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This isn't the first time that the military
establishment has been on the receiving end of a
public backlash. Will the outcome be different this
time?
Aasim Sajjad Akhtar

This isn't the first time that the military establishment has been on the
receiving end of a public backlash. Will the outcome be different this
time?

There are thousands of charged protesters on the streets of Islamabad,

many inside the otherwise impermeable Red Zone. They face baton-
charges, tear gas shelling and arrests. Fierce slogans against the regime
pierce the air, the choicest language reserved for the men in khaki whose
virtual monopoly over the polity, economy and society feels increasingly
untenable.

It is the year 2007. General Pervez Musharraf is the Chief of Army Staff
(COAS) and previously unchallenged ruler-president of Pakistan. The
protests are triggered in March by Musharraf’s deposal of the Chief
Justice of Pakistan, carrying on well into the following year. He is
eventually forced to relinquish the post of army chief and then the
presidency.

The tumult arguably reaches a crescendo on December 27, 2007, when

two-time former prime minister Benazir Bhutto is assassinated in
Rawalpindi, after publicly claiming that Musharraf, his intelligence chiefs
and Punjab Chief Minister Pervez Elahi should be held responsible if she is
attacked. The suspicion and intrigue is heightened by the wiping down of
the crime scene before a credible investigation is initiated.

I remember all of these events vividly, myself and many other progressives
at the forefront of the street protests. Our particular struggle was to
deepen the anti-Musharraf sentiment so as to trigger a transformative
historical moment in the age-old battle between democratic forces and
the military establishment.

The rebound
In the event, within a couple of years of Musharraf’s ouster, the military
establishment had rehabilitated its larger-than-life image within the
Punjabi heartland. The backdrop was the so-called ‘war on terror’, the
military prosecuting its age-old role of ‘saviour of the nation’.

The corporate media had faithfully reminded us of the military’s

incorruptibility, while politicians once again became the self-serving bad
guys, unwilling and unable to curb their incompetence — the post-
Musharraf PPP government was even infamously accused of conspiring
with Washington to undermine the ‘greater national interest’.
By 2011, the media also started to play up Imran Khan as a new contender
who marked a break from the prototypically ‘corrupt’ political class. Over
the next seven years, both the media and military establishment did all
they could to facilitate Imran’s rise to governmental power at the centre.
But the romance, as we all know, eventually soured.

Déjà vu
The parallels between what happened 15 years ago and the series of
events that began with the ouster of Prime Minister Imran Khan in April
certainly appear stark — we are once again witness to a growing chorus
against the military top brass within the Punjabi heartland of power, which
has historically constituted the establishment’s primary support base.

Ever since, Imran Khan has proven to be a genuine thorn in the military’s
side, precisely because he is said to enjoy support within the ranks — and
as significantly, he has mobilised young people in Punjab and other
metropolitan regions who have always bought into the binary that the
establishment is incorruptible while politicians are to blame for all of
Pakistan’s woes.

Read more: How did Prime Minister Imran Khan end up here?

So will it be different this time? Will the slogans being raised by diehard
PTI supporters against the military top brass translate into a substantial
shift in civil-military relations?

The short answer is no.

Yes, the PTI is popular, but it does not even approximate the progressive
political alternative that is needed to undo military hegemony. Whether
the social base that the PTI has mobilised can metamorphose into a
genuinely pro-people political force is, however, a question that all
democratic and progressive forces should certainly ponder.

First, let me clarify why the divorce between the PTI and its erstwhile
patrons is itself not a sufficient condition for transformation.
Following last week’s sensational attack on Imran Khan in Gujranwala, the
PTI chief and his party have chosen to take on one particular major
general — the delay in the lodging of an FIR following the assassination
attempt on the PTI chairperson was largely believed to be due to an
impasse over the inclusion of the said major general’s name.

It is impossible to look past the speculation that it was Punjab Chief

Minister Pervez Elahi that refused to name the said major general in the
FIR. This is the same Pervez Elahi who was chief minister of Punjab when
Benazir Bhutto was assassinated. The same Pervez Elahi whose family
has thrived on the back of military patronage for decades. Which is to say
that the PTI is like every other mainstream party in Pakistan — weighed
down by the proverbial stooges of the establishment that we know as
‘electables’.

Meanwhile, Azam Swati’s claims of a leaked video perpetuate the

concerns of how deeply the state’s surveillance apparatus has penetrated
even into the lives of those politicians who have historically towed the
establishment line. Mainstream parties are increasingly agglomerations of
individuals doing the establishment’s bidding, rather than a coherent,
ideologically unified organisation — Mustafa Nawaz Khokar being asked to
resign from the Senate by the PPP leadership for being too vocal about
the role of the intelligence agencies is yet another example of the overall
trend.

To return to the PTI, its secretary general Asad Umar has been at pains to
clarify that the party’s gripe is with individuals within the military and not
the institution itself. Imran Khan himself has also sounded a far more
conciliatory tone with COAS General Bajwa than he did in the recent past,
asking the latter to rehabilitate the image of the army in the public eye by
removing the handful of ‘black sheep’ that are bringing it into disrepute.

