Malalas’ Chronographia and Islamic Representations

of Early Roman History

Abed el-Rahman Tayyara*

Cleveland State University

Abstract. Situated chronologically within the transition from Late Antiquity to

Islam, the article echoes certain facets of the Byzantine-Islamic intellectual
dialogues. Geographically, it reflects scholarly activities within the Antiochene
sphere of influence. The essay particularly considers the extent to which John
Malalas’ Chronographia impacted early Islamic representations of early Roman
history in terms of materials, themes, and narrative arrangement. At the centre of
this inquiry is the foundation narrative of the city of Rome and the story of
Romulus and Remus. An emphasis is placed here on the crucial role that Melkite
Arab-Christian historians played in the transmission of these narratives. Syriac
intermediaries serve here as essential links in the path of transmission form
Malalas to Islamic historical writings. The study, which is a comparative textual
analysis of relevant accounts, illuminates certain facets of the Byzantine-Islamic
intellectual encounters regarding the conveyance of historical knowledge and
the construction of historiographic worldview. The consideration of these
transformations offers a distinctive viewpoint for understanding features of the
transmission of knowledge beyond the Judeo-Christian or Greco-Syriac milieus.
Keywords. Islamic historiography, Malalas, Roman history, Islamic- and
Arab-Christian historians, Agapius, Syriac chronicles

Biographical details about John Malalas (d. ca. 570) are sketchy and derive
primarily from succinct references scattered in his Chronographia. The last name
“malālā”, which is equivalent to the Greek word “rhetor”, testifies to Malala’s

*
Email address for correspondence: a.tayyara@csuohio.edu

Journal of Late Antique, Islamic and Byzantine Studies 1.1–2 (2022): 94–117
DOI: 10.3366/jlaibs.2022.0006
© Edinburgh University Press
www.euppublishing.com/jlaibs

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Syrian origin.1 Recurrent references to Antioch’s urban landscape and history in

the Chronographia2 indicate that that the author spent a considerable part of his
life in that city.3 Malalas’ Chronographia is considered the first preserved
Byzantine universal history and consists of eighteen books that cover the time
from the creation up to the year 569.4 This work also constitutes an indispensable
quarry of materials for earlier Greco-Roman and Judeo-Christian sources.
However, Malalas’ portrayals of certain events show a departure from earlier
historical traditions by remodelling narratives and employing peculiar chrono-
logical formats.5 Instead of entirely following the Christian historical tradition set
down by Eusebius of Caesarea (d. 340),6 Malalas interweaves various sources
(pagan and biblical),7 uses simple language structures,8 and applies idiosyncratic
and mythographic historical emphases.9

1
B. Croke, ‘Malalas, the Man and His Work’, in E. Jeffreys, B. Croke, and R. Scott (eds), Studies
in John Malalas, Byzantina Australensia 6 (Sydney, 1990), 3–4; W. Witakowski, ‘Malalas in Syriac’,
in E. Jeffreys, B. Croke, and R. Scott (eds), Studies in John Malalas, Byzantina Australensia 6
(Sydney, 1990), 306, no. 108; M. Debié, ‘Jean Malalas et la Tradition Chronique de Langue
Syriaque’, in J. Beaucamp, S. Agusta-Boularot, Anne-Marie Bernardi, Bernadette Cabouret, and
Emmanuèle Caire (eds), Recherches Sur la Chronique de Jean Malalas (Paris, 2004), 147–51;
J. Thesz, ‘Die christliche Paida des Johannes Malalas’, in M. Meier, C. Radtki, and F. Schultz (eds),
Die Weltchronik des Johannes Malalas: Autor – Werk – Überlieferung, Malalas Studien 1
(Stuttgart, 2016), 29–43.
2
Croke, ‘Malalas, the Man and His Work’, 1–25; E. Jeffreys, ‘Malalas World View’, in E. Jeffreys,
B. Croke, and R. Scott (eds), Studies in John Malalas, Byzantina Australensia 6 (Sydney, 1990),
55–60; C. Saliou, ‘Malalas’ Antioch’, in M. Meier, C. Radtki, and F. Schultz (eds), Die Weltchronik des
Johannes Malalas: Autor – Werk – Überlieferung, Malalas Studien I (Stuttgart, 2016), 59–76.
3
Croke, ‘Malalas, the Man and His Work’, 6–11.
4
There is a debate among scholars regarding the year in which the Chronographia ends.
See Croke, ‘Malalas, the Man and His Work’, 18–25.
5
Croke, ‘Byzantine Chronicle Writing’, in E. Jeffreys, B. Croke, and R. Scott (eds), Studies in
John Malalas, Byzantina Australensia 6 (Sydney, 1990), 27–38; Jeffreys, ‘Chronological Structures
in Malalas’ Chronicles’, in E. Jeffreys, B. Croke, and R. Scott (eds), Studies in John Malalas,
Byzantina Australensia 6 (Sydney, 1990), 111–66; idem, ‘Malalas’ Sources’, in Studies in John
Malalas, Byzantina Australensia 6 (Sydney, 1990), 167–216; W. Adler, ‘From Adam to Abraham:
Malalas and the Euhemeristic Historiography’, in L. Carrara, M. Meier, and C. Radtki-Jensen (eds),
Die Weltchronik des Johannes Malalas, Quellenfragen, Malalas Studien, Malalas Studien II
(Stuttgart, 2017), 27–47.
6
A. Mosshammer, The Chronicle of Eusebius and Greek Chronographic Tradition (London,
1979), 29–48; A. M. Bernardi and E. Caire, ‘John Malalas: From Computation to Narration’, in
M. Meier, C. Radtki, and F. Schultz (eds), Die Die Weltchronik des Johannes Malalas:
Autor – Werk – Überlieferung, Malalas Studien I (Stuttgart, 2016), 119–36.
7
For discussion of Malalas’ sources see Jeffreys, ‘Malalas’ Sources’, 167–216; M. Whitby,
‘The Biblical Past in John Malalas and the Paschal Chronicle’, in H. Amirav and B. Ter Haar Romney
(eds), From Rome to Constantinople: Studies in Honor of Averil Cameron (Leuven and Paris, 2007),
279–302; W. Treadgold, ‘The Byzantine World Histories of John Malalas and Eustathius of
Epiphania’, International History Review 29 (2007), 709–45; idem, The Early Byzantine Historians
(London, 2007), 235–56; M. Jeffreys, ‘Malalas’ Sources’, 167–216.
8
On the lexical and synthetical feature of Malalas’ Chronographia see K. Weierholt, Studien im
Sprachgebrauch des Malalas (Oslo, 1963), 7–13, 38–44.
9
P. van Nuffelen, ‘Malalas and the Chronographic Tradition’, in L. Carrara, M. Meier, and
C. Radtki-Jensen (eds), Die Weltchronik des Johannes Malalas, Quellenfragen, Malalas Studien II

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These narrative restructurings evince, for example, in Malalas’ portrayal of

early Roman history with an interest in both mythological narratives and the
presentation of history through imperial perspective. The attention to mythology
can be seen in his portrayal of the foundation myth of Rome and the story of
Romulus and Remus, which the focus of this study. Malalas’ attentiveness to
writing history from an imperial and dynastic perspective is evident in his
narrative organization of the formative period of Roman history. He offers a
relatively detailed account of the Roman monarchical phase whereas he
reduces the period of the Roman Republic to one sentence to move promptly to
the dictatorship of Julius Caesar (49–44 B.C.) and the Principate of Augustus
(r. 27 B.C. -14 C.E.).10 Interestingly, these choices of narrative construction echo,
as we shall see, in early Islamic representations of Roman history.
The article investigates the impact of Malalas’ Chronographia on early
Islamic-Arabic representations of Roman history in terms of content, narrative
arrangement, and the path of transmission. The study is a source critical reading
and comparative textual analysis of relevant accounts regarding the foundation of
the city of Rome and the story of Remus and Romulus. The inquiry places an
emphasis on investigating the chain of transmission from Malalas to Islamic
sources. By examining these channels of circulation, the study sheds light on the
crucial role that Arab-Christian scholars played in the path of transmission. Of
pivotal significance to this discussion is the universal history of the Melkite
(Chalcedonian) scholar, Agapius (Mah ̣būb b. Qunstant ̣ īn)
̣ of Manbij (d. ca. 945).
The study also assesses how the Melkite network of information, particularly in
the Antiochene sphere of influence, contributed to this process of transmission. In
doing so, the essay illustrates certain facets of Islamic-Byzantine intellectual
encounters as exemplified in the transmission of historical narratives and the
construction of historiographic worldview. Before delving into this investigation,
it is instructive to discuss the literature of the field on the subject.

