A Note on Sanskritization and Westernization

Author(s): M. N. Srinivas
Source: The Far Eastern Quarterly, Vol. 15, No. 4 (Aug., 1956), pp. 481-496
Published by: Association for Asian Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2941919 .
Accessed: 10/08/2013 23:05

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Association for Asian Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Far
Eastern Quarterly.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
A Note on Sanskritizationand Westernization
M. N. SRINIVAS

T HE conceptof "Sanskritization"was foundusefulby me in the analysis of

the social and religiouslifeofthe CoorgsofSouth India. A fewotheranthro-
pologistswho are makingstudies of tribal and village communitiesin various
parts of India seem to findthe concepthelpfulin the analysis of theirmaterial,
and thisfactinducesme to attempta re-examination of it here.
The firstuse of the termSanskritizationin this sense occursin my book, Re-
ligionand SocietyamongtheCoorgsof SouthIndia (Oxford,1952), p. 30:
The caste system is far from a rigid system in which the position of each component caste
is fixed for all time. Movement has always been possible, and especially so in the middle
regions of the hierarchy. A low caste was able, in a generation or two, to rise to a higher
position in the hierarchy by adopting vegetarianism and teetotalism, and by Sanskritizing
its ritual and pantheon. In short, it took over, as far as possible, the customs, rites, and
beliefs of the Brahmins, and the adoption of the Brahminic way of life by a low caste seems
to have been frequent, though theoretically forbidden. This process has been called "San-
skritization" in this book, in preference to "Brahminization," as certain Vedic rites are
confined to the Brahmins and the two other "twice-born" castes.

Sanskritizationis no doubt an awkwardterm,but it was preferredto Brah-

manizationforseveralreasons:Brahmanizationis subsumedin the widerprocess
of Sanskritizationthoughat some points Brahmanizationand Sanskritization
are at variancewitheach other.For instance,the Brahmansofthe Vedic period
dranksoma,an alcoholicdrink,'ate beef,and offered blood sacrifices.Both were
given up in post-Vedictimes. It has been suggestedthat this was the result of
Jain and Buddhist influence.Today, Brahmansare, by and large,vegetarians;
only the Saraswat, Kashmiri,and Bengali Brahmans eat non-vegetarianfood.
All theseBrahmansare, however,traditionallyteetotallers.In brief,the customs
and habits of the Brahmans changed aftertheyhad settled in India. Had the
termBrahmanizationbeen used, it would have been necessaryto specifywhich
particularBrahmangroupwas meant,and at whichperiodofits recordedhistory.
Again, the agents of Sanskritizationwere (and are) not always Brahmans.In
fact,the non-twice-born castes were prohibitedfromfollowingthe customsand
ritesoftheBrahmans,and it is not unreasonableto suppose that Brahmanswere
responsibleforthis prohibitionas they were a privilegedgroup entrustedwith
the authorityto declarethe laws. But the existenceofsuch a prohibitiondid not
Dr. Srinivas, D. Phil., M.A. (Oxon.), is Professor of Sociology in the M. S. University,
Baroda, and is the author of Marriage and Family in Mysore (Bombay, 1942) and Religion
and Society among the Coorgs of South India (Oxford, 1952). He was awarded the Rivers
Memorial Medal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, London, in 1955, and is President-
Designate of the Anthropology and Archaeology Section of the Indian Science Congress,
1957.
l See "Soma" in the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, XI, 685-686.
481

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
482 FAR EASTERN QUARTERLY

preventthe Sanskritizationof the customsand rites of the lower castes. The

Lingayats of South India have been a powerfulforce for the Sanskritization
of the customsand rites of many low castes of the KarnAtak.The Lingayat
movementwas foundedby a Brahman named BasavA in the twelfthcentury,
and anotherBrahman, Ekdntada RAmayya,played an importantpart in it.
But it was a popularmovementin the truesense of the term,attractingfollow-
ersfromall castes,especiallythe low castes,and it was anti-Brahmanicalin tone
and spirit.2The Lingayats of Mysore claim equality with Brahmans,and the
moreorthodoxLingayatsdo not eat food cooked or handled by Brahmans.The
Smiths of South India are anotherinterestingexample: they call themselves
VishwakarmaBrahmans,wear the sacred thread, and have Sanskritizedtheir
ritual.But some of themstilleat meat and drinkalcoholicliquor.This does not,
however,explain why they are consideredto belong to the Left-handdivision
of the castes, and no caste belongingto the Right-handdivision,includingthe
Holeyas (Untouchables),will eat food or drinkwater touched by them. Until
recentlythey suffered froma numberof disabilities:theywere allowed to cele-
brate theirweddingsonlyin villagesin whichtherewas a templeto theircaste-
deity KAli. Their wedding processionwas not allowed to go along streetsin
whichthe Right-handcastes lived. And therewere also otherdisabilities.Nor-
mallySanskritizationenablesa caste to obtaina higherpositionin thehierarchy.
But in the case ofthe Smithsit seemsto have resultedonlyin theirdrawingupon
themselvesthe wrathof all the othercastes. The reasonsforthisare not known.
The usefulnessof Sanskritizationas a tool in the analysis of Indian societyis
greatlylimitedby the complexityof the concept as well as its looseness. An
attempt will be made here to analyze furtherthe conceptualwhole which is
Sanskritization.
II
The structuralbasis of Hindu societyis caste, and it is not possibleto under-
stand Sanskritizationwithoutreferenceto the structuralframework in whichit
occurs.Speakinggenerally,thecastesoccupyingthetop positionsin thehierarchy
are more Sanskritizedthan castes in the lower and middle regionsof the hier-
archy,and this has been responsibleforthe Sanskritizationof the lower castes
as well as the outlyingtribes.The lowercastesalways seem to have triedto take
overthe customsand way of life of the highercastes. The theoreticalexistence
of a ban on theiradoption ofBrahmanicalcustomsand riteswas not veryeffec-
tive, and this is clear when we considerthe fact that many non-Brahmanical
castes practicemany Brahmanical customsand rites. A more effectivebarrier
to the lowercastes' takingover ofthe customsand ritesof the highercastes was
the hostileattitudeof the locally dominantcaste, or of the king of the region.
In their case therewas physicalforcewhich could be used to keep the lower
groupsin check.
The pointwhichis reallyinteresting to note is that in spite ofthe existenceof
2 See E. Thurston,Castes and Tribes of Southern India (Madras, 1909),V. 237f;see also
Encyclopaedia Britannica, 14th ed., XIV, 162.

