Rev.

Tony Franklin-Ross
Methodist Church of New Zealand / Trinity Methodist Theological College
BCom, BTheol, BTheol (Hons), [Auckland];
CCEcumSt [Bossey/Geneva]; C.A.

TOPIC GROUP: THEORISING RELIGIOUS PLURALISM

“Queering pluralism: … a transnational LGBTQI+ approach”

Abstract: This paper explores a queering of pluralism. Written from the context
of Aotearoa-New Zealand, which given its historical base if Christianity in society,
has nonetheless engaged significant advances for LGBTQI people (which has
not always sat well with religions). The events of the Pulse Nightclub shooting in
Orland, USA in June 2016 pushes the transnational perspective further. The
intersection of Islam and LGBTQI, and the reality of problem of difference for
both marginalised communities, challenges these communities and the wider
community into further engagement for the area of religious pluralism.

The action of “queering” is to interrogate, and even subvert, normative assumptions and long-
accepted beliefs. It can involve challenging, if not actual dismantling, binary assumptions. This
can be an academic, theological methodology. Binaries to be dismantled might include:
religious/non-religious, LGBTQI/straight, foreign/patriot, Christian/non-Christian,
conservative/progressive, Western/non-Western, and so on.

Queering pluralism is a place where the intersection of religion, politics, migration, ethnicity,
gender, identities, practices, sacred space. All these and more are brought to a place of
intersection that aims to decentralise and even disrupt normative discourse and normalising
tendencies. Queer non-binary concepts adds a further challenge to pluralism; indeed a further
expression of multiplicity.

Then there is a plurality within LGBTQI too; a sameness yet also great diversity within. Gay-
Christian, gay-Muslim, gay-Russian, gay-Kiwi – each has its own context, for indeed no one
LGBTQI experience is common to all contexts; even in the face of Western-centric concepts of
LGBTQI or queer.

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One commentator in New Zealand LGBTQI media, writing on the 30 th anniversary of homosexual
law reform, said in an article entitled “Broader than our boarder”:
We have made extraordinary progress here, for sure, but only in the last month a
Bangladeshi gay leader was hacked to death. As recently as this year in territories with
sharia law in place homosexuals have been routinely hunted down, tortured and
murdered in the most cruel and bizarre ways. Multinational businesses operating in
Indonesia have been forced to change the ways they do business and even same-sex
emoticons have been attacked by a rising tide of anti-gay rhetoric and measures.
… So while I think it’s important that we celebrate the 30th anniversary of HLR, I think it’s
also important that we also stop for a moment and reflect on the fact that what we have
achieved in NZ for gay people is something many gay people in the world can literally
only dream of. We owe it to gay people everywhere to realise that the battle for gay
peoples’ right to live and love does not stop at our border.1

This introduces the notion of transnationalism where the issues of sexuality that is being
negotiated within cultural or national spaces, is extended beyond exclusive territorial claims. This
is not to say there is a goal of one coalesced transnational LGBTQI identity; far from it, as
increasingly queer theory challenges any normative Western assumptions on defining a
universal identity on either components or the whole of LGBTQI. But the LGBTQI transnational
identity is rather intent on employing potentials in the service of improving life chances on the
global stage. Pullen suggest that to explore the LGBTQI transnational potential is not the seeking
of a resolution in itself, but the opening up of a dialogue.2

As the paper unfolds, I will explore first the religious and ethnic demographic of Aotearoa-New
Zealand, which is related to the history of the country. This is a light overview and has potential
for many further in depth sub topics from what I present here. Further, this context also includes
developments in the last 30 years around legal decriminalisation and recognition of LGBTQI,
which also intersects the question of religion and tolerance. Taking this LGBTQI context further,

1 See http://www.gayexpress.co.nz/2016/05/thinking-broader-border/
2 Christopher Pullen, Introduction, in [Transnationl Identity] Christopher Pullen, ed. Lgbt Transnational Identity and
the Media (Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2012). 1-20

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a question of transnationalism arises; which will draw me to the recent intersection of Islam and
LGBTQI, and the problem of difference, in the events of the Pulse Nightclub shooting in Orland,
USA.

The Kiwi context - a history of discovery, migration, and religion.

The indigenous Maori people principally arrived through Polynesian migration through the
Pacific. Estimates place this at 1250-1300CE, though debated as potentially earlier. Tradition
holds that an initial single ‘great fleet’ of seven canoes came from the mythical place of ‘Hawaiki’.
These canoe traditions form a founding narrative for Māori New Zealanders, with some 40
canoes forming a core of tradition for various tribes who link their genealogy and history to one
of the canoes. A significant culture arose that was based on tribes, language, and a contextually
developed faith understanding of creation and relationship with gods developed; and developed
a close relationship with the land (a significant cultural understanding is that of the tangata
whenua – the people of the land).

European discovery is accredited to Dutch explorer Able Tasman in 1642; and more significant
exploration by British James Cook 1769. Initial European presence was through sealers and
whalers; with settlors arriving from the early 18th century.

The first Christian service recorded in New Zealand was on Christmas Day, 1814. It was
conducted by Anglican minister Samuel Marsden to a mix of early settlors and local Maori, both
in English and Maori language. The subsequent initial Christian presence was primarily through
the missionary work of Anglican and Methodists, as well as the presence of Roman Catholicism.
Later, with the growth of immigration from the United Kingdom (English, Scottish, Irish and
Welsh) other denominations would follow as ‘settlor churches’ (such as Presbyterian, Quaker,
Baptist).

