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Explanatory Application of Kohutian Theory To Anorexia and Bulimia Nervosa
Explanatory Application of Kohutian Theory To Anorexia and Bulimia Nervosa
1
1
Variations in symptomatology extend far beyond those outlined here. For the sake of brevity and distinction, this paper will focus on the (dare we say) traditional
eating disorders of anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa.
2
Characterized by self-induced bingeing and purgeing, the diagnostic criteria of bulimia nervosa is as follows:
● Recurrent episodes of binge eating. An episode of binge eating is characterized by both of the following:
○ Eating, in a discrete period of time, an amount of food that is de nitely larger than what most
individuals would eat in a similar period of time under similar circumstances.
○ A sense of lack of control over eating during the episode
● Recurrent inappropriate compensatory behaviors in order to prevent weight gain, such as self-induced
vomiting; misuse of laxatives, diuretics, or other medications; fasting; or excessive exercise.
● e binge eating and inappropriate compensatory behaviors both occur, on average, at least once a week for 3
months.
● Self-evaluation is unduly in uenced by body shape and weight.
● e disturbance does not occur exclusively during episodes of anorexia nervosa.
(American Psychiatric Association, 2013)
Background of Health Disparity
e historical analysis of eating disorders [EDs] is purposively convoluted. ough clinical assessment did not begin until
Morton’s Phthisiologia or a Treatise of Consumptions in 1770 (Abelli et al., 2016), accounts of communal bingeing and purgeing
throughout anti uity and of religious asceticism in the mediaeval ages corroborate the historicity of anorexic and bulimic
norms (Gar nkel & Garner, 1997). Concomitantly revered for their immutable piety and revolted for their imperious
lassitude, adherents2 championed the humble agony of their self-control as an aegis of God. Over time, this preternatural
rigidity evolved away from its spiritual teleology and toward the biopsychosocial pathology seen today. at this
maturation spanned multiple thousands of years obviates the expectation that one uni ue formulation could ever de ne a
concise, comprehensive, and cohesive epidemiology of EDs. Elo uently succinct, Brumberg (1988) simpli es behaviours en
masse as compulsions "of those who have used control of appetite, food and the body as a focus of symbolic language" (p2).
By the end of the 19th century, physicians had standardized ED nomenclature and adjudged both AN and BN to be
psychiatric disorders. It was not until 1952, however, that the rst edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders [DSM] was published. Classi ed under the heading of neurotic illnesses, AN was presented as more of an
abnormality than a addiction; BN, on the other hand, was omitted in entirety. By its third revision in 1980, both AN and
2
Exalted during her lifetime for her miraculous visions and political philanthropy, Catherine of Siena is a paradigmatic exemplar of anorexia mirabilis. Perpetually
emaciated, the onset of her restriction began at the age of sixteen as a hunger strike against her parents’ attempt to marry her to her widowed brother in law. As a
prominent gure in both the church and court, Catherine’s headstrong nature was re ected in the relentless severity of her masochistic behaviors. Despite what she
stated was a physical inability to eat, Catherine would purge without having ingested anything simply to in ict further penance upon herself. Repeatedly implored
by those close to her to eat, Catherine eventually ceased to eat or drink anything at all. A er losing all functionality in her legs, she su ered a major stroke and died
soon a er at the age of 33. She was later canonized by the Catholic Church. (Farmer, 2004)
3
BN were included in the DSM: yet had managed to fall under the classi cation of disorders of childhood or adolescence. Only
in 1994 did the DSM IV incorporate an independent category of eating disorders. Slated for another revision in the near
future, the current DSM V includes six other diagnoses alongside AN and BN in the nascent category of feeding and eating
disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 2013).
Outline of eory
Developed in the 1970s as the progenitor to narcissism, Heinz Kohut’s self-psychology [SP] has since broadened its claims to
describe a range of personality disorders. Essentially the manifestation of an incomplete inner self, ‘‘internal working
models [are] developed in the early attachment relationship to avoid or preempt misattunement and shame’’ (Hill, 2015).
us fealty to subjective trauma experienced in childhood, SP ultimately asserts that unmet primordial needs result in
misguided attempts later in life to ful ll them through non-human relationships.