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SANSKRITIZATION AND WESTERNIZATION 483

certainobstacles,Brahmanical customsand way of life did manage to spread

not onlyamongall Hindus but also amongsome outlyingtribes.This is to some
extentdue to the fact that Hindu societyis a stratifiedone, in whichthere are
innumerablesmall groupswhichtryto pass fora highergroup.And the best way
of stakinga claim to a higherpositionis to adopt the customand way of lifeof
a highercaste. As this processwas commonto all the castes exceptthe highest,
it meantthat the Brahmanicalcustomsand way oflifespreadamongall Hindus.
It is possiblethat the veryban on the lowercastes' adoptionofthe Brahmanical
way oflifehad an exactlyoppositeeffect.
Though, over a long period of time,Brahmanicalrites and customs spread
amongthelowercastes,in the shortrunthe locallydominantcaste was imitated
by the rest. And the locally dominantcaste was frequentlynot Brahman. It
could be said that in the case ofthe numerouscastes occupyingthe lowestlevels,
Brahmanicalcustomsreachedthemin a chainreaction.That is, each grouptook
fromthe one higherto it, and in turngave to the groupbelow. Sometimes,how-
ever,as in the case ofthe SmithsofSouth India, a caste triedto jump overall its
structuralneighbors,and claimed equality with the Brahmans. The hostility
whichthe Smithshave attractedis perhapsdue to theircollectivesocial megal-
omania.
Occasionallywe findcastes which enjoyed politicaland economicpower but
were not rated highin ritualranking.That is, therewas a hiatus betweentheir
ritual and politico-economicpositions. In such cases Sanskritizationoccurred
sooner or later, because withoutit the claim to a higherpositionwas not fully
effective.The threemain axes of power in the caste systemare the ritual,the
economic,and the politicalones, and the possessionof powerin any one sphere
usually leads to the acquisitionof powerin the othertwo. This does not mean,
however,that inconsistenciesdo not occur-occasionally, a wealthycaste has a
low ritualposition,and contrariwise, a caste havinga highritualpositionis poor.
III
The idea of hierarchyis omnipresentin the caste system; not only do the
various castes forma hierarchy,but the occupationspracticed by them, the
various items of their diet, and the customs they observe, all formseparate
hierarchies.Thus practicingan occupationlikebutchery,tanning,herdingswine,
or handlingtoddy,puts a caste in a low position.Eating pork or beef is more
degradingthan eating fish or mutton. Castes which offerblood-sacrificesto
deitiesare lowerthan castesmakingonlyofferings offruitand flowers.The entire
way oflife of the top castes seeps down the hierarchy.And as mentionedearlier,
thelanguage, cooking, clothing, jewelry,and way oflifeofthe Brahmansspreads
eventually to the entire society.
Two "legal fictions"seem to have helped the spread of Sanskritizationamong
the low castes. Firstly,the ban against the non-twice-born castes performing
Vedic ritual was circumventedby restrictingthe ban only to the chantingof
mantrasfromtheVedas. That is, the ritualacts wereseparatedfromthe accom-
panying nantrasand this separationfacilitatedthe spread of Brahmanicritual

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
484 FAR EASTERN QUARTERLY

amongall the castes ofHindus,frequently includingUntouchables.Thus several

Vedic rites,includingthe riteofthe giftof the virgin(kanyddan),are performed
at the marriageofmanynon-Brahmanicalcastes in MysoreState. And secondly,
a Brahmanpriestofficiates at theseweddings.He does not chantVedic mantras,
however,but instead, the mafigalastakastotraswhichare post-Vedicverses in
Sanskrit.The substitutionoftheseversesforVedic mantrasis the second "legal
fiction."
IV
The non-Brahmanicalcastes adopt not only Brahmanical ritual, but also
certainBrahmanicalinstitutionsand values. I shall illustratewhat I mean by
referenceto marriage,women,and kinship.I should add here that throughout
thisessay I have drawnon my experienceof conditionsin MysoreState, except
when I have stated otherwise.
Untilrecently,Brahmansused to marrytheirgirlsbeforepuberty,and parents
who had not succeededin findinghusbandsfordaughterspast the age ofpuberty
wereregardedas guiltyofa greatsin. Brahmanmarriageis in theoryindissoluble,
and a Brahmanwidow,evenifshe be a childwidow,is requiredto shave herhead,
shedall jewelryand ostentationin clothes.She was (and stillis, to some extent)
regardedas inauspicious.Sex lifeis deniedher.AmongHindus generally,thereis
a preference forvirginityin brides,chastityin wives,and continencein widows,
and this is speciallymarkedamong the highestcastes.
The institutionsofthe "low" castesare moreliberalin the spheresof marriage
and sex than those of the Brahmans. Post-pubertymarriagesdo occur among
them,widowsdo not have to shave theirheads, and divorceand widowmarriage
are both permittedand practiced. In general,their sex code is not as harsh
towardswomenas that of the top castes, especiallyBrahmans. But as a caste
risesin the hierarchyand its ways become moreSanskritized,it adopts the sex
and marriagecode ofthe Brahmans.Sanskritizationresultsin harshnesstowards
women.
Sanskritizationhas significanteffectson conjugal relations.AmongBrahmans
forinstance,a wifeis enjoinedto treatherhusbandas a deity.It is veryunusual
fora wifeto take hermeal beforethe husbandhas his, and in orthodoxfamilies,
the wifestill eats on the diningleaf on whichher husband has eaten. Normally,
such a leaf may not be touchedas it would renderimpurethe hand touchingit.
Usually the womanwho removesthe diningleaf purifiesthe spot wherethe leaf
had restedwitha solutionof cowdung,afterwhichshe washes herhands. There
is no pollution,however,in eating on the leaf on whichthe husband has eaten.
OrthodoxBrahmanwomenperforma numberof vratasor religiousvows, the
aim of some of whichis to secure a long lifeforthe husband. A woman's hope
is to predeceaseher husband and thus avoid becominga widow. Women who
predeceasetheirhusbandsare consideredluckyas well as good,whilewidowhood
is attributedto sins committedin a previousincarnation.A wifewho showsutter
devotionto her husband is held up as an ideal, as a pativratd,i.e., one who re-
gards the devotedserviceof her husbandas her greatestduty. There are myths

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SANSKRITIZATION AND WESTERNIZATION 485

describingthe devotionand loyaltyof some sainted women to theirhusbands.