New Zealand became a British colony with the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 between
the British Crown and Maori chiefs. The Treaty comprises three Articles relating to sovereignty

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and partnership between Maori and the Crown. 3 However there is noted a so-called ‘Fourth
Article’, not written into the Treaty but separately recorded, that Governor Hobson affirmed, in
response to a question from Catholic Bishop Pompallier, "the several faiths (beliefs) of England,
of the Wesleyans, of Rome, and also Maori custom shall alike be protected". This is seen as a
foundation for the acknowledgement of a diversity of beliefs in New Zealand.

From this foundation Christianity has played and continues to play a formative role in the
development of New Zealand in terms of the nation's identity, culture, beliefs, institutions and
values. Further new settlers have always been religiously diverse, but the bulk of early
immigration was from the United Kingdom, and to a lesser degree Europe – and therefore
primarily represented various Christian denominations.

For the most part, Maori converted to Christianity, though the relationship of Maori and the
churches became tenuous from the mid-19th century as a result of wars between Maori and the
colonial government. Indigenous Maori faith movements also arose, that at least in part drew on
Christian sources, particularly the Hebrew prophets. Two indigenous Māori movements that
remain today are Rātana (founded by a 20th century faith-healer), and Ringatū (founded by a
19th century prophet). A Maori cultural renaissance started in the 1970’s, both of language and
culture; and increasing recognition towards Maori place and self-determination in major Christian
denominations arose at the same time (for example in the Methodist, Anglican, Presbyterian and
Roman Catholic churches).

From the mid-20th century immigration increased from the Pacific Islands (such as Tonga,
Samoa, Cook Islands, and later Fiji); with Christianity being their main religion. In the late-20th
century numbers non-Christian faith communities have grown significantly as a result of
migration from Asia, Africa and the Middle East. Both these groups have impacted religious and
ethnic demographics.

3Under the Treaty, Māori ceded powers of government to Britain in return for the rights of British subjects and
guaranteed possession of their lands and other ‘treasures’. In later years, differences of interpretation between the
English and Māori texts complicated efforts to redress breaches of the Treaty.

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Contemporary ethnic and religious pluralism.

Contemporary New Zealand’s population of 4.5 million people represents a diversity of ethnicity,
heritage and religion. Below are the ethnic groups represented in the latest census.

Further information from the 2013 Census highlights:

• Asian ethnic groups almost double in size since 2001.
• A quarter of the population is overseas-born; the three most common countries of birth
were England (215,589 people), The People’s Republic of China (89,121 people), and
India (67,176 people).
• English is the most common language, with the next most common languages being
Māori (148,395 people), Samoan (86,406 people) and Hindi (66,312 people).4

In terms of the strands to my paper on the plurality of the meeting point of religion and sexuality,
there is one missing set of Census data explored so far in this paper: sexuality. There have been
moves in recent years to have included in the Census a question that would help reveal

4 There are three languages given official status in New Zealand: English, Maori and NZ Sign Language.

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something of this demographic in New Zealand society. To date these moves have not been
successful.

However, at the 2013 Census, there were a recorded 16,660 people living in a same-sex couple
in New Zealand (7,340 male and 9,310 female). Academic research as part of the New Zealand
Attitudes and Values Study found that 94.2 per cent of New Zealanders identified as straight or
heterosexual, 2.6 per cent as gay or lesbian, 1.8 per cent bisexual, 0.6 per cent bicurious, 0.5
per cent pansexual and 0.3 per cent asexual.5 It would be interesting to explore this data in a
matrix with ethnic and religious identity. These of course are using ‘Western’ terminology for
sexuality; which is problematic even for Maori and Pacific Islanders in New Zealand, let alone
diverse sexuality understandings from other cultures.

As to the religious identity in New Zealand, Christianity has an historical importance. From 1870–
1940 around 90% of the NZ population affiliated with the Christian religion (Anglicans 40%,
Presbyterians 20%, Catholics 14%, Methodists 10%; Baptists, Congregationalists, Salvation
Army combined were less than 10%).

However, generally the Christian churches and their social organisations are less influential in
New Zealand society than in previous years. In recent censuses, the trend has been decreasing
towards about half all New Zealanders giving Christianity as their religion. The largest
denominations are Anglican, Catholic and Presbyterian. Meanwhile only a small proportion of
those who identify themselves as Christian attend church regularly. Traditional denominations
are decreasing on the whole, but evangelical groups are growing. In many places, ecumenical
co-operation is now well established.

The Appendix gives a detailed analysis of the 2013 Census, with comparison to the previous
two Census datasets. A summary is:
2013 Census 2006 Census 2001 Census Change
Religion 2001–
Number % Number % Number % 13

5 Morton, Jamie (28 March 2016). "What Kiwis really think about ... race, sex, euthanasia, commuting and changing the flag". The New Zealand Herald.
Retrieved 10 July 2016

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Christian 1,858,977 47.65 2,027,418 54.16 2,043,843 58.92 −11.27
Hindu 89,919 2.30 64,392 1.72 39,798 1.15 +1.16
Buddhist 58,404 1.50 52,362 1.40 41,634 1.20 +0.30
Māori Christian 52,947 1.36 65,550 1.75 63,597 1.83 −0.48
Islam/Muslim 46,149 1.18 36,072 0.96 23,631 0.68 +0.50
Spiritualism and New Age Religions 18,285 0.47 19,800 0.53 16,062 0.46 +0.01
Judaism/Jewish 6,867 0.18 6,858 0.18 6,636 0.19 −0.02
Other Religions 34,245 0.88 24,450 0.65 18,780 0.54 +0.34
Sikh 19,191 0.49 9,507 0.25 5,199 0.15 +0.34
Total people with at least one religious
2,146,167 55.01 2,271,921 60.69 2,232,564 64.36 −9.35
affiliation
No Religion 1,635,345 41.92 1,297,104 34.65 1,028,049 29.64 +12.28
Object to answering 173,034 4.44 242,607 6.48 239,241 6.90 −2.46
Total people stated 3,901,167 100.00 3,743,655 100.00 3,468,813 100.00
Not Elsewhere Included 347,301 292,974 287,376
Total population 4,242,048 4,027,947 3,737,277

Highlights of this data over the first decade of the new millennium:
• Mirroring the recent immigration trends to New Zealand, immigrant religions increased
fastest; including Sikh, Hindu, Islam and Buddhist.
• Mainstream Christian denominations, while still representing the largest categories of
census religious affiliation, are not keeping pace with population increase.
• For the first time in NZ history the Roman Catholic church surpassed Anglican as the
largest Christian denomination.
• The biggest increase was of those who did not identify with any religion.

