CHAPTER 2
MADE IN BRAZIL?: SEXUALITY, INTIMACY, AND

IDENTITY FORMATION AMONG JAPANESE
BRAZILIAN QUEER IMMIGRANTS IN JAPAN
Hugo Córdova Quero
Introduction
Since the 1990s, the return migration of Japanese Brazilians has attracted
the interest of researchers. The Japanese economic growth—known as
the “bubble economy” at that time—required large amounts of workers
to supply labor to small- and medium-sized factories, usually between 30
and 50 employees. The growing presence of undocumented immigrants
from Southeast Asian and Middle Eastern countries motivated the Japanese
Parliament to amend the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act
on December 8, 1989 (Sassen 1998, 60).1 Parliamentarians and lawmak-
ers thought this to be the best way to control the impact of migration
in Japanese society. However, limiting Southeast Asian and Middle Eastern
migration also decreased the pool of workers that sustained the industrial
sector. The amendment of the law thus included provisions to accept a
new population: Japanese descendants who were born and raised mainly in
the Americas, offsprings of thousands of Japanese immigrants who estab-
lished colonies in the Americas, from Canada to Argentina at the end of the
nineteenth century until the middle of the twentieth century. They carried
different stories as Japanese immigrant communities had to deal with situ-
ations specific to their adopted countries. In the case of Brazil, Japanese
immigrants were allowed to migrate in order to work in coffee plantations.
They slowly ascended the social ladder until they not only reached the
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42 H U G O C Ó R D O VA Q U E RO
middle or upper-middle classes but also became a “model minority.” As

Célia Sakurai (1995) affirms, their story is one of social ascendancy.
Those who took advantage of the Japanese government’s amend-
ment to the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act in the 1990s
included second-generation (Nisei), third-generation (Sansei), and a few
fourth-generation (Yonsei) Japanese descendants (Tsuda 2000b). Although
all Japanese descendants were entitled to return to Japan, those from Brazil
and Peru comprised the largest communities of immigrants in the country.
In the case of Japanese Brazilians, the peak number of migrants who arrived
between 1989 and 1991 saw an increase from 4,159 registered individu-
als in 1989 to 119,333 in 1991 (Higuchi and Naoto 2003, 34). According
to the statistics of the Ministry of Justice of Japan (hereinafter cited as
MOJJ), there were 312,582 Japanese Brazilian immigrants in Japan before
the global economic crisis in 2008 (MOJJ 2009). After the ripple effects
of this crisis, which left many Japanese Brazilians without jobs or housing,
and the devastation wrought by the Tohoku earthquake and the tsunami
in 2011, the population was drastically reduced to 190,581 registered indi-
viduals (MOJJ 2013).
Nevertheless, before the economic downturn and the Tohoku earth-
quake and tsunami, there were 78,523 Japanese Brazilian permanent resi-
dents (eijuusha) in Japan (Journal Tudo Bem 2008). Once in Japan, Japanese
Brazilians experienced downward mobility and found themselves in the
lowest echelons of Japanese society as blue-collar workers, even when many
of them were university-educated professionals back in Brazil (Yamashiro
and Córdova Quero 2012, 405).
Although there is an extensive corpus of research on Japanese Brazilian
migrants (Lesser 2003; Linger 2001; Roth 2002; Tsuda 2003), issues of gen-
der and sexuality are less studied (Yamanaka 1996, 1997, 2003a, 2003b).
Furthermore, queer immigrants are completely absent from current
research. This essay attempts to broaden the scope of these studies by offer-
ing an analysis of sexuality and intimacy practices of Japanese Brazilian
queer migrants. I construct my argument around discussion of roles that
bodies play in the process of migration, marked by dynamics of sexuality,
gender, ethnicity, class, nationality, and desire. I assert that migrant bod-
ies reside at the intersection of these dynamics as the result of continuous
and unequal processes of negotiations and categorizations, whether self- or
exogenously imposed.
The first section will address the relation of bodies and boundaries, spe-
cifically relating these boundaries to different categorizations imposed on
migrant bodies. The second section will discuss the constructions of bodies
around three areas: ethnicity, sexuality, and issues of intimacy among immi-
grants, especially addressing Japanese societal perceptions of HIV.
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MADE IN BRAZIL? 43
Bodies and Boundaries

To talk about bodies implies an inevitable reference to both gender and
sexuality. There seems to be a need to define bodies along a clear-cut, mas-
culine-feminine dichotomy. While researchers tend to associate “gender”
with female bodies, queer migrants challenge that narrow assumption.They
make evident the inability of certain bodies to conform to a preestablished
dichotomy, and that, if they do, they must somehow be corrected, some-
times surgically. Intersex people know very well the consequences of these
situations. This suggests that fitting correctly into a specific category assures
one a place of recognition and privilege, of rights and guarantees that are
intrinsically, almost genetically inherent to neatly defined bodies. Similarly,
sexuality comprises an important aspect of migrant lives as it relates to issues
of affection, intimacy, and deep emotional connection. When the subject
of “gender migration” is explored, however, issues of sexuality—especially
sexual orientation—are often left out of the analysis.
Immigrants living through and with their bodies challenge the dictums of
gender role expectations and the sexual division of labor.To speak of “bodies”—
whether our own or those of others—is to deploy multiple adjectives. We
recognize the arbitrary labels of “male” or “female” as embodied categories that
construct specific bodies.We discover that genitalia, identity, external appearances,
and/or relationalities with other bodies are part of whole sets of possibilities,
which are not always evident in the constructions of bodies. At that point we
need to make sense of the vastness of bodies—as flesh, corporality, passions,
feelings, eroticism, and identity. One suddenly sees that bodies are more than
gender and/or sexuality, but varied performativities. As a concept of identity
construction, performativity is crucial for queer theory, specifically in the way
this is seen in Judith Butler’s writings. Peter Brooker (2003) explains:
[Performativity is a] concept that draws on professional theatre and perfor-