These womenare reverencedon certainoccasions.
While polygynyis permitted,monogamyis held up as an ideal. Rama, the
hero of the epic Ramayana, is dedicated to the ideal of having only one wife
(ekapatnTvrata). The conjugalstate is regardedas a holystate,and the husband
and wifemust performseveral rites together.A bachelorhas a lower religious
status than a marriedman, and is not allowedto performcertainimportantrites
such as offering pinda or balls of rice to the manes. Marriageis a religiousduty.
When bathingin a sacred riverlike the Ganges,the husband and wifehave the
ends oftheirgarmentstied together.A wifeis entitledto halfthe religiousmerit
earned by her husband by fasting,prayer,and penance.
In the sphereofkinship,Sanskritizationstressesthe importanceof the vamsa,
whichis the patrilineallineageofthe Brahmans.The dead ancestors-areapothe-
osized, and offerings of food and drinkhave to be made to themperiodicallyby
theirmale descendants.Absence of these offerings will confinethe manes to a
hell called put. The Sanskritword forson is putra,whichby folketymologyis
consideredto mean one who freesthe manes from the hell called put.3In short,
Sanskritizationresultsin increasingthe importance sons by makingthem a
of
religiousnecessity.At the same time it has the effectof loweringthe value of
daughtersbecause, as said earlier,parents are requiredto get them married
beforethey come of age to a suitable man fromthe same subcaste. It is often
difficultto findsuch a man, and in recentyears, the difficulty has increased
enormouslyowing theto institution of dowry.
Among the non-Brahmansof Mysore,however,thougha son is preferred, a
daughter is not unwelcome. Actually, girlsare in demand among them. And there
is no religiousdutyto get a girlmarriedbeforepuberty.The code underwhicha
womanhas to live is not as harshamongthemas amongthe Brahmans.But the
theoryof the religiousand moral unity of husband and wife is not as explicit
amongthem.The non-Brahmansare also patrilineal,and the patrilineallineage
is well developedamongthem.The dead ancestorsare occasionallyoffered food
and drink.But it could be said that in the lineage of the non-Brahmansthe re-
ligiouselementis less prominentthan amongthe Brahmans.
V
Sanskritizationmeans not only the adoption of new customsand habits, but
also exposureto new ideas and values whichhave foundfrequentexpressionin
the vast body of Sanskritliterature,sacred as well as secular. Karma, dharma,
papa, punya,maya,samsaraand mok~aare examplesofsome ofthemostcommon
Sanskritictheologicalideas, and whena people becomeSanskritizedthesewords
occur frequentlyin theirtalk. These ideas reach the common people through
3 See M. Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1899), p. 632:
"put or pud (a word invented to explain putra or put-tra,see Mn. ix, 138, and cf. Nir. ii, 11)
hell or a partic. hell (to which the childless are condemned)"; and "putrd, m. (etym. doubt-
ful ... traditionally said to be a comp. put-tra 'preserving from the hell called Put,' Mn.
ix, 138) a son, child . . ."

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
486 FAR EASTERN QUARTERLY

Sanskriticmythsand stories.The institutionof harikathahelps in spreading

Sanskritstoriesand ideas among the illiterate.In a harikathathe priestreads
and explainsa religiousstoryto his audience. Each storytakes a fewweeks to
complete,the audiencemeetingfora fewhourseveryeveningin a temple.Hari-
kathasmay be held at any time, but festivalssuch as Dasara, RAmanavaml,
ShivarAtri,and Ganesh Chaturth!are consideredespeciallysuitable forlisten-
ing to harikathas.The faithfulbelieve that such listeningleads to the acquisi-
tion of spiritualmerit.It is one of the traditionallyapproved ways of spending
one's time.
The spread of Sanskrittheologicalideas increasedunderBritishrule. The de-
velopmentof communicationscarriedSanskritizationto areas previouslyinac-
cessible,and the spread of literacycarriedit to groups very low in the caste
hierarchy.Westerntechnology-railways,the internalcombustionengine,press,
radio, and plane-has aided the spread of Sanskritization.For instance, the
popularityof harikathahas increasedin the last fewyears in Mysore City, the
narratorusuallyusinga microphoneto reacha muchlargeraudiencethanbefore.
Indian filmsare popularizingstoriesand incidentsborrowedfromthe epics and
puranas. Films have been made about the lives of saints such as Nandandr,
Potana, TukArAm, Chaitanya,Mir&,and Tulasidds. Cheap and populareditions
in the various vernacularsof the epics, puranas, and otherreligiousand semi-
religiousbooks are available nowadays.
The introductionby the Britishof a Westernpoliticalinstitutionlike parlia-
mentarydemocracyalso contributedto the increased Sanskritizationof the
country.Prohibition,a Sanskriticvalue, has been writteninto the Constitution
of the Republic of India, and the CongressGovernmentsin variousstates have
introducedit whollyor partly.
In some places like MysoreState, the local Congresspartyis busy conducting
a campaignagainst offering blood-sacrificesto village deities. The Congress in
the South is dominatedby non-Brahmanicalcastes, the vast majorityofwhich
periodicallysacrificeanimals to theirdeities.In spite of this,the leaders of the
Congressare advocatingthe substitutionof offerings offruitand flowersforani-
mals. This is again a triumphforSanskritic,thoughpost-Vedic,values against
the values of the bulk of the population.
So far,I have mentionedonlythe ways in whichthe westernizationof India
has helped its Sanskritization.In anothersense,however,thereis a conflictbe-
tween Sanskriticand Westernvalues. One aspect of the conflictwhich to my
mindappears to be veryimportantis the conflict,real or apparent,betweenthe
world view disclosedby the systematicapplication of scientificmethodto the
variousspheresof knowledgeand the worldview of the traditionalreligions.
No analysis of modernIndian social life would be completewithouta con-
siderationof westernizationand the interactionbetweenit and Sanskritization.
In thenineteenthcentury,theBritishfoundin India institutions such as slavery,
human sacrifice,suttee,thuggery,and in certainparts of the country,female
infanticide.They used all the powerat theirdisposal to fightthese institutions
whichtheyconsideredto be barbarous.There were also many otherinstitutions