Peter Lineham, a regular commentator on religion in New Zealand, reflects that, “While Pakeha
[European] New Zealanders, on the whole, seem less interested, new migrants are more likely
to be attached to a religion.”6

The International Social Survey Programme was conducted in New Zealand by Massey
University in 2008. In line with the 2013 Census data, it affirmed 40 per cent of respondents said
they have no religious affiliation compared to 29% in a similar survey 17 years prior. The results

6 Peter Lineham, "Immigration Brings Religious Renewal," news release, 12 November 2014, 2015,
http://www.massey.ac.nz/massey/about-massey/news/article.cfm?mnarticle_uuid=7C8E9EB7-D1D9-4B22-520F-
2973860DD4BD.

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of this survey indicated that almost two-thirds of the population believe in God or a higher power
(53% say they believe in God, although half of those say they have doubts; and 20 per cent
believe in some form of higher power); about third say they don't believe or don't know.7

The general direction is of religion is of not being central to public or political policy (there being
no official state religion or church), and of an increasing pluralisation the social life. However,
when there are significant public occasions with a sense of religiosity (for example, ANZAC Day
services – the New Zealand and Australian day for remembering and honouring those who
served in conflicts overseas), Christian prayer is the most common type offered, which is
generally ecumenical but from my experience seldom interfaith.

In formal occasions of central and local government as well as community events, it is more
common to observe the increasing use of karakia (indigenous Maori prayer; which is religious
and even pseudo Christian, though tolerated as a native cultural expression).

Interfaith engagement.

In 2007, a Statement on Religious Diversity was affirmed at the National Interfaith Forum. It was
produced as a project supported by the Human Rights Commission, Victoria University of
Wellington, the Ministry of Social Development and the New Zealand National Commission for
UNESCO. The reference group convened included Christian, Islamic, Baha’i and Hindu
representatives. It was adopted or affirmed by a number of religious groups.

The Statement affirmed that New Zealand is a country of many faiths with a significant minority
who profess no religion. That there is increasing religious diversity as a significant feature of
public life, the cover of the publication is in the form of a fern with each frond representing a
different culture of the New Zealand context of a former British colony situated in the Asia-Pacific
region. From left there is represented: a Māori kōwhaiwhai pattern, European fleur-de-lis,

7 Philip Gendall, "New Zealanders Are Becoming Less Religious, Survey Shows," news release, 2 April 2009.

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Samoan tapa-cloth pattern, Chinese character, Indian paisley motif, Vietnamese motif and an
Iranian symbol.

Illustration: Cover of the New Zealand ‘Statement on Religious Diversity.’

Though the Statement has no formal legal standing, it nevertheless provides a framework for
the recognition of New Zealand's diverse faith communities and their harmonious interaction with
each other, with government and with other groups in society:
1. The State and Religion
The State seeks to treat all faith communities and those who profess no religion
equally before the law. New Zealand has no official or established religion.
2. The Right to Religion
New Zealand upholds the right to freedom of religion and belief and the right to
freedom from discrimination on the grounds of religious or other belief.
3. The Right to Safety
Faith communities and their members have a right to safety and security.
4. The Right of Freedom of Expression
The right to freedom of expression and freedom of the media are vital for
democracy but should be exercised with responsibility.
5. Recognition and Accommodation

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 Reasonable steps should be taken in educational and work environments and in
the delivery of public services to recognise and accommodate diverse religious
beliefs and practices.
6. Education
Schools should teach an understanding of different religious and spiritual traditions
in a manner that reflects the diversity of their national and local community.
7. Religious Differences
Debate and disagreement about religious beliefs will occur but must be exercised
within the rule of law and without resort to violence.
8. Cooperation and Understanding
Government and faith communities have a responsibility to build and maintain
positive relationships with each other, and to promote mutual respect and
understanding.

At a national level, a New Zealand Interfaith Group8 exists that links local and regional groups,
as well as coordinate national forums. In 2003 the first National Interfaith Forum was held; the
most recent was the 11th Forum was held in February 2016. It was noticeable that the number
of local interfaith groups (whether Jewish-Christian, Abrahamic of more generally interfaith in
constituency) has increased somewhat since the previous national forum, with some 20-odd
groups reporting to the recent forum of their work.

In terms of engagement on interfaith relationship and dialogue by denominations at a national

level, the Roman Catholic Church leads strongly with a Catholic Bishops Committee on Interfaith
Relations9, formed in 2009. At a local level, there is increasing engagement with the Interfaith
Week of Prayer for World Peace which see local religious communities coordinating activities
together.

Some of the history in forming these groups has been in response to events happening
internationally (transnational impacts). For example, following international reactions to Salman
Rushdie’s allegedly anti-Muslim novel The satanic verses, an interfaith group was set up in

8 See www.interfaith.org.nz
9 See http://www.catholic.org.nz/nzcbc/dsp-default.cfm?loadref=26

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Wellington. In response to the attack on the Twin Towers in New York in 2001, an Abrahamic
Interfaith Group (of Christians, Muslims and Jews) was set up in Dunedin, and also inspired
other groups to be formed throughout the country.