LITERATURE OF THE FIELD

More than other Byzantine historians, Malalas’ biography and Chronographia
enjoy a high visibility in modern scholarship.11 These studies, therefore, are

(Stuttgart, 2017), 261–72. He discusses the nature of the Chronographia and its position within the
Greek chronographic tradition. He characterizes this work as an integration of chronography and
local historiography that increases the interest in mythography.
10
John Malalas, Chronicle, IX, 1, ed. I. Thurn, Ioannis Malalae Chronographiae, CFHB, Series
Berolinensis, 35 (Berlin,2000), 161. For English trans. see The Chronicle of John Malalas,
trans. E. Jeffreys, M. Jeffreys, and R. Scott (Melbourne, 1986), 113.
11
There has been an increasing interest in Malalas and his writing in modern scholarship since the
19th century. These endeavors evince in the three following recent collaborative research projects:
Studies in John Malalas (1986), Recherches sur la Chronique de Jean Malalas (2004–2006), and
Die Weltchronik des Johannes Malalas, Malalas Studien (I:2016, II: 2017).

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comprehensive in nature addressing various aspects of his work, such as linguistic

features, style, religious background, sources, and the impact it made on later
Byzantine historians.12 Malalas’ stance on religious and Christological matters,
which is ambiguous, is the subject of debate in modern scholarship. Most scholars
maintain that Malalas upheld an impartial position on these issues.13 He also
figures in some studies as Monophysite14 or Orthodox Chalcedonian (Melkite).15
Other scholars maintain that Malalas’ writing reflects an imperial religious
position16 or a sixth century popular religion with particular interest in the
Greco-Roman past that prefigured the Christian presence.17 Malalas’ education
and, particularly, whether he was a member of a high class of educated
bureaucracy with classical rhetorical training is also subject to debate in modern
scholarship.18
The impact of Malalas’ historical writing on early Islamic historiography is
almost absent in modern scholarship.19 References to these themes appear in
studies examining the influence of Byzantine historical writing on Islamic
historiography surface as part of discussions regarding questions of continuity and
the transmission of knowledge from Greco-Roman heritage to Islamic

12
On the evolution of research on Malalas’ biography and writing see B. Croke, ‘Modern Study
of Malalas’, in E. Jeffreys, B. Croke, and R. Scott (eds), Studies in John Malalas, Byzantina
Australensia 6 (Sydney, 1990), 325–38; M. Meier, C. Radtki, F. Schulz, ‘Zur Entwicklung der
Malalas-Forschung – einige Orientierungslinien’, in M. Meier, C. Radtki, and F. Schultz (eds),
Die Weltchronik des Johannes Malalas: Autor – Werk – Überlieferung, Malalas Studien I (Stuttgart,
2016), 9–14.
13
B. Croke, ‘Malalas, the Man and His Work’, 14–17; V. Drecoll, ‘Miaphysitische Tendenzen bei
Malalas?’, in M. Meier, C. Radtki, and F. Schultz (eds), Die Weltchronik des Johannes Malalas:
Autor – Werk – Überlieferung, Malalas Studien I (Stuttgart, 2016), 45–57.
14
P. Blaudeau, ‘Ordre Religieux et Ordre Public: Observations sur l’Histoire de l’Église
post-chalcédonienne d’après le Témoignage de Jean Malalas’, in S. Agusta-Boularot, J. Beaucamp,
A. M. Bernardi, and Emmanuèle Caire (eds), Recherches Sur la Chronique de Jean Malalas, vol. II
(Paris, 2006), 243–56.
15
E. Jeffreys, ‘Malalas’ World View’, in E. Jeffreys, B. Croke, and R. Scott (eds), Studies in John
Malalas Studies in John Malalas, Byzantina Australensia 6 (Sydney, 1990), 63.
16
P. Allen, ‘Malalas and the Debate over Chalcedon: Tendencies, Influences, and Sources’,
in L. Carrara, M. Meier, and C. Radtki-Jensen (eds), Die Weltchronik des Johannes Malalas,
Quellenfragen, Malalas Studie II (Stuttgart, 2017), 187–99; Frédéric Alpi, ‘L’Orientation
Christologique des Livres XVI et XVII de Malalas: Les Règnes d’Anastase (491–518) et Justin
Ier (518–527)’, in S. Agusta-Boularot, J. Beaucamp, A. M. Bernardi, and E. Caire (eds), Recherches
sur la Chronique de Jean Malalas II (Paris, 2006), 227–42.
17
D. Gwynn, ‘The Religious World of John Malalas’, in T. Shawcross and I. Toth (eds), Reading
in Byzantine Empire and Beyond (Cambridge, 2018), 237–54.
18
For a good discussion on this topic see Thesz, ‘Die christliche Paideia des Johannes Malalas’,
27–43.
19
F. Rosenthal, History of Muslim Historiography (Leiden, 1968), 75–6, seems to have been the
first scholar to refer, though in passing, to the connection between Malalas and early Islamic
historiography.

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historiography.20 The studies of Di Branco21 and Voigt,22 therefore, are important

contributions in this regard. Studies on that investigate the transmission of
historical materials from Greco-Roman traditions to Syriac chronicles constitute
another venue for references, though in passing, to Malalas’ influence on Islamic
historical writing. These inquiries are informed primarily by examining the
circulation of historical knowledge and the recovery of lost chronicles, such as
those of Theophilus of Edessa (d. 780) and Dionysius of Tel-Mahre (d. 845).23
Christian-Arab scholars (particularly Agapius) most of whom are Melkite, figure
prominently in these studies as the connecting links in path of transmission.
Examples of these scholarly endeavours are found in the studies of Conrad,24
Hoyland,25 Debié,26 and Hilkens.27 Explicit allusions to Malalas’ influence on
early Arabic-Islamic representations of the foundation of Rome and the story of
the twin brothers are found, though incidentally, in some of Hilkens’ studies. In
the process of reconstructing lost sources and examining the path of transmission
from Malalas to later authors, Hilkens places an emphasis on works of Agapius
and later Syriac chronicles, such as those of Michael the Syrian (d. 1199) and the
Anonymous Chronicle of 1234.28 However, these studies mention the story of
Romulus and Remus in passing without providing adequate comparative textual
analysis of the relevant passages.

20
J. Sturtz, ‘The “Feigned Conversion of Constantine” in Early Islamic Literature’, Journal of
Arabic and Islamic Studies 20 (2020), 1–14; idem, Constantinus Arabicus: Die arabische
Geschichtesschreibung und das christliche Rom (Piscataway, NJ., 2017), 8–17; 31–51;
A. Cheddadi, Les Arabes et l’appropriation de l’histoire: Emergence et premiers développements
de l’historiographie musulmane jusqu’au iie/viiie siècle (Paris, 2004), 126–63; B. Radtke,
Weltgeschichte und Geschichteschreibung im Mittelalterlichen Islam (Beirut, 1992), 1–7.
21
M. Di Branco, ‘A Rose in the Desert? Late Antique and Early Byzantine Chronicles and the
Formation of Islamic Universal Histories’, in P. Liddel and A. Fear (eds), Historiae Mundi: Studies in
Universal History, (London, 2010), 189–206, esp. 194–96.
22
C. Voigt, Recherches sur la tradition arabe du Roman d’Alexandre (Wiesbaden, 2016), 9–12.
23
Theophilus of Edessa’s Chronicle, trans. with an introduction by R. Hoyland (Liverpool, 2011),
4–19.
24
L. Conrad, ‘The Arabs and the Colossus’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 6/2 (1996),
165–87; idem, ‘Syriac perspectives on Bilād al-Shām during the ʿAbbāsid Period’, in M. al-Bakhit
and R. Schick (eds), Proceedings of the fifth international conference on Bilād al-Shām during the
ʿAbbāsid period (132–451/750–1059) (Amman, 1991), 1–44.
25
R. Hoyland, ‘Agapius of Manbiǧ, Qustạ̄ ibn Lūqā and the Graeco-Roman Past: The Beginnings
of Christian Arabic and Muslim Historiography’, Quaderni di Studi Arabi 16 (2021) 7–41.
26
M. Debié, ‘Theophanes’ ‘Oriental Source’: What can we learn about Syriac Historiography’,
in M. Jankowiak and F. Montinaro (eds), Studies in Theophanes, TM 19 (2015), 265–382.
27
A. Hilkens, ‘The Planks of Ark: Ishoʿdad of Merv, John Malalas and the Syrian Writing
Tradition’, BZ 112/3 (2019), 861–75.
28
A. Hilkens, ‘Syriac Ilioupersides: the fall of Troy in Syriac historiography’, Le Muséon 126
(2013), 285–317, esp. 300 n. 101; idem, ‘The Planks of Ark: Ishoʿdad of Merv, John Malalas and the
Syrian Writing Tradition’, BZ 112/3 (2019), 861–75.