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SANSKRITIZATION AND WESTERNIZATION 487

whichtheydid not approve of,but which,forvarious reasons,theydid not try

to abolish directly.
The factthat the countrywas overrunby alienswho looked downupon many
featuresof the life of the natives,some of whichthey regardedas plainlybar-
barous,threwthe leadersofthe nativesocietyon the defensive.Reformistmove-
mentssuchas theBrahmdSamaj wereaimedat riddingHinduismofitsnumerous
"evils."4The presentwas so bleak thatthe past became golden.The AryaSamaj,
anotherreformist movementwithinHinduism,emphasizeda wishto returnto
Vedic Hinduism,which was unlike contemporaryHinduism. The discoveryof
Sanskritby westernscholars,and thesystematicpiecingtogetherof India's past
by westernor Western-inspired scholarship,gave Indians a much-neededcon-
fidencein their relationswith the West. Tributes to the greatnessof ancient
Indian cultureby westernscholarssuch as Max Muller were gratefully received
by Indian leaders (see, for instance,appendices to Mahatma Gandhi's Hind
Swaraj).5 It was notuncommonforeducatedIndians to make extravagantclaims
fortheirown culture,and to rundownthe West as materialisticand unspiritual.
The caste and class fromwhichIndian leaders came werealso relevantin this
connection.The uppercastes had a literarytraditionand wereopposedto blood-
sacrifices,but in certainother customsand habits they were furtherremoved
fromthe Britishthan the lower castes. The latterate meat, some of them ate
even porkand beef,and drankalcoholicliquor; womenenjoyedgreaterfreedom
among them,and divorceand widow marriagewerenot prohibited.The Indian
leaders were thus caught in a dilemma.They foundthat certaincustomsand
habits whichuntilthen theyhad looked down upon obtainedalso among their
masters.The Britishwho ate beefand porkand drankliquor,possessedpolitical
and economicpower,a new technology,scientificknowledge,and a greatlitera-
ture. Hence the westernizedupper castes began acquiringcustomsand habits
whichwerenot dissimilarfromthosetheyhad lookeddownupon. Anotherresult
was that the evils of upper caste Hindu societycame to be regardedas evils of
the entiresociety.
The formand pace of westernizationof India, too, varied fromone regionto
another,and fromone section of the populationto another.For instance,one
groupof people became westernizedin theirdress,diet,manners,speech,sports,
and in thegadgetstheyused,whileanotherabsorbedWesternscience,knowledge,
and literaturewhile remainingrelativelyfreefromwesternizationin externals.
It is clear that such a distinctioncannotbe a hard and fastone, but one of rela-
tive emphasis.It has to be made, however,in orderto distinguishdifferent types
of westernizationwhichobtainedamong the different groupsin the country.
In MysoreState, forinstance,the Brahmans led the other castes in western-
ization.This was onlynaturalas theBrahmanspossesseda literarytradition,and,
in addition,a good manyofthemstoodat thetop ofthe ruraleconomichierarchy

4See "BrahmA Samaj " in the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, II, 813-814.
1 (Ahmedabad, 1946) See the Appendices which contain "testimonies by eminent men"
to the greatness of Indian culture. Among the eminent men are Max Mifiler, J. Seymour
Keay, M.P., Victor Cousin, Col. Thomas Munro, and the Abb6 Dubois.

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
488 FAR EASTERN QUARTERLY

as landowners.(In a good manycases land had been givenas a giftto Brahmans

in returnfortheirservicesas priest,or as an act of charityby a king.) They
sensed the new opportunitieswhichcame into existencewiththe establishment
ofBritishruleoverIndia, and lefttheirnatal villagesforcitiessuch as Bangalore
and Mysorein orderto have the benefitof English education,an indispensable
passportto employmentunderthe new dispensation.
Though the scholarlytraditionof the Brahmans placed them in a favorable
positionforobtainingthe new knowledge,in certainothermatterstheywerethe
most handicappedin the race forwesternization.This was especiallyso in the
South wherethe large majorityof them were vegetariansand abstained from
alcoholic liquor. Also, the fear of being polluted preventedthem fromeating
cooked food touched by others,and fromtaking up occupations considered
defiling.To orthodoxBrahmansthe Englishmanwho ate pork and beef,drank
whisky,and smokeda pipe,was thelivingembodimentofritualimpurity.On the
otherhand, the Englishmanhad politicaland economicpower,forwhichhe was
feared,admired,respected,and disliked.
The net result of the westernizationof the Brahmans was that they inter-
posed themselvesbetweenthe Britishand the restof the native population.The
result was a new and secular caste system superimposedon the traditional
system,in whichthe British,the New Kshatriyas,stood at the top, while the
Brahmansoccupiedthe second position,and the othersstood at the base of the
pyramid.The Brahmans looked up to the British,and the rest of the people
lookedup to boththeBrahmansand theBritish.The factthatsome ofthevalues
and customsof the Britishwere opposed to some Brahmanicalvalues made the
situationconfusing.However,such a contradictionwas always implicit,though
not in such a pronouncedmanner,in the caste system.Kshatriya and Brah-
manical values have always been opposed to some extent,and in spite of the
theoreticalsuperiorityof the Brahman to all the other castes, the Kshatriya,
by virtueof the political (and throughit the economic) power at his disposal,
has throughoutexercised a dominant position. The super-impositionof the
Britishon the caste systemonlysharpenedthe contrast.
The positionofthe Brahmanin the new hierarchywas crucial.He became the
filterthroughwhichwesternization reachedthe restofHindu societyin Mysore.
This probablyhelped westernizationas the othercastes were used to imitating
theways oftheBrahmans.But whilethewesternization ofthe Brahmansenabled
the entireHindu societyto westernize,the Brahmans themselvesfoundsome
aspects of westernization,such as the British diet, dress, and freedomfrom
pollution,difficultto accept. (Perhaps anothercaste would not have foundthem
so difficult.The Coorgs,forinstance,took quite easily to Britishdiet and dress,
and certainactivitieslike dancing,hunting,and sports.)
The Brahmans of Mysore are divided into vaidikas or priests,and laukikas
or the laity, and a similardistinctionseems to obtain among the Brahmans in
otherparts of India. It is only the vaidikas who followthe priestlyvocation
whilethe laukikasfollowotherand secular occupations.Ritually,the priestsare
higherthan the laity, but the fact that the latterfrequentlyenjoyed economic
and politicalpowergave thema superiorpositionin secularcontexts.Britishrule