A further interfaith response to events was following the 2004 desecration of Jewish graves in
Wellington. The Human Rights Commission established the Diversity Action Programme in
2005. As part of the programme, the Commission facilitated Te Korowai Whakapono, the New
Zealand Interfaith Network, and held an annual Diversity Action Forum. This included a religious-
diversity forum bringing together people of different faiths, policy-makers and other interested
parties.

Social change in New Zealand

On some issues New Zealand has been a world leader in social change. On the matters of
gender issues, it was the first country to give women the vote with Universal Suffrage in 1893;
and in 1919 allowed women to become Members of Parliament (the first being in 1933). In 2005
the Prime Minister, Governor-General, Chief Justice, Attorney General, Speaker of the House
of Representatives, and head of the country’s largest company (Telecom) – were all women.

New Zealand churches took steps towards ordination of women at times in advance of its
international counterparts (Congregational Church 1951, Methodist 1959, Presbyterian 1965,
Anglican 1977 followed in 1989 by the first Anglican diocesan woman bishop in the world). Of
course there are other issues around gender that have been and still are being worked through
in society (such as equal pay, legislated but not yet achieved fully in reality).

In several Christian denominations, divisions have developed between conservatives and

liberals over such issues as the ordination of women. Current debate in politics and society are
occurring on euthanasia, retail trading on Good Friday and Easter Sunday (currently largely
outlawed), which are also being engaged similarly within the churches and causing debate on
the relationship of religion and society.

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Contentious debates within churches, and in general society, has occurred around sexuality.
The place of gay men and lesbians in New Zealand society had begun to change dramatically
in the 1970s. In 1986 the landmark Homosexual Law Reform Act was passed to decriminalise
homosexual acts between consenting adult males. This was a contentious change for many
religious people. Many denominations had, since the 1960’s, suggested law reform was
desirable so as to eliminate discrimination; this was in distinction to a moral debate on
homosexuality. However, debate based on morality did enter the national public debate when
law reform was proposed and debated. These debates, the protest marches and meetings (for
and against), the length of the country, was very divisive.

The only other issue that was as divisive in society, and indeed churches, as homosexual law
reform in the last two decades of the 20th century was the Springbok rugby tour of 1981, and the
issue of sporting relationship with apartheid South Africa. This reveals the great ‘secular religion’
of New Zealand – sport, in particular rugby.

Further advances for LGBTQI people happened with the Human Rights Act being amended in
1993 so that discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation was made illegal. The grounds
for non-discrimination now include:
Sex (including pregnancy and childbirth), Marital status, Religious belief, Ethical belief,
Colour, Race, Ethnic or national origins, Disability, Age, Political opinion, Employment
status, Family status, Sexual orientation.

Greater legal and social recognition has been accorded gay and lesbian relationships, with Civil
Unions introduced in 2005 (which are available to opposite-sex as well as same-sex
relationships), and same-sex Marriage in 2013.

In the 2000s New Zealand had openly gay and transgender (the first in the world) members of
Parliament, and an openly gay minister of the Crown.

The intersection of Religion and LGBTQI

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When the debate of homosexual law reform was at its height in 1985-1986, the religious
demographic of New Zealand was still largely Christian. To my knowledge, contributions to the
debate were not noticeable by those of non-Christian religions. By the time of the national debate
on Same-Sex Marriage in 2012-2013, some input from people of other religions was apparent
(for example in the speeches of Members of Parliament, which by now included non-Christian
MP’s); but still not greatly apparent in broad public forum.

An example of the coming together of religion and sexuality in public debate is highlighted in a
speech made in Parliament during the debate on the Same-Sex Marriage legislation in 2013. A
speech made by National Member of Parliament Maurice Williamson has gained some fame for
its humour, but it also gives a representation of the feedback he was receiving in his Auckland
electorate, which is ethnically diverse.10 Much of the feedback he highlighted was religious-
based. While humorously deflecting such comments given personally to him my religious leaders
in his electorate, he concluded with quoting from the Bible with the text “Be ye not afraid’ to those
who feared what such a legal change would mean for New Zealand society and families.

A generalisation of Christian attitudes to homosexuality can be seen as:

• Rejecting-punitive position – sinful and punishable,
• Rejecting-non-punitive – behaviour sinful and in need of forgiveness,
• Qualified acceptance – homosexual orientation a given,
• Full acceptance of orientation and homosexuality.11
These attitudes are reflected in the public debate on say same-sex marriage; as well as within
the church denominations on the issue of whether not to allow gay or lesbian people to be
ordained or hold positions of leadership. Such debates have divided denominations and
congregations.

During the 1990’s there was a peak of activity within New Zealand churches debating openly the
question of lesbians and gays within the church and in particular as minsters. The 1997 Church
Life Survey in New Zealand reflected this by including questions relating to sexuality.12

10 The speech can be seen on https://youtu.be/VRQXQxadyps

11 This spectrum was proposed by James Nelson (source not identified).
12 Reported in Norman E. Brookes, Sexuality & Life Issues, New Zealand Church Attenders Respond (Auckland:

Church Life Survey New Zealand, 1998).

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To the question of GLs being accepted as members of the church, the responses were:
Yes – whether practicing or 43%
non-practising
Yes – if non-practising 26%
No 19%
Don’t know 12%

To the question of GLs being accepted in leadership roles, the responses were:
Yes – whether practicing or 18%
non-practising
Yes – if non-practising 19%
No 51%
Don’t know 11%

Of the major denominations, to date only the Methodist church has both accepted the ordination
of lesbian and gay people (though resulting in a split), and the ability for same-sex marriages
and Civil Unions to be performed by its clergy and in its churches.