mance studies as well as a general metaphor of theatricality to emphasize
the social constructedness of identity. It has been taken up in this respect
especially in theories of sexuality and the making or re-invention of gay and
lesbian identities, particularly in association with the innovative writings of
Judith Butler (1990, 1993). In this and other contexts it has shifted the long-
standing debate on essentialism to a recognition of degrees and forms of
constructedness (189).
Butler’s (1999) theory is based on the assumption that gender performance

is grounded in repetitive practices:
The rules that govern intelligible identity, i.e., that enable and restrict the intel-
ligible assertion of an “I,” rules that are partially structured along matrices of gen-
der hierarchy and compulsory heterosexuality, operate through repetition (185).
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This quotation has a strong connection with the work of Jacques Lacan,
especially in his famous essay about the mirror stage and the formation of
the “I” (1977). Compulsory heterosexuality understands the role that hetero-
sexuality has played in becoming a hegemonic ideology over time, and that
its power represents the basis for heteronormativity, imposing its mandates
and requirements for gender role expectations and the sexual division of
labor. This is not original to Judith Butler, as Adrienne Rich also discussed
this in her chapter “Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence”
(1980, 62–91). However, Butler’s notion of performativity points to and
opens up of spaces of disruption in situations ruled by the dictums and nor-
mativizations of heterosexism.Through such disruptions, the “subversion of
identity becomes possible” (1999, 185). Therefore, rather than abandoning
the possibility of contestation, Butler (1999) asserts that:
the critical task is, rather, to locate strategies of subversive repetition enabled
by those constructions, to affirm the local possibilities of intervention through
participating in precisely those practices of repetition that constitute identity
and, therefore, present the immanent possibility of contesting them (185).
For Butler, our bodies enact a gender, that is, our bodies act out gender, and
these enactments respond not to physical/bodily determinations but to ide-
alized ones that originate from the enactment itself.
According to the understanding of identification as an enacted fantasy or

incorporation, however, it is clear that coherence is desired, wished for,
idealized, and that this idealization is an effect of a corporeal signification.
In other words, acts, gestures, and desire produce the effect of an internal
core or substance, but produce this on the surface of the body, through the
play of signifying absences that suggest, but never reveal, the organizing
principle of identity as a cause. Such acts, gestures, enactments, generally
construed, are performative in the sense that the essence or identity that they
otherwise purport to express are fabrications manufactured and sustained
through corporeal signs and other discursive meanings. That the gendered
body is performative suggests that it has no ontological status apart from
the various acts which constitute its reality (Butler 1999, 173; emphasis in
the original).
It is performativity that constructs the meaning of gender and, by extension,

our bodies. Butler continues:
Consider gender, for instance, as a corporeal style, an “act,” as it were, which is

both intentional and performative, where “performative” suggests a dramatic
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MADE IN BRAZIL? 45
and contingent construction of meaning....Gender is, thus, a construction

that regularly conceals its genesis; the tacit collective agreement to perform,
produce, and sustain discrete and polar genders as cultural fictions is obscured
by the credibility of those productions—and the punishments that attend
not agreeing to believe in them; the construction “compels” our belief in its
necessity and naturalness (1999, 177–178; emphasis in the original).
In this way, performativity becomes the manner through which the construc-
tion of gender is expressed in daily life. For Butler, this is best exemplified in
the performance of drag queens, who hyperact a gender.
In this essay, gender is understood as a series of culturally and socially
constructed behaviors that are deemed appropriate for both women and
men. The terms “masculine” and “feminine” do not refer to individual men
or women, but rather to cultural ideals necessary for the performance of
gender roles. Gender is not fixed but contextual and deeply impacted by
history, race, and class, among many other factors that make every individual
unique.
In addition, constructions of bodies cannot be understood in their full
dimension without paying attention to their intricate interrelation with a
twofold social, cultural, and legal mechanism of regulation: body fascism
and heteronormativity. I understand body fascism as the policing, controlling,
and punishing of bodies, which do not adhere to hegemonic constructions
of society. Idealized notions are used to rule over bodies that are considered
deviant because of their inadequacy to fulfill hegemonic constructions.This
is connected to issues of discrimination and punishing of those who remain
“bodily deviant.” In a similar way, I also understand heteronormativity as the
societal constraint that privileges the relationality of an “idealized male”
with an “idealized female,” which in turn is used as a parameter to accept
or reject the lives, bodies, and relationships of every human being (see Jung
and Smith 1993, 13–14).
Bodies change, are fluid, and are modified for different reasons. These
reasons are never defined in clear-cut personal or social ways and are often
an intricate mix of both. Butler (1993) analyzes how bodies are socially
constructed and materialized. She begins with a thought-provoking pro-
posal toward understanding how materializing/materialization occurs:
What I would propose ...is a return to the notion of matter, not as site or
surface, but as a process of materialization that stabilizes over time to produce
the effect of boundary, fixity, and surface we call matter. That matter is always
materialized has, I think, to be thought in relation to the productive and,
indeed, materializing effects of regulatory power in the Foucaultian sense
(9–10).
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It is that materiality that first introduces the notion of boundary. To better