Via what Kohut called transmuting internalization, the nuclear self of a child develops from the reciprocal synergy of empathic
self-objects [SO] (Kohut & Wolf, 1978). e child who fails to learn healthy and appropriate boundaries with her SOs grows
into an adult who is incapable of balancing the volatility of self-esteem with the vacillation of life (Bachar, 1998). Whereas a
healthy self is able to regulate her emotions and reframe her failures, an unhealthy self must turn to the vicarious surrogacy
of inanimate SOs in order to satisfy the emptiness that her underdeveloped internal working models cannot (Bachar,
1998). At this liminal stage in her development, a disturbed psychopathology emerges in a perverted aberration of her
unmet needs.
Fundamentally an metaphorical ancillary of one’s own physical being, SOs are either mirrored or idealized. Mirrored SOs
acknowledge and foster a child’s innate uni ueness and autonomy; their idealized counterparts serve as a protective and
calming shield during the fragile stages of youth (Kohut & Wolf, 1978). Proposed by Kohut later in his career as a third type
of transference, twinship represents a child’s need to experience a kindred oneness with another person; arguably subsumed
by its mirroring and idealizing predecessors, this alter ego of sorts bestows a child with the impressions that he is
connected to the world around him (Black & Mitchell, 2016). Without proper and complete cohesion of these SOs, ‘‘the
damaged self begins to strive to achieve or to re-establish a state of cohesion, vigour, and inner harmony” (Kohut & Wolf,
1978, p414).
e attunement of an empathic caregiver is the underlying tenet of SP and the determining factor in whether a child
develops a complete sense of self. Furthermore, a child who was not duly cared for cannot learn to care for himself (Cowan
& Heselmeyer, 2012). Resulting in a vertical split, the schism between unmet and sacri ced needs becomes the void in which
protective coping strategies ourish: here, she has learned to replace unre uited trust in humans with unwavering devotion
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to her vices (Shaw & Steinberg, 1997). Accompanied by the horizon al split within which her repressed yearning for
compassion lies dormant, the cruciform juncture of her unattuned self becomes the catalyst by which addictions thrive
(Cowan & Heselmeyer, 2012).
Application of eory to Health Disparity
Contemporary etiological theories of EDs are incomplete and indecisive: compounded by subjective experience,
inconsistent and inconclusive research has neither con rmed nor coalesced competing models (Scheel, 2017). On one hand,
EDs are seen as symbolic manifestations of either psychological defenses (drive-con ict theory) or distorted perception
(object relations theory); on the other, recent developments in psychosocial and neurobiological analysis su est that
behaviours are nonsymbolic attempts to realign a fractured sense of self (Gar nkel & Garner, 1997). To understand this
position, it is rst helpful to revisit the biopsychosocial argument.
Biological Etiolo
ough genealogical comparisons have long su ested a genetic component to the ontogenesis of EDs, discrepancies in
where and how to seek these associations have stymied conclusive research. While studies of monozygotic twins have
supported the hypothesis that eating disordered behaviour is in fact an inheritable trait (Kipman, Gorwood, &
Mouren-Simeoni; 1999), it is di cult to fully separate the interplay of nature and nurture in these data. Of considerably
impactful rami cations, recent international e orts have found that speci c chromosomal anomalies are reliable indicators
of psychiatric phenotypes and metabolic traits of anorexia nervosa (Bulik et al., 2017). In light of the common comorbidity
associated with EDs3, irrefutable evidence that a ective psychopathology is passed down through generations (Beck, 2008)
is fodder to the argument of biological susceptibility to ED behaviours.