All of this naturally impacts the relationship of LGBTQI people and the institutional church.
Lavender Islands reports on a 2004 survey conducted of LGBTQI in New Zealand through
Massey University.13 Alas the number of non-Christian respondents in the sample-size was not
sufficient to enable adequate analysis.

Part of the report included a literature review. This found that there is a contended and fraught
relationship between LGBTQI and organised religion, and that the way many LGBTQI’s resolve
these issues is to reconstruct the meaning of spirituality and religion in the context of their own

13See Mark Henrickson et al., "Lavender Islands: The New Zealand Study," Journal of Homosexuality 53, no. 4
(2007).
For the reported survey see Mark Henrickson, "Lavender Faith: Religion, Spirituality and Identity in Lesbian, Gay
and Bisexual New Zealanders.," Massey University, http://lavenderislands.massey.ac.nz.

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life experiences. There is a continuing yearning among LGBTQI for inclusion in the discourses
of religion and spirituality.

Further, the literature review suggested that, with some exceptions, both religious adherents in
general and LGBTQI specifically largely perceive LGBTQI identity and religious faith as being
incompatible with each other.

For people who belong to both groups this antagonism has been a source of difficulty, requiring
careful negotiation of individual identity and religious/spiritual beliefs. For LGBTQI who
undertake these negotiations successfully, the outcomes appear to be positive and
advantageous to their mental, emotional and even physical health. Many, if not most, LGBTQI
however appear to have chosen not to undertake that negotiation, and have abandoned the
faiths of their births.

The report’s quantitative data generated these significant conclusions:

❖ LGBTQI who identified as Christians reported that their religious tradition was more of a
difficulty than a support, than those with no religion.
❖ LGBTQI reporting no religion experienced more support from their families for
themselves and their partners, than those who were raised Christian,
❖ LGBTQI appear to be disaffiliating with Christianity at 2.37 times the rate of the general
New Zealand population since 1966. However, LGBTQI tended to continue to hold a
sense of spirituality post-religion at a higher rather than non-LGBTQI. Therefore
though LGBTQI are losing interest in the church, they are nonetheless retaining
interest in spirituality.
❖ Respondents reporting no religion were significantly happier with their sexual identity,
than Christian respondents.

Therefore, it seems Christian religions generally have apparently done an excellent job in
communicating that Christian and LGBTQI identities are incompatible, or at least difficult to
reconcile.14

14 Henrickson, "Lavender Faith: Religion, Spirituality and Identity in Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual New Zealanders.."

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Beyond Christianity, to date the question of sexuality and religion has not been of major point of
dialogue within the New Zealand interfaith movement. There was, however a panel discussion
‘on being a rainbow person of faith’ organised by Rainbow Youth (a queer youth organisation),
as part of the Auckland LGBTQI ‘Pride Festival’ in 2016.15

LGBTQI transnationalism and diaspora

I opened my paper with a New Zealand LGBTQI reflection beyond our borders, to transnational
links. These include for example, a commonality of aspirations across communities (such as
legal equality and or community acceptance in the face of minority exclusion from full
participation in social life); interest by LGBTQI from one country of what is happening for those
in other countries (especially regarding human rights and abuses); and the experience of
HIV/AIDS epidemic.

As a methodology, transnationalism is critical of ‘nation’ as a unit of analysis and instead is

attentive to the links, similarities, power differences that exist across cultural settings within and
across nation-states.16 This also speaks to the limits of hegemonic nationalism in terms of
defining the ‘citizen’; yet the methodology also needs resist to the internationalisation of minority
sexuality into a singular LGBTQI identity (especially where it privileges a Western normative).

A further related aspect is to consider the theory of ‘diaspora’. Diaspora might generally be
conceived as a network of displaced or migrating group of people defined in relation to from
where they have come (for example, as refugees or exiles). However even this concept is open
to queering, in connection with LGBTQI transnationalism. As such, the LGBTQI diaspora might
instead be mobilised in the context of to where the ‘group’ is heading towards. The element of a
‘push factor’ may be still apparent (especially as sexual minorities being displaced from the

15 See http://www.ry.org.nz/pride/
16 Puri Jyoti Puri, "Nationalism Has a Lot to Do with It! Unravelling Questions of Nationalism and Transnationalism
in Lesbian/Gau Studies," in Handbook of Lesbian and Gay Studies, ed. Diane Richardson and Steven Seidman
(London: Sage Publications, 2002). 436.

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normative cultures); but instead of ‘home’ as a common origin, the envisioned movement might
be towards a future ‘home’. LGBTQI diaspora might rather be a nation-building narrative formed
on the basis of a yearned-for diversity-affirming space of acceptance, tolerance and freedom in
multiple locations.17

Indeed, this is exemplified by gay ‘anthems’ such as the iconic song ‘Somewhere over the
rainbow’ made famous by gay-icon Judy Garland; or the song ‘Go west’ performed by The
Village People or more recently Pet Shop Boys. The concluding verse reads:
Life is peaceful there
(Go West) In the open air
(Go West) Baby you and me
(Go West) This is our destiny.