understand how this is done, Butler also defines construction as the reiteration
of norms:
Crucially, then, construction is neither a single act nor a causal process ini-
tiated by a subject and culminating in a set of fixed effects. Construction
not only takes place in time, but is itself a temporal process which operates
through the reiteration of norms; sex is both produced and destabilized in the
course of this reiteration (1993, 10).
Butler’s argument shows that bodies are also constructed by the reiteration
of norms that produce their understanding here and now. “Identification”
is key to this process:
The forming of a subject requires an identification with the normative

phantasm of “sex,” and this identification takes place through a repudia-
tion which produces a domain of abjection, a repudiation without which
the subject cannot emerge. . . . Further, the materialization of a given sex
will centrally concern the regulation of identificatory practices such that
the identification with the abjection of sex will be persistently disavowed
(1993, 3).
Processes of regulation and “identificatory practices” related to the body are

done by and through law:
The forming, crafting, bearing, circulation, signification of that sexed body

will not be a set of actions performed in compliance with the law; on the
contrary, they will be a set of actions mobilized by the law, the citational
accumulation and dissimulation of the law that produces material effects, the
lived necessity of those effects as well as the lived contestation of that neces-
sity (Butler 1993, 12).
In this way, following Lacan and the formation of the “I,” Butler arrives at
the relationship between materiality and identity:
The process of that sedimentation or what might be called materialization will

be a kind of citationality, the acquisition of being through the citing of power,
a citing that establishes an originary complicity with power in the formation
of the “I” (1993, 15).
We cannot separate the display of identities from their connection to bod-

ies. In other words, our bodies are necessary for the ways we display and
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MADE IN BRAZIL? 47
deploy ourselves in the world. However, those bodies are not constrained
to fixed or static performances. Rather, they vary according to manifold
experiences that will also modify the way identities are constructed. It is an
interplay and performativity that allow for power from the heteropatriar-
chal system to mold these identities.
My concern in this essay is to show briefly the set of situations related
to the lives of queer Japanese Brazilian migrants as a direct consequence of
their bodies’ interactions in Japanese society ruled by normative demarca-
tions. By queering their experiences of bodies, we observe the construc-
tion and deconstruction of their bodies and life situations. Here, “queering”
is understood as critically reflecting on the dynamics and negotiations of
power that mold and construct the performativity of Japanese Brazilian
queer migrant bodies, that is, the process of representation that bodies
deploy in Japanese society. It analyzes how those performativities not only
affect socioeconomic progress but also evoke the interplay of bodies, desires,
and intersubjective patterns of interactions.
This Body, Constructing Me?

This section offers insights on how these identificatory processes operate in
the performativities of Japanese Brazilian migrants. The data are taken from
the findings of two separate research projects among Japanese Brazilian
migrants in the Kanto2 and Tokai3 regions from 2006 to 2008 and 2009
to 2011. In these two fieldwork periods, 15 self-identified gay and lesbian
individuals were interviewed.4 Their ages ranged from 21 to 49 years. The
interviews were semistructured (open-ended) with a set of questions per-
taining to their private and working lives. This chapter focuses on the ele-
ments offered by the interviewees in relation to their private lives.
The Others’ Ethnic Bodies and the Dynamics of “Passing”

Race and ethnicity play an important role in the lives of all individuals.
Practically every aspect of our lives is connected to the way that race and
ethnicity interplay and mold our interactions with other individuals in soci-
ety. Both race and ethnicity constitute invisible boundaries that are often
built on societal perceptions of otherness. The color of the skin, cultural
background, and linguistic barriers also constitute part of those percep-
tions bound together into the “us/them” divide. Therefore, immigrants are
usually perceived as outsiders to the ethnonational demarcations of group
inclusion. Sexual orientation is a factor that has barred immigrants from
possibilities of inserting into another society. Although changes have been
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undertaken in legal policies, Eithne Luibhéid (2008) states that the situation
is still far from being resolved:
Although most nation-states may no longer bar LGBTQ migrants, their

presence nonetheless challenges and disrupts practices that remain normed
around racialized heterosexuality. National heteronormativity is thus a
regime of power that all migrants must negotiate, making them differentially
vulnerable to exclusion at the border or deportation after entry while also
racializing, (re)gendering, (de)nationalizing, and unequally positioning them
within the symbolic economy, the public sphere, and the labor market. These
outcomes, in turn, connect to the ongoing reproduction of particular forms
of nationhood and national citizenship—which have ramifications for local,
regional, national, transnational, and imperial arrangements of power (174).
Even if individuals successfully arrive at the country of destination, they still