More generally, the PTI continues to train most of its guns on the Sharifs,
Bhuttos, and other mainstream parties. For their part, the PML-N, PPP and
other allied parties are increasingly content that it is now them, rather than
the PTI, that are now on the ‘same page’ as the establishment.
The quid pro quo approach
Which brings me to the crux of the matter. A big part of the explanation
for the repetitive cycle of Pakistani politics — and here I am referring to
why the military’s temporary fall from grace results in only a strategic
retreat rather than a comprehensive overhaul of military hegemony — is
the absence of an ideological-political formation that can actually
dismantle the foundations of the military’s economic, political and
ideological power.

This is largely because the class interests of the mainstream parties do

not permit them to call out many aspects of military hegemony.

Take, for example, the proverbial gated housing schemes, the most
prominent of which directly benefit serving and retired military personnel
as well as big tycoons like Malik Riaz. Is there any disagreement between
mainstream politicians and the military on the prevailing model of real
estate development in Pakistan, the fallouts of which are borne by
dispossessed villagers and squatters?

One could conceivably argue that the military’s other corporate concerns
— like the increasingly monopolistic NLC and FWO — do crowd out the
private sector. But beyond the occasional conflict of interest, the
neoliberal euphemism of ‘public-private partnership’ is deployed to justify
all forms of capital accumulation, in which domestic profiteers from across
the civil-military divide come together with Chinese, Arab and western
patrons to exploit natural resources and the wretched of the earth.

This then brings me to the ethnic peripheries, which bear the brunt of
violent accumulation [of power and resources], war and climate change to
a much greater degree than the Punjabi heartland.

As was the case in 2007-8, on this occasion too, the ruling class intrigue
is centred around GT Road, even as millions of Sindhis and Siraikis
continue to suffer the fallouts of this summer’s devastating floods, young
Baloch are disappeared without trace, right-wing militants ominously
regroup in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Gilgit-Baltistan remains an
invisibilised ‘disputed’ zone. The mainstream media and bourgeois
politicians take up such matters only when it suits them, rather than
demonstrating any serious commitment to redressing colonial statecraft
and the extractive capitalistic logics.

Finally, the military has always dictated Pakistan’s foreign and economic
policy — most notable in this regard is the perpetual enmity with India, the
on-again, off-again tension with Afghanistan, and the aid-dependent
rentier economy that sustains a huge national security apparatus.

On these fronts too, there has been no sustained pushback from

mainstream parties. There is, in fact, little to distinguish between all the
bourgeois parties on major economic policy matters; inflation and myriad
other kinds of economic hardship for working people has been a constant
over the past few years, no matter who has been in government.

The challenge for sustainability

The challenge for us progressives today, then, is more or less the same as
it was in 2007. How do we build on the contradictions within the structure
of power — between the military establishment and any given mainstream
political force that has fallen out of favour — so as to truly build a viable
coalition for transformative politics?

In 2007, the digitalisation of media and politics was only just beginning.
The youth bulge — 65 per cent of Pakistan’s population that is now below
the age of 30 — was then in its infancy. In this sense alone, the current
moment is arguably distinct because political opinion in society at large is
being shaped by young, digitally connected people in ways that we have
never previously experienced.

Can this youthful mass be convinced to go beyond palace intrigues and

become the subject of a politics that not only names but builds the
necessary coalitions to challenge climate change, class inequality, the
brutalisation of the peripheries and patriarchal/millenarian violence?
The dramatic volte face from PTI supporters clarifies — inasmuch as they
are openly criticising the same military top brass that they once
celebrated — that there are many chinks in the military’s hegemonic
armour. But to meaningfully arrest the steady militarisation of state and
society requires more than indignation and rage.

Indeed, it is worth considering the severe limitations of the increasingly

vulgar political etiquette of both PTI supporters and their opponents.
Liberally using terms like ‘traitor’ for one’s political opponents serves only
to reinforce the military hegemony.

While bourgeois politicians’ class interests preclude their interrogating

and challenging underlying structures of colonial capitalism, young people
currently on the frontlines of their respective parties’ propaganda wars
can still transcend what looks like a race to the bottom and put in their lot
with the toiling classes.

How?

By fighting against dispossession by profiteers acting in the name of

‘development’. By taxing the military’s corporate arms, not least of all NLC,
FWO and AWT. By calling for peace with India and Afghanistan so we can
spend on health, education, and other basic needs, trade with our
neighbours, and fight climate change together. By struggling for land
reforms and public works programmes in rural areas to both stem mass
migration to cities and also reconfigure agrarian power relations. By
calling for an end to colonial statecraft in the ethnic peripheries so that
nature and its resources are not pillaged by foreign and domestic
profiteers but sustainably serve the livelihood needs of oppressed nations
for generations to come. By standing against patriarchal property relations
and the weaponisation of religion.

Only such political horizons can bring an end to military hegemony and
become the sufficient condition for a truly democratic and progressive
Pakistan.
Header image: Jahanzaib Naiyyer/ Shutterstock.com