One transnational interest is to assess the perceived degree of acceptance of LGBTQI in a range
of countries. An international survey by Gallup in 2007 asked the question of local residents as
to whether the city or area in which they live is a good place for gays and lesbians to live. Across
the globe, a median of 24% said the area in which they live is a good place for homosexuals,
while a median of 50% feel it is not a good place. The results varied widely by region. Countries
with high acceptance attitudes, and the lowest, were identified as follows.18

17 See Anne Marie Fortier, "Queer Diaspora," Ibid.

18 See http://www.gallup.com/poll/102478/perceived-acceptance-homosexuals-differs-around-globe.aspx

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Such a transnationalised queer perspective on religious pluralism then raises question of agency
for concern and change. It raises questions of LGBTQI asylum seekers and refugees from
countries where their life is unsafe because of sexuality – is this grounds for special provision
by those countries receiving refugees and have liberal provision for diverse sexualities? Is there
adequate understanding of the diversity of migrants, the contextual constructions of identity and
sexuality from where they come compared to those of their new host country (in particular in the
face of Western-normative understandings and naming of sexualities)? What are the aspects of
discrimination, repressive practices and cultural normalising factors by religion, general society
as well as the LGBTQI society? These questions start to open exploration for the field of religious
pluralism regarding the issues of assimilation as well as prejudice and discrimination, the need
for support for migrant LGBTQI/queers as they negotiate hybrid or hyphen identities.

How could further queer research of migrant issues in relation to religion and sexuality both of
source countries and destination countries inform understanding?

Attacks on a LGBTQI nightclub and transnationalism

18
Following the attack on the LGBTQI Pulse Night Club in Orlando, USA on 12 June 2016,
headlines included “For LGBT community, Orlando shootings reinforce the fear that nowhere is
safe” (Washington Post)19, and “The Gay Bar as Safe Space Has Been Shattered” (Time
Magazine).20 Such articles reflected on the nature of LGBTQI bars as being at the very heart of
a marginalized group’s fears. For decades, gay bars have functioned not merely as watering
holes but as gathering places and de facto community centres; the ultimate “safe space” or even
‘sacred space’ for LGBQTI people. Daniel D’Addario in the Washington Post articles said, “Being
gay is not a religion, but a place in which people come together to celebrate who they are in the
face of life’s obstacles; and as such could be compared to a church.”

To be sure, such bars are not the utopia of queer life; rejection of love, ageism, racism, even
vulnerability of bi trans and drag artistes can be experienced. Violence might find you in the form
of queerbashers when one steps out of the bar to make your way home. But for all that, inside
the bar or nightclub is the queer site of resistance that enables the expression of LGBTQI love
and life that is otherwise constrained in the wider heteronormative culture.

When such violence comes into that space, sacred space, this has a transnational ripple effect
of pain across LGBTQI across the globe. It creates a new fear – that nowhere is really safe.
Spontaneous memorials and candle-lighting vigils were happening around the globe in the
following hours and days, including in New Zealand. The coinciding of the so-called ‘Pride-
season’ in the US and Europe have included tributes and affirmations of solidarity.

19 See https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/for-the-lgbt-community-orlando-shootings-reinforce-the-fear-
that-nowhere-is-safe/2016/06/12/9dcd6f68-30d6-11e6-8ff7-7b6c1998b7a0_story.html#comments
20 See http://time.com/4365403/orlando-shooting-gay-bar-pulse-nightclub/

19
20
 Three examples of LGBTQI ‘sacred space’ as acts of solidarity and remembrance of Orlando.
Top to bottom:
Auckland Rainbow Community Church service the Sunday following Orlando (New Zealand); a public
space in Castro Street, San Francisco; during the annual Queen of Pride drag competition in Santa
Barbara 9 July 2016.

This is not the first time LGBTQI bars have been attacked. But this attack by reason of the
number of innocent fatalities, and the cross-over with the relationship of the perpetrator of the
attack to Islam, has meant that this event in the current US and world environment has been
propelled into a high profile. Arguably, the last time this happened was 28 June 1969 with the
police raid on Stonewall Inn, a gay bar in New York. With time, that raid and following riot gained
fame (legend even) around the world as being the signature moment inspired the modern gay
liberation movement. On 24 June 2016 President Barack Obama declared Stonewall Inn as a
new National Monument to honour the LGBTQI equality movement.21 But this place had already
become a pilgrimage landmark of LGBTQI people when visiting New York for many years.

21 See https://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2016/06/24/president-obama-designates-stonewall-national-monument

21
But this event found itself tied into the experience of Islamophobia, which became apparent in
the reporting and aftermath of public perception. Phobias, whether of Islamphobia or
homophobia, are both issues of minority experience of difference in the face of cultural
hegemony. Can this be shared a common concern - if we can step aside from moral judgement?
As noted previously, some international events undergirded the formation of interfaith groups in
New Zealand; so could Orlando impact interfaith conversations meeting LGBTQI experience?

Conclusion – queering pluralism and multiplicity for new horizons of dialogue

A way to queer pluralism, I suggest, is to acknowledge and explore the multiplicity within
pluralism: to challenge and step away from normative assumptions and simple binary
perspectives.

To queer religious pluralism may also be the development of new and previously unthought-of
alliances which form in order to combat prejudice, violence and phobias in the pursuit of ‘unity
in diversity’. One such alliance in the wake of Orlando may have previously been though beyond
our presumptions: of LGBTQI and Islam (and indeed other faiths) in the face of attack and
prejudice that translate into hate-violence. Both groups have experiences (historical and present)
that a based on the marginalised space of the outsider; of being closeted in terms of personal
safety and wellbeing or for the sake of employment; of being seen as different in the primary
normative culture; of being caught in the winds of culture ways within general society as well as
within and between religious groups; of seeking to create their own identity. But it is also true
that these experiences vary. The experiences have to be acknowledged as different from context
to context.