need to face racial constructions in the host society that influences gender
role expectations, sexual division of labor, and the formation of partnerships
and families. Of course, there are overlapping experiences with heterosex-
ual immigrants, who also face the effects of the dictums of the host society.
Thus, determining their interactions in society would allow or deny them
possibilities for the concretion of intimate encounters or partnerships they
would face as queer immigrants. In other words, possibilities for intimacy
and relationships are mediated by conceptions of bodies closely tied to
ethnic/racial categories. While heterosexual immigrants could benefit even
from legal provisions for partnership and family formations, queer immi-
grants are usually excluded from these.
Some of my interviewees expressed that being a Japanese descendant
in Brazil and in Japan has varied effects on men seeking sexual encounters
with other men. In Brazil, Japanese descendants are called Japonês (Japanese)
and are often associated with upper-middle or upper classes. In terms of
socialization, Japanese descendants are seen as successful, situated just under
the white majority in the Brazilian racial formation (Daniel 2006, 27–28).
In this sense, the term Japonês remains part of the Brazilian racial discourse
(Adachi 2004, 49). Although attractive for some men, Japanese Brazilians’
phenotypic racial distinctiveness can also be used to place them—as well as
other individuals of Asian descent—in the position of exoticization or ridi-
cule. For example, in Brazil as in many other countries, there prevails a myth
that the sex organ of Asian men is smaller than that of Brazilian men of
other races. Teenagers at schools or adult men at bars often joke about this
myth.Vinicius,5 a Japanese Brazilian queer migrant in his mid-thirties who
I interviewed, recounted a night when he met another man at a disco in
São Paulo. He took that man to his apartment. When they arrived,Vinicius
discovered that the man only accepted to go to his apartment because he
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MADE IN BRAZIL? 49
was curious to corroborate the myth. In other words, this man wanted to
see if Vinicius’ sex organ was indeed smaller than those of Brazilians of other
races. Vinicius felt embarrassed not only to have been tricked in that way
but also to be taken as exotic, an odd body that needs to be observed in its
rarity. He further concludes:
I find a bit weird the perception some people have in Brazil that we are
Japanese (japonês). They look at us, our appearance, and conclude: “Aw, you
are Japanese.” They do not really know if you are Japanese, if you have ances-
try, or if you are part Italian or part German, but they have that idea of the
Asian identity....However, when Japanese descendants come to Japan, they
are considered foreigners; the ancestry does not matter anymore but only
language and the blood-ties.
Despite the exoticization of their bodies and phenotypic features, Japanese

Brazilians in Brazil are still considered a model minority. The situation is
dramatically different in Japan. As Vinicius affirmed, the label “foreigner”
in Japan does not help to foster self-esteem or positive perceptions about
immigrants in Japanese society.
Other interviewees affirm that the status of Japanese Brazilians as “lesser
Japanese” while in Japan creates a barrier for many Japanese men to relate
intimately with them. Although some of my informants can “pass” as
Japanese due to their ancestry, the lack of Japanese language skills soon
renders them “foreigners,” often resulting in lost opportunities for sexual
encounters or relationships. In this case, borders erected by ethnonational
and racial perceptions of otherness do matter in enabling or denying rela-
tionalities. Kelmo, a Japanese Brazilian queer migrant in his late thirties who
lives and works in a factory in the Tokai area, stated:
At the time of relationships, as I do not stress too much the issue of appear-
ance as I am obviously a foreigner in Japan, in terms of first encounters, or
first impressions, I have the experience that when an individual realizes I
am a foreigner, in that very same moment, every possibility for relationship
stops, and the situation takes another route. It has happened to me more
than once that when the person concludes that I am not necessarily Japanese
but a foreigner, that is, not equal to him, he simply stops any possibility for
relationship.
The experience of Kelmo is shared by other men who I interviewed, who

also struggle to find meaningful encounters or relationships with other men
given the demands of racial, ethnic, and cultural negotiations.
This is not to say that Japanese queer men are themselves free from social
pressure with regard to the gender role expectations and sexual division of
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labor in Japanese society. On the contrary, queer nationals are also inscribed
in intricate networks of social negotiations and reiterations that often ren-
der their lives at odds with societal expectations. On this, Carmen Romero
Bachiller (2003) states thus:
Certain bodies are recognised as “marked” in a logic that tends to homoge-

nise images of a nation with a particular definition of an “unmarked” and
“natural” body. But the “national” body far from being “unmarked” or “natu-
ral,” is deeply marked. It requires, as it has been said, the complex articulation
of sophisticated devices: a wide linguistic competence, an accent recognised
as not having accent—that is, as being an accent “proper” to the nation,
a religious ascription, a particular skin pigmentation, eyes and hair colour,
certain clothing. But also, the fulfilment of the multiple official requisites that
entitled someone as a citizen: being born in the country, or completing a
number of years in it, or being born of parents entitled with that citizenship,
or being married in a heterosexual couple to a member of the given state, or
having a baby in the country, or, of course, being a football star (4).
Demarcations of queer individuals’ bodies are done through different soci-

etal constructions in every society, a fact that is true for both nationals and
immigrants.Those demarcations shape the daily lives of nationals. However,
in the case of queer immigrants, the process of demarcation is more com-
plex. Queer migrants move from established societal definitions of gender
role expectations and sexual division of labor in their home country to host
societies with new definitions. Japanese Brazilian queer immigrants are no
exception to the phenomenon. The result is that while nationals have to
deal with one set of definitions—the one from their own society—queer
immigrants reside at the intersection of competing definitions. Queerness, if
anything, exacerbates this tension. While we acknowledge that construc-
tions of queerness vary according to different social and cultural contexts,
Northern European and (North) American constructions of queerness tend
to get universalized and, therefore, colonize local, authochtonous negotia-
tions in different contexts around the world. Therefore, both nationals and
queer immigrants outside those geographical areas and cultural settings are
influenced by—or forces to incarnate—those universalized constructions
of queerness. The situation becomes intricately complex. An important
example addresses the complexity of coming out narratives.
In many cultures, to come out may imply risking one’s life, being sen-
tenced to life-term imprisonment, or cutting ties to social networks6 that
are vital for one’s daily survival. It is naive to believe that there prevails only
one form of queer performance for everyone.There is a colonial tone to this
naiveté. The reality is that, in most cases, geographical and political events,
social norms, and/or cultural differences play important roles in limiting
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MADE IN BRAZIL? 51
individual acts of coming out. Many of my interviewees concede that com-