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SANSKRITIZATION AND WESTERNIZATION 489

widenedfurtherthe gulfbetweenthe two,forit providedthe laitywithnumer-

ous opportunitiesto acquire wealthand power.And one of the long-termeffects
ofBritishrulewas to increasethe secularizationofIndian life.The secularization
as well as the wideningof the economichorizonpushed the priestsinto a lower
positionthan before.Also traditionalSanskritlearningdid not have eitherthe
prestige,or yield the dividends,which Western education did. The priests
began by being aggressivetowardsthe westernizedlaity, but gradually,as the
numbersof the latterincreased,theywerethrownmoreand moreon the defen-
sive. Worsewas to followwhenthe prieststhemselvesstartedbecomingwestern-
ized. They wanted electriclights,radios,and taps in theirhouses. They began
ridingcycles.The leatherseat ofthe cyclewas considereddefiling, and so it was
at firstcoveredwiththe pureand sacreddeerskin.In courseoftimethe deerskin
was discardedand the "naked" leatherseat was used. Tap water was objected
to at firstas the water had to pass througha leatherwasher,but in time even
this objectionwas set aside. Finally, the priestsstarted sendingtheirsons to
Western-typeschools, and this frequentlymeant that there was none in the
familyto continuethe father'soccupation.
There is, however,another tendencyin modernIndia which is buttressing
the positionand authorityof the priests.Educated and westernizedIndians are
showingsome interestin Sanskritand in ancient Indian culture,and in the
countryat large, politiciansare frequentlyheard stressingthe importanceof
Sanskriticlearning. Pandit Nehru's Discoveryof India has started many a
youngman on a similarjourneyinto the country'spast. Also, manyWesterners
have suddenly begun discoveringnew virtues in India, Indians, and Indian
culture,and thishas resultedin moreIndians wantingto seek a betteracquaint-
ance withtheirculture.
The westernizationof the Brahmans of Mysore broughtabout a numberof
changes in theirlife. I will mentiononly a few here. There was a change in
theirappearance and dress. The tuftgave way to croppedhair and the tradi-
tional dress gave place at least partially,to western-type
dress and shoes. The
change in dress marked a gradual weakeningof ideas regardingritual purity.
For instance,formerlyeating was a ritual act, and a Brahman had to wear
rituallypure robeswhile eating or servinga meal. This meant wearingeithera
freshlywashed cotton dhoti,or a silk dhoti,and a pure upper cloth. Wearing
a shirtwas taboo. But as Westernclothesbecame morepopular Brahman men
sat to dinnerwith their shirtson. And today dining at a table is becoming
commonamong the rich.
Formerly,the morningmeal was offeredto the domesticdeity beforebeing
servedto the membersofthe family,and all the male memberswho had donned
the sacred threadperformeda fewritual acts beforebeginningthe meal. Now-
adays, however,many Brahmanshave discardedthe sacred thread,thoughthe
upanayana ceremonyat which the thread is donned still continuesto be per-
formed.And it is only at formaldinnerswherethe orthodoxare presentthat
certainritual acts are performedbeforeeating. Where people eat at a table,
purificationwitha solutionof cowdungis no longerdone.
The Brahman dietaryhas been enlargedto include certainvegetableswhich

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
490 FAR EASTERN QUARTERLY

were formerlyforbiddensuch as onion, potato, carrot,radish, and beetroot.

Many eat raw eggs forhealth reasonsand consumemedicineswhichtheyknow
to be made fromvarious organsof animals. But meat eating is even now rare,
while the consumptionof westernalcoholicliquor is not as rare. Cigarettesare
commonamongthe educated.
The Brahmanshave also taken to new occupations.Even in the thirties,the
Brahmansshoweda reluctanceto take up a trade or any occupationinvolving
manual work. But they were drivenby the prevalenteconomicdepressionto
take up new jobs, and World War II completedthis process.Many Brahmans
enlistedin the Armyand thiseffected a greatchangein theirhabitsand outlook.
BeforeWorld War II, youngmen who wanted to go to Bombay, Calcutta, or
Delhi in search of jobs had to be preparedforthe oppositionof theirelders.But
the postwaryears foundyoungmen not only in all parts of India, but outside
too. There was a sudden expansionin the geographicaland social space of the
Brahmans. Formerlythe Brahmans objected to becomingdoctorsas the pro-
fession involved handling men fromall castes, includingUntouchables,and
corpses. This is now a thingof the past. A few educated Brahmans now own
farmswheretheyraise poultry.One of themeven wants to have a piggery.
Over seventyyears ago, the institutionof bride-priceseems to have prevailed
among some sections of Mysore Brahmans. But with westernization,and the
demand it createdforeducated boys who had good jobs, dowrybecame popular.
The bettereducated a boy, the largerthe dowryhis parentsdemandedforhim.
The age at which girls marriedshot up. Over twenty-five years ago it was
customaryforBrahmansto marrytheirgirlsbeforepuberty.Nowadays, urban
and middleclass Brahmansare rarelyable to get theirgirlsmarriedbeforethey
are eighteen,and thereare many girlsabove twentywho are unmarried.Child
widows are rare,and shavingthe heads of widows is practicallya thingof the
past.
There has been a generalsecularizationof Hindu lifein the last one hundred
and fiftyyears, and this has especiallyaffectedthe Brahmans whose life was
permeatedwith ritual. The life of no other caste among Hindus was equally
ritualized.One of the many interestingcontradictionsof modernHindu social
life is that while the Brahmans are becomingmore and more westernized,the
other castes are becomingmore and more Sanskritized.In the lower reaches
of the hierarchy,castes are taking up customswhich the Brahmans are busy
discarding.As far as these castes are concerned,it looks as thoughSanskritiza-
tion is an essentialpreliminary to westernization.
To describethe social changesoccurringin modernIndia in termsofSanskriti-
zationand westernization is to describeit primarilyin culturaland notstructural
terms.An analysisin termsof structureis much moredifficult than an analysis
in termsof culture.The increasein the social space of the Brahmans,and its
implicationsforthemand forthe caste systemas a whole,needs to be studied
in detail. The consequencesof the existenceof the dual, and occasionallycon-
flicting,pressuresof Sanskritizationand westernizationprovide an interesting
fieldforsystematicsociologicalanalysis.