Following the Orlando event, the New Zealand Herald republished an article from the
Washington Post, which included the following comment.
For many years, members of the [LGBT] community have stood shoulder to shoulder with
the Muslim community against any acts of hate crimes, Islamophobia, marginalisation
and discrimination. Today, we stand with them, shoulder to shoulder. … We cannot fight
injustice against some group and not against others. … The mass shooting, perpetrated

22
 by an American Muslim in a communal space for gays, has brought to the forefront Muslim
attitudes toward homosexuality and the plight of LGBT Muslims.22

The article also suggests that the plight of Muslim LGBTQI is ‘often erased’ from public and
Muslim spectrum, and is a further place of intersecting struggle.

Donna Miles-Mojab, a Kiwi-Muslim wrote an opinion piece for the New Zealand Herald,
published on the same day.
It is time for secular Muslims, feminist Muslims, gay Muslims, bisexual Muslims, lesbian
Muslims, transsexual Muslims, Marxist Muslims and all the other shades of Muslims to
come out, in greater numbers, and proudly say that they are Muslims too. It is also time
for Muslims to accept that extremism, violence, racism, anti-Semitism, homophobia,
oppression and patriarchy are rife amongst many Islamic cultures. But Muslims need to
talk about these issues in an open and transparent way and acknowledge that the
extremists who carry out vile acts of terrorism are Muslims too.
She concluded,
As a Muslim and as a human being, I stand in solidarity with the LGBT community in
America and elsewhere, as they mourn the loss of their loved ones through a vile act of
hatred. Let us be guided by love, not hate, because love is the only way. 23

Previously disparate situations such as Islamaphobia and homophobia met in the moment of
that shooting and in its aftermath. Islam and LGBTQI are not generally seen in action or in
rhetoric as being able to find common ground (nor indeed most religions and LQBTQI). Pulse
Nightclub in Orlando has brought awareness, I would suggest, to the imperative for recognition
of that which pluralism, religious pluralism especially, needs to engage in the multiplicity of the
contemporary world; as well as attend to internal religious tension around the topic of sexuality.

Therefore, can interfaith dialogue provide or create the space for an opportunity to challenge
commonly held stereotypes about different groups of people? Interfaith dialogue and
engagement needs to hold a multiplicity of intersections within pluralism. The voices of LGBTQI

22 See http://www.nzherald.co.nz/world/news/article.cfm?c_id=2&objectid=11657931
23 See http://www.nzherald.co.nz/world/news/article.cfm?c_id=2&objectid=11657904

23
is one of these intersections to attend to. Discussions regarding LGBTQ people and religion
have frequently been quite damaging to LGBTQ people, and have generally been contentious
for all involved. Like other disenfranchised communities, many LGBTQ people know all too well
that religious differences have been used as an excuse to divide and dehumanize.

The objective will not be realistic if the aim is to agree about everything, but we can and should
agree that all people deserve respect, dignity and equality. The merging of horizons and different
perspectives creates a new ‘third space’, a ‘queer space’ even, for all people to live alongside
one another in peace, embracing our differences but recognizing our shared humanity.

24
BIBLIOGRAPHY
2013 Quick Stats About National Highlights. Wellington: Statistics New Zealand, 2013.
Altman, Dennis. "Globalization and the International Gay/Lesbian Movement." In Handbook of
Lesbian and Gay Studies, edited by Diane Richardson and Steven Seidman, 415-26.
London: Sage Publications, 2002.
Brookes, Norman E. Sexuality & Life Issues, New Zealand Church Attenders Respond
(Auckland: Church Life Survey New Zealand, 1998).
Davidson, Allan K. Christianity in Aotearoa: A History of Church and Society in New Zealand.
4th ed. Wellington: New Zealand Education for Ministry Board, 2004.
Fortier, Anne Marie. "Queer Diaspora." In Handbook of Lesbian and Gay Studies, edited by
Diane Richardson and Steven Seidman, 183-98. London, 2002.
Gendall, Philip. "New Zealanders Are Becoming Less Religious, Survey Shows." News release,
2 April 2009.
Guy, Laurie. Worlds in Collision: The Gay Law Reform Debate in New Zealand 1960-1986.
Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2002.
Henrickson, Mark. "Lavender Faith: Religion, Spirituality and Identity in Lesbian, Gay and
Bisexual New Zealanders." http://lavenderislands.massey.ac.nz.
Henrickson, Mark, Stephen Neville, Claire Jordan, and Sara Donaghey. "Lavender Islands: The
New Zealand Study." Journal of Homosexuality 53, no. 4 (2007): 223-48.
Lineham, Peter. "Immigration Brings Religious Renewal." news release, 12 November 2014,
2015, http://www.massey.ac.nz/massey/about-
massey/news/article.cfm?mnarticle_uuid=7C8E9EB7-D1D9-4B22-520F-2973860DD4BD.
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The Routledge Queer Studies Reader, edited by Donald E Hall and Annamarie Jagose,
529-46. London: Routledge, 2013.
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Zoll, Rachel, and Hajela Deepti. "Inner Struggle for Muslims in Us." New Zealand Herald, 17
June 2016.