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ROMULUS AND REMUS AND THE FOUNDATION NARRATIVE IN

MALALAS’ CHRONOGRAPHIA
Classical Greek and Latin sources preserve mythical reports of the foundation
of Rome, which is traditionally dated to 753 B.C. These narratives reflect
two major traditions the first of which traces the event genealogically back
to Aeneas. Escaping the destruction of Troy, he arrived in Italy and established
the kingship of the Latins. The second version of the founding story pivots
around the twin brothers (Romulus and Remus) whose genealogical origin is
traced back to Aeneas. Livy’s (d. 17) account, which is the traditional source
for this event, is basically a combination of the legends of Aeneas and Romulus
with an emphasis placed on the latter’s role.29 The creation of these myths,
particularly founding legends, was closely connected to Augustus’ propagandist
efforts.30
Malalas was familiar with classical narratives of the foundation story, but he
often reshapes these materials into different narrative arrangements and
chronological formats.31 He first refers to Aeneas’s flight from Troy and arrival
in Italy leaving the association of this story with the twin brothers ambiguous.32
Interestingly, Malalas situates the foundation of Rome and the fratricide episode
earlier than the report on the twin’s origin and childhood relating:

Then Romus [Romulus], the builder of the city of Rome, and his brother
Remus, began to rule together; and so they changed their names to
Romans….In the course of their reign the brothers became hostile to one
another and Remus was slain by Romus, and Romus reigned alone….From
the time when he killed his brother, the whole city of Rome suffered from
earthquakes and civil wars broke out during his reign. Romus went to the
oracle and asked, ‘Why is this happening now that I am reigning alone?’ The
response was given to him by the Pythia, ‘Unless your brother sits with you
on the imperial throne, your city of Rome will not stand and neither the

29
Livy, Roman History, I 7.2–3, ed. W. Weissenborn and H. J. Müller, Titi Livi ab urbe condita
libri editionem priman curavit Guilelmus Weissenborn editio altera auam curavit Mauritius Mueller
Pars I. Libri I-X. (Leipzig, 1898). See also Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae,
ed. K. Jacoby, Dionysii Halicarnasei antiquitatum Romanarum quae supersunt, 4 vols. (Leipzig,
1:1885), I, 64–80; H. H. Scullard, A History of the Roman World 753–146 B. C. (London &
New York, 2013), 42–51.
30
H. Price, ‘Flooding the Roman Forum’, in I. Gildenhard, U. Gotter, W. Havener, and
L. Hodgson (eds), Augustus and the Destruction of History: The Politics of the Past in Early Imperial
Rome (Cambridge, 2019), 189–221, esp. 204–11); D. Lowe, ‘Dust in the Wind: Late Republican
History in the Aeneid’, in I. Gildenhard, U. Gotter, W. Havener, and L. Hodgson (eds), Augustus
and the Destruction of History: The Politics of the Past in Early Imperial Rome (Cambridge, 2019),
223–38.
31
M. Hodgkinson, ‘John Malalas, Licinius Macer, and History of Romulus’, Histos I (1997),
85–92.
32
John Malalas, Chronicle, VI, 19–25, ed. Thurn, 126–30; The Chronicle of John Malalas, 86–9.

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people nor the war will be at rest’. Having made from his brother’s picture a
likeness of his face, that is, his features, a gold bust, he placed the statue on the
throne where he used to sit. He continued thus to the remainder of his reign,
with the solid gold likeness of his brother Remus seated beside him. The
earthquakes in the city ceased and the rioting among the people died down.
Whenever he issued an order as a decree, he would speak as if it came from
himself and his brother, saying ‘We have ordered, and we have decreed’. The
emperors’ custom of saying ‘We have ordered and we have decreed’ has
continued from that time till the present….33

After the emperor Romus had completed the walls and adorned the city, he
built a temple to Ares. In that month he held a great festival of sacrifice to
Ares, calling that month, which had formerly been known as Primus, March
(Martios), which means ‘of Ares’. All Romans celebrate this festival annually
to the present day…34

He started work again immediately and built the hippodrome in Rome,

wishing to divert the mass of the people of Rome because they were rioting
and attacking him because of his brother. He was the first to hold chariot-races
in the land of Rome at the festival of the Sun, it is said, and in honour of the
four elements subordinate to it, that is earth, sea, fire, and air; for he reasoned
that the Persian emperors had good fortune in their wars because they
honoured these four elements. Oinomaos, emperor of the Pisaian land, held a
contest in the European regions on 25th Dystros-March in honour of the Titan
Sun, since he was raised, it is said, above the contest of earth and sea, that is,
of Demeter and Poseidon, the elements that are subordinate to the Sun. A lot
used to be cast between the emperor Oinomaos and the opponent, whatever
country he came from, who arrived to compete with him. When the lot
summoned Oinomaos to compete on behalf of Poseidon, he wore a blue
costume, that is, the colour of water, and his opponent wore the green
costume, that is the colour of earth. If, however, the lot fell to Oinomaos to
wear the costume of Demeter, he wore the green costume and his opponent
wore the costume of Poseidon, that is, the blue, the colour of the water. The
loser was put to death. A huge crowd from every district and the city used to
come and watch the annual imperial contest. Those civilians who lived in the
coastal cities…used to pray that the contestant wearing the blue costume…
should win taking it as an omen, that if the contestant competing on behalf of
Poseidon should be defeated, then there would be a shortage of all kinds
of fish…and troubles from strong winds. Citizens from the interior and

33
John Malalas, Chronicle, VII, 1–2, ed. Thurn, 132–33; The Chronicle of John Malalas, 91–92.
34
John Malalas, Chronicle, VII, 3, ed. Thurn, 133; The Chronicle of John Malalas, 92.

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local peasants and all those working in farming used to pray that the
contestant wearing the green would win, taking it as an omen that,
if the contestant competing on behalf of Demeter, that is, on behalf of the
earth, should be defeated, there would be a shortage of corn, lack of wine, oil
other crops….35

The emperor Remus was the first to devise the contest in Rome, likewise in
honour of the Sun and the four elements subject to it. He celebrated in the
region of the West, that is, Italy, with four-horse chariots corresponding to the
earth, sea, fire, and air. Romus gave names to these four elements: that of
the Green (Prasinon) faction to the earth, because of its greenness; the blue
(Beneton) faction to the sea, that is, water, because of its blueness; the Red
(Rousion) faction to fire, because of its redness; the White (Albon) faction to
the air, because of its whiteness. That is how the four factions were devised in
Rome…

Then the inhabitants of Rome were divided into the factions and no longer
agreed among themselves, because thereafter they desired their own side’s
victory and supported their own faction, as if it were a religion. There was a
great division in Rome and the factions were very hostile to each other in
Rome from the time when Romus devised the spectacle of chariot-racing for
them. When Romus saw members of any of the factions supporting the
populace or senators who were disaffected and opposed him because of the
death of his brother, or for any other reason whatsoever, he would decide to
support the other faction, and so he secured their favour and their opposition
to the aim of his enemies. From that time the emperors of Rome after him
followed the same principle.36

Malalas begins his account with the joint rulership of Romulus and Remus
and the foundation story, which is ascribed here to the former. He then refers to the
fratricide and its devastating consequences on the Romans. After consulting the
oracle, Romulus placed an image of his brother made of gold on the throne to
demonstrate that he was ruling jointly with his brother. This story accounts for the
origin of the plural majestic custom among Roman emperors as they gave orders.
No sooner had Romulus restored stability to Rome, than he followed measures to
distract his opponents by holding festivals and initiating chariot race competitions.
Malalas particularly mentions that Romulus was the first Roman ruler to initiate
the festival of sacrifice to Ares and the chariot race competitions dedicated to the
Sun and the four elements associated with it. Romulus used these races as a ruse to
promote his own political interests.

35
John Malalas, Chronicle, VII, 4, ed. Thurn, 133; The Chronicle of John Malalas, 92–93.
36
John Malalas, Chronicle, VII, 5, ed. Thurn, 135–36; The Chronicle of John Malalas, 93–94.

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It is worth mentioning that the prevailing narrative of the fratricide incident in

traditional classical sources refers to an augury contest between the twins that led
to Remus’ death and Romulus’ rise as sole ruler. However, nothing is mentioned
in these accounts about civil war or the earthquakes that broke out in the city
because of the fratricide.37 The only reference to civil strife as a consequence of
the fratricide is given by the Roman historian, Gaius Licinius Macer (d. 66 BC),
whose lost work is preserved in later works such as Malalas’ Chronographia.38
The presentation of the foundation story in Chronographia, therefore, testifies that
the author had a different historiographical agenda and concern from previous
traditions.
Malalas then refers to the twin brothers’ childhood and the myth of the
she-wolf, which he placed later in the Chronographia, stating:

They relate that the brothers, Romus and Remus, were suckled by Lykaina
[she-wolf], since the emperor Amulius, their grandfather, ordered them to be
abandoned in the forest as they were born out of wedlock. Their mother Ilia,
who was a priestess of Ares, had been seduced, and committed adultery with
a soldier, and so they say in the form of a myth that Ares had made her
pregnant. She gave birth to twins and that was why their grandfather cast them
out in the forest. A countrywoman found them while she was grazing sheep.
She took pity on them, for they were beautiful children, and picked them up
and nursed them with her own milk. In that country to this day, they call the
countrywomen who graze sheep, lykainai (she-wolves), because they spend
their whole life among wolves. Because of this Romus devised what is in
known as the Brumalia …39