ing out as a queer immigrant is less common. Regardless of their level of
comfort with being out, they cannot risk losing access to social networks
through which they are able to find new jobs with better pay, opportunities
to share the rent of an apartment, or the privilege of interacting with cona-
tionals in their free time. To come out would be akin to stopping their lives
and living as “outcasts” to their peer immigrant community. Thus, Japanese
Brazilians do not only negotiate two competing ways of gender role expec-
tations and the sexual division of labor—between Brazil and Japan—but
grapple with competing performativities of queerness: from those learned in
Brazil, those autochthonous to Japan, and those imposed on them through
the colonizing effects of North American/Northern European contexts.
What this implies is that the performance of sexuality and the possibility
of social visibility in many parts of Asia differ from Anglo-Saxon contexts
where “(homo?)normativity” tends to be the sine qua non mandate of com-
ing out. Many queer folks in Asia are beginning to search for alternatives to
these coming out narratives. Some of these alternative—and more cultur-
ally appropriate—imaginings include paradigms that “invite people in” or “to
come home”, as Carolyn Poljski (2011) states:
Inspiration for ‘inviting people in’ comes from ‘coming in’, a term created
after conversations with GLBTIQ people from a Muslim background in
Australia (Hammoud-Beckett, 2007; Moore, 2011). ‘Coming in’ and ‘inviting
in’ are considered more representative of the experiences of GLBTIQ peo-
ple from an ethnic background; removes the pressure associated with pub-
licly disclosing one’s sexual identity; and instead encourages and empowers
GLBTIQ people to choose with whom they share their life and from whom
they can gain support (Hammoud-Beckett, 2007; Moore, 2011). As such,
‘coming home’ involves introducing one’s sexuality into the family through
the gradual introduction and integration of one’s partner via relevant family-
kin categories (Chou, 2000 as cited in Reeders, 2010) (15).
The pressure for Japanese Brazilian queers to emulate Western perfor-

mativities of queerness or the autochthonous queer embodiment in Japan
adds distress to those who cannot afford to embody either one. As a con-
sequence, the performativity of queerness that is indigenous to Brazil may
not carry the same connotations for queer Japanese Brazilians who are in
Japan, rendering them disoriented and nostalgic (saudade) of better times
in Brazil. In worst cases, depression and sometimes psychological problems
may arise.
Furthermore, race and ethnicity mark queer migrants’ bodies, and these
demarcations have real, tangible consequences on the daily, lived experi-
ences of queer Japanese Brazilian migrants. Race and ethnicity cannot be
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separated from sexuality, gender, or identity. Butler (1993) works this in her
discussion on the power dynamics surrounding three crucial issues of rac-
ism, homophobia, and misogyny:
Though there are clearly good historical reasons for keeping “race” and sexu-
ality” and “sexual difference” as separate analytic spheres, there are also quite
pressing and significant historical reasons for asking how and where we might
read not only their convergence, but the sites at which the one cannot be
constituted save through the other. This is something other than juxtaposing
distinct spheres of power, subordination, agency, historicity, and something
other than a list of attributes separated by those proverbial commas (gender,
sexuality, race, class), that usually mean that we have not yet figured out how
to think the relations we seek to mark (68).
These issues are vectors of power, which are deployed through mutually
legitimized performativities. As Butler concludes,
It seems crucial to resist the model of power that would set up racism and
homophobia and misogyny as parallel or analogical relations.The assertion of
their abstract or structural equivalence not only misses the specific histories
of their construction and elaboration, but also delays the important work
of thinking through the ways in which these vectors of power require and
deploy each other for the purpose of their own articulation. Indeed, it may
not be possible to think any of these notions or their interrelations without a
substantially revised conception of power in both its geopolitical dimensions
and in the contemporary tributaries of its intersecting circulation (Butler
1993, 18).
Here resides the importance of relating vectors of power to the effects of

heterosexism that historically reconstruct and legitimize the heteropatriar-
chal system. This dynamic traverses onto queer spaces as well.
For instance, at gay bars in Shinjuku Ni-Chome,7 the famous gay neigh-
borhood in Tokyo, issues of gender and ethnicity, nationality, sexual orienta-
tion, or nationalistic ideologies allow or disallow customers from entering
certain bars. I remember going to the birthday party of one of my Japanese
Brazilian queer friends. We were a heterogenous group of women and men
with a broad spectrum of sexual preferences: straights, gays, lesbians, and
bisexuals. We came from countries in Asia and Latin America, as well as
Japan and the United States. It took us more than one hour and several
bars to find out that in some places only women were allowed to enter.
In others, only men were allowed in. In other places, only the Japanese
were allowed to enter. Finally, through a friend who phoned another friend
who happened to know the owner of one bar, we were allowed to have
a drink together. However, the minute we entered the bar, it was clear
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MADE IN BRAZIL? 53
that an invisible wall separated our heterogeneous group from the more
homogenized group of national customers. Although sexual orientations
or nationalities were common to both groups, it was “written in the air”
that we were not welcomed to mix with the other crowd, some of who
kept glancing at us in a disrespectful manner. For the heterosexuals in our
group, this was a surprise as one of our female straight friends pointed out:
“I thought that all gay people hang out together all the time. I did not know
there were divisions of race and nationality.”
The materiality of identity categories can be observed in the institu-
tionalization of racial interactional patterns, especially observed in access
to bars and clubs, which is restricted to either “nationals” or “foreigners,”
and also behaviors that customer in those racially demarcated spaces display.
Furthermore, this episode also corroborates the existing prejudice against
foreigners inside the Japanese gay community (Pinkerton and Abramson
1997, 80–81). Nonetheless, this predominantly Japanese-to-Japanese prefer-
ence in Japan has parallels with, for example, my observations of white gay
males in Argentina, or African Americans in the San Francisco Bay Area,
where the racial line is a determinant factor for interactions, socialization,
and performativity of desire.
The Sexual Bodies in Fantasy Lands