26
Appendix: New Zealand Census data on Religion
2013 Census[] 2006 Census 2001 Census Change
Religion 2001–
Number % Number % Number % 13
Christian 1,858,977 47.65 2,027,418 54.16 2,043,843 58.92 −11.27
Catholic 492,105 12.61 508,437 13.58 485,637 14.00 −1.39
Anglican 459,771 11.79 554,925 14.82 584,793 16.86 −5.07
Presbyterian, Congregational and
330,516 8.47 400,839 10.71 431,139 12.43 –3.96
Reformed
Christian (not further defined) 216,177 5.54 186,234 4.97 192,165 5.54 0.00
Methodist 102,879 2.64 121,806 3.25 120,546 3.48 −0.84
Pentecostal 74,256 1.90 79,155 2.11 67,182 1.94 −0.03
Baptist 54,345 1.39 56,913 1.52 51,423 1.48 −0.09
Latter–day Saints 40,728 1.04 43,539 1.16 39,915 1.15 −0.11
Brethren 18,624 0.48 19,617 0.52 20,397 0.59 −0.11
Jehovah's Witnesses 17,931 0.46 17,910 0.48 17,829 0.51 −0.05
Adventist 17,085 0.44 16,191 0.43 14,868 0.43 +0.01
Evangelical, Born Again and
15,381 0.39 13,836 0.37 11,016 0.32 +0.08
Fundamentalist
Orthodox 13,806 0.35 13,194 0.35 9,576 0.28 +0.08
Salvation Army 9,162 0.23 11,493 0.31 12,618 0.36 −0.13
Protestant (not further defined) 4,998 0.13 3,954 0.11 2,787 0.08 +0.05
Lutheran 3,903 0.10 4,476 0.12 4,314 0.12 −0.02
Church of Christ and Associated
2,145 0.05 2,991 0.08 3,270 0.09 −0.04
Churches of Christ
Uniting/Union Church and Ecumenical 999 0.03 1,419 0.04 1,389 0.04 −0.01
Asian Christian 132 <0.01 195 0.01 195 0.01 0.00
Other Christian 3,714 0.10 3,798 0.10 3,558 0.10 −0.01
Hindu 89,919 2.30 64,392 1.72 39,798 1.15 +1.16
Buddhist 58,404 1.50 52,362 1.40 41,634 1.20 +0.30
Māori Christian 52,947 1.36 65,550 1.75 63,597 1.83 −0.48
Rātana 40,353 1.03 50,565 1.35 48,975 1.41 −0.38
Ringatū 13,272 0.34 16,419 0.44 15,291 0.44 −0.10
Māori Christian (not further defined) 222 0.01 219 0.01 237 0.01 0.00
Other Māori Christian 333 0.01 360 0.01 426 0.01 0.00
Islam/Muslim 46,149 1.18 36,072 0.96 23,631 0.68 +0.50
Spiritualism and New Age Religions 18,285 0.47 19,800 0.53 16,062 0.46 +0.01
Spiritualist 7,776 0.20 7,743 0.21 5,856 0.17 +0.03
Nature and Earth Based Religions 5,943 0.15 7,125 0.19 5,838 0.17 −0.02
Satanism 840 0.02 1,164 0.03 894 0.03 0.00
New Age (not further defined) 441 0.01 669 0.02 420 0.01 0.00

27
Church of Scientology 318 0.01 357 0.01 282 0.01 0.00
Other New Age Religions 3,015 0.08 2,871 0.08 2,784 0.08 0.00
Judaism/Jewish 6,867 0.18 6,858 0.18 6,636 0.19 −0.02
Other Religions 34,245 0.88 24,450 0.65 18,780 0.54 +0.34
Sikh 19,191 0.49 9,507 0.25 5,199 0.15 +0.34
Other Religion (not further defined) 5,202 0.13 4,830 0.13 4,641 0.13 0.00
Baha'i 2,634 0.07 2,772 0.07 2,988 0.09 −0.02
Māori Religion 2,595 0.07 2,412 0.06 1,995 0.06 +0.01
Theism 1,782 0.05 2,202 0.06 1,491 0.04 0.00
Zoroastrian 972 0.02 1,071 0.03 486 0.01 0.01
Chinese Religions 906 0.02 912 0.02 1,269 0.04 −0.01
Japanese Religions 423 0.01 384 0.01 303 0.01 0.00
Jainism 207 0.01 111 <0.01 57 <0.01 0.00
'Other' Other Religions 333 0.01 258 0.01 351 0.01 0.00
Total people with at least one
2,146,167 55.01 2,271,921 60.69 2,232,564 64.36 −9.35
religious affiliation
No Religion 1,635,345 41.92 1,297,104 34.65 1,028,049 29.64 +12.28
Object to answering 173,034 4.44 242,607 6.48 239,241 6.90 −2.46
Total people stated 3,901,167 100.00 3,743,655 100.00 3,468,813 100.00
[
Not Elsewhere Included 347,301 292,974 287,376
Total population 4,242,048 4,027,947 3,737,277

Source: The 2013 Census

Brookes, Norman E. Sexuality & Life Issues. New Zealand Church Attenders Respond. Auckland:
Church Life Survey New Zealand, 1998.
Fortier, Anne Marie. "Queer Diaspora." In Handbook of Lesbian and Gay Studies, edited by Diane
Richardson and Steven Seidman, 183-98. London, 2002.
Gendall, Philip. "New Zealanders Are Becoming Less Religious, Survey Shows." news release, 2 April
2009.
Henrickson, Mark. "Lavender Faith: Religion, Spirituality and Identity in Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual New
Zealanders." Massey University, http://lavenderislands.massey.ac.nz.
Henrickson, Mark, Stephen Neville, Claire Jordan, and Sara Donaghey. "Lavender Islands: The New
Zealand Study." Journal of Homosexuality 53, no. 4 (2007): 223-48.
Lineham, Peter. "Immigration Brings Religious Renewal." news release, 12 November 2014, 2015,
http://www.massey.ac.nz/massey/about-massey/news/article.cfm?mnarticle_uuid=7C8E9EB7-
D1D9-4B22-520F-2973860DD4BD.
Pullen, Christopher, ed. Lgbt Transnational Identity and the Media. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan,
2012.

28
Puri, Jyoti. "Nationalism Has a Lot to Do with It! Unravelling Questions of Nationalism and
Transnationalism in Lesbian/Gau Studies." In Handbook of Lesbian and Gay Studies, edited by
Diane Richardson and Steven Seidman, 427-42. London: Sage Publications, 2002.

29