Malalas here deems the she-wolf story a far-fetched myth that aimed primarily
to eulogize the miraculous survival of the twins. Not only does he refute the
credibility of this myth, but he also provides a rational explanation for its presence
in the founding story. Malalas is well informed about the important role that the
she-wolf story plays in Roman historical memory. For example, he relates that
Romulus initiated the Brumalia festival to celebrate and commemorate the
she-wolf story.40 Elsewhere, he also mentions that the emperor Tiberius (r. 14–37)
built in Antioch a statue that depicts Romulus and Remus suckling the she-wolf.41

37
Livy, Roman History, I 7.2–3; Plutarch, Romulus, ed. K. Ziegler, Plutarchi vitae parallelae,
vol. 1.1 (Leipzig, 1969 – 4th edition), X-XI; Dionisius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae,
I:86–8; Marcel Le et al., A History of Rome, trans. by A. Nevill (Malden, MA, 2009), 21–5.
38
For a good comparative discussion of this topic see M. Hodgkinson, ‘John Malalas, Licinius
Macer, and the History of Romulus’, Histos I (1997), 85–93.
39
John Malalas, Chronicle, VI, 7, ed. Thurn, 137; The Chronicle of John Malalas, 95.
40
A. M. Bernardi, ‘Regards Croisés sur les Origines de Rome: La Fête des Brumalia chez Jean
Malalas et Jean Lydos’, in S. Agusta-Boularot, J. Beaucamp, A. M. Bernardi, and Emmanuèle Caire
(eds), Recherches Sur la Chronique de Jean Malalas II (Paris, 2006), 53–67.
41
John Malalas, Chronicle, X, 10, ed. Thurn, 178; The Chronicle of John Malalas, 125.

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The passage provides another example for Malalas’ departure from the
presentation of the she-wolf narrative in classical sources. We have so far
presented Malalas’ portrayal of the stories of foundation of Rome and the twin
brothers. In the following sections we will evaluate the extent to which Malalas
impacted Islamic narratives of foundation story and analyze the path of
transmission.

THE FOUNDING STORY OF ROME IN EARLY ISLAMIC AND

ARABIC-CHRISTIAN SOURCES
Before the emergence of Islamic universal histories during the end of the ninth
and the beginning of the tenth centuries, Islamic representations of
Roman/Byzantine history can be described as succinct, fragmented, and even
in some cases anecdotal. An overview of the portrayals of Roman narratives in
early Islamic universal histories yields two general observations. First, some of
these accounts take the form of a tabular chronological arrangement consisting of
a list of Roman-Byzantine emperors along with the length of their rule. Second,
almost all these narratives start Roman rulership with Julius Caesar or Augustus
without mentioning the Republic or the monarchical periods.42 Hence, the term
‘Caesar’ (qaysaṛ pl. qayāsira)
̣ figures prominently in early Islamic writings as a
regnal title associated with the Roman-Byzantine rulers. As previously
mentioned, Malalas covers the Roman monarchical period, but he almost
ignores the Republic period and moves quickly to the dictatorship of Julius
Caesar.
The universal historians al-Yaʿqūbī (d. 898)43 and al-Masʿūdī (d. 954)
played an indispensable role in introducing new materials about Roman history
to Islamic historiography. This contribution is more visible in al-Masʿūdī’s
historical writings44 seemingly due to his extensive travels and the use of the
non-Islamic sources.45 This is evident in his portrayal of the different phases
of Roman history46 and early Christian religious controversies as well as

42
Al-Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīkh (Beirut, 1960), I:146; al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh al-rusul wa al-mulūk, ed.
Muh ̣ammad Abū al-Fad ̣l Ibrāhīm (Cairo: Dār al-Maʿārif, 1967), I:606–608; al-Is ̣fahanī, Taʾrīkh
sinī mulūk al-ard ̣ wa-l-anbiyā’, ed. I. M Gottwald (Leipzig, 1844), 67–79.
43
Al-Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīkh, I:150–8.
44
Al-Masʿūdī’s biography and writings were the subject of many studies, such as T. Khalidi,
Islamic Historiography, the Histories of al-Mas‘udi (Albany, 1975); A. Shboul, Al-Mas‘udi and his
World, A Muslim Humanist and his Interest in Non-Muslims (London, 1979); A. Al-Azmeh,
al-Masʿūdī (Beirut, 2001).
45
Al-Masʿūdī, Kitāb al-Tanbīh wa-l-ishrāf, ed. M.J. de Goeje (Leiden, 1894), 153–5.
46
Besides ‘Pagan’ and ‘Christian’ rulers, al-Mas‘ūdī was the first Muslim historian to add the
category of the ‘Roman kings after the rise of Islam’ as a third chronological stage in Roman history.
Murūj al-dhahab wa maʿādin al-jawhar, ed. Charles Pellat (Beirut, 1966–1974), II:39–40, 53–64,
145–6.

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major ecumenical synods.47 Al-Masʿūdī seems to have been the first Muslim
historian to refer briefly to the foundation narrative of Rome relating:

Gaius Caesar, who reigned eighteen years, is reckoned to be the first ruler
among them [Roman kings] in Rome, yet a number of kings preceded him
the first of whom were Remus and Romulus (Armānus). They were the
founders of the city of Rome and known as the two sons of the she-wolf.
Rome was named after them and, hence, Romans became affiliated with
its name.48

Besides acknowledging the centrality of Julius Caesar in Roman history,

al-Masʿūdī also traces the founding of Rome and beginning of Roman rulership
back to Romulus and Remus. His brief reference to the myth of the she-wolf gives
the impression that he had access to a more detailed version of the founding
narrative, but he preferred to truncate it. From this short passage it is unclear
whether al-Masʿūdī is influenced by Malalas. A clear resemblance to Malalas’
presentation of the founding story is observed in al-Bīrūnī’s (d. 1048) Tah ̣qīq mā
lil-hind min maqūla. He places his account of the twin brothers under the origin of
the cult of idol worship to explain how common people can easily deviate from
the original meanings that images were purported to represent.49 In this regard,
al-Bīrūnī relates:

As for the Romans, they [historians] claimed that when the two brothers from
the land of the Francs (al-firanja), Romulus (Rūmlus) and Remus (Rūmānūs),
ruled, they founded Rome (rūmiyya). Romulus then murdered his brother and
this act ensued civil strife and successive earthquakes that did not cease until
he made humble supplications (tad ̣d ̣araʿa) [to God]. In a dream he saw that
these atrocities would not calm down until he would situate his brother on the
throne. Romulus made a golden image (sūra) ̣ and placed it on the throne
along with him and began giving orders using the plural utterance: “We order
this” instead of the singular form. This form of speech became the customary
tradition practiced by later Roman rulers when it came to public address.
Subsequently the earthquakes quieted. Romulus immediately founded a
festival (ʿīd) and playground (malʿab) so that malevolent supporters of his
brother would be distracted. He also erected four idols for the sun placed on
four horses: the green for earth, blue for water, red for fire, and white for air.
These [symbols] remained in Rome up to now.50

47
Ibid., II:42.
48
Al-Masʿūdī, al-Tanbīh, 123.
49
Al-Bīrūnī, Tah ̣qīq mā lil-hind min maqūla fī al-ʿaql aw mardhūla (Haydarabad, 1957), 84.
50
Ibid., 85.

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Al-Bīrūnī’s narrative arrangement and details regarding the founding story of

Rome bear unmistakable resemblance to that of Malalas. This orientation is
manifest in the presentation of the earthquakes and the state of civil unrest that the
fratricide event generated. Al-Bīrūnī also refers to the measures that Romulus
followed to successfully deal with oppositional sentiments in the city. Such is the
case with the placement of Remus’ statue on the throne to prove that he was not a
sole ruler, and the initiation of chariot races to distract opposition against him in
the city. Besides the brevity of his account, al-Bīrūnī differs from Malalas in the
way Romulus was inspired to put an end to the earthquakes and civil unrest.
Malalas refers to an oracle, whereas al-Bīrūnī a dream after Romulus made
supplications to God. A similar account yet briefer is found in Abū al-Fidā’s
(d. 1331) universal history.51 Despite the clear similarities between these two
accounts, it seems likely that al-Bīrūnī had access to Malalas’ work through
intermediaries, seemingly Arab-Christian sources.
Allusions to the possible sources that serves as intermediaries in the path of
transmission are found in al-Masʿūdī’s works. In his Murūj al-dhahab, he
mentions that he consulted Melkite chronicles housed in the church of Cassianus
(al-qasyān) in Antioch52 for Roman history in general and that of the Christian
patriarchs and churches in particular.53 Interestingly, a reference to the importance
of this church is given by Malalas. He relates that the emperor Justinian offered his
imperial jewelled toga as a gift to the inhabitants of Antioch, which was placed at
the Cassian church.54 In his al-Tanbīh, al-Masʿūdī also provides a list of sources
for Roman history and ancient nations written by Arab-Christian historians.
Among these writers, al-Masʿūdī singles out two Melkite historians:55 Agapius56
and Eutychius (d. 94057) whose Arabic names are Mah ̣būb b. Qunstantīn
̣ respectively.58 Both of these historians composed
al-Manbijī and Saʿīd b. al-Bitrīq
a universal history in Arabic covering annalistically events from the creation to
their own days. Their historical writings are modelled on ecclesiastical chronicles
composed in Greek and Syriac where biblical narratives and Greco-Roman
sources are synchronized.59

