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McKim Marriott

MeKim Marriott, PhD in


Anthropology (Chicago,
Department of Anthropology in Social1955),
is
Professor in the
Sciences
Collegiate Division of theUniversity of Chicago. He has done field
work in Uttar Pradesh and
Maharashtra, edited Village India, and
authored varied studies on rural social
S concerned with tormulating and
organization and change. He
simulating
SOciologies and psychologies in India, Japan, and other indigenous
countries.
Horks of Marriott
Village India: Studies in the Little Community (1955)
4CasteRanking and Community Structure in the Five Regions of
India and Pakistan
ndia througb Hindu
(1960)
Categories (1990)
MetMariothodology
used the structural-functional approach study of
in his
ilage India. Influenced by the model of Robert Redfield and
Alton Singer
ger, Marriott had conducted some studies on social
McKim M a r r i o t t

204
this
conceptual
work. The basie
trameworh

India utilizing and 'social


changein
ation ord
'civilization'

in
ideas this approach
are

the
evolutionary that vilization
view thar
tradition'. Itis based on
consists both cultu
of both cultural
tradition (which
the structure of
in two stages:
tirst, orthogenetic ox
through orthogener
structures)grows
and second, through
heterogenetic
encand,
sO
ndig
e n o u s evolution,
and civil1zations. In this c
contracts with other
cultures
of Marriott in tha
xt, We
would like to discuss the writings
e
following
paragraphs:
Communities and Traditions

between communities and


The discussion on relationship
or adequate concepts ford
tions has a history in the emergence the
study of a social phenomenon. Redfield had propounded the i
folk culture', relying largely on the dist1nctions put forward earlieoi
idea
by the European sociologists, such as those of Gemeinschaft and
and
Geselschaft (Tonnies) and mechanical and organic solidariw
(Durkheim). Redfield (1955) tormal1zed his ideas in the concept of
little community' with its four characteristics of smallness, distinc
tiveness, homogeneity, and selt-sufficiency. Marriott saw the
interplay among the communities of rural and urban centres. In his
essay on "Little Communities in an Indigenous Civilization,
(1955) Marriott explicitly indicates the relationship between the
local caste and
system the larger order of state and civilization.
Village India
Marriott's edited
(1955) is
Village India: Studies in the Little Commun
one of the most
fifties, and even well-known
e studis
in the collections of
villag
relevant. It includes today it could be considerea
onsidered eminen
anthropologists. contributions by both foreign a n d .Indian
The book aims
complexity of Indian civilization.at looking Indian
adian villages fror
villag e,
the

structural-tunctional. The
The
methodology,
nethodology, hov
*ined
ever,

concept of caste.
more
It has
been contributors
the effort have re-ca
re-examined

precise,
Our main
and less
open
ort of the editor to
of editor to*
m a k e cast

textured.
concern here is
entitled
ent "Little to
pape

Communities in an discuss
liscuss the Marrio Tts

vilization" (19
Indigenous CIV
McKim Marriott
205
ated in
ibuted in Village India.
conKishan Garhi in Aligarh
dhevillageof Marriott conducted
district his study
Of
the
1950 to April 1952.
mber 1950 of Uttar
but a world in itself. Kishan Garhi is not Pradesh
like
a
,
hoest groups. It grows
o n o m i ci n t e r e s
It has internal divisions anof
There are crops,
many external which are sold outside
economic
e v i l l a g e .

Or h t e r n a l

visions
d i v i S i o n
are also in matters ot relationships.
Ve
liage1s divided politically too in terms marriage
and kinship. The
These structural facts make of factions.
phserves: T h e s e