As Brazil is a developing country while Japan is a developed country, it is
logical to assume that the situation of queer migrants would change for the
better. However, this is not always the case. Martin F. Manalansan (2003,
13) has pointed out that queer migrants do not always leave a situation of
“repression” to one of “liberation,” but sometimes quite the opposite. Many
of my interviewees who were out in Brazil found themselves in the closet
while in Japan. In some cases, this happens as a way to secure for themselves
the necessary elements of survival through social networks. Failing to do
this would isolate them, barred from social networks related to family and
close friends, nonprofit organizations (hereinafter cited as NPOs), and/or
religious organizations. For some, the “return to the closet” in order to
remain integrated into important social networks may be conflict-ridden.
The materiality of labels and positionalities within the intricate network of
familial, social, economic, and religious relationalities shape the daily-lived
experiences of queer migrants.
One of the important networks for Japanese Brazilian migrants is reli-
gious organizations—the Roman Catholic church, Protestant churches,Afro
Brazilian religions, or New Japanese Religions that spread in Brazil through
Japanese migrants and also “returned” to Japan with their descendants.
Within the realm of religious organizations, the label “queer” (or any other
9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 53 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

label for identity politics) changes the perception and—consequently—the

treatment of Japanese Brazilian migrants.Thiago, a gay man in his early thir-
ties, comments about this process with regard to participation in religious
organizations:
From a political point of view, I do really see it as a bit dangerous that gays
are involved in religious organizations that are openly anti-gay. This [is said]
because, in theory, gays should be fighting against them, against the hege-
mony that they [the churches] had conquered and, mainly, gays should be
strongly fighting for the separation between State and religion, since religious
organizations are more politically engaged in withholding the advance of the
reproductive rights as well as those of the sexual minorities in countries such
as Brazil and the United States. In this sense, I see a conflict of interest for the
designated gay-Christians, especially among those who are engaged in orga-
nizations such as the Roman Catholic Church or the traditional Protestant
Churches. In a way, could those gay individuals be trying to change the
Church from inside? Yes, maybe. [However] I do not know to which extent
they produce an effect.
Being queer and a person of faith at the same time is not always easy, as sex-
uality and gender are deeply entrenched in religious teachings and sacred
text interpretations, as well as ritual practices and pastoral concerns. Thiago
reflected on this situation thus:
In my opinion, I find that the only reason to attend a church, either being
heterosexual or being queer, is simply faith. I do not want to confine the
function of religious organizations, but socialization is possible in other
spaces. The church is only one of them. If we think from this point of view,
gays attend church—although being treated as “abnormal” or “sinners” by
the great majority of denominations and Christian branches—because they
do have faith. More contradictory is the fact of [a queer person] having faith
in a God who is praised within an organization that does not consider their
way of life as worthy and sufficient for them to be part of it.
Thiago as well as some informants did not deny the role of faith in the
life of queer individuals, but strongly questioned the problem of religious
organizations that have welcoming discourses while keeping exclusion-
ary practices, forcing many migrants to remain “in the closet” in order to
survive.
The reality is that social networks, politicians, and immigration policy
makers, or scholars of migration studies seem to assume that immigrants are
always necessarily heterosexuals. For example, countries with long experi-
ences of migrations have “family reunion” programs to bring (heterosexual)
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MADE IN BRAZIL? 55
families together. However, queer couples or queer families often live

separately because of visa-related issues. To make the situation even more
complex, possibilities for migration and visa extensions have become more
difficult due to fears produced by the “war on terror,” which has in turn
provoked the tightening of controls and decreasing possibilities for migra-
tion. Relative to this is the issue of biopolitics and its effect on the day-to-
day needs of queer migrants. Increasingly, political debates on migration
often correlate health-care policies with the ability of migrants to reside
in the host society. This is often tied to racializations and stereotypings that
reify the “Orientalizing” view (Yue 2008, 236). Thus, biopolitics perpetu-
ate social and political power over life, especially through governmental
structures and policy makers. Biopolitics could literally mean life or death
for many immigrants, especially when their health could be easily restored,
pending access to medical care.
Many of my interviewees involved in relationships expressed fear of sepa-
ration due to visa-related issues. Nisei and sansei can obtain 3-year and 1-year
renewable visas, respectively, because of amendments to the Immigration
Control and Refugee Recognition Act in 1989. However, the material condi-
tions for remaining in Japan continue to be tied to a fluctuating job market.
In other words, the uncertainty of staying in Japan increased given the
economic crisis of 2008 and the Tohoku earthquake and tsunami in 2001,
causing lay-offs and displacements of thousands of Japanese Brazilian work-
ers. For some migrants, this implied a forced return to Brazil.
Their tenuous stability in Japan often accounts for the lack of com-
mitment and love relationships between Japanese Brazilians and Japanese
nationals. Although this phenomenon is also real for heterosexual couples,
the impossibility of spouse-sponsored visas among queer couples lends their
situation special difficulty. The set of rights traditionally entitled to mar-
riage are not extended to (nonlegally recognized) queer couples. As Butler
(2002b, 18) points out, “sexuality is already thought in terms of marriage
and marriage is already thought as the purchase on legitimacy.” Although
queer relations do not happen because of the presence or lack of policies,
the truth is that in relation to migration the materiality of policies turns
into obstacles for queer relationships when one half of a couple moves to a
country that does not legally recognize same-sex partnerships.
Nonetheless, relations between migrants and nationals are sometimes
possible. Vinicius was able to find a Japanese man and they have been liv-
ing together for five years. Although Vinicius holds permanent residency
in Japan, he also acknowledges that having residency still does not solve
the challenges wrought by intercultural and international relationships.
Concerning this latter point, he states that “intercultural relationships are
9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 55 7/23/2014 1:28:13 PM