51
Abū al-Fidā, al-mukhtasaṛ fī akhbār al-bashar (Beirut, n.d.), I:60.
52
The Cassian church played a key role in the episcopal history of Antioch. See W. Mayer and
P. Allen, The Churches of Syrian Antioch (300–638) (Leuven and Paris, 2021), 52–3.
53
Al-Masʿūdī, Murūj, II:340.
54
John Malalas, Chronicle, XVIII, 45, ed. Thurn, 378; The Chronicle of John Malalas, 264.
55
K. Kościenlniak, ‘Arabic Culture of the Melchite Church in the early Middle Ages (7th–11th
Centuries)’, Orientalia Christiana Cracoviensia 3 (2011), 63–5.
56
G. Graf, Geschichte der Christlichen arabischen Literature, Studi e Testi II (Citta del Vaticani,
1944–1953), 39–41; R. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It: A survey and Evaluation of
Christian, Jewish and Zoroastran Writings on Islam (Piscataway, NJ., 2019), 344–5.
57
Graf, Geschichte, 32–8; Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 345–6.
58
The names Mah ̣būb (beloved one) and Saʿid (happy) are the exact Arabic translation of the
Greek names Agapius and Eutychius, respectively.
59
Hoyland, ‘Agapius of Manbiǧ, Qustạ̄ ibn Lūqā and the Graeco-Roman Past’, 8–9.

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 Abed el-Rahman Tayyara

Eutychius’ account of early Roman history is succinct mentioning that during

the days of Hezekiah (715–687 B.C), Romulus (Rūmiūs) ruled over the Romans
for thirty-eight years. He founded the city of Rome, and, hence, the Romans
became affiliated after him with this name.60
Agapius’s Kitāb al-ʿunwān61 is of greater importance to our discussion for its
detailed account on the foundation narrative as well as the story of Romulus and
Remus. More importantly, his account bears evident resemblance, as we shall see,
to that of Malalas. There are two editions available for Agapius’ universal history:
one by Alexandre Vasiliev accompanied with a French translation,62 and the other
by Louis Cheikho.63 The variations between these editions are on the whole
minor. However, the portrayal of the origin of Roman rulership represents a
tangible discrepancy between these two editions. Agapius traces, according to
Cheikho’s edition, Romans’ origin back to Aeneas, who came from Phrygia and
ended up in Antioch where he established his ruling dynasty. The report also
includes a table consists of some of Aeneas’ successors with the length of their
reigns.64 Agapius also refers here very briefly to the Republic period and presents
Julius Caesar’s rulership as a turning point in Roman history.65
Agapius’ presentation of foundation of Rome and the story of Romulus and
Remus is based here on Vasiliev’s edition, which is almost identical to the first
version preserved in Cheikho’s edition.

In the same year [the eighth year of Achaz’s kingship] Romulus (Rūmānūs)
and Remus (Rūmālāūs) became the first kings to rule over the Romans, the
Francs (al-firanja) [who were different from] the Greeks (al-yunāniyyūn).
The two brothers built the wonderful city of Rome and reigned jointly. They
[Romans] gave this name to the city after his name [Romulus]. After
thirty-eight years of his reign, he [Romulus] attacked his brother and
murdered him. Romulus and Remus were born, it has been claimed, to lafqīnā
[lykaina–λύκαινα], i.e., the she-wolf. This story is inscribed on their statues in
Rome to our day. However, the sages (al-h ̣ukamāʾ) claim that since their
grandfather, Amulius, thought that they were born out of adultery, he ordered

60
̣
Eutychius, Saʿīd b. al-Bitrīq, Kitāb al-Taʾrīkh al-majmūʿ ʿalā al-tah ̣qīq wa al-tasdīq, ̣
ed. L. Cheikho, CSCO, Scriptores Arabici Textus, Series Tertia, VI (Beirut, 1905), 68–9.
61
According to Hoyland, ‘Agapius of Manbiǧ’, 8, n. 2, the title of this work is Kitāb al-taʾrīkh.
62
For the first part of Agapius’ universal history, Vasiliev relied on three manuscripts: Oxford
library (Hunt 478. Pusey), two manuscripts from St. Catherine on Mount Sinai (580, 21 X 16, 280
fol. and 456, 27 X 18, 175 fol.). For the second part, he used a manuscript preserved in Laurentian
Library in Florence.
63
Louis Cheikho’s edition of Agapius’s work is based on two manuscripts from Beirut 3 (16–17
century) and 4 (1819 AD) as well as the Florentine manuscript (n. 132). He also used citations of
Agapius scattered in Ibn al-Makīn’s (d. after 1398) universal history.
64
Agapius Episcopus Mabbugensis, Historia Universalis (Kitāb al-ʿunwān), ed. L. Cheikho,
CCO, Scriptores 56, Arabici III, t. V (Leipzig, 1912), 155–56.
65
Ibid., 156–63.

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to have them be thrown immediately into the forest, and thus they ended up as
outcasts in that place. Their mother’s name was Helen (Hilānī) and she was a
priestess (kāhina) of Ares, i.e., Mars; and, therefore, their grandfather thought
that one of the Franc-Roman knights impregnated her. Roman scholars and
poets alleged that Ares impregnated her, and she bore him Romulus and
Remus. When they were thrown into the forest, a woman who was grazing
sheep found the babies. Having pity on the twins, she raised them, and
nourished them with her milk. In the language of that land people called those
who grazed sheep lykainus (līqūnyūs), which means wolf in Greek66 ….
Some other scholars (h ̣ukamā’) claimed that Helen became pregnant with the
twins when her husband spent the night with her, and on the same night her
husband died leaving her pregnant. When she gave birth [to them], their
grandfather, Amulius, thought they were born out of wedlock and, hence, he
ordered to have them thrown in the forest among the beasts of prey. It is
conceivable that Helen became pregnant with them that night [she spent with
her husband] because we have already learned that Judah impregnated Tamar
when he slept with her at a junction, and she bore him Perez and Zerah.
Consequently, we should not find it implausible that Helen’s husband died
that night.67

After Romulus and Remus ruled, as we mentioned, for ten years, hostility and
enmity overshadowed their relations. Then Romulus attacked Remus, killed
him, and turned into a sole ruler. Subsequently, earthquakes ceaselessly
wreaked havoc on the entire city of Rome, and hostilities and rioting broke
out among its inhabitants. Imploring God humbly (tad ̣arraʿa ilā allāh) to
reveal what caused those earthquakes, Romulus had a dream in which he was
advised that the city and its people would be saved from earthquakes and riots
would cease, only if he would place his brother on the throne. Romulus,
therefore, made a golden statue (sanaṃ min dhahab) in the image of his
brother and placed it beside him on the throne.68 He also initiated the custom
of using the form of majestic plural for commanding whenever he issued
imperial orders saying: ‘we have ordered, decreed, and prohibited this or that’
as if he were talking jointly on behalf of himself and his brother. This ritual of

66
In Cheikho’s edition we find a second version of the foundation story that overall resonates with
the classical tradition. Here Agapius places the birth of Romulus and Remus within the
power-struggle between Numitor and his brother, Amulius. Deposing his brother, Amulius
usurped the reign and ordered to have the twin thrown in the Tiber after their mother was
impregnated by a soldier. Interestingly, the name of the twin’s mother is Rhea Silvia. See Agapius
Episcopus Mabbugensis, Historia Universalis, 156.
67
Agapius, Kitab al-ʿunwan, ed. with French trans. Alexandre Vasiliev, Patrologia Orientalis,
XI (Turnhout, 1974), 49–51; Agapius Episcopus Mabbugensis, Historia Universalis, 89–90.
68
According to the second version of Cheikho’s edition, it was a group of Roman dignitaries and
scholars that advised Romulus to place the image of his brother on the throne. See Agapius Episcopus
Mabbugensis, Historia Universalis, 159–60.

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 Abed el-Rahman Tayyara

decreeing by using the plural form became a practice adopted by Roman

kings since Romulus until this day. No sooner had Romulus placed his
brother’s statue with him on the throne, than the earthquakes quieted and
fighting among the people (umma) died out.