Kishan Marriott
ichless than an isolated whole in the Garhi seem very
shan Garhi is isolable'.
However, Kishan primitive sense" (1955).
Marriott further writes:
di omCompelled go
lving thing, has
to on to
say that the
village
"But
of Kishan Garhi
he a
definable structure, is
of d entity, 1s
7VId
a
system- even if it is one of many conceptually a

in the larger subsystems


er
nd
socio-politico-religio-economic
Especially I compelled look system in which it
am so
it I
hases that the people ot the concerns and
at
ty cmphases the
of village express and if I try to
uate the structural aspects their lives as ot
c- hid.Marriott relies
on certain
they evaluate them
cultural practices, norms
he cGquettes etc. tor considering Kishan Garhi as an and
is question is: How far these notions and 'isolate'. The
, practices are the core of the
ilage life? Are they not peripheral aspects
he of social structure? To
Marriott's phenomenological
anthropology
superticial as a methodological device.
looks somewhat
In his
paper, Marriott directly raises questions of interrelation
otan Indian village with the larger society and with the civilization
ity gwihich it is a small and local part. The balanced account of the
1es
lage in Aligarh district both as a
tly unified world in itself and also as
an of communities outside itself treats more fully than do earlier
he this
topic is
question, recurrent for the book as a whole. But, the
only
1s introductory here. To Lewis' characterization of types
he rege organization and of countrywide networks Marriott adds
ste greatly expanded historical dimension: he treats Kishan Garhi as
element
ment inin the development of native Indian civilization.
er ment and culture alike have grown upward from Kishan
ni and thousa
5) hee relective
thousands of other villagers. And, the government and
IVe thought of India have influenced the development of
McKim Marriott
206

from the village to th.


all these Kishan Garhis. Upward
and ideas of the state and
the civilization and the
the civilization, and the dostitu
state to the village, his mindard
mind nst
vnwarditutions
runs inîrom
historicalns
identify some of the characteristic in
of a viceses his
villarocesses
efforts to WOrl

which a native civilization, seen through the life


ife ofa
ge, by
a s k s .

understood. may be h e n d

In this paper, Marriott sees historical interaction i. one s

little community and greater community. Governmen.on


ent and land
tenure and then caste organization, as products ofinter
atdionlapdto a n d s -

tion over
these

on oy
many generations, are looked in. Native Indian governm andr

nt is in
part a growth upward from the institutions of
the
community. On the other hand, features of the village that locd
log
S I v e n

the se
at first as local developments - elements of kinship struct Ppe
appear quest

layout, and typical modes of contlict - turn out to be ref


say

general policy". And caste relationships too are


state in part of Isolat
of institutions of the wider community, reflex
"degradations of the royl Outsic

style". The conclusion is reached that "both little


an
communitiesand
tradit

greater communties mutually necessary conditions of earh


are the u
other's existence in their present forms". Besides the
role of state
and caste, Marriott has villag
analysed testivals and deities in great detail
with a view to understand the nature of the and t
in India. village community the v
Marriott also makes the reterr
content of ideas. To little and
point in terms of culture and
same

great communities correspond lite tradit


and great traditions. The
in historical religious life of Kishan Garhi is examined Comm
depth. It is asked: "What elements of ritual and beliet the o
represent contributions from village life isolab
of India's upward to the tormation
great Sanskritic tradition? What withi
modifications of elements of that elements are loca
great tradition conmmun sOcio-
downward to it?" To the two
aspects of the double of this contir
interaction between little
and great traditions processo relatio
universalization and Marriott gives ia tion'
mes

VIewpoint, a set of
parochialization. We are being heipl
concepts, and of work comm
anthropologists study village in its generic historic processe
to a
a way
v*e o unive that
interactionwith the generic historic Priot
work combines "a civilization of which it is par betwe
a
t . r r i o t t s

with focus upon the


small illag constr
a
"perspective upon the universe half-world tue of
These
of Indian civiliza
civilization"
and lit
McKim Marriott 207

ewell-argued essay, Marriott discusses the small


within the universe of Indian civilization. He also
Iathis

village
v i l l a s

Hofa
ot stions: (1) Can such a village be satisfactorily compre
a

whole in itself? (2) Can understanding of


g o r d d

o n dc o nnceived as
ceived a s a

to
greater of the culture
ded11age contribute understanding
a ns
eu c h

which the village is imbedded? To provide answers to


d s o c e t y i nw h i c h

1$Ocen. Marriott
questions, M ar discusses certain aspects of social structure

drelgtous oulture of Kishan Garhi. The paradox is that if 'yes' is


se of the tirst question, then 'no' is given in regard to
relationship between the
ven
i nt h e
inverse two
HThus, there is an
problem as follows: "We cannot
t h es e c o n a d
this
questions.M a Marriott explains
village is comparable with a primitive
h that an Indian that is
dependent upon and part of a system
ayboth

n d also that it is simultaneously that the great


cannot claim
aself. We
is relevant and that it is irrelevant
to
Indian civilization
of
of peasant life."
traditio.