not always easy.” On the contrary, a few days before our interview, Thiago
broke up with his boyfriend. He described the situation as thus:
I feel that my boyfriend is afraid about the constant instability of my pos-

sibilities to remain in Japan for a long time. He is in love with me, there is
no point in denying that, but he is afraid that I may go [back to Brazil] right
now. He is very upfront on his feelings about this. He accompanies me amidst
my daily struggles, as I—myself—also have the fear [that] I may have to go
back [to Brazil] right away. He has the desire to be with me in a committed
relationship but I believe that the unbearable feeling of seeing me go back to
Brazil is the reason why he recently broke up with me.
In Thiago, we observe that queer Japanese Brazilian migrants who need

and thrive on affection and intimacy often leave these unsatisfied due to
intricate negotiations of migrant life.
Intimacy and the Fear of Others’ Bodies

Many queer Japanese Brazilian migrant bodies are perceived as threatening
by Japanese nationals.This is associated with the myth that HIV and sexually
transmitted diseases were “a Western problem” brought into Japan by foreign-
ers (Talmadge 1996).The fear of HIV is one of the most difficult obstacles for
intimacy and sexuality in queer communities. Thiago reflects on this:
I feel that this is very common among Japanese males who are seeking to
have an encounter, but seem to consider it dangerous in terms of getting
some disease. Then they decide not to continue with the encounter just
because I am gaijin.8 They are there with me, but they do not go further. I
could be wrong, but I feel that they have that idea that diseases are not some-
thing that you can get in Japan but something that is brought to Japan by
foreigners and that they could get if they have sex with them.
In the same way, Floriano, another Japanese Brazilian man in his early twen-
ties who I interviewed, told me that several of his straight Japanese friends
even believe that just because they have “Japanese blood” they are immune
to HIV and do not need to use condoms. He refers to his Japanese friends
as affirming that “because we are Japanese, the Goddess Amatarasu protects
us and we do not need to care about HIV when intimate with Japanese
girls.” Beyond the “urban legend” of the statement, what concerns many
of my interviewees is that because of this belief they have been asked for
unprotected sex. As they were made aware of HIV issues through multiple
prevention campaigns in Brazil, my interviewees generally refused to have
unprotected sex and made the decision to end such sexual encounters.
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MADE IN BRAZIL? 57
Nevertheless, the refusal to have unprotected sex may not be the only
situation through which queer Japanese Brazilian migrants in Japan are
unable to pursue a relationship or sexual encounter. In other situations,
the language barrier may also be a sexual barrier. For some of my intervie-
wees, the impossibility of expressing their affection or desire in Japanese is
a serious obstacle in order to relate to Japanese men. Related to the issue
of language barrier is the lack of information on HIV in languages other
than Japanese, putting the lives of many people at risk (Kimura et al. 2001,
127–129). Unless they speak English or Japanese as a common language,
communication becomes difficult. Vinicius stated that some Japanese and
other foreign men have explicitly rejected condom usage. He concludes
that “HIV in Japan is the invisible problem.”
Interestingly enough, HIV’s association with un/healthy bloodstream
evokes issues closely tied to Japanese notions of blood as defining bound-
aries for individuals, granting access or denial to societal relations and the
ethnonational body. In other words, Japan has a long tradition of defining
and categorizing people according to blood. The nihonjinron or discourses
of Japaneseness are based on the assumption that blood, culture, ethnic-
ity, nationality, and identity cannot be dissected and thus give meaning
and exclusivity to a perceived and yet ideologically constructed notion of
homogeneity. In this sense, a long discursive tradition of Japan as a mono-
ethnic and a monoculture society (Befu 2001; Yoshino 1992) may inform
the perception that illnesses are brought by foreigners while concurrently
assuming a notion of Japan’s purity and sanity. In analyzing the nihonjin-
ron, Lie (2003, 83) has also stated that the homogeneity of Japan contrasts
against the heterogeneity of foreigners, resulting in a dichotomy where
“inside denotes simplicity and purity, [and] outside represents complex-
ity and pollution.” This certainly reflects the racial categorization at stake
in Japanese racial formation (Yoshino 1997, 199–211), whereby Japanese
Brazilian queer migrants as well as other migrants are incorporated into
the lower strata (Shipper 2002, 41–42; Takenoshita 2006, 62). It may seem
plausible that the fear of the foreigner’s body as carrier of contagious ele-
ments—HIV or any other disease—may not be based on scientific facts but
in terms of societal demarcation deeply ingrained in culturally constructed
notions of the “us/them” dichotomy. We need to remember that the social
organization of Japan is very different from Brazil, with different relations,
expectations, and boundaries of demarcations. Lebra (1992) states thus:
If the Western way of thinking and acting presumes the structural opposition
of mind and body, subject and object, transcendental ad mundane, true and
false, it appears that Japanese are more guided by the social binary of uchi
(inside) and soto (outside) or ura (rear) and omote (front). The social boundary
9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 57 7/23/2014 1:28:13 PM