Psychological Etiolo
Having shown similar traits and origins, evidence su ests that eating disorders can be understood through the same lens as
traditional drug addiction (Davis & Carter, 2009). Apropos this argument, it must be clari ed that disordered eating and
eating disorders are une uivocally di erentiated. While it is true that the former may develop into the latter, eating
disorders are marked by a cognitive-evaluative distortion whose deleterious conse uences surpass those of the negative
body-image perception associated with disordered eating (Cash & Brown, 1987). e disordered eating patient can balance
3
Typical co-occurrence includes depression, anxiety, obsessive and compulsive behaviours, bipolar and personality disorders, substance abuse, and non-suicidal self
injury (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). It should be noted that uidity between anorexic and bulimic symptomatology is fre uent, especially amongst
individuals who appear recalcitrant to recovery. ough the bidirectional impact of comorbidity makes it nearly impossible to discern causation versus correlation,
raw data shows us that EDs are the most lethal of any psychiatric malaise. Overall prognosis rates are about half/half .... with treatment. Without treatment, one in
ve will either be killed by her ED or kill it along with her own self. (ANRED; 2017)
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her external application of behaviours and internal perception of self-worth; the eating disordered patient, however, is her
behaviours: her self-worth is entirely dependent on her piety to and placation of their demands (Cash & Deagle, 1997).
At rst glance, the argument that ED behaviours are psychologically motivated appears somewhat fallacious: without the
primal drives of hunger and satiety humans would perish, and it makes no evolutionary sense that psychology could
overpower biology4. Enter Adlerian theory, which posits that the bene ts of addiction are not secondary but primary and
that psychopathology exacerbates as an individual makes the conscious choice to fuel his addiction (Keen, 1996). While he
does not deny that internal con ict is present, Adler ‘‘believed that all psychopathology served the purpose of creating
distance from the demands of life which the individual felt compelled to meet’’ (Maniacci, 1993; as cited in Keen, 1996).
Indeed, the anorexic’s starvation is self-imposed and the bulimic’s bingeing and purgeing self-induced (de Groot & Rodin,
1998). e extent to which these behaviours are voluntary, however, is the keystone to understanding them as psychiatric
disorders.
Social Etiolo
In light of the pervasive and in uential role of media in western society, it has been su ested that the prevalence of eating
disorders among young Caucasian women is rooted in the sociocultural impact of beauty ideals and bodily expectations
(Cash & Deagle 1997). Interestingly, one study conducted on the remote island of Fiji revealed an upsurge in negative body
image and disordered eating behaviours a er teenage girls were introduced to television (Patel, 2005). Similarly, distorted
body-image among adolescents has been correlated to severity of disordered eating behaviours among the same individuals
as adults (Cash & Deagle 1997). Nevertheless, hyper-awareness of the media’s portrayal of the feminine form appears to
neglect not only the history of anorectic asceticism as a religious practice (Zavada, 2017) but too the public disparagement
of marasmus in haute couture. Indeed, the present day excoriation of wai sh celebrities appears to favour instead the erotic
appeal of a proportionately voluptuous woman (Hart, 2015).
Self-Psychological Etiolo
Without the ability to regulate her own self-esteem or to practice self-care, the unattuned child becomes a narcissistic adult
who hovers ‘‘between an irrational overestimation of the self and irrational feelings of inferiority’’ (McLean, 2007, p40). Her
self-worth is entirely dependent on inanimate SOs: thus her ED guarantees an attainable and replenishable source of
approval. A tangible means of restoration, control over her body and manipulation of rudimentary nourishment
4
Or does it? is author su ests that future research consider the implications of an underdeveloped sense of self and of learned parenting styles in adult children of
not good-enough mothers (Winnicott; 2012). It is worth noting that hormonal uctuations in eating disordered patients o en result in amenorrhea, and that
malnourishment has been shown to decrease libido (Baker & Keramidas, 2013). It is worth investigating whether the evolutionary function of self-injurious
psychopathology is to deter the unattuned child from becoming an unattuned parent.