te
understand1ng
"In lndia,
ground". The
we are on middle
Marriott writes: far into the outside world,
its central locus
lage reaches
beyond most central core
of
reaches into the
world in turn
nd the outside observation of Marriott may
be
The tollowing
de village society. conservative and a relatively
Garhi 1s a
Kishan
rederred: Although self-contained, complete little
raditional village, I cannot say it is
little communities. Nor,
on

Community comparable with primitive and a clearly


I doubt that it is a community,
the other hand, can conceive it
So how am I
to
its residents.
tor of
S02ble community
the notions ot 'levels
universe?" He accepts folk-urban
ithan its larger folk-urban
fields, the
active
9oOCi0-cultural integration', analyzing
communal relations tor
unuum and levels of civiliza-
civilization' and 'secondary
between primary tradition
remains in
in
Constant
constant

ton'. An of
great indigenous little traditions. The processes
Communicat
cation with its own facilitate
tacilitate
interaction
interaction

Universalization
Zuon
and 'parochialization
traditions.
Theretore,
Marriott

Detwee great and


little
and parochialization
Lne
nstructs the concepts
concepts of
'universalization'

of great
with the concepts
Tbese two ncepts have been explained
duttle traditions.
McKim Marriott
208

mp
Little and Great Traditions
10 M
A few of the concepts, which have emerged from the vill
made during 1950s, are considered to be significant for lage studies
Sud

change in rural society. Most of these concepts are


nature and evolved out of caste in rural lndia. The con
analyzing
cultural in
cul
and great traditions also stand tor change in rural caste s u o l ,
of these concepts are constructed by Milton Singer em. Boh
and Mc
Marriott.
The origin of little and great traditions is from Rober
Redfield, who conducted his studies in Mexican comme
was Redfield
who talked about little community. For him, 1 mmunities. h
community was a village that had smaller size,
self-sufficient and
relatively isolated. Redtield did not mention anything
traditions or great traditions. Singer and Marriott, who about limle
enced by the studies conducted by Redtield for were int
theirintensive stu
of India's villages, elaborated the
original model of Redfield in t
light of data generated from Indian villages.
has commented Yogendra Singh (194
upon the construction of little and
in Indian great traditions
villages by these two anthropologists.
( w m p

Parochialization and Universalization


O
0M
Marriott (1955: 197-200) envisaged two Concepts,
parochialization' and 'universalization' with namely
been defined as the the two poles
great and the little traditions. Thus, havng
characterizes the mode of
interaction Mariot
traditions in the Indian between the 'little' and grea
ization. The first is whenvillage 'parochialization' and "une
as

elements of the 'great' rcolat


downward and become organic part of tradition pe osung
thereby their original form. The the 'little' tradition
when
elements of the 'little' second process rates

circulate upward to the tradition (deities, customs, opes eetct


level of the Tiv
dition. Marriott g
many examples of such 'great'
circular processes oftradition. Mar his bs
obser

vations in India.
proceed as an Sanskritization, accordingchangeit
to
does
does no

independent
non-sanskritic cultural process; it
It
1s is nnsedo
sed

superimppo
on

replacenment. forms through rather than s


accretion ratue
Mckim Marriott
209

lization
Perochaliza refers to the manner in which the
great radit
edition shedo some of their pure form andelements
add
of
local
pour
unsteaad
r Marriott presented the complementary
es indicat1ng an upward mobility concept of
alization' of local tradition
itbeg1ns ching the regional or the national level. The possi-

of
styles of life moving upward can
o flife be
in social context seen
e iy mins nigrating to remote areas appear to take over some
th shen
b.
customs. He argues that there is a constant interaction
fthelo
andlittle traditions.
een
the great