gives rise not only to insiders and outsiders, but to core and peripherical
members and to marginals or liminals who are neither insiders nor outsiders
or are both (5).
These social binaries produced social boundaries that have molded the
class structure of Japanese society across time. In fact, Japan’s class system
is derived from a very rigid system that was dichotomized and originally
based on distinctions between villages and later—in the period of modern-
ization—between rural dwellers and urban dwellers. This still informs not
only the social class structure one can find in Japan nowadays but also the
ways that Japanese nationals relate to foreigners.
Conclusion
I have shown how different understandings of queer Japanese Brazilian
migrant bodies create multiple and dissimilar opportunities for intimacy
and sexuality in Japan. My interviewees are some examples of bodies deal-
ing with the material reality of these dynamics. By observing the construc-
tions of bodies according to ethnicity, sexuality, and stereotypes around HIV,
I have laid out the many situations my interviewees face in their daily lives.
Their bodies are marked by racial and ethnic dynamics that construct them
differently in Brazil and in Japan, which in turn condition their possibilities
for achieving romantic relationships, sexual encounters, or even long-term
commitments. Social and cultural conditionings construct the recogni-
tion (or lack) of their intimacy with other men, which is more visible in
issues related to HIV and sexually transmitted diseases. Japanese Brazilian
migrant bodies debate on whether to assimilate to hegemonic discourses
or to queer those discourses through performativities of resistance. In this
sense, their bodies are not mere anatomies but serve as the very geography
where social, cultural, and national boundaries are established, negotiated,
and challenged.
Notes
1. While the law was amended in 1989, it took effect in 1990.
2. The Kanto region of Japan involves Tokyo Metropolitan Area and the sur-
rounding prefectures of Chiba, Ibaraki, Saitama, Gunma, Kanagawa, and
Tochigi.
3. The Tokai area, a subregion of the Chūbu region, includes the prefectures of
Shizuoka, Aichi, Gifu, and Mie.
4. Fieldwork included interviews with 75 other individuals. For this chap-
ter, interviewees were limited to those self-identified as “gay,” “lesbian,” or
“queer.”
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MADE IN BRAZIL? 59
5. The names of interviewees have been replaced by pseudonyms to guarantee

confidentiality and protect their identities.
6. Social networks have played a prominent role in keeping the flow of migra-
tion of Japanese Brazilian migrants to Japan since the very beginning. See
Sasaki (2003).
7. Shinjuku Ni-chome is the hub for not only the major concentration of gay
bars in Tokyo but also for its many saunas, massage parlors, nightclubs, cafes,
restaurants, and host clubs that cater exclusively to different populations such
as gays, lesbians, transgenders, as well as muscle, BDSM (bondage and dis-
cipline sadomasoquism), and bear communities. There are also several gay
pride shops, gay adult video stores, and cruising spots.
8. Foreigner.
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QUEERING MIGRATIONS

TOWARDS, FROM, AND

9781137447722_01_pre.indd iii 7/24/2014 12:24:14 PM

9781137447722_01_pre.indd iv 7/24/2014 12:24:14 PM

MADE IN BRAZIL?: SEXUALITY, INTIMACY, AND

Hugo Córdova Quero

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middle or upper-middle classes but also became a “model minority.” As

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 42 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

Bodies and Boundaries

[Performativity is a] concept that draws on professional theatre and perfor-

Butler’s (1999) theory is based on the assumption that gender performance

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 43 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

According to the understanding of identification as an enacted fantasy or

It is performativity that constructs the meaning of gender and, by extension,

Consider gender, for instance, as a corporeal style, an “act,” as it were, which is

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 44 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

and contingent construction of meaning....Gender is, thus, a construction

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 45 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

It is that materiality that first introduces the notion of boundary. To better

The forming of a subject requires an identification with the normative

Processes of regulation and “identificatory practices” related to the body are

The forming, crafting, bearing, circulation, signification of that sexed body

The process of that sedimentation or what might be called materialization will

We cannot separate the display of identities from their connection to bod-

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 46 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

This Body, Constructing Me?

The Others’ Ethnic Bodies and the Dynamics of “Passing”

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 47 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

Although most nation-states may no longer bar LGBTQ migrants, their

Even if individuals successfully arrive at the country of destination, they still

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 48 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

Despite the exoticization of their bodies and phenotypic features, Japanese

The experience of Kelmo is shared by other men who I interviewed, who

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 49 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

Certain bodies are recognised as “marked” in a logic that tends to homoge-

Demarcations of queer individuals’ bodies are done through different soci-

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 50 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

individual acts of coming out. Many of my interviewees concede that com-

The pressure for Japanese Brazilian queers to emulate Western perfor-

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 51 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

Here resides the importance of relating vectors of power to the effects of

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 52 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

The Sexual Bodies in Fantasy Lands

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 53 7/23/2014 1:28:12 PM

label for identity politics) changes the perception and—consequently—the

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 54 7/23/2014 1:28:13 PM

families together. However, queer couples or queer families often live

9781137447722_04_ch02.indd 55 7/23/2014 1:28:13 PM

I feel that my boyfriend is afraid about the constant instability of my pos-

In Thiago, we observe that queer Japanese Brazilian migrants who need

Intimacy and the Fear of Others’ Bodies

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5. The names of interviewees have been replaced by pseudonyms to guarantee

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Abraham, Julie. 2009. Metropolitan Lovers: The Homosexuality of Cities. Minneapolis:

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