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reconstructs for the disordered eating patient what human SOs did not (Barth, 1988; Giest, 1985, 1989; as cited in Gar nkel
& Garner, 1997). Captive to the inner dialogue of her anthropomorphized ED, the SP model neither condemns nor
condones the eating disordered patient; rather, it recognizes the self disorder of her vertical split and respects the inimically
curative power of the daemon she has allowed to burrow there.
e anorexic patient takes great pleasure in restricting her intake. Not only does the superhuman feat of defying hunger
provide her with the approval that she cannot rely on humans for, but on a primitive level the denial of food appeases her
desire for recognition and admiration (Bachar, 1998). Emaciated, the anorexic’s environment is at the beck and call of her
un inching self-restraint. Perverted by the discrepancy between internal and external validation, her immutable belief that
she is inade uate warps the perception of being at to being never skinny enough (Gar nkel & Garner, 1997)5. Akin to Kohut’s
hyperaroused narcissist (Hill, 2015), the SP model asserts that the anorexic patient’s understimulated self is a direct result of
unmet mirroring SO needs (Bachar, 1998).
e bulimic patient relies on the idolatrous relationship that she has with food. A palpable emblem for her painful
emotions, not only is there respite in the allegorical binge but so too revenge in the cathartic purge (Bachar, 1998).
Allegedly more con icted and impulsive than her anorexic counterpart, the bulimic’s subconscious instability is regulated
through the sturm und drang chaos and calm that bingeing and purgeing represent (Gar nkel & Garner, 1997). Having had
no soothing SO as a child, she seeks comfort in food (Bachar, 1998). Underlying feelings of guilt and shame then propel her
to engage in compensatory behaviours, as if she does not deserve the indulgence of this comfort in the rst place (Sands,
2003). Akin to Kohut’s hypoaroused narcissist (Hill, 2015), the SP model asserts that the bulimic patient’s overburdened self is a
direct result of unmet idealizing SO needs (Bachar, 1998).
Beyond the sui generis etiologies of their unmet mirroring and idealizing needs, the anorexic and bulimic patient are both
prone to additional repercussions of insecure attachment (Schore & Schore, 2014). In particular, the reversal of the mirroring
process distorts a child’s reliance on the security and stability of attachment: under the wing of an ine ective caregiver, her
role is parenti ed and she shoulders the burden of micromanaging her caregiver’s a ect. e resultant rupture in her
emotional development foments her belief that she must sacri ce her needs in order to care for others’ (Cozolino, 2014).
is expectation of attachment as necessitating pain and su ering underscores the in iction of pain and su ering upon
herself later in life (Farber, 2008). Dissociated from her trauma, she becomes both the abuser and the abused. In eating
disordered patients, this horizon al split is the axis along which she personi es her disorder as an entity within but yet
separate from herself (Sachs, 2004; as cited in Farber, 2008).
5
Clinical terminology is taken from Gar nkel and Garner (1997), who adapt their analysis from Goodsitt (1977, 198З). Psychoanalytic description of feeling at and
never skinny enough is author’s own.
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Integration of Health and Mental Health
At the core of secure attachment is “the evolutionary mechanism by which we are sociophysiologically connected to others’’
(Adler, 2002; as cited in Schore & Schore, 2014). Without collaborative support from a primary caregiver, an infant’s central
and autonomic nervous systems lack the self-regulation re uired “for the maintenance of his homeostatic e uilibrium’’
(Kohut, 1971; as cited in Schore & Schore, 2014). While scales such as the Adverse Childhood Experience uestionnaire
(ACE) bolster retroactive mitigation of dise uilibrium, Budd (2007) proposes that early identi cation of comorbid
a ective states may protect against the exacerbation of symptomatology. In individuals predisposed to disordered eating
behaviour, it is of paramount importance that health education and therapeutic guidance occur in the early stages of
adolescence. With the onset of disordered eating patterns universally disproportionate among teenagers and young adults
(ANRED; 2017), the integration of preordained risk and proactive response could temper the biopsychological metastasis of
disordered eating behaviours becoming full-blown eating disorders.