ert
It Stratification

tle el stratification, according to Marriott, is closed rather than


Rural
nd ited
there are limit sets of inter-group ties and in this context
atle hereterence group behaviour often tends to be dystunctional. In
lu- han areas, not only the stratitication system relatively open but
ady t character is 'attr1butional'
and 'interactional'. In other words, if
the rain individual group or family is able to acquire high status
94) ambutes such as education, wealth, or better occupational position
ons
the cities, the individual or group may be able to pass asa
Member of higher social rank. In the villages, on the other hand,
the
Inking depends more on the traditional evaluation of caste status.
inter-individual
1S retlected in most forms of inter-group
or
ely, status attributes may not
be
ing
ving Cions. Mere acquisition of higher
uClent here for the evaluation of the caste status.
riott
the principle ot
reat Moreover,
OrEOver, in the metropolitan settings,
the rural system of
>rsal- porate ranking' does not operate as it does in
the entire
olate ication. corporate ranking, status is attributed toare able to
Pun
Oup or even if individuals o r families in the group
osing as a
vhen Mure status-enhancing attributes, the status of the group
cultural
etc. vhole isis
le n
The status is collectively
defined on

Cnanged. and pollution,


gives
In the rural caste syystem principles of purity more
which are
bser- atafry Occupation and kinship
relations
n o t

nding factor in social stratification, render ranking


te ors
the system
sanskrit1zation,
on

orate.
Pate' The of mobility through
status
mple
NAy
ay, nprocess
in the ranking system.
rural

exrlarns the tendency this corporateness tribe


plaimeSts mobilize caste,
a r e a s to
in the rural social status.
advancement of
ups as a whole for
McKim Marriott
210

Compared to this, in urban centres, non-corporate


te mod. mode oB
mobility is quite common.
The above distinction between the rural and urban stastatbtus
characteristicsystofemsosstruc
social stratification highlights only the main characterist
tural pattern.
Thus, Marriott (1968) points out the complexity 1
of d
number ofTndhuds
system of stratitication and stresses d tor
the need for aa numha
analytic notions in order to understand what
caste mobility is about. First of all, the
any
contrast
given efofortnDea
of stratification and
between
nteractional rural system
the oe
attributional urban system should be taken into open,
considera Pea
Further, hedistinguishes the
ranking and mobility of co
Corporations concerned with ritual dominance and castes
pollution
the ranking and movements of individuals f
and groups conra
with wealth, power or cerned
each caste and
prestige. Finally, he reters to the felt locsd
specified to which of the several
hierarchies and audiences local, possible relevam
regional,
-

or national its behaviour is referred to


-
sectarian, civilizational
by itself and by others.
Specialized Study of Caste Ranking
Marriott, in his
Communitry Structurepath-breaking
work on Caste
Regions of India and Raneing
in Five and
takes the
position that in Pakistan (1960,
the
terms of stratified structural
Muslim operate within the relationship
develops a rigorous, framework of the
caste system. He
ness' of caste comparative method for studying 'elaborae
ranking based on a notion of
ethnic diversity in social
elaboration in the social ecology. He demographic facton
locates the factors causi
interaction ecology and in the pattern of thnt
(Marriott, 1959). He further
of caste ranking intere
and food develops matrix ana
a
to his transactions. One mayalso
publication on Hindu also mention
mendo here
Morgan Lectures (1967). Caste The Lewis.Heny
Ranking:
ng: The Leur
In his
article, "Multiple
Marriott (1968:
103) Reference in Indian CasteSystem
in
IndianAste
of caste
stratification suggests reference the stuo
ence in the caste system. He argues group
8roup
that inapproa
approach
oraet.nro retéer
to
system in India. He
refers to ole!
mu
understanding of the stratitication
argues that in order to
S a u nt u l l e

proceser

system in India, its pr


McKim Marriott
211
, Lobserved at various levels.
oDtrOpolitan
coms
ould

in
from metropolit
system ot
These levels
ranking, ruralare:
orporate units in
Aerent

ranking and individual,


as
terzones o f r e
ference for the finally,
reference "a series of group
any local successively
units in
es being distinctively
eral
characterized by system, the
distinctive
AAt level, according to
anothe
an