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SANSKRITIZATION AND WESTERNIZATION 491

A Note to the Above6

The Britishconquestof India set freea numberofforces,political,economic,
social, and technological.These forcesaffectedthiscountry'ssocial and cultural
life profoundlyand at everypoint. The withdrawalof the BritishfromIndia
not onlydid not mean the cessationoftheseforces,but, meant,on the contrary,
their intensification.
For instance,the economicrevolutionwhich the British
began withthe gradual introductionof a new technologyundera capitalistand
laissez-faireideologyhas givenplace to a vast and plannedeffortto developthe
countryas quickly as possible under a socialist and democraticideology.The
idea of Five-Year Plans may be describedas the culminationof the slow and
unplanned attemptsof the Britishto transformthe countryindustriallyand
economically.The political integrationwhich the British began is also being
carriedfurther,thoughhere the divisionof the countryinto the two states of
India and Pakistan is a step away fromthe integrationofthe sub-continent. But
this does not mean that forcesinherentin Indian societyhave been destroyed
by theBritishimpact;theyhave onlyundergonemodification and, in some cases,
have been evenstrengthened. Pre-Britisheconomywas a stationaryone in which
moneywas relativelyscarce,and barterobtainedextensivelyin the ruralareas.
Relations between individualswere unspecialized,multiplex,and largely de-
terminedby status. The Britishgraduallybroughtin a growingand monetary
economy,participationin whichwas not banned to any groupor individualon
the groundof birthin a particularcaste. For instance,the abolitionof slavery
by the Britishenabled the Untouchablecastes in Coorg to deserttheirCoorg
mastersand to workas laborerson the coffeeplantationsstartedbyEuropeans.7
But for the emancipatinglegislationthey could not have participatedin the
new economy.This shouldserveto remindus that Britishrulealso broughtin a
new set of values and worldview.
I have elsewheretried to argue' that the traditionaland pre-Britishcaste
systempermitteda certainamount of groupmobility.Only the extremitiesof
the systemwererelativelyfixedwhiletherewas movementin between.This was
made possible by a certainvagueness regardingmutual rank which obtained
in the middleregionsof the caste hierarchy.Vaguenessas to mutual rank is of
theessencein thecastesystemin operationas distinctfromthesystemin popular
conception.9 And mobilityincreaseda greatdeal afterthe advent of the British.
6 It is nearly a year since the preceding essay was written, and in the meantime I have

given some more thought to the subject. The result is the present Note in which I have
made a few additional observations on the twin processes of Sanskritization and westerniza-
tion. In this connection I must thank Dr. F. G. Bailey of the School of Oriental and African
Studies, London, fortaking the trouble to criticize my paper in detail in his letters to me.
I must also thank Dr. McKim Marriott of the University of California, and the delegates
of the Conference of Anthropologists and Sociologists held at Madras on Oct. 5-7, 1955, for
criticisms which followed the reading of the paper.
7 See Religion and Society among the Coorgs of South India, p. 19.

8 See my essay, "Varna and Caste," in A. R. Wadia: Essays in Philosophy Presented in

his Honour (Bangalore, 1954).
9 Ibid., p. 362.

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
492 FAR EASTERN QUARTERLY

Groupswhichin the pre-Britishdays had had no chance ofaspiringto anything

more than a bare subsistencecame by opportunitiesfor making money,and
having made money,they wanted to stake a claim forhigherstatus. Some of
them did achieve higherstatus. The social circulationwhich was sluggishin
pre-Britishtimesspeeded up considerablyin the Britishperiod.But the change
was onlya quantitativeone.
Economic betterment thus seemsto lead to the Sanskritizationofthe customs
and way of lifeof a group.Sometimesa groupmay start by acquiringpolitical
powerand thismay lead to economicbettermentand Sanskritization.This does
not mean, however,that economic bettermentmust necessarilylead to San-
skritization.What is importantis the collectivedesireto risehighin the esteem
of friendsand neighbors,and this should be followedby the adoption of the
methodsby whichthe status of a groupis raised. It is a fact that such a desire
is usually precededby the acquisitionofwealth; I am unable,however,to assert
that economic bettermentis a necessarypreconditionto Sanskritization.For
instance, the Untouchables of Rampura village in Mysore State are getting
increasinglySanskritizedand this seems to be due to theirpresentleadership
and to the factthat the youngermen are morein contactwiththe outsideworld
than theirparents.Also, if the reportswhichone hears fromsome local men are
to be believed, Rampura Untouchables are being egged on by Untouchable
leadersfromoutsideto changetheirway of life.Whetherthe economicposition
of Untouchableshas improvedduringthe last seventyyears or so is not easy to
determine,thoughit is likely that they also have benefitedfromthe greater
prosperitywhich resulted when the area under irrigationincreased nearly
eightyyears ago. In brief,whilewe have no evidenceto assertthat all cases of
Sanskritizationare precededby the acquisitionofwealth,the available evidence
is not definiteenoughto state that Sanskritizationcan occurwithoutany refer-
ence whateverto the economicbettermentofa group.Economicbetterment, the
acquisitionof politicalpower,education,leadership,and a desireto move up in
the hierarchy,are all relevantfactorsin Sanskritization,and each case of San-
skritizationmay showall orsome ofthesefactorsmixedup in different measures.
It is necessary,however,to stressthat Sanskritizationdoes not automatically
resultin the achievementof a higherstatus forthe group.The groupconcerned
must clearly put forwarda claim to belong to a particularvarna, Vaishya,
Kshatriya, or Brahman. They must alter their customs,diet, and way of life
suitably,and if there are any inconsistenciesin theirclaim, they must try to
"explain" themby inventingan appropriatemyth.In addition,the groupmust
be contentto wait an indefinite period,and duringthis periodit must maintain
a continuouspressureregardingits claims.A generationor two mustpass usually
beforea claim beginsto be accepted; this is due to the factthat the people who
firsthearthe claimknowthatthe caste in questionis tryingto pass forsomething
otherthanwhat it reallyis, and the claimhas a betterchancewiththeirchildren
and grandchildren.In certaincases, a caste or tribal groupmay make a claim
for a long time withoutit being accepted. I have in view only acceptance by