Romulus then built the seven walls of Rome, refined and decorated its
markets. He also made a great festival that was called Martius after the month
of March….This month was previously called Primus ( firīmāūs), which
means the month of Ares, i.e. Mars (al-mirīkh)….Romans celebrate this
festival, which call it Martius and Calendar, every year till today by giving
gifts to their king and each other. This festival resembles the Nīrūz, which is
celebrated by the people of the east...Romulus then built a hippodrome
( firqas)69 in Rome, i.e. great stadium, to distract his subjects from rioting,
particularly those who bore him animosity for murdering his brother. He,
therefore, created a festival in the honor of the Sun and the four elements
̣
(istaqāsāt) [which are subordinate to the Sun] in the form of four-horse
chariot competitions. Romulus also gave the following names to these
elements: the earth ifrāsīnūs, i.e. green for the grass color, the sea bintūn, ̣
which is the color of the sky for water resembles the sky’s color; he associated
the fire with the red (ah ̣mar) and the white (abyad ̣) with the air. These four
elements continue to be associated with significant imperial insignia in Rome
to this day. The people of the city were divided into two factions. Competing
and fighting were practiced by them from that time till this day. This custom
served Roman kings as a ruse to distract their subjects and to obtain peace of
mind by supporting the strongest faction….Oenomaus (hunmāwus), the king
of Persia ( fāris), also instituted a feast on the 25th of Mars in honor of the Sun.
Contests and fighting were held in the land and sea where the four elements,
i.e., the fire, air, water, and earth, were subordinate to the Sun.70

Besides referring to sages and poets as his sources, Agapius did not mention
Malalas. However, his version of the founding story of Rome bears an
unmistakable resemblance to that of Malalas. He divides his account into three
parts the first of which is centered on the childhood of Romulus and Remus and
the foundation of Rome. Like Malalas, Agapius dismisses the credibility of the
myth that the twins’ mother was impregnated by the god Mars and a she-wolf
nursed them after they were cast away. Rather, he views the assumption that the
mother was impregnated by a soldier as more reasonable. However, unlike
Malalas, Agapius draws on a biblical parallel to further rationalize this story
exemplifying that the twins’ mother was impregnated by her husband. Agapius’
use of the Greek word lykaina (λύκαινα), she-wolf, further increases the

69
It seems likely that word should be read as Qirqas, which shows Syriac influence.
70
Agapius, Kitab al-ʿunwan, 51–5; Agapius Episcopus Mabbugensis, Historia Universalis, 90–1.

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 Islamic Representations of Early Roman History

probability that Malalas’ Chronographia was the initial source of this narrative.
The differences between these two accounts are minor and can be seen primarily
in the narrative organization and choice of nomenclature. While the name of the
twin brothers appears in Malalas’ account as Ilia, Agapius uses Helen. Malalas
also places, as previously mentioned, this narrative after the founding story and
the fratricide event. These discrepancies show that at least one intermediary was
between Agapius and Malalas.
In the second part, Agapius depicts, like Malalas, the fratricide incident, the
devastating consequences of this event, and the measures that Romulus followed
to end this crisis and restore stability to Rome. Agapius mentions a dream through
which Romulus was inspired to solve his problem, whereas Malalas refers to an
oracle. This difference can be explained in Agapius’ interest in reconciling this
story with Islamic-Arabic or monotheistic expectations. This is evident in his use
of the phrase ‘Imploring God humbly’ (tad ̣arraʿa ilā allāh). The fact that this
phrase appears, as previously mentioned, in al-Bīrūnī’s account testifies to
Agapius’ important role as a connecting link in the transmission of knowledge to
Islamic sources.
The last part of Agapius’ account describes the festivals and the chariot-race
competitions that Romulus arranged to distract his opponents in the city. Such is
the case with the festival dedicated to Ares and the chariot race competition in
honour of the Sun. Again, one cannot but notice the remarkable similarity
between this report and that of Malalas in terms of the narrative arrangement,
information, and the use of Greek words, particularly for colours. In some cases,
the same sentences even appear verbatim in these two sources. These findings
clearly demonstrate that Agapius’ portrayal of the story of Romulus and Remus is
based on Malalas’ universal history. However, the few discrepancies between
these two works, such as the name of mother of the twins and imperial contest
initiated by King Oenomaus, indicate Agapius was indirectly dependent on
Malalas through Syriac intermediaries. To fully understand Agapius’ path of
transmission, there is a need to compare his account of the founding of Rome to its
portrayal in Syriac chronicles.

THE SYRIAC SOURCES AND THE FOUNDATION NARRATIVE

Syrian scholars served as an indispensable link in the transmission of
philosophical and scientific knowledge from the Greco-Roman traditions to
Islam.71 These intellectual ventures also constituted the channels through which
materials about Roman history reached Islamic historical writings.72 Syriac

71
N. Mijallī, Ḥunayn ibn Ish ̣āq wa ʿasṛ al-tarjama al-ʿarabiyya (Beirut, 2006); F. Rosenthal,
The Classical Heritage in Islam, trans. by E. and J. Marmorstein (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1975),
17–27, 28–53.

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 Abed el-Rahman Tayyara

presentations of early Roman history mirror in terms of materials, narrative

organization, and themes Greco-Roman and ecclesiastical historical traditions.
Besides Malalas, Eusebius73 and Andronicus74 were among the most influential
historians in this regard. Malalas’ impact on Syriac portrayals of early Roman
history can be primarily observed in the portrayal of mythical narratives, such the
foundation of Rome and the story of the twin brothers.75 Most Syriac chronicles
open Roman history with Julius Caesar or Augustus. As previously mentioned,
this chronological format figures prominently in Islamic presentations of early
Roman history. The presentations of the foundation of Rome in Syriac sources,
which are found in a few chronicles, reveal three general characterizations. First,
the formative stage of Roman history is divided into Latin and Roman phases
where the foundation of Rome is often placed under the first period. Second,
Romulus figures in these accounts as the founder of Rome and Roman kingship
whereas Remus is almost absent.76 Finally, following earlier Christian writings,
Syriac authors often synchronize Roman history with biblical and Jewish
narratives.77 To further understand the process of transmission, it is instructive
to analyze relevant Syriac accounts of the foundation narrative and compare them
with those of Malalas and Agapius.
The anonymous Syriac source, Chronicon ad annum 724, presents Romulus
as the first Latin ruler and the founder of Rome. This chronicle refers to two kings
that succeeded Romulus, yet without referring to Remus. Nothing is mentioned in
this source about the fratricide event and its consequences. Interestingly, the
Chronicon ad annum 724 presents Julius Caesar as the first Roman ruler without

72
S. Brock, ‘The Laments of the Philosophers over Alexander in Syriac’, Journal of Semitic
Studies 15 (1970), 205–18; R. Hoyland, ‘Arabic, Syriac, and Greek Historiography in the First
Abbasid Century: An Inquiry into Inter-Cultural Traffic’, ARAM 3 (1991), 211–33.
73
Particularly Eusebius lost Chronicle. On the structure of this work and its influence on Syriac
chronicles see Witold Witakowski, ‘The Chronicle of Eusebius: Its Type and Continuation in Syriac
Historiography’, ARAM 11–12 (1999–2000), 419–37.
74
He was active during the reign of Justinian I. For a discussion on Andronicus’ impact on Syriac
historiography see Hilkens, ‘Andronicus et son influence sur la presentation de l’histoire
postdiluvienne et pré-abrahamique dans la Chronique syriaque anonyme jusqu’à l’anné 1234’, in
Ph. Blaudeau and P. van Nuffelen (eds), L’historiographie tardo-antique et la transmission des
savoire (Berlin and Boston, 2015), 55–81.
75
M. Debié offers an excellent discussion of Malalas’ impact on the Syriac chronographic
tradition. She refers to two challenges in examining this issue the first that his name appears in Syriac
sources other than Malalas, and the path of transmission. ‘Jean Malalas et la Tradition Chronique de
Langue Syriaque’, in J. Beaucamp, S. Agusta-Boularot, Anne-Marie Bernardi, Bernadette Cabouret,
and Emmanuèle Caire (eds), Recherches Sur la Chronique de Jean Malalas I (Paris, 2004), 147–50.
76
Ibid., 152–5.
77
A good example of this orientation is the account ascribed to pseudo-Zacharia; see Zachariae
Rhetori Vulgo Adscripta, Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. E. Brooks, CSCO 83, Scriptores Syri, 38,
(Louvain, 1953), 194–5.

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referring to the Republic period.78 Similar narrative arrangement and details are
observed in the anonymous Chronicon ad annum 846 and the Chronographia of
Elias of Nisibis (d. 1064).79 The author of Chronicon ad annum 846 opens Roman
history with Romulus presenting him as the founder of Rome. The chronicle also
refers to all six kings that succeeded Romulus along with the length of their
reign.80 Elias of Nisibis traces the origin of the Romans back to Aeneas and
mentions all Latin kings who succeeded him among whom was Romulus, the
founder of Rome.81 No reference is made in these two chronicles to the fratricide
event and there is a leap from the monarchical period to Julius Caesar without
mentioning the Republic period. These narrative arrangements and particularly
the division into Latin and Roman periods are found in George Synkellos’
(d. 810) Chronographia,82 who relies heavily on Eusebius’ Chronicon.
Further details about the foundation narrative and story of Romulus and
Remus are found in the 9th century Syriac chronicle Pseudo Diocles Fragmentum,
which also is known as Chronicle on Classical Antiquity.83 According to this
chronicle, there was a powerful man named Romāyā living in the west. He saw a
beautiful woman, who served as the priestess of Ares. She fell in love with
Romāyā and bore him twin sons that their father named them Romulus and
Remus. Fearing that the temple priests would harm them, the twins’ mother
entrusted a woman with raising them. When the twin brothers grew up, they built
the city of Rome and called all the inhabitants of the city Romans, after their
father’s name.84
The fratricide event and its devastating consequences brought to Rome figure
in Pseudo Diocles Fragmentum. Like Malalas and Agapius, the chronicle
describes how the placement of a golden image of Remus on the throne ended the
earthquakes and instability in Rome. However, the details of how Romulus was

78
Chronicon Miscellaneum ad Annum Domini 724 Pertinens, ed. E. W. Brooks, CSCO 3,
Scriptores Syri 3, Chronica Minora II (Louvain, 1960), 102–5.
79
On this work see Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 330.
80
Chronicon ad annum 846 Pertinens, ed. E. W. Brooks, CSCO 3, Scriptores Syri 3, Chronica
Minora II (Louvain, 1960), I:162–4.
81
Eliae Metropolitae Nisibeni, Opus Chronologicum, ed. W. Brooks and J. Chabot, CSCO 62,
Scriptores Syri 21 (Louvain, 1954), I: 32–33. See also Lange, ‘Rom wurde von Romulus gegründet’,
283–4.
82
Synkellos divides the formative stage of Roman rulership into Latin and Roman periods. He
traces the origin of Latin rulership back to Aeneas and presents Romulus as the first Roman ruler and
the founder of Rome. He mentions in passing that Romulus murdered his brother without providing
further information about the fratricide’s consequences. At the same time, Syncellus dedicates
discussion about the controversy among historians regarding the identity of the founder of Rome and
the date of its foundation. The period of the Republic is not discussed here; see George Synkellos,
Chronographia, ed. K. Dindorf, CSHB (Bonn, 1829), I:333–4, 347–8, 360 (Latin kings), 362–7,
398, 449–51 (Roman Kings).
83
For a discussion of the chronicle’s possible author and content see Debié, ‘Jean Malalas’,
150–1.
84
Pseudo Diocles Fragmentum, ed. E. W. Brooks and I. B. Chabot, CSCO 5, Scriptores Syri 4,
Chronica Minora III (Louvain,1953), 362–4.

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able to reach this solution are remarkably different in this chronicle. The
earthquakes and the turmoil in Rome caused, according to this chronicle, many
Romans to flee the city in fear. Romulus thereupon approached the Pythia
searching for a solution for this crisis. She informed him that unless Remus would
be present on the throne and rule with him, the earthquakes and state of instability
would never cease. However, she did not specify how to do that. When the
Romans learned about the Pythia’s response, they threatened to stone Romulus.
As a result, he fled to Athens where he met a philosopher named Pūntūs. The
philosopher agreed to help him only if Rome would not subjugate Athens in the
future. He convinced Romans to take Romulus back and came up with the idea of
making a golden statue in the image of Remus and placed on the imperial throne.
Romulus began using the majestic form of commanding to demonstrate that he
was not a sole ruler. As a result, the earthquakes and the fighting among Romans
ceased.85
The author of Pseudo Diocles Fragmentum concludes the foundation story
recounting the origin of divisions in Rome. This report revolves around imperial
games where two participants compete. One man represented the people of the
seashore and wore blue (benton) costume. The other contender competed on
behalf of the people of the interior land and wore the green ( prasinon) costume.
Each one of the factions prayed that the contender who competed on their behalf
would win believing that a defeat would diminish the resources of their living.86
Besides relating that Romulus was inspired by this contest, nothing is mentioned
in this chronicle about the chariot-race that he held in honour of the Sun.
The portrayal of the twins’ childhood and the fratricide incident in Pseudo
Diocles Fragmentum is remarkably different from those of Malalas and Agapius.
These discrepancies clearly indicate that Malalas’ Chronographia was not the
source of this chronicle. Rather, the author of Pseudo Diocles Fragmentum
consulted a different source that included a different body of mythical materials
about the foundation story. The identification of this source is unattainable, yet the
reference to Athens seems to indicate it was written in Greek. The presentation of
the imperial contest in Pseudo Diocles Fragmentum is basically an abbreviation
of Malalas’ portrayal of imperial contest that the mythical Greek king, Oenomaus,
initiated. Malalas’ influence here can be observable, but the differences between
these presentations indicate the presence of another source or intermediary that
influences this chronicle.
A more detailed description of the founding story of Rome is found in later
Syriac works, particularly the universal history of the Jacobite patriarch of
Antioch, Michael the Syrian (d. 1199), and the anonymous chronicle of 1234.
These accounts, particularly that of Michael, bears, as we shall see, unmistakable
resemblance to those of Malalas and Agapius. Michael connects chronologically

85
Ibid., 362–7.
86
Ibid., 368.

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the foundation narrative with the division of Roman origins into Latin and Roman
phases. Aeneas, who arrived in Italy after the destruction of Troy, is depicted as
the first Latin ruler.87 Michael opens the Roman stage with Romulus and Remus.
Referring to the origin and childhood of the twin brothers, he offers two versions
the first of which is traced back to a certain Cymon.88 According to this report,89
Remus and Romulus were born to Ares and Ilia, who was the daughter of
Numitor. Ilia’s father was murdered by his brother, Amulius, who also usurped the
reign and imprisoned her. He also ordered one of his shepherds to kill Ilia’s sons.
Since this man took pity on the twins, he placed them in a small boat to be carried
down the River Tiber. Michael adds that a cattle herder (baqrā nāsh) named
Faustulus found them and raised them with the milk of a she-wolf. When
Romulus and Remus grew up, adds Michael, they learned from Faustulus about
their origin. Consequently, they killed Amulius, seized the kingdom, and released
their mother from prison. Michael concludes this version saying that Romulus and
Remus founded the city of Rome near the Tiber, and henceforth Latins were called
Romans.90
The content of this report, which differs from those of Malalas and Agapius,
resonates more with the story found in classical Greco-Roman traditions.91 It
seems that Michel is influenced here by Andronicus92 whose name appears just a
few lines before he began depicting the story of Romulus and Remus in regard to
Cecrops, the first Athenian king.93 According to Michael’s second version,
Amulius was the grandfather of the twin brothers whose mother, Ilia, was a
priestess of Mars. Thinking that she had committed adultery, Amulius ordered to
have the twins thrown into the river.94 Despite the lacunae95 in the text, it is still
possible to observe Malalas’ impact on Michael.
Michael’s report on the twins’ origin (particularly the second version) broadly
resembles those of Malalas and Agapius. The differences between these accounts
are primarily manifested in certain names of the narrative protagonists and

87
Chronique de Michel le Syrien, 4.7–14 (33–46), ed. J. Chabot (Paris, 1910). For the French
translation, see Chronique de Michel le Syrien, trans. J. Chabot (Paris, 1899), I:55–79.
88
Hilkens identifies this name with the mythographer Konon, who was active during Agustus’
reign. See ‘A New Fragment of the Narratives of Conon’, GRBS 56 (2016), 611–22.
89
Michael’s presentation of the first report bears resemblance to Agapius’ second version of the
story, which is preserved in Agapius Episcopus Mabbugensis, Historia Universalis, 156–8.
90
Chronique de Michel le Syrien, 4.15 (47–8) (trans. Chabot, I:79–80). The text and its English
translation are also found in Hilken’s, ‘A New Fragment’, 614–5.
91
See also M. Brown, The Narratives of Konon: Text, Translation and Commentary of the
DIEGESSEIS (Munich and Leipzig, 2002), 328–37.
92
Hilkens, ‘A New Fragment’, 612, demonstrates Andronicus’ influence on the transmission of
mythographical materials into Syriac and Arabic chronicles through the presentation of the story of
the Amazons.
93
Chronique de Michel le Syrien, 4.15 (47) (trans. Chabot, I:79).
94
Chronique de Michel le Syrien, 4.16 (48) (trans. Chabot, I :81)
95
For discussion regarding the recovery of the missing parts see Hilkens, ‘A New Fragment’, 618,
n. 24.

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locations. Agapius presents the twins mother as Helen, whereas she appears in the
accounts of both Michael and Malalas as Ilia.96 It is also possible that the
appearance of the name Helen had to do with informants that Agapius might have
consulted. Agapius questions, like Malalas, the rationality of the role of a she-wolf
in raising Romulus and Remus and provides reasonable explanation whereas this
part is unclear in Michael’s account. Following Malalas, Agapius also mentions
that a woman who was grazing sheep found the twins in a forest, whereas
Michael’s first version refers to a cattle shepherd that discovered them by the
riverbank. These distinctions seem to indicate that Agapius relies indirectly on
Malalas, whereas Michael was influenced by other sources. Hilkens identifies this
source as an unknown Syriac chronicle written between 545 and 94597 and
probably authored by John the Stylite of Litarba (d. 737).98 Hoyland
chronologically demarcates this source between 650–750.99 However, all attempts
to identify the common source/ sources for Agapius and Michael remain subject
to speculation.
Referring to the foundation of Rome and the fratricide event, Michael the
Syrian states:

As Romulus and Remus began to rule, they fell into fighting (neppelo
be-qrābā). Romulus then killed his brother, Remus, and ruled [alone] over
them [the Romans]. Since that event, the city did not cease to be agitated by
earthquakes, until he [Romulus] had a vision (eth ̣zi beh ̣ezwā) from which he
learned that the earthquakes would not cease until his brother, who had
founded the city with him, would sit with him on the throne. Consequently,
Romulus had made a golden statue (tsalmā de-dahaba) in the image of his
brother and placed it next to him on the throne. Whenever he spoke, he did it
on behalf of both saying, ‘We command, we do, we want’, and so on. This
custom has persevered among the kings of the Romans until today.100

Michael’s account of the fratricide incident and its destructive consequences is

almost identical to those of Malalas and Agapius. An almost an identical account
of this episode is found in the Anonymous Chronicle of 1234, but without
revealing how Romulus found the solution to restore stability to Rome.101 These
reports only differ on how Romulus reached the decision to place a golden image
of his brother on the throne. Malalas refers to an oracle and Michael to a vision,

96
It is worth noting that the name Ilia appears in most classical sources as the twins’ mother,
but also the names Rhea, and Sivila are also mentioned in some reports. See H. Hillen, Von Aeneas zu
Romulus: Die Legenden von der Gründung Roms (Düsseldorf, 2003), 110–12.
97
Hilkens, ‘Syriac Ilioupersides’, Le Muséon 126 (2013), 297, esp. n.82.
98
Hilkens, ‘A New Fragment’, 620.
99
Hoyland, ‘Agapius of Manbiǧ, Qustạ̄ ibn Lūqā and the Greco-Roman Past’, 21–5.
100
Chronique de Michel le Syrien, 4.16 (48) (Chabot, I :80–1).
101
Chronicon ad annum Christi 1234 (Chabot I:110; transl. 86–7).

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whereas Agapius mentions a dream. This comparison shows that Malalas’

Chronographia is the original source and both Agapius, Michael and the author of
Chronicle of 1234 share a common Syriac intermediary. Michael then refers to
Romulus’ efforts to distract opposition groups in Rome:

After building the wall of Rome, Romulus held a great feast that he called
Martius, which means Ares, the month that previously was known as
Primus….He also built a stadium (qirqis). Seeking to throw division among
the people who sought to eliminate him for killing his brother, Romulus
instituted for the first time in Rome games in honour of the Sun and the four
elements that took the form of chariot-race competitions. Assigning names to
the four elements, Romulus called the earth green ( prasinon), because it
resembles grass; the sea, blue (benton), because it resembles the blue water;
fire, red (sumoqo), because it shines, and air, white (h ̣eworo) for its whiteness.
Henceforth, there were factions in Rome….The inhabitants of Rome divided
themselves, each supporting the faction they liked, and hereafter there was no
more concord between them. Oenomaus (Honyāmūs), king of Persia [Pisa]
turned these equestrian games into a feast in honour of the Sun. A lot was cast
so that, when Oenomaus and those who came to fight and engage with him in
the struggle, the one who held the role of prasinon put on a grass-colored
garment. The victorious participant killed the defeated. Among the crowd of
attendees, those who inhabited the seacoast prayed that who was dressed in
blue would win victory, for they thought that if he were to be defeated their
resources would decrease. However, the city dwellers and villagers who lived
inside the land prayed for the victory of the contestant dressed in grass colour,
for they thought that if he would be defeated, their resources would
diminish.102

The resemblance between this passage and those of Malalas and Agapius is
remarkable. The structure and details of Michael’s account, however, is closer to
Malalas’ Chronographia than that of Agapius. Both Michael and Agapius refer to
the chariot race games initiated by Romulus to distract his subject. Interestingly,
both used four colours associated with the elements: green, blue, red, and white.
While the first two colours are given in Greek, the other two appear in Arabic (in
the case of Agapius) and Syriac (in the case of Michael). While Agapius’
reference to Oenomaus’ story is succinct and incorrectly mentions four colours
instead of two, Michael’s version is more detailed and is almost identical to that of
Malalas. Two major findings emerge from these comparisons the first of which
Malalas’ Chronographia is the original source for both Agapius and Michael.
Second, the fact that Michal’s report is almost identical to that of Malalas indicates

102
Chronique de Michel le Syrien, 4.50 (Chabot, I:82–4).

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the presence of a Syriac intermediary that served both Agapius and Michael. It is
unfeasible to certainly identify this Syriac intermediary. Efforts to pinpoint and
reconstruct lost sources in the transmission process are limited rudimentary
hypotheses. Such is the case with the presence of the oriental/eastern source,
which some scholars attribute to the Melkite scholar, Theophilos of Edessa
(d. 780) (as the author or the translator), whose work gives insights into the
transmission of extant works, such as that of Theophanes (d. 819).103

CONCLUSION
The article is chronologically situated within the transition from Late Antiquity to
Islam. It is illustrative of the intellectual dialogues between Muslims and
non-Muslims that transpired during the Abbasids caliphate within the Antiochene
sphere of influence. These scholarly encounters served as important channels
through which historical materials about early Roman history reached Muslim
scholars. The exploration of the manner in which Malalas’ Chronographia
impacted Arabic-Islamic portrayals of the foundation of Rome and the story of
Romulus and Remus exemplifies this conveyance of historical knowledge.
Malalas’ influence, which was indirect, evinces in the materials, the interest in
mythological themes, and narrative arrangement. Arab-Christian and Syrian
(particularly Melkite) authors served as important intermediaries in communicat-
ing these historical narratives to Muslim historians.
Most Muslim scholars open Roman history with Julius Caesar or Augustus
without referring to the monarchy or the Republic periods. This narrative
arrangement is in all probability influenced by Malalas as he discusses the Roman
monarchal phase and moves to the dictatorship of Julius Caesar while dedicating
one line to Republic period. Al-Masʿūdī was the first Muslim historian to mention
the story of Romulus and Remus and the foundation of Rome. However, a
clear resemblance to Malalas’ presentation of the story of the twin brothers is
observed in the works of al-Bīrūnī and Abū al-Fidāʾ. Allusions to the possible
sources of these Islamic accounts are found in al-Masʿūdī’s works. He mentions
both the consultation of an Antiochene archive and praises the works of Melkite
Arab-Christian historians, particularly Agapius, as important sources for Roman
history.
Agapius’ universal history served Muslim scholars, particularly al-Masʿūdī
and al-Bīrūnī, as the principal link of transmission for Malalas’ account of the

103
Debié, ‘Theophanes’ Oriental Source’, 365–82; Hilkens, ‘Before the Eastern Source:
Theophanes and the Late Syriac Chronicles, 4th-6th Centuries’, in M. Jankowiak and F. Montinaro
(eds), Studies in Theophanes, TM 19 (2015), 400–16; Hoyland, ‘Agapius, Theophilius and Muslim
Sources’, in M. Jankowiak and F. Montinaro (eds), Studies in Theophanes, TM 19 (2015),
355–64. M. Conterno, ‘Theophilos, ‘the more likely candidate’? Towards a reappraisal of the
question of Theophanes’ ‘Oriental source(s)’, in M. Jankowiak and F. Montinaro (eds), Studies in
Theophanes, TM 19 (2015),, 383–400.

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foundation of Rome and the story of Romulus and Remus. Agapius’ portrayals of
theses narratives reveal unambiguously that he drew on Malalas, who seems to
have been the first historian to incorporate these myths into the foundation story.
The examination of the foundation narrative in Syriac chronicles illuminates
certain aspects of the process of transmission of materials from Malalas to
Agapius. A comparative textual analysis of the relevant Syriac chronicles yields
three important findings. First, these comparisons, particularly between Agapius
and Michael the Syrian, further testify that Malalas’ Chronographia was the initial
source of these mythical narratives. The Antiochene background is another
common feature for these three authors. Second, Agapius did not consult Malalas’
work directly, but rather through Syriac intermediaries. Although it is hard to
determine the authors of these intermediaries, it is possible that they were part of
the Melkite or Antiochene sphere of influence. Finally, some of the differences
between these portrayals are not necessarily related to the intermediary sources.
Rather, they had to do in certain cases to the author’s informants or his decision to
reshape reports to better meet his audience expectations. This textual analysis of
the relevant reports, therefore, provide a unique angle for understanding the nature
of the transmission of historical knowledge beyond the Judeo-Christian or
Greco-Syriac milieus.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This article is dedicated to the bright memory of Prof. Zeev Rubin for his fruitful
mentorship and guidance.

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