at the functionality rather than the function of an addiction propels its continuation explains the signi cant prevalence
of comorbidity found in ED patients (Brisman & Siegal, 1984). Recidivism rates remain disproportionately high and
fatalities are greater than in any other psychiatric illness (Cowan & Heselmeyer, 2012; Bulik, Pinheiro, & Root, 2009). An
increase in resilience inherently acts as a protective factor against relapse, but does not provide immunity from it (Ingram
et al, 1998; as cited in Ingram & Luxton, 2005). In addition, repeated occurrences of a disorder lower the threshold for its
reactivation (Post, 1992; as cited in Ingram & Luxton, 2005).
Champion, Skinner, and Tiro (2015) advocate for the use of the Health Belief Model to better understand why and how
individuals tend to their own well-being. ey su est that it is a patient’s perception of susceptibility, severity, bene ts
and barriers, and self-e cacy that determines whether he will be an active or passive participant in the preservation of his
physical health. ough it is tempting to apply this model to eating disorders, it is incongruous to suppose that a patient
would willingly embrace the eradication of her behaviours when the behaviours themselves are the fulcrum upon which she
measures her self-worth. Denial of both the severity of her disorder and her susceptibility to its repercussions, however, are
perhaps tools by which to gauge the inimical extent of her psychopathology. At face value, the bi-directional impact of the
eating disordered patient’s health and mental health endangers the former at the behest of the latter; conversely, the SP
model would consider that the depth of her entrenched servitude to denial is directly proportional with the breadth of her
SO adherence to behaviours6.
6
Harking back to the at versus never skinny enough dichotomy touched upon earlier, it is not uncommon to nd that the ED patient does not so much deny as she
does invite the severity and se uelae of her disorder. For the anorexic patient in particular, her self-worth is inextricably dependent upon how good she is at her
disorder: sycophantically devoted to its parasitic transference, there is no glory greater than death in the hell of self-starvation.
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Neurobiology
Both transient and protracted use of substances or engagement in behaviours induces neurological changes in the brain’s
limbic system, Compounded by a litany of biopsychosocial factors, however, these changes cannot be predicted based
simply on fre uency of use (Erickson & Wilcox, 2012). Whether an individual is considered tolerant or dependent is due in
large part to the brain’s acclimatization of dopamine, to the extent that both the structure and chemistry of an addict’s
brain have been altered (Erickson & Wilcox, 2012). Rewired rst to expect and then to rely on his addiction, the arousal of
dopamine circuits in the prefontal cortex spur the addict’s cravings and spawn his dependence (Lewis, 2013). is
acclimatization is expedited in individuals with either too many or too few D2 receptors: the reward circuitry in those with
too few is essentially dormant and predisposes them to addiction (Blum, Braveman, Chen, Comings, Holder, Lubar, Lubar,
Monastra, & Miller; 2000).
In the characterization of eating disorders as addictions, the reader is prompted to visualize a spectrum of (ab)use: on one
end is the experimentation with disordered eating behaviours; on the other, clinically perilous eating disorders. Like any
substance or behaviour, the voluntary nature of ED behaviours remains a contentious debate: at least on the clinical end of
our spectrum, however, both self-starvation and bingeing/purgeing stimulate the release of endorphins (Huebner, 1993).
Likewise, it should be noted that the aforementioned neurotransmitter dopamine modulates hunger and satiety cues, and
that its function has been shown to be altered in ED patients (Scheel, 2017). at being said, it is unclear whether brain
abnormalities re ect a pre-existing and trait-like proclivity for EDs or if they are emblematic of post-onset neurological
scarring (Scheel, 2017).
Vulnerability and diathesis are endogenous to each individual and mutable within his environment (Ingram & Luxton, 2005).
Universally, however, the neural networks of individuals under chronic stress lose the critical elasticity of the brain’s
regulation of corticosteroids (Van der Kolk, 2014). at depressed patients characteristically show a buildup of cortisol
should not go unnoted, nor that carriers of the 5-H LPR form of serotonin release elevated levels of cortisol in response
to stress (Beck, 2008) . Furthermore, structural right brain development relies on robust and securely attached relationships
in early life: implying that insecure attachment all but dooms a child to dysfunctional emotive processing and irregular
responses to stressful stimuli (Schore & Schore, 2014).
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Diversity
Fairbairn is consistent in his insistence that “the splitting of the ego is universal .... and all people su er varying degrees of
psychopathology as a conse uence of constraints and failings in the caretaking experience” (Borden, 2009; p52). Fittingly,
eating disorders are thus found across all socioeconomic and ethnic populations (Alegria, Becker, Chen, Chosak, Diniz,
Fang, & Mar ues; 2011). ough prevalence rates appear highest in post-industrialized high-income nations, it is likely that
underreporting and lack of access to treatment skew data (Hoek et al. 2005; Keel and Klump 2003). at rates are
exponentially greater among females has consistently be ed the uestion of whether sociocultural expectations encourage
women to engage in DE behaviours.
e onset of dieting and other weight-control measures most commonly begins during the teenage years (Budd, 2007).
Already infamous for their thrill-seeking nature, young adults are at an increased likelihood of engaging in addictive and
compulsive behaviours (Lewis, 2013). For those in competitive or elite sports, weight re uirements and aesthetic judging
criteria place heightened duress on athletes7. Gar nkel and Garner (1997) emphasize the facade of resiliency that eating
disordered patients o en present, and su est that sociocultural expectations foster this “lady-like” veneer. While the
ubi uity of feminine ideals may engender disordered eating, the assertion that glori ed paragons of beauty are enough to
educe eating disorders is a contentious view8.
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Treatment
In addition to a structured meal plan9, the archetypal intervention for eating disorders has been cognitive behavioural
therapy [CBT]. CBT adheres to the belief that core schemas motivate behaviour, and that changing the former will change
the latter (Clark & Beck, 2010). SP, meanwhile, aims to heal the central disturbance of behaviours rather than simply
suppress the behaviours themselves (Kohut & Wolf, 1978). ough it is encouraging that short-term analysis resulted in less
7
Readers are invited to view thisauthor’s PSA at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CGH11Ns0Tv4&t=2s
8
And certainly not one that the ED patient readily accepts. Indeed, the despotism of an anorexic’s internal dialogue is more likely to inspire competition with than
idolization of pop culture gamines.
9
Eating disorder treatment generally consists of three meals and three snacks per day between the hours of 0800 and 2000. Inpatient programs allow little to no
autonomy in developing a meal plan; residential and outpatient programs o er patients more opportunity to choose their food but not to dictate their meal plan.
Patients at all levels of treatment are discouraged from engaging in disordered eating behaviours (ie, cutting food into small pieces or mixing bizarre food
combinations). Patients who cannot or who refuse to nish their meal plan are considered noncompliant, at which point insurance companies typically cease to pay
for treatment. Noncompliant minors can be forcibly administered their meal plan by a nasogastric (NG) tube, while individuals over the age of 18 are given a choice
(unless they have been medically sanctioned to treatment by their family or the state). If an adult who is considered noncompliant refuses an NG tube and cannot
pay for treatment, her voluntary departure is considered against medical advice [AMA]. Patients who have a history of AMA on their psychomedical record can be
deemed as having a pre-existing condition and thus denied treatment coverage by their insurance company in the future.
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overt symptomatology and greater introspective awareness in SP than in CT (Bachar, 1998), neither modality showed
signi cant improvement at one year (Bachar, 1999).
Versus the psychoanalytic position that distressing coping skills are to be castigated and expelled, self-psychology
acknowledges the protective capacity of behaviours and attempts to honour the restorative role that they serve (Bachar,
1998). Kohut asserts that this can be accomplished by temporary indwelling, in which the role of the therapist is not to x the
client’s behaviours but to listen empathically to why she holds them so dear (McLean, 2007). While an e ective therapist is
not blind to the repercussions of eating disordered behaviour, he knows that vilifying them will only alienate the
entanglement of maladapted child and marginalized adult who need them to survive (Barth, 1988).
Detoxi cation as applied with traditional substance abuse is not only inappropriate but impossible in the treatment of
eating disorders: abstention from food is clearly not recommended. Given the extent of her cognitive bias, it is an e ually
behemoth task to reconstruct the skewed body image of an eating disordered patient. Not doing so, however, endangers her
successful recovery and ampli es her risk of relapse (Cash & Deagle, 1997).
It is not uncommon for the ED patient to present with an alexithymic a ect, which for all its covert symbolism is a
window into her soul (Sands, 2003). Once she has strengthened the bond with her therapist, psychotherapy allows the ED
patient to “feel that there really is somebody out there for her’’ (Farber, 2008) . It is this transmuting internalization that
allows the patient not only to feel comfortable enough to explore her own repressed needs but con dent enough to tolerate
analysis of them (McLean, 2007).
Critics of Kohut’s model claim that self-psychology is not a therapeutic intervention so much as simply a shoulder to lean
on. As it does not address the many and complex layers of the psyche, its e cacy as a form of psychoanalysis is limited
(Black & Mitchell, 2016). Bypassing the tautology of this criti ue, Kohut’s model targets the fundamental pathology of
behaviours: rather than the assumption that biopsychosocial factors have mutated the origin of her disorder,
self-psychology simply states that any patient who lacks homeostatic e uilibrium will e ectively martyr her bio, psycho,
and social selves in order to reset her inner calm (Bachar, 1999). e problem-based rupture/repair infrastructure of
classical psychotherapy is thus replaced with the solution-focused empathic attunement of SP (Mann & Marmarosh, 2014).
Kohut himself proposed that psychotherapy stay longer in the rst stage of empathic listening than other psychoanalytic
models typically would (Bachar, 1998). From an experience-near position, the SP therapist respects the sanctity of food for
the ED patient; this vicarious introspection is perhaps the rst time in her life that she has not been condemned for her
behaviours and that their signi cance has been acknowledged10. is rec uiesence allows the patient to experience both the
10
e vituperative why can’t you just eat? and somebody get that girl a hamburger! may come to the reader’s mind.
11
idealizing and mirroring transference of which her childhood self was bere . If e ective, she will come to believe that she
deserves empathic connection and that her value is not de ned by her being a selfobject to others: that her worth is not
beholden to the martyrdom of slow suicide.
6
Conclusion
Despite the litany of evidence correlating psychobiological misattunement and personality disorders, the breadth of
symptomatology and dearth of understanding around eating disorders makes assertions of causation an impetuous and
peremptory undertaking. If nothing else, it is the low self-esteem, oversensitivity to rejection, and disorganized regulation
of emotions seen in both narcissism and borderline personality disorder that parallels the masochistic shame of EDs and
thus endorses the latter as a tangential variation of the former (Hill, 2015).
If given the opportunity to grieve the loss of her SO, the ED patient will recognize the calamitous sacri ce that she has
made in seeking its approval. She becomes her own SO11. Having spent a lifetime caged within her addiction and castigated
by the world beyond its bars, “counselors need to provide an experience in which all parts of the client’s experience — both
the desire to cease behavior and the desire to maintain it — are welcomed and validated” (Cowan & Heselmeyer, 2012).
When nally she has expunged her abusive SO from the barren cave within which he festers deep inside her vertical split;
when nally she has beckoned her repressed inner-child to crawl slowly out of the fort within which he shelters deep inside
her horizontal split; when nally she has given herself permission simply to be, this woman knows that her past is not her
fault but that her future is her responsibility.
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is author encourages the reader to appreciate the accidental allegory at play here: for the child who has yearned to be loved but not learned what being loved
means, is her addiction not her lover? her signi cant other? her SO?
12
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