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SANSKRITIZATION AND WESTERNIZATION 493

other castes and I am not consideringindividualsceptics who will always be

present.
It is even possiblethata caste may overreachin its claims,withthe resultthat
insteadof movingup it may incurthe disapprovalof the others.This has prob-
ably happened with the Smithsof South India thoughnothingdefinitecan be
said about them except aftera thoroughstudy of theirhistory.It is also not
unlikelythat a claim whichmay succeed in a particulararea or periodof time
will not succeed in another.A developed historicalsense would be inimicalto
such claimsbut it is as yet not forthcoming among our people.
Group mobilityis a characteristicof the caste system,whereas in a class
systemit is the individualand his familywhichmoves up or down. One of the
implicationsof groupmobilityis that eitherthe groupis largeenoughto consti-
tutean endogamousunitby itself,or it recruitsgirlsin marriagefromthe original
groupwhileit does not give girlsin return.This impliesthat the originalgroup
is impressedwiththe fact that the splintergroupis superiorto it forotherwise
it would not consentto such a one-sidedand inferiorrole. A largernumberof
people are neededin NorthIndia than in the South to constitutean endogamous
group,formarriagewith near kin is prohibitedin the North, and thereis in
addition an insistenceon village exogamy. In the South, on the otherhand,
cross-cousinand uncle-niecemarriagesare preferred,and the village is not
an exogamousunit. But I am strayingfrommy main theme; what I wish to
stresshere is that Sanskritizationis a source of fissionin the caste system,and
does occasionallybringabout hypergamousrelationsbetweenthe splintergroup
and the originalcaste fromwhichit has fissionedoff.It both precedesas well as
sets the seal on social mobility.It therebybringsthe caste systemofany region
closer to the existingpolitico-economic situation.But for it the caste system
would have been subjectedto greatstrain.It has provideda traditionalmedium
of expressionforchangewithinthat system,and the mediumhas held good in
spiteofthevast increasein the quantumofchangewhichhas occurredin British
and post-BritishIndia. It has canalizedthe changein such a way that all-Indian
values are assertedand the homogeneityof the entireHindu societyincreases.
The continuedSanskritizationof castes will probablymean the eventualintro-
ductionof major culturaland structuralchangesin Hindu societyas a whole.
But Sanskritizationdoes not always resultin higherstatus forthe Sanskritized
caste, and this is clearlyexemplifiedby the Untouchables.However thorough-
goingthe Sanskritizationof an Untouchablegroupmay be, it is unable to cross
the barrierof untouchability.It is indeed an anachronismthat while groups
which were originallyoutside Hinduism such as tribal groups or alien ethnic
groupshave succeeded in enteringthe Hindu fold,and occasionallyat a high
level, an Untouchablecaste is always forcedto remainuntouchable.Their only
chance ofmovingup is to go so faraway fromtheirnatal villagethat nothingis
knownabout them in the new area. But spatial mobilitywas very difficult in
pre-BritishIndia; it meantlosingsuch securityas theyhad and probablygoing
into an enemychiefdomand facingall the dangersthere.Movementwas near

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
494 FAR EASTERN QUARTERLY

impossiblewhen we rememberthat Untouchableswere generallyattached as

agresticserfsto caste Hindu landlords.'0
The factthat Sanskritizationdoes not help the Untouchablesto move up does
not,however,make Sanskritizationany the less popular.All overIndia thereare
discerniblemovementsmoreor less strong,amongUntouchables,to discardthe
consumptionof carcass beef,domesticpork,and toddy,and to adopt Sanskritic
customs,beliefs,and deities.It is verylikelythat in the next twentyor thirty
years the culture of Untouchablesall over the countrywill have undergone
profoundchanges.Some ofthemmay becomeeven moreSanskritizedthanmany
Sh-adra castes. The Constitutionhas abolished untouchabilityand practical
steps are being taken to implementthe legal abolition.One naturallywonders
what positionUntouchableswillhave in the Hindu societyofthe future.
I have been asked by morethan one studentof Indian anthropologywhether
I regardSanskritization as onlya one-wayprocess,and whetherthe local culture
is always a recipient.The answeris clear: it is a two-wayprocess thoughthe
local culturesseem to have receivedmorethan theyhave given.In this connec-
tion, it should be rememberedthat throughoutIndian historylocal elements
have enteredinto the main body of Sanskriticbelief,myth,and custom,and in
theirtravelthroughoutthe lengthand breadthof India, elementsof Sanskritic
culturehave undergonedifferent changesin the different cultureareas. Festi-
vals such as the Dasara, Deepavali, and Holi have no doubt certaincommon
featuresall overthe country,but theyhave also importantregionalpeculiarities.
In the case ofsome festivalsonlythe name is commonall over India and every-
thing else is different-thesame name connotesdifferent thingsto people in
different regions.Similarlyeach regionhas its own body of folkloreabout the
heroesofthe Ramayana and Mahabharata, and not infrequently, epic incidents
and charactersare related to outstandingfeaturesof local geography.And in
everypartofIndia are to be foundBrahmanswhoworshipthelocal deitieswhich
presideover epidemics,cattle,children'slives,and crops,besides the greatgods
of all-India Hinduism. It is not unknownfor a Brahman to make a blood-
sacrificeto one of these deities throughthe medium of non-Brahmanfriend.
ThroughoutIndian historySanskriticHinduism has absorbed local and folk
elementsand theirpresencemakes easier the furtherabsorptionof similarele-
ments.The absorptionis done in such a way that thereis a continuitybetween
the folk and the theologicalor philosophicallevels, and this makes possible
both the gradualtransformation of the folklayeras well as the "vulgarization"
of the theologicallayer.
In the foregoingessay I have stated that it looks as though for the non-
BrahmancastesofMysore,Sanskritization is an essentialpreliminary
to western-
ization. I wishto stressherethat this is a matterof empiricalobservationonly,
10Dr. Adrian Mayer, however, states that the Balais (Untouchables) in the MAlwa
village which he is studying are tryingto move into the Shfidra vartla. It would be interest-
ing to see if they succeed in their efforts.I thank Dr. Mayer for allowing me to read his
unpublished paper "Caste and Hierarchy."