reflects its structural Marriott (1968:


icato three zones:
Tratitica teatures in India 109), caste
(1) the zone of that of zones.
mentions
the
is rectly connected parts in the village community
nized cultural or countryside; (2) the zone of
linguistic region; and (3) the zone
hole ivilization. In the village, zone, castes or of
elevant category tor ranking is class. sub-castes
ast relev are the
Classes manifest
es
hemselves through categories like lord or 'servant' in northern
or the 'waterbearing or
non-waterbearing
people' or 'dark people' in Gujarat. In the
in Bengal or
Wever, the more inclusive
civilizational zone,
categories those of varna, ethnic
min or the cosmopolitan scheme of
gradation according to
Jarmiot offer a framework tor understanding social stratification.
The conflicts in the
system social stratification emerge from
of
echanging trames of reterence in the ranking of castes from one
Frelot categories to another. This process has also contributed to
t rystallization in favour of any one of these three levels of
king systems and Marriott says that all of them are operating un
multiple reference model.
,Marriott's analysis does not indicate the complexity of the
sial
Stratification system in India, but it offers us an insight into
echanisms by which stratification process at one level, such as
or metropolit
,metropolitan, interacts with that of other evels such as
se of the three of
the village, region
zones and civilization.
An
i understanding of the dialectical relationship between the
ation mechanisms at different levels can be had only
the analysis of the various social torces that i operate for the
in
stratification.
Marriott's scheme offers categories
for the
Tion of the pattern ofstratification in India, but is limited in
e0Terical yalia,
dity and power. It does not offer theoretical codes
McKim M a i o t t

212
one
level ofobservat
of obser to

onesanoh
from
s c h e m e n t o .

transcription
ofdata
indicate
how the cheme of cate
for fails to do not
o r do not cconstit
it
and finally, him constitute
suggestedby
ranking
ples throug which
principles
could be understood and
ranking understoo.hi

set of staus
interrelated

dynamics of
social
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n

naly
(Singh, 1974: 322-23).

Hierarchicol Order
throurh
is also
maintained

systemuR
the custom
stratification ofsociety religion. The
caste
The
and traditions
advocated by
continued to survive berPe despite the
secular forces,
efforts made by has identifiedof
in caste system.
the ritu
Marriott

values inherent hierarchical tions


relations in the villaoe life, village Th
aspects
of
and religious
relations in the village
are e v e n
n
today regulated by
commensual
In the cities there are no
concept of purity and pollution.
concerned.
taboos
Is
tar as commensality

Social Mobility
number of studies on social mohi
Marriott (1968), reviewing a
finds relevant distinctions at
three levels in the ranking svstem
related to the Indian mobility pattern.
These are based on distin
tions between: (1) rural from metropolitan types of ranking sysen
(2) individual or group from corporate units in ranking, and ()
series of successively wider zones of reterence for the units in a
local system, the several zones being characterized by distncue
values. The zones, according to him, are the village, the lingusti
region and the whole civilization.

Hindu Culturol Categories


It is an anomalous fact that social sciences in India have deve
from western rather than Tesulh

Indian cultural real1ties. a"


western
disc1plines often do
deal with realities recognize and, there
not
retlected in many Indian social
volume on, ndia ornes inst (1990), Marnou Marn
through Hindu Categories
explores social science ideas which can be develop d from
realities known to Indian trom
t

Hindu cultural people. These ideas are aVn


h e y ofter coher
categories, not
merely because th
tney Se
McKim Marriott 213
fprehensive
cive Systems of thought, but especially because they
oprevariations, whi
which escape the notice of conventional
hunate
huna
7 aSCIEnce
riott'sFrameworkSummarized
MaTTOtts
Educatedn USA,
career in USA,
Academic
and other countries.
restS in India, Japan,
and psychologies in India,
Ta formulate indigenous sociologies
and other
countries.
Japan,
ksumption
civil1zat1Ion or the structure of tradition
Evolutionary view ot
Methodology
. Structural-functional
Ipology
Iittla and roaat teaditions

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