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
SANSKRITIZATION AND WESTERNIZATION 495

and does not referto any logicalnecessityforSanskritizationoccurringpriorto

westernization.It is possible that westernizationmay occur withoutan inter-
mediaryprocessof Sanskritization.This may happen to groupsand individuals
livingin the cities as well as to rural and tribalfolk; it is especiallylikelyto
happen underthe swiftindustrialization contemplatedby the Five-Year Plans.
Increasingwesternization willalso mean the greatersecularizationofthe outlook
of the people and this, togetherwith the movementtowardsa "classless and
castelesssociety" whichis the professedaim of the presentgovernment, might
mean the disappearanceofHinduismaltogether.To the questionofwhetherthe
threatto religionfromwesternization is not commonto all countriesin theworld
and not somethingpeculiar to Hinduism,the answeris that Christianityand
Islam are probablybetterequipped to withstandwesternizationbecause they
have a strongorganizationwhereasHinduismlacks all organization,excluding
the caste system.If and whencaste disappears,Hinduismwillalso disappear,and
it is hardlynecessaryto pointout that the presentclimateof influential opinion
in the countryis extremelyhostile to caste. Even those who are extremely
skepticalof the effectiveness of the measuresadvocated to do away withcaste
considerindustrialization and urbanizationto be effective solventsofcaste in the
long run. The question is how long is the run going to be? A warningmust
howeverbe utteredagainstthe facileassumptionthat caste is goingto meltlike
butterbeforewesternization.The student of caste is impressedwith its great
strengthand resilience,and its capacity to adjust itselfto new circumstances.
It is salutaryto rememberthat duringthe last hundredyears or more,caste
became strongerin some respects.Westernizationhas also in some ways favored
Sanskritization.The assumptionof a simpleand directoppositionbetweenthe
two and of the ultimatetriumphof westernization, I findtoo simple a hypoth-
esis, consideringthe strengthof caste as an institutionand the great com-
plexityof the processesinvolved.
It is necessaryto underlinethe fact that Sanskritizationis an extremely
complexand heterogeneousconcept. It is even possible that it would be more
profitableto treat it as a bundle of conceptsthan as a singleconcept.The im-
portantthingto rememberis that it is onlya name fora widespreadsocial and
culturalprocess,and ourmaintask is to understandthenatureoftheseprocesses.
The momentit is discoveredthat the termis morea hindrancethan a help in
analysis,it shouldbe discardedquicklyand withoutregret.
Apropos of the heterogeneityof the concept of Sanskritization,it may be
remarkedthat it subsumesseveral mutuallyantagonisticvalues, perhaps even
as westernizationdoes. The concept of varna, for instance,subsumes values
whichare ideally complementary but, as a matterof actual and historicalfact,
have been competitiveif not conflicting. In this connectionit is necessaryto
add thatthegradingofthefourvarnaswhichis foundin the famousPurushasakta
verse and subsequentwritings,probablydoes not reflectthe social orderas it
existedeverywhereand at all times.Historiansof caste have recordeda conflict
between Brahmans and Kshatriyas duringVedic times, and ProfessorG. S.

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
496 FAR EASTERN QUARTERLY

Ghuryehas postulatedthat the Jain and Buddhist movementswere in part a

revoltofthe Kshatriyasand Vaishyas againstthe supremacyofthe Brahmans.11
Today we finddifferent castes dominatingin different parts of India, and
frequently,in one and the same region,more than one caste dominates. In
Coorg,forinstance,Coorgs,Lingayats,and Brahmansall dominate.The Coorgs
are the landed aristocracyand theyhave certainmartialinstitutionsand quali-
ties, and a good many low castes have tried to imitatethem. But the Coorgs
themselveshave imitatedthe Lingayatsand Brahmans.The Brahmanshave not
wielded political power,and it could be said that some of the qualities tradi-
tionallyassociated with that caste are not respectedby the Coorgs,to say the
least. Stilltheyhave exerciseda hold overthe Coorgs,as thewritingsofEuropean
missionariestestify.The imitationofthe Lingayatsby the Coorgswas facilitated
by the factthat Coorg was ruledby Lingayat Rajas fornearlytwo centuries.
But I am digressing;what I wishto emphasizeis that in the studyofSanskrit-
izationit is importantto knowthe kind of caste whichdominatesin a particular
region.If theyare Brahmans,or a caste like the Lingayats,thenSanskritization
will probably be quicker and Brahmanical values will spread, whereas if the
dominatingcaste is a local Kshatriya or Vaishya caste, Sanskritizationwill be
slower,and the values will not be Brahmanical.The non-Brahmanicalcastes are
generallyless Sanskritizedthan the Brahmans,and wheretheydominate,non-
Sanskriticcustomsmay get circulatedamongthe people. It is not inconceivable
that occasionallythey may even mean the de-Sanskritizationof the imitating
castes.
One way ofbreakingdownSanskritizationintosimplerand morehomogeneous
conceptswould be to writea historyof Sanskriticculturetaking care to point
out the different value-systemssubsumed in it and to delineate the regional
variations.The task would be a stupendousone even if the period beginning
withthe Britishrulewas excluded.Such a studyis not likelyto be forthcoming
in the near futureand anthropologists would be well advised to continuestudy-
ing Sanskritizationas they are doing at present: study each field-instanceof
Sanskritizationin relationto the locally dominantcaste and otherfactors.The
nexttask would be to comparedifferent instancesof Sanskritizationin the same
culture-area,and the thirdtask would be to extend the scope of comparative
studiesto includethe whole of India. Such an approach mightalso enable us to
translatehistoricalproblemsinto spatial problems.It will not, however,satisfy
perfectionists,but perfectionism is oftena camouflageforsterility.
11 See Caste and Class in India (Bombay, 1952), p. 65.

This content downloaded from 206.212.0.156 on Sat, 10 Aug 2013 23:05:01 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions