Hawassa University

School of graduate studies

Sociology Department

Indigenous Conflict Resolution Mechanisms among

the Sidama of Bursa Woreda,
Southern Ethiopia

By: Dawit Yokona

June, 2019

Hawassa, Ethiopia
 Indigenous conflict resolution mechanism among
the Sidama of Bursa Woreda,
Southern Ethiopia

A Thesis submitted to School of the graduate studies of Hawassa University in

partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of master of Art (MA) in
Sociology

By: Dawit Yokona

Advisor: Dagne Shibru (PhD)

June, 2019

Hawassa, Ethiopia
 Examiners Approval sheet-1

School of Graduate Studies

Hawassa University

We, the undersigned, members of the Board of Examiners of the final open defense by Dawit
Yokona Rike have read and evaluated his/her thesis entitled “Indigenous conflict resolution
mechanisms among the Sidama of Bursa Woreda”, and examined the candidate. This is
therefore, to certify that the thesis has been accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for
MA degree in Sociology.

____________________________ ________________ __________________

Name of Chairperson Signature Date

____________________________ ________________ __________________

Name of Major Advisor Signature Date

____________________________ ________________ __________________

Name of Internal Examiner Signature Date

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Name of External Examiner Signature Date

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SGS Approval Signature Date

Final approval and acceptance of the thesis is contingent upon the submission of the final copy of
the thesis to the School of Graduate Studies (SGS) through the Department/School Graduate
Committee (DGC/SGC) of the candidates department.
 DECLARATION

I the undersigned, declare that this thesis is my original work and has not been preserved for
degree in any college or university and all sources of materials used for the thesis are
appropriately acknowledged.

Name: Dawit Yokona Rike Signature______________ Date________________

Acknowledgement
Above all things, I would like to thank the almighty God who has been with me up to this point,
and who is the source of my power and strength in every single days of my life.

I extend my sincere gratitude and appreciation to my advisor, Dr Dagne Shibru, for his consistent
technical and professional support to complete this thesis. I also acknowledge that for his great
understanding, critical comments and restless positive response in all the conversation that we
made and I am grateful. I am very grateful his friendly approach and restless encouragement to
have confidence to pursue this research.

Most importantly, I am grateful to my key informants, expertise, focus group discussants and all
other participants who are crucial to this thesis and graciously opened their hearts to me and
shared their experience and knowledge. This thesis is a product of the generosity of all the
people mentioned above with their time and the information they provided to me.

The last but not the least, I would like to thank all my family and my friends for giving me
encouragement to accomplish this thesis work.

I
 Acronyms

BWCTGC Bursa Woreda Culture, Tourism and Government Communication

CBO Community Based Organizations

CSA Central Statistical Agency

DJCD Departement of judicial and constitutional development

FDRE Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

FGD Focus Group Discussions

EPRDF Ethiopian people‟s Revolutionary Democratic Front

KII Key informant interview

SNNPRS Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional State

SZCTGCS Sidama Zone Culture, Tourism and Government Communication Sector

SZFED Sidama Zone Finance and Economy Development

SZTID Sidama Zone Trade and Industry Department

II
 GLOSSARY

Local terms English translation

Addawaana Marriage through the interest of a girl

Aduulisha Soliciting

Affini Tradition of submitting the case “have you heard?”

Amaale Law of counseling

Budu hara Cultural hall

Cimeessa Elders

Dancha ayaana Good spirit

Dano Sudden cases

Diira Abduction

Eqqa Inheritance

Fichee Chambalala Sidama indigenous New Year festival

Ganama Physical fight among individuals and groups

Gare Clan

Garo Clan leader

Gibo Conflict without involving physical force

Gudumale Traditional tribunal

Halaale True way of life

Hanfala Gear or garment culture of Women

Huchato Arranged marriage

III
Ketala Cultural dance

Lubbo Shaa Dispute on killing someone or Homicide

Luwa Age-grade generational system

Magano Supreme God

Min gibbo Family disputes

Moogga Burial places

Moora Theft

Moote Customary political leader

Mulqira Robbery

Qarichcho Wives of chiefs

Ragge Widowed women married as inheritance

Sidamu afoo Sidamic language

Seera Decision enforcing mechanism or social sanction

urde/ola War

Woma Cultural and Religious leader

Yakka Peaceful demonstration of Women

IV
 List of Figures
Figure1: Map of Sidama administrative Zone………………………………………………...VI

Figure 2: Huluka Ceremony at the eve of Fichee-Chambalala…………………………………….39

Figure 3: Ketala( cultural dance)………………………………………………………………40

Figure 4: Garote Songo(clan leader council)…………………………………………………...71

V
Figure 1: Map of Sidama Administrative Zone

Source: Sidama Zone Finance and Economy Development (2011), Hawassa

VI
Contents
Acknowledgement ........................................................................................................................... I
Acronyms ........................................................................................................................................ II
GLOSSARY ................................................................................................................................. III
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ V
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... X
CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................. 1
1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 1
1.1 Background of the Study ....................................................................................................... 1
1.2 Statement of the Problem ...................................................................................................... 3
1.3 Objectives of the Study ......................................................................................................... 4
1.4 Significance and Delimitation of the Study .......................................................................... 5
1.5. Organization of the Study .................................................................................................... 5
CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................ 6
2. Literature review and theoretical framework .............................................................................. 6
2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 6
2.2 Defining conflict ................................................................................................................... 6
2.3 Types of conflict.................................................................................................................... 8
2.4 Causes of conflict ................................................................................................................ 10
2.5 Theories related to social conflict ....................................................................................... 11
2.6 Repercussion of Conflict ..................................................................................................... 14
2.7 Conflict Resolution Mechanisms ........................................................................................ 14
2.7.1 Conflict Prevention ....................................................................................................... 14
2.7.2 Conflict Management ................................................................................................... 15
2.7.3 Conflict Resolution ....................................................................................................... 16
2.7.4 Conflict Transformation ............................................................................................... 17
2.8 Indigenous Conflict Resolution Mechanisms ..................................................................... 18
2.7.1 Forms of Conflict resolution process............................................................................ 19
2.7.2 Enforcing Decisions ..................................................................................................... 22
2.7.3 Rituals in resolving conflicts ........................................................................................ 23
2.8 Strengths and weaknesses of indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms ......................... 24

VII
CHAPTER THREE ...................................................................................................................... 27
3. Methodology of the study ......................................................................................................... 27
3.1 Research design ................................................................................................................... 27
3.2 Sources of data and sampling techniques ............................................................................ 27
3.3 Instruments of data collection ............................................................................................. 28
3.4 Data collection procedure and analysis ............................................................................... 30
3.5 Ethical Considerations......................................................................................................... 31
CHAPTER FOUR ......................................................................................................................... 32
4. The Sidama people: A brief historical account ......................................................................... 32
4.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 32
4.2 Location and origin of Sidama people ................................................................................ 32
4.3. Language and Religion....................................................................................................... 34
4.4. Economic activities ............................................................................................................ 36
4.5. Cultural practices................................................................................................................ 37
4.5.1 Luwa (generation grade system) ................................................................................... 37
4.5.2 Fichche-Chambalala ..................................................................................................... 38
4.5.3. Ketala (cultural dance) ................................................................................................ 40
4.5.4. Marriage....................................................................................................................... 41
4.6. Major political activities..................................................................................................... 42
4.6.1 The Sidama during Imperial regime ............................................................................. 42
4.6. 2. The Sidama during the Derg ...................................................................................... 43
4.6.3The Sidama during the EPRDF regime ......................................................................... 44
4.7 The specific research site: Bursa woreda ............................................................................ 45
CHAPTER FIVE .......................................................................................................................... 46
5. Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms among Sidama of Bursa woreda ......................... 46
5.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 46
5.2. Types of conflict resolved through indigenous mechanisms ............................................. 46
5.3 Causes of conflict ................................................................................................................ 48
5.3.1 Land related causes ....................................................................................................... 48
5.2.2 Homicide ...................................................................................................................... 51
5.3.3 Marital Causes .............................................................................................................. 53

VIII
 5.3.4 Religious Causes........................................................................................................... 54
5.3.5 Political Causes............................................................................................................. 56
5.4 Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms among Sidama ............................................... 57
5.4.1 Halaale(true way of life) .............................................................................................. 57
5.4.2 Affino Vs Afibeelo(have you heard?) ............................................................................ 58
5.4.3 Amaale (the law of Counsel) ........................................................................................ 60
5.4.4 Dinye(call for appointment).......................................................................................... 60
5.5 Role of indigenous institutions in resolving conflicts ......................................................... 61
5.5.1 Womu Budu Hara (the Woma house)........................................................................... 61
5.5.2 Moote, Ga‟ro (political and religious institution) ........................................................ 64
5.5.3 Maganaanchu Mine (the house of Light god Messenger) ............................................ 64
5.5.4 Songo(elder‟s council) .................................................................................................. 65
5.6 Role of Women in indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms .......................................... 72
5.6.1 Hanfala (the women garment) ...................................................................................... 72
5.6.2 Yakka (Peaceful demonstration of women) .................................................................. 73
5.6.3 Qarichcho(chief wives ) ............................................................................................... 74
5.7 Decisions enforcing mechanisms in indigenous conflict resolution ................................... 75
5.7.1 Seera (Social sanction) ................................................................................................. 75
5.7.2 Guma(blood prices) ...................................................................................................... 77
5.7.3 Kege fiica(Purifying) .................................................................................................... 79
5.7.4 Harafo(Material provision) .......................................................................................... 80
5.7.5 Soora (food provision).................................................................................................. 81
5.8 Strengths of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism ..................................................... 82
5.9 Weakness of indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms ................................................... 85
CHAPTER SIX ............................................................................................................................. 87
6. Conclusion and recommendation .............................................................................................. 87
References ..................................................................................................................................... 89
Appendix .......................................................................................................................................... i

IX
 Abstract
The different ethnic groups in Ethiopia have developed their own indigenous mechanism to deal
with conflicts. The Sidama peoples are among those ethnic groups with their own conflict
resolution mechanisms. The main purpose of this study is to explore the indigenous conflict
resolution mechanisms among the Sidama people of Bursa Woreda. The study has employed a
descriptive qualitative research to meet the required objectives of the study. In order to achieve
the above purpose, the study employed primary data from different informants in Bursa Woreda
through qualitative data collection techniques which include key informant interview, focus
group discussions, observation and case study. A total number of 43 respondents were
participated in the study. The secondary data sources were obtained from published and
unpublished documents; such as books, journals and different researches. In order to examine,
explain and analyze the cultural values of the people in the study area, the researcher employed
qualitative data analysis technique.
The finding of the research reveals that the indigenous conflict resolution mechanism play very
crucial role in maintaining peace and stability and sustaining reliable social relationship in the
study area. The major causes that drive people of the study area into conflict are family related
conflicts, related to land, inheritance, marital cases, religious cases, political cases, conflict over
violations of agreement and murder. Indigenous conflict resolution institutions in the study area
are proved by the community as efficient in handling and resolving conflicts of different nature.
Sidama indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms are oral, and not yet sufficiently
systematically documented. This needs proper attention for the protection, promotion and
development of indigenous knowledge as well as institutions. Indigenous knowledge has to be
integrated into formal education system so as to use of local communities and the key to
sustainable socioeconomic development.

Key words: Indigenous, Conflict, Conflict resolution, Indigenous conflict resolution (ICR)

X
 CHAPTER ONE

1. Introduction
1.1 Background of the Study
Conflict is a natural phenomenon in the life of human beings which occur in relation of
interaction for socio-cultural, economic and political purposes. As Brock (2001:13) pinpoints,
"conflict is an integral part of our lives." According to Osaghae (2000), conflict could occur
between people of different communities normally over the determination of rights, ownership of
natural resources and raid of live-stock. As a human being, we all deal with conflict in our day-
to-day lives- at home, work and school, in personal and business relations. In today‟s complex
society, it is common to see when communications breakdown, differences increase and conflicts
arise. However, what is important is how to settle our differences (Osaghae, 2000).

Resolution of conflict is crucial for day-to-day coexistence as human beings are in a constant
search of conflict resolution mechanism (Getachew, 2008:13). Hence, different societies of the
world have developed their own mechanisms to resolve conflict. Like other parts of the world,
Africa also has developed own indigenous institutions. In African, traditional societies, conflict
management through indigenous institutions perform a healing function (Turner, 1957). It
provides opportunity for examinations of alternative positive decision to resolve differences. As
a result, the role of actors like elders, clan chiefs and prominent leaders, accept and respected the
council of elders, king„s court, peoples assemblies, etc for dispute settlement and justice
dispensation (Nebiyu, 2011). This is because elders could have wisdom and knowledge and
respect as trustworthy mediators. Traditional institutions play a proactive role to promote social
cohesion, peace, harmony, co-existence; and a reactive role in resolving disputes which have
already occurred (DJCD, 2008:9).

Similarly, according to Fred-Mensah (2005:11), traditional conflict resolution mechanism is a

social capital, defined as the capability of social norms and customs to hold members of a group
together by effectively setting and facilitating the terms of their relationship sustainability
facilitates collective action for achieving mutually beneficial ends.

1
Conflict resolution mechanism in Ethiopia can be generally classified as indigenous conflict
resolution mechanisms and formal mechanisms of conflict resolution, which are provided by the
state (Pankhurst and Getachew, 2008:45). Even today, these mechanisms are widely practiced
and deep rooted with varying degrees among the different ethnic groups in the country.

In the Ethiopian context as well, Mellese (2008:44) states that, as a multicultural society, there
are various social groups that live together in harmony, cooperation and sometimes in conflict.
On the circumstance when conflict arises within or between social groups, Abera (2000:3) notes
that, various types of conflict resolution methods were applied in different parts of the country
and among different sections of the population.

Assefa (2005:18) has made a study on indigenous mechanisms of conflict resolution in Oromo.
He defined some of the mechanisms in different categories. These include: ilafi-ilame,
Jarsumma, Waqeffana and Siiqe. According to this study, these mechanisms have been practiced
by the Oromo were mainly in order to resolve conflicts found in their respective areas. The
Aba‟la in Afar, the Shimagille in Amhara region, Nemo in Shinasha, Ruec Wec Ring and Guk
among the Nuer of Gambela, the Korefinie among the Gamo are also some of the many
indigenous systems of conflict resolution mechanisms in Ethiopia (Pankhurst and Getachew,
2008:23). Thus, Ethiopians, like their African counterparts has employed their own indigenous
conflict resolution mechanisms in the process of settling conflict. These different ethnic groups
have customary conflict resolving mechanisms in the various ethnic groups of Ethiopia (ibid).

Similarly, the Sidama people have also developed different institution to manipulate the day- to -
day activities of its members. Among these institutions, customary conflict resolution
mechanism is employed by the society in order to resolve conflicts. Therefore, the general
purpose of this study aimed at exploring the indigenous conflict resolution mechanism among
Sidama people, the case of Bursa Woreda of Sidama Zone. Hence, the study explores and
documents the social, economic and ritual roles of indigenous dispute settlement mechanisms.

2
1.2 Statement of the Problem
In the different parts of the world especially in Africa‟ customary chiefs and elders are the true
representatives of their people, accessible, respected, and legitimate, and therefore still essential
to politics in the continent and especially to the building of democracies based on the authority of
elders (Asmarom, 2006).

In large parts of the world, social, customary rules, elders‟ institutions, indigenous customary
social courts, councils of elders, and similar customary authorities play central role in the
resolution of conflict and governing their societal values and all social cultures, they share
common features especially in Africa. Their relations with the state institutions are perceived as
legitimate institutions by local populations in many cases especially when they are formally
recognized (Flavier, 1995).

In many developing countries women„s are victims of indigenous conflict resolution processes
because the process of conflict resolution under this method is dominated by male elders
(Volker, 2007). Even though, women does not directly participate in the decision making
process, they play important roles for the sustainability of peace building and conflict resolution
systems (Markos, 2014).

Ethiopia is believed to be the country of more than eighty ethnic groups, who have their own
languages, and cultures. These diverse ethnic groups have developed their own distinctive
political, administrative, economic, social and judicial systems. These diverse groups have been
living in cooperation and conflict for a long period of time. They have also developed and
employed their own mechanisms to resolve different conflicts that arise due to divergence of
interest and other factors (Assefa, 2001:14).

The different researchers‟ works in the Southern Nations Nationalities and peoples region also
showed that different ethnic groups employed their own methods of conflict resolution
mechanism. For instance, Yewondwossen (2006:31) explains the Ye Joka indigenous conflict
resolution mechanisms among the Gurage people. Sileshi Abate examines the nature of Sekacho
conflict resolution mechanism in Bench Maji Zone. Besides, Gebre (2011) discusses
mechanisms of conflict resolution in Doko- Gamo ethnic group in Gamo Gofa.

3
Furthermore, Melese (2008) explains about the role of elders in resolving conflicts among the
people of Wolayta. Added to that, Kifile (2007) states tradition of conflict transformation among
the rural Hadiya community.

The Sidama has their own indigenous mechanisms of conflict resolution based on customs and
values of the society. Hamer (1998), in his study of Sidama society stated that Sera or customary
rules and laws of the society and moral code or Halale / Truthfulness, provides the bases for
distinguishing “good” and “evil” or true and false way of life. Ambaye (2008:32) describes the
traditional conflict resolution mechanism of the Sidama people of Wondo Genet Woreda.
Similarly, Kifle (2009), in his study entitled towards building stability in a multinational or
ethnic society, conflict in Sidama, Ethiopia reveals the role of customary conflict resolution
mechanisms of the Sidama in solving conflicts in Wondo Genet Woreda.

However, these all past research works did not adequately investigate the roles and types of
indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms of the study area. So, this study intends to document
the role of customary conflict resolution mechanisms that exists among Sidama of Bursa
Woreda.

To achieve the aforementioned objectives the study attempts to answer for the following research
questions: What are the types of conflict in the area resolved indigenous by the conflict
resolution mechanisms? What are the major causes of conflict in Bursa Woreda? What are the
roles played by Women in conflict resolution mechanism of study area? And what are the roles
of indigenous institutions in resolving conflicts?

1.3 Objectives of the Study

The general objective of this study was to investigate indigenous conflict resolution mechanism
among Sidama of Bursa Woreda. Moreover, the specific objectives of the study are:-

 To identify the types of conflict in the study area.

 To state the causes of the conflict in Bursa Woreda.
 To describe the role of women in indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms.
 To explore the roles of indigenous institutions in resolving conflicts in the study area.

4
1.4 Significance and Delimitation of the Study
Study on indigenous conflict resolution mechanism among Sidama people of Bursa Woreda of
Sidama Zone. Thus, the study is important in the following ways: the study is meant to give an
account on the role of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism. The study contributes to the
literature on the indigenous conflict resolution mechanism in general and of the study area in
particular. Moreover, it may serve as an important ethnographic account of the role of indigenous
institutions in conflict resolution and its distinctive approaches in dealing conflict. The finding of
the study would be used by the concerned bodies (e.g. legislative) to consider and preserve
customary knowledge and values. Further, the result of the study will contribute to the limited
literature on indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms among the nations and nationalities of
SNNPR. Lastly, it will help the government structures and law makers understand the
contribution of indigenous institution and thereby to recognize and integrate it into the
mainstream law.

This study was delimited to Bursa Woreda on indigenous conflict resolution mechanism. It is
delimited only to four kebeles from among the twenty nine kebeles of the woreda; namely: Bursa
01, Dadahe, Chancho, and Tarche. However due to time, finance and other constraints it was
difficult to cover 29 kebeles in the woreda. Shortage of time, finance and other constraints like
lack of access to transportation, topographic limitation negatively affected this study.

1.5. Organization of the Study

This study comprised of six chapters. The first chapter introduced the background of the study,
statement of the problem, objectives, research questions, significance, delimitation of the study,
and organization of study. The review of related literature was presented in chapter two. In the
third chapter, research design and methodology, data sources, population and sampling
techniques, data collection instruments, data collection procedures and data analysis and ethical
considerations were presented. Chapter four deals with a brief overview of Sidama nation and
history, culture, economy, religion and politics as well as profile of Bursa woreda (study area)
and the fifth chapter included of discussions on indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms
among Sidama of Bursa Woreda; conclusions and recommendations of the study was presented
in chapter six. Finally, appendixes and references attached at the last part of the study.

5
 CHAPTER TWO

2. Literature review and theoretical framework

2.1 Introduction
This chapter summarizes and integrates previous works related to the conflict and conflict
resolution mechanisms. The chapter discusses the definition of conflict, types of conflict, causes
of conflict, theories, consequences and conflict resolution mechanisms. Furthermore, the chapter
also summarizes previous works on indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms and its strengths
and weakness.

2.2 Defining conflict

There are different ways of explaining the concept of conflict in the academic literature of
conflict. The word conflict is itself derived from the Latin word “confligere”, which literally
means, to strike together or to clash, engage in a fight (Schmid, 2002:32). Accordingly, conflict
happens when different opposing groups compete with each other to achieve their intended
goals. In other words, it refers to a confrontation between individuals or a group resulting from
opposite or incompatible ends or means.

Conflict is not a new phenomenon in the history of human beings. It always exists as long as
human beings live together and it is an inevitable part of human experience or existence (Francis,
2006:12). Assefa (2001:45) also notes that, as long as there is the concept of society and the very
existence of peoples, there is undoubtedly conflict no matter the extent as well as the source of it.
In fact, it is very difficult to separate conflict from humankind. It is impossible to see them
independently; they are always together making two faces of the same coin. It is unconceivable
to think a society without conflict.

Historically, individuals, social groups and societies have disputed and competed against one
another over scarce commodities and resources. They have even fought one another and bitterly
sought the elimination and/or subjugation of rivals, in order to control these resources and
commodities (Baxi and Gallanter, 1979:21; Moore, 1985:43).

6
The realization of these needs and interests by people can lead to conflict. When two groups or
individuals pursue incompatible interests and needs which could either be political, economic,
social or cultural, they can engage in conflict (Bukari, 2013:15).

Conflict appears to be an essential element of human performance in diverse activities. The term
could be classified based on different criteria and variables, and this creates difficulty in
formulating an operational and exact definition. Therefore, different scholars have come up with
different definitions, concepts, views and description on conflict. For Coser (1998:11), conflict is
a struggle over values or claims to status and scarce resources, in which the aims of the
conflicting parties is not only the desired values but also neutralizes, injures or eliminate their
rivals: the negation of harmonious coexistence of people.

As to Nader (1968), Conflict is an inevitable phenomenon in human society‟s sphere of life since
the entire life of humankind is manipulated by the prevalence of conflict within the society when
people set opinion against opinion, run interest against interests. Kriesberg (1973:17) on his part
simply defines conflict as “a relationship between two or more parties who believe they have
incompatible goals.” Boulding also defined conflict as “a situation of competition in which the
parties are aware of the incompatibility of potential future positions and in which each party‟s
wishes to occupy a position that is incompatible with the wishes of the others” (1962:5). These
definitions imply the intrinsic and inevitable nature of conflict in human existence. It is
undoubtedly clear that every human being or groups of human beings have goals or interests
which may be different from the goals and objectives of the other individual persons or groups.
This incompatibility in goals and interests would result in conflict. Therefore, conflict is mainly
perceived as difference and disagreement which give rise to the pursuit of incompatible goal
among the parties.

Conflict unfolds as a result of interaction and contact among people; “an unavoidable
concomitant of choices and decisions, and an expression of the basic fact of human
interdependence” (Zartman, 1991:221). In the various literatures, conflict is basically,
understood as the pursuit of incompatible goals between two or more parties. Accordingly, the
incompatibility of goals will lead to contradiction where the party with unrealized goals feels
frustrated and cause aggression against the other (Galtung, 2004:58).

7
Therefore, conflict is a common phenomenon manifested in the form of disagreement or
difference of opinion in the course of human interaction. Thus, it can be considered as an
intrinsic and an inevitable part of a functioning society (Ali, 2006:56).

There are a number of scholars who have contributed in studying conflicts in a systematic
manner beginning from the late twentieth century. These scholars have identified and
categorized conflict in various ways. Most of them tried to develop dichotomized perceptions on
whether conflict is disjunctive and an abnormal phenomenon (Osipova, 1989:47). Contrarily,
conflict is perceived as a reaction resulting from a social interaction and a means to resolve an
avert fission and thereby preserve development and maintenance of social order (Schellenberg,
1996:78 and Gulliver, 1963:76).

Generally, conflict could be taken as opposition between individuals, groups, institutions, that
arises because of incompatible wishes or interests. Conflicts could be economic, political, social
and cultural struggles within humans at all levels of interaction. In the study of conflict, the term
dispute and conflict are used interchangeably. For instance, the two terms have carried the same
message for the lawyers (Galtung, 2004:12). Due to the constant interchanging of the terms,
some scholars also substituted conflict for dispute and dispute for conflict. On the other side,
there are cases where scholars describe a sharp difference between the two terms. Conflict by far
is different from dispute in many ways. One way is the distinction made by John Burton
(1990:77). He distinguishes conflict and dispute based on two elements. These are time and
issues in contention. Accordingly, dispute is a short-term disagreement between groups and is
negotiable. Nevertheless, conflict is long term, deep-rooted disputation and not easily negotiable.

2.3 Types of conflict

Conflict is multi dimensional and there is extensive academic attention to the categorization of
the types of conflicts. Generally conflict can be classified into the following four types:

1. Interpersonal conflict: this type of conflict refers to a conflict between two individuals. This
occurs typically due to how people are different from one another. We have varied personalities
which usually results to incompatible choices and opinions.

8
Apparently, it is a natural occurrence which can eventually help in personal growth or
developing your relationships with others. In addition, coming up with adjustments is necessary
for managing this type of conflict (Jacob, Schreyer, 1980).

2. Intrapersonal conflict:-This type of conflict is occurring within individual. The experience

takes place in the person‟s mind. Hence, it is a type of conflict that is psychological involving the
individual‟s thoughts, values, principles and emotions. Interpersonal conflict may come in
different scales, from the simpler ordinary ones like deciding whether or not to go organic for
lunch to hotel that can affect major decisions such as choosing a career path. Furthermore, this
type of conflict can be quite difficult to handle if one finds it hard to interpret one‟s inner
struggles. It leads to restlessness and uneasiness, or can even cause depression (Milkman, 2009).

3. Intergroup conflict:-This conflict takes place when a misunderstanding arises among

different teams within an organization. For instance, the sales department of an organization can
come in conflict with the customer support department. This is due to the varied sets of goals and
interests of these different groups. In addition, competition also contributes for intergroup
conflicts to arise. There are other factors which fuel this type of conflict. Some of these factors
may include a rivalry in resources or boundaries set by a group to others which establishes their
own identity as a team (Alderfer, 1982).

4. Intra-group conflict:-It is a type of conflict that happens among individuals within a team.
The incompatibilities and misunderstandings among these individuals lead to an intra-group
conflict. It arises from interpersonal disagreements (e.g. team members have different
personalities which may lead to tension) or differences in views and ideas (e.g. in a presentation,
members of the team might find the notions presented by the one presiding to be wrong due to
their differences in opinion). Within team, conflict can be helpful in coming up with decisions
which will eventually allow them to reach their objectives as a team. However, if the degree of
conflict disrupts harmony among the members, then some serious guidance from a different
party will be needed for it to be settled (Rahim, 2010).

The nation of Sidama is part of Ethiopian society and they experience different types of conflicts.
In the Sidama language there exist distinict words for „conflict‟. These include gibo (conflict or
quarrel without involving physical force), ganama (physical fight among individuals and groups

9
which involves inflict physical harm but not intentional killing), and urde or ola (war). Any
conflict behavior or conflict action among individuals (regardless of the social and cultural
backgrounds of the involved parties) and among the Sidama groups (gare) is understood within
the conceptual understanding of gibo and ganama (Kifle, 2009).

2.4 Causes of conflict

Since humans live in a socially organized groups of people are in constant contact with each
other, and conflict is inevitable and it is “an ever-present process in human relation” (Loomis,
1965). Thus, the potential factor for conflict is human interaction (Ibid). During the course of
human interaction, conflicts can be caused by moral values, unmet human needs, issues related
to justice and identities which are of course triggered by immediate causes. Conflict is a fact of
life, inevitable and often creative. Conflict happen when pursue goals which clash.
Disagreements and conflicts are usually resolved without violence, and often lead to an improved
situation for most or all of those involved. From the micro inter personal level through to groups,
organization, communities and nations, all human relation-social-relation and economic relation
and power relations growth, change and conflict. For instance people (Mesfin, 1999:33) state
interethnic conflict is the outcome of economic causes, biases and prejudices are also factors
characterized by subordination and marginalization of indigenous people.

Conflict associated with land tends be very diverse. Land related conflicts manifest in the form
of interpersonal, intra-communal and intercommoned conflicts. There are other land related
conflicts that are building around ownership of family plots of land, especially in the urban and
semi-urban areas (Wassara, 2007:49). However Conflict is the result of a struggle over values
and claims to scarce resource, status, power, and other in which the aim of the opponents is to
neutralize injure or eliminate their rivals.

10
2.5 Theories related to social conflict
1. Structural functional theory

The structural functional theory is one of the major theoretical approaches to the study of
conflict. Nader(1968:48) shows that this theory emphasizes both the structural sources and the
structural functions of conflict. Lewellen(1983:15) states that the structural functionalists view
society as an equilibrium system whose component parts play a role in the maintenance of the
whole. Hence, as part of social life, conflicts too work towards the maintenance of the ongoing
social structure. The works of Evans-Pritchard(1940:13) “The Nuer” and Gluckman(1956)
“Custom and Conflict in Africa” are typical examples of such an approach, which dominated the
period between 1940s and 1950s in legal anthropology.

The 1960s, according to Lewellen T. C(1983) marked a shift to a more process-oriented, more
dynamic form of analysis. This was signaled in 1954 by the work of Leach entitled" Political
Systems of Highland Burma," in which he asks what accounts for conflicts in a society rather
than what holds society together as functionalists did. Similarly, Gulliver's works on conflict and
its resolution have been ground breaking for the shift from system- oriented approach toward
actor-oriented approaches which take into consideration the new roles and choices in the face of
the changing world (Caplan, 1995:16).

2. Frustration Aggression theories

In the case of frustration aggression theory, aggression leads to frustration (Moorhead, 1997).
Thus, frustrations may lead to other modes of behaviors like; political instability and conflicts.
Such situations could result from conditions in which levels of social expectations, aspirations
and needs are raised for many people for significant periods of time and still remain unmatched
by equivalent levels of satisfaction.

According to Fkui(1998), classes of people, it is potential to recognize events and patterns of

conditions that are likely to be widely seen as unjust scarcity. Such events may occur suddenly,
for example, the suppression of a political party or slowly, like the decline of a group‟s status
relative to other social classes. Such conditions can be called collective frustrations.

11
Aggression is an internal behavior aimed at doing harm or causing pain to another person. It is
distinct from strength. Hostile aggression is an act of aggression stemming from feelings of
anger and aimed at inflicting pain or injury; active aggression involves an intention to hurt
another person as a means to some goal other than causing pain (Aronson, 2000).

3. Relative deprivation theories

Relative deprivation is the experience of being deprived of something to which one feels to be
entitled. It refers to discontent that people feel when they compare their positions to those around
them and realize that they have less of that which they believe themselves to be allowed. Social
scientists, particularly Sociologists and political scientists, have relative deprivation (especially
temporal relative deprivation) as a potential cause of social movements and deviance. In extreme
situations, it can lead to violence and conflict such as disturbance, terrorism, civil wars and crime
(Smith,2001).

Feelings of deprivation are relative as they come from a comparison to social norms that are not
absolute and usually differ in time and place. Relative deprivation is temporal; that is, it can be
experienced by people that experience expansion of rights or wealth, followed by stagnation or
reversal of those gains. Such phenomena are also known as unfulfilled rising expectations
(Miller, 2001).

4. Social Identity theories

According to social identity theories, people strive for a positive social identity. As social
identity is derived from membership in groups, a positive social identity is the outcome of
favorable social relationships made between in-groups (i.e., the group to which one belongs) and
other social groups. As long as membership in a group enhances one‟s self-esteem, that is, as
long as social comparison remain (on balance) favorable, one will remain a member of that
group.

Individual may try to change the structure of the group (social change), seek a new way of
comparison which would favor his or her group, and hence, reinforce his or her social identity
(Poul, 1996).

12
Advanced groups in which members of the backward groups must decide whether to follow out-
group behavior in order to compete or adopt different coping strategies, such as claiming
preferential treatment or compensation. In his argument, if backwardness is perceived to have
emerged from past injustices and discrimination it raises conflict(Bejra, 2003).Backward groups
fear extinction if they cannot catch-up with advanced groups or if preferential treatment is
limited, and their anxiety flows from diffuse anger of exaggerated dimensions, limits and
modifies perceptions, and produces extreme reactions to modest threats. This creates a relation
between self-esteem, anxiety and prejudice in relation to conflict.

5. Basic Human Needs Theories

Humans are by nature social beings, forming groups out of shared interests and needs. The
interest and needs of groups interact and produce competition over maintaining or expanding one
group‟s position relative to others in the control of necessary resources such as land, money, and
employment (Rothman, 1997). According to Maslow (1943), these essentials go beyond just
food, water, and shelter including both physical and non-physical elements needed for human
growth and development, as well as all those things humans are innately driven to attain.

Basic human needs approach provides an important conceptual tool that not only connects and
addresses human needs on all levels, but also recognizes the existence of negotiable and non-
negotiable issues(Boulder, 1990).

In general, the structure and process of conflicts are much the same, whether a conflict is
between individuals or between groups and nations. The first thing to look for is the root cause,
the event that triggered it off. The root causes of most of the conflicts are similar in a sense that
conflicts arise in the human minds and are mainly psychological. The root causes can also, in
turn, because what is known as underlying causes the state of affairs which makes a particular
conflict or explosion likely. The way a society is organized can create both the root causes of
conflict and the conditions in which it's likely to occur. Any society which is organized so that
some people are treated unequally and unjustly is likely to erupt into conflict, especially if its
leaders don't represent all the members of that society. If an unequal and unjust society is
reformed, then conflicts will be rare.

13
2.6 Repercussion of Conflict
Conflict leads among other things to the breakdown of law and order, the distraction of economic
activities, humanitarian crises and a state of uncertainty which deter long run investment efforts
and stability (conflict leads to unpredictable distraction, displacement of people including
vulnerable groups, such as women and children. It violates human right and impedes each of the
development activities, the loss of state security and stability (Schellenberg, 1996:121). Conflict
is not always negative. In fact, it can be healthy when effectively managed. Healthy conflict can
lead to growth and innovation, new ways of thinking and additional management options. If the
conflict is understood, it can be effectively managed by reaching a consensus that meets both the
individual's and society's needs. This results in mutual benefits and strengthens the relationship.
The goal is for all to "win" by having at least some of their needs met. These psychological
causes can be both visible and invisible.

2.7 Conflict Resolution Mechanisms

Conflict seems to be present in all human relations and in all societies. From the beginning of
recorded history, we have evidence of disputes between different groups. Because of the
pervasive presence of conflict and because of the physical, emotional, and resource costs that
often result from disputes, people have always sought ways of resolving their differences. In
seeking to resolve differences, they have tried to develop procedures that are efficient, that allow
them to satisfy their interests that minimize suffering, and that control unnecessary expenditures
of resources (Moore, 1996:88).

The overall field of conflict management is fraught with conceptual and definitional vagueness.
The terms of conflict resolution, conflict management, dispute settlement and conflict
transformation are often used loosely and interchangeably (Reimann, 2006:102). However, for
the purpose of this study, the concept of conflict resolution is used as a mechanism of conflict
management approach in the study area.

2.7.1 Conflict Prevention

Concerning conflict prevention, it aims at avoiding, reducing, and restraining potential violent
conflicts or avoiding their re-emergence. Though literature and approaches to preventing conflict
have been developed, they tend to be categorized into central tracks, such as direct or operational
prevention, structural prevention, and systemic prevention.

14
The direct or operational prevention‟s aim is to control and remove the imminent causes of
violent escalation; accordingly, it emphasizes short term strategies and does not follow any
comprehensive prescribed method.

Systemic prevention, a new approach applied by the United Nations system, seeks to reduce
conflict on a global basis with mechanisms not focused on any particular state. However, conflict
prevention (CP) is a notion that raises controversy and debate nowadays; it raises many questions
regarding its definition and its operation.

Although conflict prevention is more and more debated and its notions subject to controversies,
it has increasingly occupied all levels and covered different dimensions of conflict. Such an
increase in its use seems to be based on a certain kind of consensus. At the global and individual
level, conflict prevention consensus is related to a pre-existing normative structure based on
ethical and moral principles as well as values of humanism summarized in the common saying
“prevention is preferable to cure”. At the international level, the normative context of the United
Nations and the United Nation‟s mandate pertain to the norms related to conflict prevention. This
will of preventing violent conflicts and taking collective measures to remove threats to peace is
clearly expressed in the United Nations Charter, in different United Nations declarations,
statements and resolutions; it is also incorporated in the famous “responsibility to protect”
(Nations, 1992:76). The points shows that conflict preventions aims to prevent the outbreak of
violent conflict ct.

2.7.2 Conflict Management

Conflicts may be managed so that they do not escalate and lead to crisis. Conflict management is
different from peace-building which seeks to prevent conflicts from developing in the first place
by engaging all stakeholders in processes that facilitate peaceful coexistence. The spiritual
dimension of conflict resolution refers to creating and restoring impaired relationship with super
natural power, the spirits, ancestors, family and neighbors as the case might be. This is critical in
restoring other relationships at the physical level. In this context, rituals play an important role in
the reconciliation process. They help to link people to the past, present and future. It aims to limit
and avoid future violence by promoting positive beneficial changes in the parties involved
(SNNPRS & GIZ , 2002:22). Hence managing conflict does mean eliminating them, which is

15
impossible managing conflict is lubricating or timing conflict; making it harmless. In other
words conflict management refers to attempt to regulate conflict and avoid its distractive aspects.

2.7.3 Conflict Resolution

Conflict resolution, according to Jeong (2000) is defined as a long term settlement of an
underlying long-running conflict. It needs the long term commitment of the actors to solve their
differences since the deep rooted conflicts arose over non-negotiable issues. The main target of
this mechanism is to resolve the main causes of conflict. Conflict resolution requires a more
analytical and problem solving approach and needs to pass through complex processes. Hence, it
would enable the contestants to understand their differences exhaustively if they are interested to
recognize the underlying causes of conflict. IPRA (1994:11) also defines conflict resolution as “a
process of decision making whose objectives are to handle, manage, settle or resolve conflicts”.
During such resolution of conflicts, the conflicting parties enter in to the conflict resolution
process either through self-conscious efforts to come an agreement, or they may enter by other
means; for example, environmental change, the influence of third parties, victory of one party
and the like (Schellenberg, 1996:66).

Conflict resolution is all about addressing the sources of conflict and the restoration of former
relationships between the disputants. During the conflict resolution, Ramsbotham (2005:43)
underlines that, behaviors should not be violent, attitudes should not be hostile, and the structure
of the conflicts should have been changed.

The process of conflict resolution has to do with how indigenous structures and systems ensure
action in bringing peace at the individual and community level relationships. In this respect,
resolution procedures are generated from general cultural life and daily experiences of living. In
this context, the term 'indigenous' refers to "the structures and units of organization in a
community and encompasses also the norms, values, beliefs and worldview that guide social
interaction" (Kendie and Guri, 2006:333). Generally, conflict resolution is the process whereby
the disputants attempt to resolve their conflicts. It involves the end of violence, attitudinal
changes to one another and addressing the sources of conflicts.

“Dispute settlement”, on the other hand, according to Jeong (2000:35-36), contributes to the
stability of society with the confirmation of legitimate roles of accepted norms, values, and

16
institution in everyday life. For him, dispute settlement is used to solve interest based disputes
out of court or before a court settlement whereas conflict resolution goes through a far more
complex process.

“Conflict management” is largely seen in terms of social control designed to minimize the
challenges to the core values of the system (Jeong, 2000:232). Thus, conflict management,
according to Jeong, helps to reinforce coercive policy by conforming to dominant social norms.
Conflict management is also the process of reducing the negative and destructive capacity of
conflict through a number of measures and by working with and through the parties involved in
that conflict (Best, 2006:19). Conflict management basically refers to the process of containing
the conflict to avoid aggravation. Some analysis, actually include prevention as a component of
conflict management. In general however, conflict management is perhaps an admission of the
reality that conflict is inevitable, but that not all conflict can always be resolved; therefore what
practitioners can do is to manage and regulate them.

According to Lederach (1994:34) as referred in Jeong (2000), conflict transformation can be

regarded as the movement from latent conflict to confrontation to negotiation in achieving the
peaceful relationship of a secure community. Ryan (2000:97) also states that conflict
transformation should address issues such as long-term security, economic justice and the culture
of violence. Conflict transformation entails going beyond resolving conflicts and engaging with
the conflict situation continuously to bring new relations, perceptions relation and
communication patterns between the parties if necessary by changing the very constitution of the
society that support the continuation of conflict (Hugh, 2003:5).

2.7.4 Conflict Transformation

Conflict transformation (CT), it emerged in the 1990s when scholars began to refer to conflict
resolution with terms such as conflict transformation and peace-building aimed at promoting
constructive results from conflict for all parties. Whilst conflict resolution wants to end
something not desired, conflict transformation wants to end something destructive and build
something desired. It focuses on capacity development and structural change rather than on the
facilitation of outcomes or the delivery of settlements.

17
Conflict transformation (CT) attempts to address a variety of dimensions of conflict: from micro
to macro conflicts, from local to global levels, from grassroots to elite actors, from short-term to
long-term timescales, from the pre-violence to the post-violence phase, from causes of violent
conflict to their consequences, and so on. Five types of transformation are mainly described:
context transformations, which generally take place within the global or regional setting;
structural transformations, which frequently happen at the state or society level; actor and issue
transformations, which occur at the conflict party and elite levels; and personal transformations,
which require competencies on the individual level. In generally, transformation addresses the
wider social and political source of a conflict and seeks to transform the negative energy of war
in to positive social and political change (Maies, 2003:21).

2.8 Indigenous Conflict Resolution Mechanisms

Volker (2007) defined the term ― “indigenous” as a practice that have developed separately in
the context of traditional societal structures in particular place and have been practiced in that
context over a substantial period of time. An indigenous institution also refers to the leadership
structures within the community (chiefs, Queen mothers, tidiness the traditional land owners-
elders, clan heads, etc) and their functional roles which ensure that the norms and values of the
community are respected (Barume, 2000). Having this definition indigenous conflict resolution
means local communities settle disputes in the absence of state or formal justice system. It
depends on a common cultural and ethical code that produces binding rules on its members
(Barfield et al, 2004). Communities use this system to resolve disputes, evaluate actions for
admire or blame, and to impose sanctions against violators of locally accepted norms and values.
Addressing the deep rooted structural causes of violent conflict in a comprehensive manner is
considered to be the key approach to peace construction (UN, 2010).

As long as people live in the form of group or society, there are conflicts arising from differences
of interests, prejudice, needs and ambitions. Therefore, indigenous conflict resolution approach
adopted to prevent or resolve such difference of interests determines its resolution. In other
words, when a conflict happens, the crucial point should be the effective adoption of the
necessary principle of the resolution.

Traditional mechanisms are grassroots approaches to solve conflicts by the society. The most
important elements involving in this mechanism include the tradition of forgiveness, respect for
18
elders because of their symbolic authority to enforce decisions and transfer of resource as
compensation (Zartman, 2000).

Indigenous conflict resolution typically incorporates consensus-building based on open

discussions to exchange information and to simplify concerns. Individuals or groups who are
involved to the conflict become more likely to accept guidance from these mediators than from
other sources because an elder„s decision does not entail any loss of face and the decision also
highly supported by the society (USAID, 2005). Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms use
local actors and traditional community-based judicial and legal decision-making mechanisms to
manage and resolve conflicts among individuals and within or between societies. Indigenous
conflict resolution system implies that local instruments that aim to resolve conflicts without
resorting to state-run judicial systems, police, or other external structures. Local or customary
conflict resolution mechanisms can lead to ad hoc practical agreements which keep broader
societal relations constructive, creating conducive environments where nomads be able to graze
together, peoples whether in rural or urban area live together, and individuals who are involved
in trade activity can deal together even if military men remain un-reconciled (Lowry, 1995).

On the other hand, indigenous mechanisms of conflict resolution (ICRM), according to Abera
(2003) as referred to Pankhurst and Getachew (2008:89) are made by the people and derive their
legitimacy from participation and consensus of the community and these mechanisms are long
persistent social practices, rooted in local cultural setting, aiming at resolving conflicts, reducing
tension, and rebuilding social relationships. Besides, Pankhurst and Getachew (2008:76), defined
it as “localized institutions and its legitimacy is limited to particular ethnic group”. Therefore,
these definitions entails that customary mechanism of conflict resolution are practices that are
derived from the tradition, custom and worldview of the society. In this study, indigenous
mechanism of conflict resolution refers to the conflict resolving institutions that are practiced
outside the formal court system.

2.7.1 Forms of Conflict resolution process

A parallel point of discussion in legal anthropology regarding forms of dispute processing has
also emerged. Scholars have agreed that in every society, there are mechanisms of dispute
settlement. Bohannan (1967) substantiates this view saying, "Society is impossible without
conflict. But society is worse than impossible without control of conflict."

19
In his article "Nomadic movement: Causes and Implication", (Gulliver, 1975) contends that the
fact of the necessity of conflict resolution is more obvious among the sedentary compared to the
pastoralists. Unlike the pastoralists whose economic life permits movement away from their
rivals, the sedentary populations who could not easily avoid their enemies must have a better
institution through which they control the escalation of conflicts.

People utilize a wide variety of modes to prosecute their quarrels. These modes are prevalent in
anthropological literature on conflict. Such scholars as Bohannan (1967), Gulliver (1979:11) and
Schellenberg (1996) categorize conflict resolution mechanisms into two: the violent and the
peaceful. The violent includes war, self-help and duel, whereas the peaceful includes avoidance,
burying the dispute in the symbolic process, negotiation, mediation, arbitration and adjudication.
Each mode has its own characteristics. Gulliver (1979), duel is a violent mechanism in which
contestants resort to either physical or verbal confrontation to prove the superiority of their case
regardless of the facts underlying the dispute. Violent self-help is also a violent way of managing
conflict, usually employed by groups with no or little social and economic ties. It often appears
as short-term solution. Among societies whose residential mobility is relatively easy, as Gulliver
puts it, avoidance is used to prevent further escalation of conflict. Similarly, dispute is buried in
symbolic and supernatural terms in the absence of any effective ways or fear of the potential
outcomes. He termed the second as "burying the dispute in the dispute". In both cases disputes
are deflected, not resolved.

According to both Gulliver and Schellenberg negotiations are characterized by voluntary

discussion between the disputing parties and the absence of a third party decision maker. The
only outcome is a joint decision divides negotiation into two forms: competitive and
collaborative negotiations. In competitive negotiation, either of the parties in dispute is benefited
at the expense of the other.

This occurs where there are no valuable relations among the disputants to preserve. On the other
hand, collaborative, often called "problem solving" or win-win negotiation, aims at joint gain of
the parties through fair distribution of the pain of losing, an act that favors good future
relationships of the parties.

20
Mediation, as Schellenberg (1996) describes, is "an assisted negotiation". The intervention of a
third party is necessitated for the parties in dispute have certain problems to resolve a conflict on
their own. However, the role of a third party in this process is not one of decision-maker but a
facilitator of the negotiation. As opposed to mediation, a third party decision-maker to which the
parties take their case characterizes arbitration. Arbitration may or may not act according to the
pre-established law. Adjudication refers to a process in which a third party is an authoritative
decision maker and the disputants are mere informants to the adjudicator in an attempt to secure
a relatively favorable decision.

Some studies search for correlation between these modes of conflict resolution and the nature of
the relationships of the parties in dispute, the social contexts and the nature of issue in dispute.
Such an attempt is clear in the work of who tries to relate the form of dispute settlement with the
type of dispute. According to Aubert, for dispute over scarce resources, negotiation better fits,
whereas Aubert quoted in (Gulliver, 1979) for conflict of value, the intervention of law is
required, as it is hard, if not impossible, for the disputants to negotiate.

However, Gulliver (1979) argues that neither negotiation necessarily correlates to norm making
nor adjudication necessarily concentrates on narrow issue in dispute. There are shortsighted
negotiators who do not worry of the future relations, whereas there are empathetic adjudicators
that make decisions appealing to norms and values of the disputants. Gulliver, of course, admits
that there are certain factors that encourage disputants to choose either negotiation or
adjudication, if both options are available. Lower costs, relative ease, secrecy, desire for face-
saving outcomes, hatred towards alien courts push people towards local negotiation. In the
meantime, disputants appreciate the different alternatives and the opportunities that each offers
in different contexts. They often make tactical move from one mode to the other to strengthen
their own position, or to persuade or enforce the opponent to submit to one's own interest. This
fact shows that no mode is very exclusive; rather there is a possibility of employing two or more
ways of dealing with dispute simultaneously. Similarly, Hamer (1972), in his monograph on the
Sidama, shows that disputants manipulate the existing alternatives to achieve the most favorable
outcome.

On the other hand, as Collier (1975) states, some studies search for similarities of dispute
handling mechanisms among different societies. This leads us to the Bohannan and Gluckman

21
debate in legal anthropology. Gluckman in his work on Lozi law attempts to understand the
outcomes from the rule of the case. Similarly, he looks for the cases to understand the principles
of Lozi law. Based on this, he concluded that African legal ideas have similarities with other
systems. Variation in political economy is where the difference lies. Moore (1995) states that
Gulliver's challenge to the normative gave birth to the "rule versus power" debate in legal
anthropology. For Gulliver, negotiation is a process that does not necessarily restore the status
quo ante. But for Gluckman the normative equilibrium is restored. That is why Moore (1995)
acknowledges that Gulliver "contributed toward a theoretical move away from structural
functional models toward process analysis.''

In addition, another argument developed. This pertains to why most disputes are settled
peacefully in the absence of authoritative chiefs. Though scholars have agreed that the resolution
and control of conflict need not necessarily be identified with formal institutions that operate
according to codified law, they have remained divided as to what pushed the opposing parties to
reconcile in the absence of any formal institution set for this purpose. Evans-Pritchard (1940) in
'The Nuer' pointed out that what pressurized the disputants to submit to peaceful resolution of
conflict is the equality of forces at their disposal. As opposed to this view, Gluckman (1956),
Gulliver (1963, 1971) and Howell (1970) emphasized the role of crosscutting ties in urging the
disputing parties to peacefully deal with their cases. The essence of their argument is that the
closer the structural relationship of the parties involved in conflict, the more likely it is
peacefully resolved and vice-versa.

2.7.2 Enforcing Decisions

In relation to conflict resolution, the agents of traditional modes of dealing with disputes, the
sanction to be imposed and decision-enforcing mechanisms are important points that have been
emphasized by scholars.

In traditional societies, varieties of institutions and personnel may function as agents of conflict
resolution. However, Evans-Pritchard (1940), Gluckman (1956:76) and Ember (1977) they
argued that these agents lack coercive force to support their decisions. In addition, according to
Hamer (1980), there is little evidence from the literature that settling dispute within traditional
institutions is in any way encouraged by the governments. Nevertheless, traditional agents of
conflict resolution impose sanctions. In line with this, Redfield (1967:35) who divided sanctions

22
into the secular and the sacred or supernatural argues that the latter is more effective and often
used than the former among the pre-literate societies. However, Pospisil (1967) asks whether,
really, the form of sanction or the effect of a sanction is more important. Appealing to functional
approach, Pospisil suggests that what actually qualifies sanction is its effective social
maintenance. He further discusses that though psychological sanctions such as ostracism,
ridicule, avoidance or denials of favors are, sometimes very subtle and informal, they are
effective sanctions. Pospisil substantiates his stand by referring to the Kapuak among which
reprimand is the favorite and effective sanction.

Various ethnographic works suggest that both the sacred and the secular sanctions are effectively
employed in different traditional societies. Dillon (1980, cited in Otterbein, 1994:32) shows that
the Meta of Western Cameroon execute their fellow villagers, kinsmen and friends for their
wrong doings. Boehm (1985, cited in Otterbein, 1994:19) also reveals that a troublesome
member of a community is denied clan protection, and is thus isolated and even executed among
the Montenegrins. Shack (1966:55) in his writings on the Yagoka the high court of the Gurage of
south western Ethiopia discusses that agents of traditional conflict resolution use social sanctions
of ridicule, opprobrium, ostracizing and supernatural sanctions as enforcing mechanisms. Hamer
(1972:34) presents similar culture of the Sidama of southwest Ethiopia. Among the Sidama,
Elders enforce their decisions by ostracizing a person who refuses to accept a verdict. The
ostracization goes to the extent of total exclusion of the person from all social and ritual contact.
Cursing is also the severest sanction to which they finally resort. Likewise, Evans-Pritchard
(1940) documented that among the Nuer of the Sudan, the leopard skin chief plays a mediating
role between the disputants by using his power to curse as an enforcing mechanism.

2.7.3 Rituals in resolving conflicts

Many scholars have accepted that dispute processing involves rituals but whether or not these
rituals really restore harmony has been a point of controversy. The pioneering studies of
Durkheim show that rituals have the power of reinforcing collective sentiment and forming
group cohesion. This view of Durkheim was adopted by later structural-functionalists who have
emphasized the role of rituals in aiding the survival of the larger system (Seymour-Smith, 1986).
Gluckman (cited in Lewellen, 1983:516), state that rituals are not simple means of expressing
feelings but also symbols that assert the priority of the system over the individual.

23
By the same token in words that are more powerful. Hoebel (1966:33) describes that rituals are
acts, which are believed to maintain the status quo or to achieve the specified ends.

Tuner (1969 cited in Colson, 1995:262), provides powerful the anthropological emphasis upon
the importance of harmony. His work shows what role rituals play in achieving and enhancing
oneness, in his term 'communities‟'. For Turner, Colson puts it; law is an antithesis of
communities, whereas dispute settlement is a way of restoring the oneness. The very aim of law
is the creation of communities in favor of amity rather than equity. Rituals for Turner (1957)
are social drama that resolves crises by dramatizing the advantages of values and social
arrangements. It is performed in response to the breach of law during times of social conflicts to
restore the social order. Through rituals, social values are given sacred authority. According to
him, the drama of dispute settlement passes through four phases: (1) the breach of peace, (2) the
crises that result from the breach, (3) the practice of resolving the crises and (4) the re-
establishment of the unity of the groups.

In her writing on gondaro: A ritual of conflict Resolution in Wolayta, Berhane(1992:343) shows

the picture of how it is performed; and she interpreted the symbolic meaning of this ritual as a
"rebirth of local people together with their ... enemies". Likewise, Jambare (1998) gives us a
mirror of the process and meaning of the rituals that the Oromo practice while homicide is
compensated. He shows that the killing of a ram whose blood both parties wash their mouth to
signify the settlements of feud and the washing away of the blood of a slain. Likewise, Gulliver
(1979) who admits that hostilities survive ritual affirmation of dispute settlement has become
reluctant to use the phrase "dispute settlement" I suggest he tends to replace it by conflict
management or control of conflict that avoids the escalation of conflict and open fighting.

2.8 Strengths and weaknesses of indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms

According to Boege (2006), there are a number of limitations in traditional approaches to
conflict resolution; few among them are, firstly, he points out that traditional approaches do not
terminate conflicts which erupt out of the elders' authority. This refers to conflicts in the modern
world where the legitimacy and acceptance of elders is minimal. Secondly, he puts that the
practice of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism often contradicts universal declaration of
human rights. For example, the practice restricts the participation of children's and women's
right. The third disadvantage is according to him are that the applicability of traditional
24
mechanisms is confined to a specific group such as a specific community, family, lineage or
neighborhood. The other disadvantages are meant only to restore the statuesque and are always
open to abuse.

Osagahae (2000:9), in a similar fashion, explained that in conditions where there is ethnic
competition for power the implementation of traditional mechanism as a means to resolve
conflicts will end up favoring the dominant ethnic group. In addition to that, Osagahae points out
that, structures of traditional mechanisms and institutions are open for abuse, politicization and
corruption. Besides, he argues that modern states with traditional societies do not have common
ground to apply traditional mechanisms as they are diverse and fragmented in most cases.
Furthermore, he points out the weaknesses of indigenous conflict resolution in relation to age or
gender bias for example, in cases with no women elders, some women may believe that male
elders are biased against women and that this will be reflected in their decisions.

The indigenous customary conflict resolution mechanism, on the other hand, has also its own
strengths. ICRMs, according to Assefa (2001), are it quickly responds to crisis in terms of time,
they contribute to the reduction of regular court case loads, they contribute to saving of the
public money, it also minimizes the problem in shortage of judges who work in the regular
courts, and budget constraints, they are complementary to modern government structures and are
not substitutes or competitors as some government officials think and worry about. They give
access to many people who do not find modern system of conflict resolution comfortable,
affordable or suitable to their needs, disputants are satisfied with their operation and view their
outcomes as fair, and the like.

One important features of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism is their use of rituals,
symbols and interpretation of myths to bring conflicts to an end (Enaba cited in Birgit 2001:07).
The rituals and interpretation of myths have psychological impacts on the parties in conflict.
First, parties obey summons and other orders in order to attend meetings for reconciliation and
respect other proceedings of the process. Second, parties tell the truth to elders in fear of bad
consequences that may result from curses. Thirdly, it makes parties respect solutions rendered by
elders and discharge their respective duties accordingly without the need for other coercive
means. On the top of that, ritual performances lubricate the function between the conflicting
parties and accelerate the peacemaking process.

25
The other significant feature of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism is that they consider
wrong doings and offences as violence against the whole community than against the individual
victim alone. Thus, in resolving conflicts, offenders have to be reconciled to the individual
victim and the community at large. The immediate objective of such conflict resolution
mechanism is amending broken or damaged relationships and rectifying wrongs and restoring
justice to ensure the full integration of parties in to their societies again (Enaba cited in Birgit
2001:8). Boege (2006:14) in his part identifies the following advantages of indigenous conflict
resolution mechanisms. Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms; fit situations of state
fragility and failure; are not state-centric and hence credited with legitimacy; take the time factor
into due account and are process-oriented; provide for comprehensive inclusion and
participation; focus on the psycho-social and spiritual dimension of conflict transformation
(2006:405).

In general conflict resolution institutions in each and every nation, nationalities and ethnic
groups of Ethiopia. From these to list at least some, as Yewondwossen (2006:31) explains the Ye
Joka indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms among the Gurage people; Sileshi Abate
examines the nature of Sekacho conflict resolution mechanism in Bench Maji Zone, Ambaye
(2008:32) describes the traditional conflict resolution mechanism of the Sidama people of
Wondo Genet woreda, Melese Mada (2008:53) explains about the role of elders in resolving
conflicts among the Wolayita people. Similarly, this study reviews to explore the indigenous
conflict resolution mechanism among Bursa Woreda people of Sidama Zone.

26
CHAPTER THREE

3. Methodology of the study

3.1 Research design
In this study, attempts were made to describe indigenous conflict resolution mechanism among
Sidama people, the case of Bursa Woreda of Sidama Zone. For this study; the descriptive
research was employed, as the main purpose of descriptive research is “description of state of
affairs as it exists at present” (Kothari, 2004). Descriptive research attempts to describe
systematically a situation, problem, phenomenon or attitudes towards an issue” (Kumar, 2005). It
reduces the absence observed and easily describes every phenomenon under studies. The study
employed qualitative methods as more pragmatic/realistic/approach to gain a better
understanding of the phenomenon under study. The need of choosing qualitative approach is to
study things in their natural setting, interpret phenomenon and getting in touch with every day
social events (Lincoln, 2000). Moreover, data were collected once from a sample selected to
describe the larger population at that time, i.e. cross sectional data.

3.2 Sources of data and sampling techniques

To answer the basic research questions of this study, the required data were collected from both
primary and secondary sources. The primary data were collected from field observation,
interview, focus group discussion and case study. Secondary sources were used to obtain basic
information on geographical, historical, and socio-economic background of the Sidama in
general and Bursa Woreda particular has been reviewed to set the context of the study, such as
published and unpublished documents, books, census data, reports, maps, figures and others
were put to use to complement field data.

The target populations of this study are Sidama Zone. A selection of appropriate samples was
dependent on the sampling procedures followed. To this end, the researcher had chosen to use
purposive sampling techniques. This technique is meant to give as appropriate response for the
questions mentioned earlier because those purposively selected respondents supposed to have
knowledge, culture and experience in conflict resolution among society. On this regard, 4 kebeles
of Bursa Woreda were purposefully selected, namely; Dadahe, Bursa 01, Chancho and Tarche.

27
As the knowledge of researcher is concerned, in these kebeles customary leaders; Woma (cultural
and religious leader), Ga‟ro (clan leader), Moote (political leader who is equivalent to King), and
customary institutions were present.

In terms of sample size, the researcher has conducted the interview with total 43 respondents; 15
key informants who have knowledge and experience in conflict resolution among Sidama people
of Bursa community; those key informants were from different groups of people (based on age,
sex, educational status) and 4 FGDs each having 6, 7, 7 and 8 members from different target
groups such as elders, youth and local authorities.

3.3 Instruments of data collection

In order to get the required data for successful completion of this study the following methods of
data collection were used:

Observation

Observation is one of the most appropriate methods to gather valuable information in peace and
conflict studies. The method employed to observe the overall situation and behavior of the
people under study from the internal or external point of view. Several visits and observation on
Songo(elders council), gudumale(tribunal), conflict resolution process and a neighborhood elders
gatherings had attended. Different forms of dispute and the ritual practices related to their
resolutions were documented. Photographs of related events and matters supplement the
observations. Some of the proceedings were also tape recorded, in addition to written notes. This
method helped the researcher to capture significant data on dispute processing through
observation. The researcher did not have a role to play in any way, although researcher presence
might made some difference.

On this regard the researcher is Sidama and a native speaker of Sidamic language Sidamu afoo.
Accordingly there were no language constraints and culture barriers, and intimate relation with
all age group of Sidama, particularly the study community. In addition researcher belonged to the
study society and worked as social worker within the study community for about 7 years.
Therefore, researcher had significant information about their way of life, social and political
organization, customary conflict resolution methods and other cultural practices of the study
community.

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Key Informant Interview

Key informant interview (KII) were also employed to collect qualitative data. The purpose of
key informant interview is to learn about people‟s view on the topic of interest, to learn their
terminology, and judgments and to understand their perceptions and experiences (Kikwawila
Study Group, 1994). Key informant interview (KII) helps the researcher to gather sufficient
information about the issue under study and in sharing the experiences of the people.

The key informants were chosen on the basis of their knowledge of the culture and their
experiences in customary conflict resolution mechanism. Thus, elders of the community, kebele
leaders, religious leaders, police officers, teachers, formal court judges, administrative officials
were sources of information. On this regard, the researcher had recruited 15 key informants by
using the following inclusion criteria. Those, participants who had an experience and participated
in resolution process; a leadership ability and known in the community as an elder; age range
from 38-65 admitted as a study participant; and their willingness to participate in the interview
and their ability to give consent were considered.

Focus Group Discussion (FGD)

In this method researcher used 4 set of focus group discussions (FGD), and held totally with 28
persons (each FGD constituting 6,7,7 and 8 individuals). The participants of FGD were elders,
kebele leaders, farmers and religious leaders. Some of the participants who took part in the FGD
were enrolled in interview based on their personal experiences. This is because of the researcher
assumed that from FGD to get sufficient/adequate information on the issue under investigated.
The major aim of FGD was to verify, build on and to add on the results from other sources of
data. The researcher had gathered the information based on major discussion guidelines with
participants include most important issues like social structures of the society, traditional forms
of administration, key factors that affect indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms, the attitudes
people towards indigenous mechanisms and bureaucratic legal system and enforcement
mechanisms. The researcher took the role of a facilitator during the discussion.

29
Case Studies

A case study was another method of data collection technique that aims to understand social
phenomenon within a single or small number of naturally occurring settings. In this study, case
studies had conducted to collect, analyze and document the nature of conflict cases resolved
through Mechanism. This method enabled researcher to collect detailed qualitative data
concerning the processes, and practices of ritual activities, and actions and relationships involved
in conflict resolution. Analysis and documentation of these cases also helped researcher to clarify
the overall process of conflict resolution mechanism in particularly through indigenous conflict
resolution mechanism into the subject matter of the issue under discussion.

Generally, out of the many cases collected, about 6 cases were documented and analyzed in this
research, and placed under each category according to the subject matter of the causes of conflict
and its mechanism of conflict resolution.

3.4 Data collection procedure and analysis

At the beginning, contacts made with administrations of Woreda and each selected kebele by
orienting the purpose of the study to create rapport with them. After securing necessary
willingness, the current list of total population of the key participants were obtained. Then
respondents who had participated in the interviews were identified by different sampling
techniques. To maximize the quality of responses of the respondents, convenient time gap were
arranged for key informants.

In order to examine, explain and analyze the cultural values of the people in the study area, the
researcher employed qualitative data analysis method. After collecting the necessary data
through the use of the above data collection tools, the next task that needed to be done were the
categorizing, combining, synthesizing, and thereby analyzing of the collected data. Before the
actual analysis of the data, the collected data were sorted and categorized in accordance to its
source, type and research question. For the purpose of clarity and convenience some selected
data collected by each data collection technique were transcribed, compiled and further
elaborated in to meaningful and patterned information soon after the completion of that
particular data collection session.

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3.5 Ethical Considerations
It is true that ethical consideration is as crucial as other aspects in the process of conducting a
research for it significantly affects the success of the study. In this regard, a researcher was
considering ethical values of the study community on which the research was conducted.
Therefore, researcher considers the socio-cultural norms of the community on whom the research
was carried out. Following ethical considerations was follows: The letter of permission was
taken from Hawassa University to Concerned body in the study area. The next introduced
purpose and aim of study to the informants. In addition, the researcher was following logical
procedures at every stage of the data collection processes and discussed with the key informants
that any information obtained from informants was remaining confidential between the
informants and researcher.

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 CHAPTER FOUR

4. The Sidama people: A brief historical account

4.1 Introduction
This chapter tries to give short explanation of the Sidama people (ethnic group) regarding on
origin, location and historical coming in which, where the Sidama from and its initial
settlements. Furthermore, the chapter deals with language, religion, culture, economic activities
and political history of Sidama as well as profile of study area.

4.2 Location and origin of Sidama people

Sidama people lived in the northeastern part of Africa, comprising with Cushitic-speaking
groups in the Horn of Africa to which the Sidama people belong and claim as their ancestral
home (Getachew, 1970).

Due to the dynamics of conflicts, migration, assimilation and other politico-demographic

influences over the past seven millennia, the Cushitic-speaking population dwindled and became
a small minority in the Sudan, Eritrea and Kenya while they became majorities in Ethiopia and
Somalia (Wolassa, 2011).

The Sidama is one of the members of the Cushitic-speaking groups that are indigenous to the
north eastern part of Ethiopia (Braukamper, 1978). Later, the people moved towards the south
and southwest to settle in Dawa, which is the first place where the Sidama ancestors settled and
became distinctively identified from other Cushitic-speaking families (Markos et.al, 2011).

Dawa is located in the southeastern part of Ethiopia around the river Dawa. At a later stage, the
Sidama moved towards the Northwest and began to live in their present territory (Getachew,
1970). Different sources attest that the Oromo expansion of the 16th centuries made its first
encounter with the Sidama in their current places of settlement. According to Girma (1992) when
the Oromo crossed the Wabishebele River around the early 16th century, they encountered non-
Oromo inhabitants like the Hadiya and the Sidama. In fact the first non-Oromo nationality they
first encountered and fought with for territory and grazing land was the Sidama, this was taking
as main causes for the movement of the Sidama people towards their present location of domicile
(Girma, 1992). The lack of suitable grazing and agricultural land (Betana, 1991) and pressure

32
from the Oromo people around the Dawa River (Tolo, 1998) were singled out as major push
factors that had contributed to this.

According to information provided by elders, Dawa had been the place where many members of
the Cushitic-speaking groups had lived together and later dispersed in different directions due to
a variety of causes. It is not yet clearly known about the situation regarding either their way of
life before coming to Dawa or the exact period when they settled there. However, elders
established the facts about the situation in Dawa area and the direction of the Sidama movement
from there. Accordingly, „the Sidama are said to have moved step by step towards the
northeastern direction and eventually settled in their current places of domicile‟ (Markos, 2014).

Many anthropologists in the ethnographic literature, the term Sidama sometimes refers to the
group of east highland Cushitic-language speakers, which included Kambata, Kebena, Alaba,
Hadiya, Sidama, Gedeo and Burji (Brøgger, 1986; Tolo, 1998). Whereas others used the term
Sidama to refer to these groups and used the term Sidama to identify the people inhabiting the
southwestern localities, Murdock (1959).

On the other hand, Getachew (1970) preferred to use the term Sidanchos in order to single out
the groups by the language they speak. Generally, Braukamper (1978) concluded that: “where
there is question of the Sidama, this name exclusively refers to the people settled in the region
between Lake Abbaya, Lake Hawassa and the upper Genale bearing it as an ethnonym for
themselves." For the purpose of this study, the terms Sidama and Sidamaland are respectively
used to refer to the group and the geographic locality that is currently known as the Sidama Zone
and the Territories adjacent to it that are inhabited by the Sidama people.

Current location of Sidama Zone is found in SNNPR north east of Lake Abaya and south east of
Lake Hawasa. The zone is bordered by the Arsi Oromo in the north and west, Gedeo, Burji, Guji
Oromo people groups in the south, Guji Oromo in the east, and Wolayta and Kambata language
groups to the west. The Sidama people live between Hawasa town in the north and Dilla town in
the south, spread out in a cone shaped area of the middle of southern Ethiopia. Sidama is
generally a fertile area, varying from flat land (warm to hot) to highland (warm to cold )
according to Sidama Zone Finance and Economic Development Sector Profile (2015). Sidama

33
has geographic absolute coordinated location of latitude, north: 5′ 45″ and 6′ 45″ and longitude,
East, 38′ and 39′.

4.3. Language and Religion

Based on the 2007 Census conducted by the CSA, the major language is called Sidaamu-afoo,
which 99.5% of population spoke Sidama language and its total population was 3.4 Million. This
makes Sidama zone is the most populous in the SNNPRS. Basically Sidama people belief bases
on Magano (God). They believe as God recognizes their ancestral spirit called Dancha ayaana
(good spirit) and they did not divide their existence in to political, social and religious category
in far manner, because indigenous governing systems and religion are interdependent. The first
Norwegian missionaries who arrived in Sidama in 1949 soon found that, the religious and the
social welfare interwoven to the extent that it is difficult to separate the social function from the
religious function (Markos, 2014).

If a certain person offended an elder or his neighbors the Songo investigated the matter and
punish the person who has committed the insult through indigenous conflict resolution
mechanisms. Secular punishment included the payment of fines or social isolation. The ultimate
sacred punishment also meant that the council might call for the heavenly God (Magano) to
fulfill the punishment. In case like this, not only the wrong doer himself, but his relatives would
experience the curse from God, who then would bring disaster to the whole family (Hammer,
1987).

However, if the person who had committed the offence apologized and asked for forgiveness the
council of elders would lift the fine and make peace (Betena, 1991). The communal life of
Sidama people rests on socio-cultural setting to maintain everlasting peace and social solidarity
among their own community. In addition to this, they pay great attention on their belief systems
in which how Sidama society believes Halalancho Magano (one heavenly God) in literally is
meaning the almighty God who talks the truth for all without bias (Hammer, 1987).

According to Kifle (2009), God and the spirit of ancestors are the foundational elements of
beliefs for the Sidama and are the constitutive aspects of their spiritual life. God is named the
omnipotent and omnipresent Magano in which the Sidama people believe. The spirit of ancestors
is believed to be very close to Magano through which they communicate with Him. Veneration

34
and respect for the spirit of ancestors as well as recognizing the importance of elders are
considered as the best ways to get the grace of Magano who is revealed through good omen
known as Ayaana and the spirit through which Magano‟s presence is manifested in the course of
rituals and blessings is referred to as Dancha ayana (good omen). Sidama traditional religion has
very strong attachment with their indigenous political and governance system.

It is traditional religion that lends legitimacy to and justifies the indigenous conflict resolution
system and traditional leadership. Halaale, good way of life, is the central element in Sidama
traditional religion and the Sidama obey Magano through adherence to the principle of Halaale
(Ibid). They believe that God speaks to people in their cultural and situational settings and each
individual or group responds to this communication or revelation according to his/her
understanding of God and culture. In this regard, there are many sacred places of worship where
rituals for ancestral worship take place, among which Wonsho located near Yirgalem Town is the
most popular. With the current expansion of Protestantism the influence of traditional religion
among the Sidama is declining (Woganke report, 2015).

The traditional Sidama profess customary religion anchored in the belief that the creator
manifests itself through different rituals and processions. According to (Seyum, et al. 1997), the
majority of the Sidama practice their traditional religion before 1949. But, after the coming of
European missionaries to Sidama land in 1950s, Protestant, Catholic, Muslim and Orthodox
creed respectively.

According to Ethiopian Statistics Authority agency in 1995 report the 80.2% Protestant, 11.1%
Traditional, Catholic 5.2%, Muslim 3.7% and Orthodox 0.3%. During the emperor expansion at
time of Menilk- II to settling exercised a policy of deliberate name change on the Sidama people.
But, after their attempt to forcefully convert the Sidama people into Orthodox Christianity in
1910s and 20s failed. The Sidama people rejected deliberate conversion to Orthodox Christianity
by lamenting this statement: Xoomi yihero xoomi. Xoomiro xoomo gowwu doomi. Miniki giddo
doogo nooni?

Roughly to translated as "If they ask you to fast, do it. Let the foolish do it. But is there any road
through your house? Why do you even bother about it?” The indigenous and most democratic
Sidama elders used to organize the Sidama resistances through such poems which most of the

35
time were very effective and successful. The Sidama people later accepted Christianity in the
1950s and 60s through protestant missionaries who brought some education and development
projects with them so orthodox Christianity holds small ratio today among Sidama people
(Wolasa, 2012).

4.4. Economic activities

The economy of Sidama is based on subsistent agriculture of growing plants and animals rearing,
i.e., mixed agriculture. Enset (ensete vetricosum) is the main staple food of Sidama. Besides
being a daily staple food, Enset is also a ritual plant. Wheat, haricot, bean and barley are widely
grown, especially in highland agro-ecological zones variety of vegetables, fruits, and spices are
grown for consumption and for sale. Livestock, especially donkey, horse, cow and sheep
breeding in the highland is also important economic activity most residents are subsistence
farmers. Cattle especially, are a measure of wealth it also grows several crop types, specifically
both coffee and Enset are backbone agricultural products for Sidama people for constant food
purpose.

Buna (coffee) is the major source of income of Sidama people and majority of the communities
are producing coffee, which is the main cash crop area by rural households in a substantial part
of Sidama generating agricultural activity. Though selling coffee they get good income and
farmers are rich. Richness also one of the criteria to be heard with in community and has a great
value to socio-economic status among society. The next to coffee currently, khat is mild
stimulant plant and become the major source of income to a significant number of people among
the Sidama population.

Wondo genet, Hawela tula, Aleta chuko, Aleta wondo and Malga woredas have large products of
khat in Sidama zone. Enset Weese (false banana) is backbone for the Sidama people for food
purpose and it found all woredas in zone, especially Arbegona, Bursa, Hula, Gorche, Boona,
Darra in large amount. According to the Sidama zone finance and economic profile 2015, large
portion of 95% of rural Sidama people use false banana product called khocho or Waasa as their
food. Even if not faced major hunger and famine until very recently because Weese product is
reliable to survive drought for long period even the 1984 great famine that hit all other parts of
the country did not have a major impact in Sidama (Getachew, 1970).

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4.5. Cultural practices
Sidama society has distinct and indigenous cultural life as regards marriage ceremonies and
arrangements, resolution of conflicts between individuals and groups through Affini(have you
heard?), Halaale(truth way of life), Amaale(law of consel), seera(social sanction), religious
practices, celebration of culture-based holidays and ceremonies like New Year festivials (Fichee
Chambalala), classification of generational system or luwa, adherence to the yakka institution
serving as Ombudsman for women, customary norms, and mourning rituals. These are among
the most cherished customary norms and social values of the Sidama that distinguish the Sidama
from other ethnic and socio-cultural formations. Hence, it would be worthwhile to briefly
introduce some of these in order to properly understand the workings of cultural and social life
structure here below and the rest on the next chapter.

4.5.1 Luwa (generation grade system)

Luwa institution is the foundation of all Sidama people indigenous culture. Luwa generation
grade system has five generation sets: Darara, Hirbora, Mogisa, Fulasa and wawasa. Each
generation sets lasts for eight years; so, one full cycle of luwa is forty years. Because no one
become to Cimmesa(elder) authority, Woma and Moote(religious and poltical leader) in
governing system they are must be train for forty years through Luwa generation class. There is a
controversial idea about the origin of Luwa culture in Sidama society.

Some key informants believed that, Luwa Institution of Sidama were adapted from the Cushitic
people with the Gada system of Oromo people. But other groups suggested that, it was started by
youth in the ancient time form of game, while playing, youth form group and choose the leader
who led them. But some scholars says that its practice started in the Rift Valley Region of
Ethiopia thousands of years ago (Ehret, 1976). Braukamper (1978) claim that the practice of
Luwa began before the Sidama moved to their current settlements.

But, according to key informants these youth‟s groups are developed collective work during the
hunting, war, and at time of Sidama people not incorporated under imperial rule. These groups
grew up and began to highly corporate for the agricultural work; self-defense from surroundings
enemies to form Luwa institution and elected their leaders called Gadanna as chief of institution
and Jalaawa as vice leader. Later developed Luwa at institution level, the age-grade system also

37
developed. Luwa system where the youth is transformed to manhood through series of initiations
provides the ground for constituting indigenous political institutions.

According to FGD informants, the Luwa generational class institutions system is a major
institution that prepares the youth to take greater responsibilities in the community for spiritual,
secular life, empowering the power of youths for political leadership and solider training of the
community. They start as; Luwa generation class is the basis for all other institutions and socio-
cultural practices. As key Informants, with Gadana, Ja‟lawa, Agisho and sub-clan leaders Luwa,
also guarantees the continuity of the system since one of its objectives is to train the younger
generation to assume greater responsibility in leading the community and managing various
issues concerning members. Gadana as a leader or commander for Luwa institution who is
responsible for preparing the next generation to shoulder tasks associated with specially defense
by assuming, greater social responsibility and leadership.

The Gadana, who is the controller of this Luwa whole process, he has greater responsibility to
initiating people into subsequent cycles. It also Gadaana has two deputies‟ leaders called Jalawa
and Saddasso. Ja‟lawa is the assistant or vice of the Gadaana. Ja‟lawa is the one who
commands members of his age/peer groups, facilitator of honey ceremony and commands
Sadasa and Agisho. Saddasa is the third level leadership title and the person who assumes this
post usually takes responsibilities in the field during camping of youths to get Luwa institution
and commands Agisho to serve the respected Gadana. The responsibility of Agisho is to serves
and a prepare poetry material for Gadana has the served and who is a member of a Hadicho clan.
Agisho does not take part in the initiation cycles and he cannot participate in initiation and not
involving leadership selection after the end of Luwa ceremony.

4.5.2 Fichche-Chambalala
Fichche is the most celebrated Sidama cultural holiday which is based on their indigenous
calendar. Sidama elders known as Ayanto (literary meaning “traditional astrologists”) observe
the movement of stars and determine the exact date when will be the New Year and the Fichche
celebration take place (Hamer, 1987). Currently, the event is getting increasingly popular taking
a slightly modified name known as Fichche-chambalala. Chambalala is an aspect of Fichche
celebration referring to performing cultural dances and plays as well as children‟s visit to
neighborhoods and relatives to be provided with Burisame, which is a special food made from

38
Enset with excess use of butter. The Sidama New Year, therefore, is unique in that it does not
have a fixed date. It rotates every year following the movement of the stars (Markos, 2014).

The Ayanto (traditional astrologist) and clans leaders called Ga‟ro are responsible in
systematically constructing the calendar not only in regard to the celebration of the event but also
taking responsibility for coordinating all other associated social, cultural and ritual functions. As
part of cultural revitalization, Sidama scholars attempted to find equivalent interpretation and
adjustment of the Sidama calendar with the conventional Ethiopian New Year calendar (ibid).

According to the information from key informants, after Ayanto (traditional astrologist)
announced the Fichee Chambalala day, the first day of celebration will be Fichee and the next
day Chambalala. On fichee day, the ceremony called Huluka would be held. Huluka is round
shaped shaded leaf objects made by elders for the family to pass through it and symbol for
blessing. This ceremony made in a belief to the maintenance of Keere(peace) to all creations
including cattle and children(see figure 2. below).

According to the Sidama Calendar, Fichche chamballa celebrated month is considered as the
beginning of the New Year but, this is always marked with the celebration of Fichche which has
no fixed date and rather rotates throughout all the months of the year. It also no fixed month for
Fichche celebration it may be come all these listed below 12 months in a year, there are namely
Badheessa (March), Dotteessa (April), Onkoleessa (May), Ella (June), Maaja (July),
Woxawaajje (August), Wocawaaro (September), Birra (October), Bocaasa (November),
Sadaasa (December), Arfasa (January) and Amaje (February).

Each month of the year in Sidama Calendar is equally divided into 28 days or 29 days, these
each day have its own names. Argaajjima, Arba, Bolla, Basaama, Basabeetto, Charroowa,
Dureette, Dullatte Beetto, Bidirsa, Deette Beetto, Karaawicha, Gardaaduma, Sonsa, Rurruma,
Lumaasa, Gidaada, Ruuda, Ereere Ama, Ereere Beetto, Adula Ama, Harfatto, Deette Ama,
Dullatte Ama, Bita, Chicho and Sorsa (Markos, 2014).

According to Sidama elders, all traditional leaders including Moote and Woma are elected as
well as prepared honey ceremony to reflect their ability of economic power Dureette and Adula
days. Because, both days are consider as the days of success and victory.

39
Figure 2: Huluka ceremony at the eve of Fichee Chambalalla

Source: Bursa woreda CTGC affairs Office, July, 2018

4.5.3. Ketala (cultural dance)

Yearly chambalala ceremony festival dancing system of the Sidama people is called ketala.
Ketala is being dancing cultural system that reflects good interests for the government, it also
against for the government policy, reflecting the happiness of New Year and prier for the future
through singing and dancing and the symbol of collaboration of the Sidama people. It is
dominated by elders and kexala danced not only the time of fichche chambalala time. It also
elders reflects their sadness when Garo, Woma and moote were died they reflects their
bereavements through kexala dance. Also it might be danced at the heroic events of winning
enemies and the poems, within Ketala there is especial messages of the specific events.

Kexala dancing is declared by customary leaders or elders of the each sub-clan as well as led by
them. During the Kalke kexala (all Sidama clans dancing day in Gudumale or place of dancing,
each clan‟s representatives are dancing in front of Sidama people).

40
Figure 3: Ketala(cultural dance)

Source: Field photo, Bursa woreda gudumale (June 27.2018)

4.5.4. Marriage
Marriage is natural behavior of the human beings to sustain the human seed in the world. Sidama
is a patrilineal society or common ancestral sub-clans are not allowed to inter-marry. Polygamy
is also common culture and Virginity has a high social value and premarital sex is strictly
forbidden (Awoke, 2007). There are five types of marriage arrangements in Sidama: arranged
marriage, marriage by soliciting, abduction, levirate marriage and marriage at interest of girl.

The first Huchato (arranged marriage) : it‟s a marriage through by the permission of the family
that one girl is given as a wife to a man through both family agreement the interest of male or
ladies are consider or not. The second is Aduulisha (soliciting): the man who wants the girl and
his/her friend persuade the girl so that she marry him and live with him according to this
marriage both male and ladies agreement but the interest of both side families may be consider
or not. The third is Diira (abduction): it‟s a force full marriage without the permission of the girl
and her families‟ recognitions, it is bad culture of marriage because only male interest and at
family law level completely forbidden. The fourth is Ragge (levirate/wife inheritance): These

41
kinds of marriage are held when women lost their husband by death or marrying widowed. So
that she is expected to marry a man who is a brother of her late husband. The fifth is Addawaana
(the interest of a girl): the marriage takes place by the willing of the girl; it is called Siqqo tuge
e”a. In literally meaning, a girl wants to marry for somebody by her own interest/consent.

4.6. Major political activities

4.6.1 The Sidama during Imperial regime
The political history and feudal structure of administration among Sidama people similar from
the Menelik to emperor Haileselas the making of history starts from the very inception of
humankind. As indicated in the above section, the history of Sidama starts with the early
existence of the people in their present place of domicile. However, due to lack of written
sources and archival material it has been difficult to trace the early history of the Sidama. As
already mentioned, the study attempts to trace the early history of the Sidama from oral sources
and genealogy of the notable elders. The political history of the Sidama mainly focuses on the
overall functions of the socio-political institution of the people and interaction with neighboring
peoples.

During the period prior to Menelik‟s expansion, there are accounts of interaction of the Sidama
with neighboring peoples (Markos, 2014). Since settling in the current location of domicile, the
Sidama have interacted with different neighboring communities that include: the Arsi and Guji
Oromo, the Gedeo, the Halaba, the Wolayita, the Hadiya, and the Kambata with whom they
have forged various types of relations by sharing common socio-cultural and linguistic
characteristics. Trade as a field of economic engagement was not as such significant in Sidama
society (ibid). The relations and interactions between the Sidama and neighboring ethnic groups
had not been free of conflict. The relations between the Sidama and their neighbors were
characterized by both violent conflicts and cooperation that took place at varying times. The
causes of such conflicts were mainly associated with competition over resources like grazing
land and water points, which became the major factors that had contributed to the taking shape
and escalation of conflicts between the Sidama and the neighboring ethnic groups. The Sidama
had established administrative systems since the 19th century despite that these were made up of
a loose coalition of different Sidama principalities. The Sidama people had been ruled by
councils of local elders (cimeeye) and chiefs known as Moote, Gadana and Woma who were

42
elected and appointed according to the generational class system governing such matters
(Markos, 2011).

According to Tolo, it was between 1893 and 1897 that the Sidama were fully integrated into
Menelik's Ethiopia and it was from 1897 to 1916 that the neftegna-gabbar rule was introduced in
the area (Ibid). It is said that it was the favorable agro ecological environment and availability of
cash crops that attracted the settlers who fostered active land alienation and establishment of
neftegna-gabbar system in the area. As mentioned, the Sidama did not completely accept defeat
and voluntarily embrace the newly-imposed socio- economic and political system (Ababu,
1995).

The local elders state that the economic and political oppression was more harsh and unbearable
than the military measures taken during the conquest this notwithstanding, however, the Sidama
resisted domination in different ways during the subsequent periods. One way of resistance was
direct opposition and opposition to new arrangements (Ababu, 1995).

4.6. 2. The Sidama during the Derg

The Sidama people had never accepted the military government exploitation peaceful way.
Because Durgue completely against indigenous political system. Indigenous leaders organized
by different Sidama clans groups and they made various attempts to drive away the invading the
Derg army. In1960s Sidama libration front (SLM) was established to against the feudal
government. Sidama freedom fighters leaders were: It was during the last decade of Haile
Selassie's rule that the Sidamas were able to regroup and wage another relentless resistance
struggle against the emperor regime (Bereket, 1980).

The heroic resistance movement led by the well known Sidama patriot Takilu Yota, in the
northern parts of Sidama, had shaken the foundation of emperor rule in Sidama until the end of
1960s. Yetera Bole, Wena Hankarso, Hushsula Xaadisso, Mangistu Hamesso and Lanqamo
Naare and Fiisa Fichcho are famous strugglers to decline emperor regime and finally Dergu
regime. These were the first Sidama heroes be beheaded by the military government while
fighting for the liberation of Sidama. The Sidama liberation struggle which was later Movement
waged an armed struggle against the military regime for 7 years between1977-1983 and fully

43
liberated 3 high lands districts of Arbegona, Bansa and Aroressa in the South Eastern Sidama
land from the Dergu yoke. In this struggle over 30,000 Sidamas perished (Wolasa, 2011).

The name Sidama Liberation Movement was given under the leadership of Woldeamanuel
Dubale who led the movement's activities. The Sidama people had made tremendous and historic
contribution to the weakening and the final down fall of the military regime (ibid).

4.6.3The Sidama during the EPRDF regime

After down fall of the Derg, the Sidama people were assigned under SNNPRS. Recently, the
Sidama Zone administration comprised of 25 Woredas of which 6 are town administrations, and
from 01/06/2011 E.C onwards 11 new Woreda are added. Today Sidama people are comprised
under 36 Woredas and 6 town units. As any other Ethiopian ethnic groups, Sidama people are
interested in both federal and regional constitutions to ensure the rights of nations, nationalities
and peoples to regional self-determination and allow them to develop their languages and culture
while ensuring that nations and nationalities have fair representations in institutions that belong
to all.

Currently, the Sidama people have been repeatedly raising the constitutional quest to regional
self-determination. The interest of regional state autonomy started from Sidama elders, high
school students, intellectuals and almost whole community. Up on the issue Sidama Society
consider the event in 2000 E.C and 2011 E.C Sidama elders‟ peaceful protests for Ethiopian
government, but the late prime minister Melese Zenaw collected Sidama elders, intellectuals and
high school students in Sidama Budu hara in 2002 E.C and he announced the plans and pre-
condition of regional autonomy through deep discussion. So Sidama people agreed with
government to stay with SNNPRS (Wolassa, 2011).

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4.7 The specific research site: Bursa woreda
Bursa woreda is one of the 36 Woredas in Sidama zone. It is bordered by Wonsho in North,
Arbegona Woreda in the north-east, Aleta wondo woreda in east, Hula woreda in South and
Bona woreda in west. It‟s located away from Hawassa at 92 k.m South of Hawassa city. The
Bursa woreda has 29 kebeles of which 28 rural and 1 urban kebele(SZFED, 2010).

Bursa town was established in 1968 E.C. currently, the town is the capital and administrative unit
of Bursa woreda. It has a total area of 1061 km2, of which 94% is land and 6% water. The total
population of Bursa Woreda is 137,236 of which 68,536(49.9%) male and 68,700(50.05%)
female. Majority of people live in rural kebeles comprises 133,554(97.3%) people and only
3,682(2.7%) live in urban areas. Sidama language Sidamu Afoo is an official language of the
woreda and almost all people of woreda inhabitants speak this language (Ibid).

Climate condition of Bursa Woreda is Alicho(highland). Like other highlands, Bursa is a fertile
district with lush vegetation. Due to relatively high population density in the area, most of the
lands are cultivated. Rainfull in the Woreda is relatively reliable in all seasons round. Gomen and
shinkurt is the main cash crop and enset (false banana) is major food source, and in some areas
these are supplemented by rain fed crops including maize, wheat, sorghum, beans, potatoes, and
fruits such as pineapple.

In Bursa woreda, majority of all societies‟ livelihood activities depend on agriculture and
comprising 86%, 4% employed by government and the remaining 10% percent engaged in other
sectors like trade and handcrafts. The economy of woreda people based on subsistence
agriculture of growing plants and rearing animals i.e mixed agriculture and livestock, especially
cattle, sheep, horse, and goat breeding in the lowland is also important economic activity in the
area.

The customary institutions and their governing system with the relevance and intensity of
functions in the society along with the current status of elders, woman, and sub-clans in the
customary governing system. For this purpose, researcher enquired from secondary data about
these institutions of customary governing system which are functioning in effective manner and
found that in Arbegona Woreda, Wonsho Woreda, Bursa Woreda, Shebedino Woreda, and Bensa
Woreda are practicing customary governing system in an effective manner (Wogank, 2015).

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 CHAPTER FIVE

5. Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms among Sidama of Bursa

woreda
5.1 Introduction
This chapter deals about the of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism among Sidama people
of Bursa Woreda, Sidama Zone. Furthermore, the chapter discusses types and causes of conflict
in study area, role of customary institutions, role of women and decision enforcing in indigenous
conflict resolution mechanisms. Finally, the section tries to discuss strengths and weakness of
indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms in study area.

5.2. Types of conflict resolved through indigenous mechanisms

As my key informants and group discussants agreed, Bursa Woreda community used to deploy
indigenous methods particularly in the cases of major types of conflicts such as family
disputes(Min gibbo), inheritance(Eqqa), Theft (Moora), Robbery (Mulqira), dispute on killing
someone or Homicide (Lubbo Shaa), Divorce(Tidhama) and Abduction (Diira), for different
reasons they experienced. Thus, though the indigenous method is widely employed in the
community under concern, it has its own drawbacks when it is compared with the formal court
system.

In addition the data obtained from key informant interviews, the general types of conflict in the
study area were conflict in intra-ethnic and inter-personal cases; land borders, grass lands,
scarcity of resources, marital cases, religious cases, divorce, resource destruction and death cases
have been common in the study area. Therefore such types of conflicts in Bursa Woreda have
been resolved through various forms of indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms. Those
indigenous systems of resolution mechanisms were discussed under the interview and FGD
discussants during the data gathering.

Conflicts in the Sidama community as in anywhere else may vary from trivial interpersonal
disagreements to a serious dispute which might eventually lead to homicide. The most common
issues in Sidama community in Bursa Woreda are interpersonal, common resources, farmland,
common property, and divorce and death cases. Such types of life situation usually by its nature

46
make a challenge among the community members. Those conflicts, therefore, escalate rivalries
among the community of the study area. Border conflicts among themselves are significantly
manifested between villages of each other. There are many activities in the daily interaction of
the society which are considered to be crimes which opposes to the norms and traditions of the
Sidama community. Thus, these types of conflicts need to be locally resolved before rising to a
serious violence among clans. The council of elders Moote(political leaders), Woma(cultural and
religious leaders), Ga‟ro(clan leader), Cimeeyye(elders) system become the solution for such
types of conflicts to save the times and cost from the injured persons than they took cases to
formal courts. Its main aim is to restoring peace and security among the conflicting parties.

Case-1: Interpersonal conflict and resolution

On the day October 4, 2018, in one rural village Tutichcha, Ato Sharo and Kafalle were drinking
in one of traditional rural house where local alcoholic drink “Hareke” was available. They were
friends and neighbors at peace with each other. They were also from the same clan. However,
while they were drinking, Ato Sharo and one of Kafale companions from another village
quarreled. Kafale attempted to calm down the conflict, but Sharo who often misbehaved gave
Kafalle blow on his head and wounded him while fighting.

While the Kafale was under treatment at Elala Shafamo Health center, Ato Tuke the brother of
Kafale who was around the compound of health center heard about the incident. Tuke did not
take any retaliatory action at the spot; rather he hurried to his home that was about kilometer
away from a village. He picked up a weapon and came back in search of Sharo. Tuke thrown a
weapon “urde” to Sharo, but missed him. Instead, Sharo‟s son of about seven years of age was
murdered at spot and daughter of about twelve years old from the same village was seriously
injured. The case was reported to the police, but the murderer was not arrested, for he escaped.

The kin of Tuke wanted the case to be handled through the chief of clans Ga‟ro(clan leader). So
they decided to take the case to be able to reconciled through affini traditions, went to Ga‟rote
songo(clan‟s council). Finally, after a lot of discussions with those parties in conflict, Ga‟ro(clan
leader) and cimeeyye (elders) enforced the case to be resolved once and last by compensating
Guma(blood price) of ten thousand Ethiopian birr to the victim‟s family of Sharo. Those
Ga‟ro(clan leader) blessed the parties on conflict and elders as well as villagers. Lastly, after

47
submitting the compensation Guma(blood price), the elders made cultural ritual “malawo kifa”,
meant that having honey ceremony in belief the incident not to be regain back and the sin to be
cleared (Key informant interview with Argata Rike, February 2,2019)

5.3 Causes of conflict

As noted in the literature review, the understanding of conflict differs from society to society
depending on the values, customs, traditions, history and geographical location, economic and
political situations. Although conflict is a common phenomena in every human inter actions, its
types as well as its causes may vary from one society to the other. In some societies, economic
factors are the major sources of conflict and in others socio-cultural, political and religious
factors are the dominant causes. In this study the researcher tried to briefly discuss major causes
of conflict such as land related, marriage, homicide, religious and political causes in the study
area.

5.3.1 Land related causes

A conflict, as defined by sociologists, is a social fact in which at least two parties are involved
and whose origins are differences either in interests or in the social position of the parties
(Imbusch, 1999).Consequently, a land conflict can be defined as a social fact in which at least
two parties are involved, the roots of which are different interests over the property rights to
land: the right to use the land, to manage the land, to generate an income from the land, to
exclude others from the land, to transfer it and the right to compensation for it. A land conflict,
therefore, can be understood as a misuse, restriction or dispute over property rights to land
(Wehrmann, 2005).

Land conflicts defined as such can be aggravated if the social positions of the parties involved
differ greatly. Like other ethnic groups of Ethiopia, the Sidama people are agrarian society where
land deserves a high value. They give high value to land; this can be understood based on the
comparison they are making between mother and land. That is to say, they are comparing land
with mother. In this regard, almost all of my informants argue that, according to their conception,
as a child could not be able to survive without its mother, as human beings the Sidama people
was not be able to survive without their land. From this one can infer that there is strong tie or
intimacy between the Bursa community and their land.

48
Therefore, land a valuable source among the Bursa people. And because of this long established
tie between land and human beings and the increment of population in the study area, today, land
becomes very scarce and valuable resource than ever before. Hence, scarcity of land is a ground
for most part of conflicts among the Bursa people, particularly, between the youth (who has no
access to land) and the owners‟ of land (it is possible to say those who are largely assigned under
the past generation). In this regard, the only means the young generations depend to have land
and benefit from it is getting land through the means of Kotta(contract), Hi‟ra(purchase) and
through inheritance(Eqqa). Even though the young and landless individuals get access through
the above mentioned means, the mechanisms (land sale and purchase) in our country is not
legally guaranteed. However, the community still now has been practicing (land sale and
purchase) secretly according to my key informants.

In this regard, those who are buying land, which is against the constitutional tenet of the state,
was not able to get while those who sold land violated the agreements. When such violations
committed, conflicts was usually appear between the buyers and the sellers while the buyers
attempting to gain what they have lost either through local institutions or force. This is also the
case while those who rented land cancelled the contract before the deadline. In this case, renters
usually cancel contracts with the intention either to rent their land to another person or using for
themselves. In relation with this, the police officer and elder informants explain that buying land
without legal ground and cancelling contracts before the end of the contract agreement are the
common causes of conflict in the study area.

The right of land inheritance is the other land related cause of conflict in the study area.
According to my informants, among traditional Sidama woman has no land inheritance right.
When woman get married she is considered as part of their husbands‟ clan. And even after their
marriage, women were on the side of their families in time of difficulties before and after they
got old because they are usually living far from their families because of their families „intention
to create relatives in the distant places. Thus, she is entitled to inherit the property that belongs to
her husband.

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According to Markos (2014), until recently, Sidama society didn‟t even recognize land
ownership rights of women except under special conditions when the husband dies following the
wives can claim guardianship of their children. Male domination is highly pronounced ranging
from the household up to the highest social level. This enduring practice in Sidama society
discouraged female participation in social activities. At present too, some such trends continue to
persist unabated thereby hindering women from acquiring the benefits of today‟s democratic
institutions that encourage their active participation in every affair of the society.

And hence, in the past, among the Sidama people, inheritance based conflicts were mainly
experienced between the male progeny of a given family. This was at a time when the elder
brothers aimed to take the larger proportion of land or other types of properties of their deceased
families by suppressing the interest of their little or younger brothers. Different reasons were
forwarded by informants for why the male offspring inherit their family„s properties. For
instance, according to their conception, it is because the male offspring are living with their
families even after they got married. And hence, they are the only individuals who are on the
side of their families in time of difficulties like health problem, shortage of man power,
particularly, at a time when their families got old and could not be able to cultivate on land and
was not be able to participate in the self-help associations. However, after the promulgation of
the 1995 constitution, women are entitled to inherit their parent‟s. And this usually leads to the
conflict between the men and women offspring.

According to key informants, using burial land or places for different purposes other than its
actual use was also instigating serious conflicts among clans or groups or individuals. That is, for
instance, among the Bursa people Moogga (burial places) have great respect than other places,
and grazing or conducting other activities on the Moogga other than religious activities would
lead to serious conflicts. It is obvious that because of the fences for animals don„t enter the burial
places during both the rainy and dry seasons and because of this the grass in the compound was
grow in a better way different from other places. And during the dry season no one was be
allowed to graze on such places, and it is considered as a Aduware because the society believes
that if someone grazes on such places, it is considered as downgrading the ancestors and their
spirits. And hence, a given clan„s burial place is respected and protected by its members.
However, some individuals were usually try to graze on the burial places mainly during the dry

50
season when there is scarce fodders to feed animals just by playing down the tradition of the
society. During such cases such individuals were come into conflict with either their clan
members or other clan members. Therefore, in this case, burial places were become the cause for
the serious conflicts particularly if it is between different clans.

As the data collected from Bursa Woreda Land administration and Rural Development Office
(February, 2019) reveals land based conflicts include the use of other„s grazing land dishonestly,
dispute over the use of communal grazing and forest land, displacement and remove of boundary
marks, claim of land ownership, undue land measurement and registration, that pushed land
related conflicts to take the front position out of the stated economic reasons.

5.2.2 Homicide

As mentioned above throughout in this thesis, initiated or provoke individuals usually commit
murder, which, in turn, become the cause for homicide type of conflict. For instance, break of
agreements after selling land, inheriting large proportion of property by the elders and little by
the juniors, insults that can touch the humanity and leads to fighting, theft and the like could be
the main provoking factors that resulted in murder. However, according to informants, murder is
usually experienced among this society when there are farmland boundary disagreements among
the farmers who have adjacent farmlands.

Land was both where they live and eat everything growing from it. They equate the value of land
with their mother, So, for them pushing or disrupting the farmland boundary is taken as
disrupting one„s mother or hurting one„s mother and hence no tolerance. Therefore, as they could
die for their mother, they could also commit crime (murder) if they faced challenges from their
neighbors because of their farmland. In line with this, some informants paradoxically stated that
we have been snatched our mother systematically by the government„ meaning they explain as
they do not have any ownership right over their land because, according to the 1995 EFDR
constitution, land belongs to the state but use right for the farmers. Even though it is the case,
large numbers of population still believe that land belongs to them and assured as they could die
for their land if they faced challenges.

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According to key informants, other serious provoking factor that resulted in murder, which, in
turn, caused homicide is consumption of alcoholic beverage. In this regard, individuals were
killing each other after they have drunk too much and got intoxicated. As long as they could not
control themselves and adhere to the custom of their society, they usually kill each other. In other
way round, peoples may use alcohol to take revenge on somebody else or their enemy. That is,
after inviting alcohol and intoxicating someone, individuals were killing their enemy. This is the
case which the researcher has identified from elders and FGD. Therefore, alcohol is one of the
causes that resulted in the homicide conflict.

Case-2: Homicide case due to land conflict

In 2009 E.C at Tarche kebele on September 21,12 o‟clock at night the woman named, Qawaxo
Xulu was murdered by one of her sons. The case of murder was related to land inheritance. At
the moment, the murderer thought to his mother that his sister was divorced and live with his
mother and her child for a long year, then he was feared her stay for long time and always attack
and force to go away from the house but the girl refused to go and he feared that in the future
she might be successor of the land, then always he asks and told to his mother and that he never
need the long stay of this girl in his mother home and “why you don‟t tell to the girl to go back to
her husband”, said murderer to his mother and his mother responded for him that he and his
children were not helping her, therefore his mother told him that she need the girl to stay with
her, and told him the girl as future successor of land because currently the government even
support the girls to share from their fathers land and resource ,therefore he feared that his father
land and resource would be shared among three of her children; Kafale, Chomora and Adanu.

After the several dialogue with mother about the land inheritance to the girl, he by himself took
decision to kill either his sister Adanu or his mother Kawaxo ,then on 2009 April Saturday at
night he came and knocked the door by silently and enter the house in force .After he entered
to the house he aggressively looked up Adanu in the rooms in the house, but the girl was escaped
from house because she feared that at day time they were insulted ,because of the son of the
Adanu sold one hen in the market then he ask the girl and told her, “if you don‟t turn the money
of hen your child sold, I will show you and your mother at night because all these was happen by
my mother”. This was the only immediate reason to enter to house aggressively and he murdered

52
the mother. According to informants and police office evidence the case was directly related to
the conflict of land inheritance to the girl and her son. However now the police controlled the
murderer person and detained for fifteen years (Interview with Tane Tunsa, January.26, 2019).

5.3.3 Marital Causes

Divorce occurs when a married couple has conflicts that happen in their life. Usually, the
question of divorce rise by women. As my key informants, among Sidama people divorce is
unacceptable because divorced women have a little chance to marry again.

According to key informants, now a day‟s divorce has been escalating and several conflict cases
related to divorce appearing to Cimessa/Nafar Geercho(elders council) and sometimes to the
formal court as well. After divorce has occurred the woman asks the property share, inheritance
to children (if she has), compensations of her labor as long as her stay in husband‟s home, and
the like. However, traditionally among Sidama society, when a woman divorced she left
husbands home simply without any need of property, inheritance and the like. It‟s believed that
she has no any right as she refused to continue in the marriage. Currently, the awareness to the
right to property, humanity and democratic rights made the woman to request her property share
when divorce happened and the conflict rise against protecting those rights.

According to key informants, marriage by Dii‟ra(abduction) is also one of the conflicts in the
area, which is female‟s subordinating cultural practices. It is forced marriage without the consent
of the girl and her parents. Usually abduction takes place when a girl is going to market, school
or to visit relatives. The man who abducts the girl will force her into sexual intercourse against
her will. As a result the case will be heard to her relatives and families, the conflict arise among
these two families and sub-clans as well. This type of conflict is always traditionally expected to
occur. Knowing this, the girl‟s family may react violently. The conflict became unmanageable
when the girls family need to liberate her from the home the abductor hide girl. Fearing this,
after abduction takes place immediately, the abductor sends Cimessa/Nafar Gercho(elders) to the
girl‟s family for reconciliation and recognition of the marriage. Usually the family‟s consent to
the abductor pleaded for conflict resolution and the marriage is agreed up on receiving a
compensation for bride wealth (Miine). This consensus on reconciliation is also performed
because among the Sidama society is believed that where virginity is given high value, so that

53
the girl who lost her virginity once would be socially unacceptable and discriminated for future
marriage.

The other cause of marriage related conflict in the area is due to Polygamous marriage practice.
This type of marriage is highly practiced in the study area, which is one husband marries two or
more wives at the same time. Now a day‟s husbands fail to fulfill all the needs of those wives
and children‟s equally because of resource scarcity. When the children grew up, they ask
different needs; resource distribution, inheritance, schooling, bride wealth to marry, and extra
needs. Failing to fulfill those needs fairly results in conflict in study area. As a result, many
grievances related to polygamy marriage have been resolved using indigenous mechanisms.

According key informants, extramarital relationships such as adultery is also the other causes of
conflict in the study area. According to values and norms of the Sidama society, having to create
another sexual relationship with any married woman other than his legal wife is considered as a
shame. If the act of adulterous is committed by the individual, he/she condemned and cursed by
the society. However, when the adultery committed is heard to elders early through Diaffin(have
you heard?) procedure they try to reconcile secretly, this is because when the information heard
to public stigmas, fear and ignorance would be created to those who offended, specially to
woman. Therefore, this type conflict would be handled and resolved carefully through elder‟s
council as it may result in violent cases such as murder.

5.3.4 Religious Causes

As it is stated by Mellese (2008), religious difference caused conflict among the Wolayta of
southern Ethiopia, likewise, among the Bombe of the study site the existence of various Christian
sects competing for having more and more followers becomes one of the reasons for the frequent
religious conflicts. It is common in the study area to see different religious groups and various
rival sects (the difference in one religion). And these religious sects often enter into debates over
the interpretation of the particular version of the Bible. That is, there is always debate on matters
of truth in relation to the bible. In the process of forwarding interpretation, one sect accuses the
other for misunderstanding of, for instance, verses of the bible. All of them consider their
arguments as true and others „false. The proponents of different sects initiate arguments, trying to
win new followers, sometimes using unpleasant words to deteriorate those who resist the

54
conversation. Debate over doctrinal issue among few individuals suddenly was growing into
group conflict.

In many protestant churches the conflict was related to the name of churches in that according to
FGD, the protestant churches had no their real name and their name was based on the person‟s
name or sub-clan name who give the place from his land . For instance if the name of the person
or sub-clan was (sub-clan of Sawoola) or (who was priest and died) similarly the name of the
church was Saambe church or Esho church from the beginning ,however the current generation
say no need of persons name or particular sub-clan name if it is necessary the name of the place
was enough and such kind disagreement may create conflict in many churches like Hiwot Brihan
church in Dadahe and Mekane Eyesus church in Tarche kebeles according to interviewee.

According to informants, another conflict raised between in religious when they were preaching
or singing either in mourning or weeding or other people collected area interfere other church
rule and regulation simply and in systematically that may provoked conflict between churches as
FGD. According to some of my informants various religious prophets those who depicts
themselves as God‟s messengers simply enter to any persons house and please take Jesus still
now, you are not saved your life or escape from god so you must be believe and take our Jesus
and save your soul from god, as informants .They say again pass prophecy which will not be
manifested, causes conflict among household members who paved the way and those with
religious one.

Case- 3: Conflict due to religion

In 2010 E.C conflict was occurred between Damma Apostilic church and Bulcha Mekane Eyesus
church in Dadahe kebele. The incident was happened when the Damma Apostilic church
preaching in their spiritual conference. They were preaching that there is only one God called
Jesus, he was died for us, then apostolic churches were always condemning all other churches
who believe in three God (trinity) as wrong believers. Among these churches like and other
sects, then at the same time Mekane Eyesus church also on the same Sunday proclaim to other
sects which are believed in trinity(three selassie as one God) and they all collected around there
,because both church are nearby to each other. Then on the Sunday in the spiritual-conference
they used similar words when they were preaching ,all the Mekane Eyesus sects aggressively

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stand and ask to stop the preaching and ask the question, “let us see from the bible and they want
to debate each other” ,then the program was disturbed and the police was called to keep the
security of those sects ,then in the mean time the police told for provokers of the conflict and
bigotry, then take to police station and poisoned some of the conflict makers. Then after the end
of the conference the church leaders and elders from both sides go to police and take prisoners
from the police and debate with them, then at the end they give the decision for both of them in
that any church when preaching don‟t touch other churches rules and regulation, any church
couldn‟t be interfere in the affairs of other church according to cimeyye (elders) and Bursa
Woreda Security and Administration office (Interview with Mate Magane, February 6, 2019)

5.3.5 Political Causes

In Ethiopia, through the 1975 land reform entitled every farmer to a right of holding farmland, it
lacked the necessary legal framework to ascertain farmers‟ right over their holdings. The reform
gave the state a strong hold on rural land and a potential to displace farmers for various reasons.
Rural land also subjected to periodic redistribution in order to accommodate new claimants.
These factors resulted in high degree of tenure insecurity expressed in displacement and
disposition of farmers, which Bruce and his colleagues censured as “the most damaging aspect of
the reform” (Bruce et al., 1993:2).

According to FGD, at Haro-Bule kebele, maladministration also creates different problem in

society and this also another cause of conflict in the Woreda. There are conflicts which arise due
to maladministration and absence of fair representation.

According to one of my key informants, Bursa Woreda constitutes several different clans and
those clan members are not represented equally in political positions. Most of the time, an unfair
assignments of the person from specific clans without due consideration to his/her talent,
education, and the interests of different clans for the position cause conflicts.

Besides the above causes, the existence of corrupt public officials, unequal distribution of
benefits and absence of transparency and accountability of public officials are the causes of
conflict between societies of woreda. With this also, those officials who caught committing
crime and corruption, call his/her specific clan as he/she had been persecuted by others clan
officials and bodies as well.

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5.4 Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms among Sidama

5.4.1 Halaale(true way of life)

All kinds of indigenous conflict resolution activities in Sidama are undertaken on the concept of
halaale which means ultimate truth. The core function of the political and administrative systems
in Sidama is managing and resolving conflicts peacefully between and among community
members. The conflict resolution process is closely intertwined with fact-finding investigations
to identify the root causes of problems. Decision making emphasizes consensus and majority
support in dealing with conflict management and resolution in order to avoid partisan
domination. Communities expect obedience and observance of the common good from every
member.

According to key informant and FGD, truth is highly respected in Sidama indigenous governing
system. The expression in local term “Halaale gorsitooti halaalu maganunihona‟‟ meaning
(don't abuse or diminish truth because, the father of truth is God) this shows carries with it a deep
respect for truth among the Sidama community. Truth is also associated with Magano (God).
The people believe that a person who takes offence against truth will certainly suffer the
consequence and God has power to exposed concealed truth.

Halaale refers to the pursuit of a true way of life that is a highly observed socio-cultural value
among the Sidama. According to Hamer (1996), honesty is emphasized in observing halaale
when settling disputes between neighbors and kin on the basis of the principle of mutuality in all
social exchanges necessitating that fairness and generosity should be shown to others. The
members of the community in general and elders in particular are expected to live according to
the principle of halaale that represents an acceptable level of moral standard (Aadland, 2002).
Adhering to the code of halaale is considered as observing the rules of agreement entered into
with the supreme creator, Magano. According to Vecchiato (1985), the concept of halaale refers
to strict adherence to the highest standards of probity, integrity, honesty and truthfulness by
standing against any form of crime and wrongdoing. Every member of the community is
expected to be just and fair in his/her dealings with others, which is highly intertwined with the
Sidama religion, governance system as well as dispute resolution practices.

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Halaale is central to administrative control and rule intercession. It refers to the principle of
justice and establishing the truth in the process of embarking on investigation and hearing. The
members of Sidama communities give high respect to halaale mainly because there is a belief
that valuing and respecting halaale contributes to good life and transgressing the principles of
halaale adversely affects smooth and acceptable interaction and well-regulated way of life. In
this connection, Hamer (2007:4) puts the concept of Halaale as follows:
“……..basic to this structure is the overarching moral code of halaale, I have translated
this term broadly as 'the true way of life'. It subsumes, however, more specific values
such as the importance of generosity, commitment to truth in issues of conflict, fairness in
apportioning blame and punishment, avoiding disruptive gossip, responsible use of
money, respect for property boundaries, avoidance of adultery and sexual promiscuity.
No part of the code, but complementing generosity, is the importance the Sidama have
traditionally attached to the acquisition of wealth. It is not the accumulation of land,
crops, animals, or money that is important, but the esteem one gains through acquiring a
reputation for generosity by redistributing these gains in hospitality and support of one's
kin”.

In the elders‟ councils, more focus is given to identifying the issue of disagreement between
individuals and groups. According to the elders, justice distributed by the elders‟ council is fair
and just than that of the modern justice system. Informants claimed that in the modern justice
system, decisions are mainly based on the evidences obtained from three witnesses whereas in
the songo system the investigation process is not so long and it involves rituals. In the course of
engaging in investigations undertaken through on the basis of the halaale principle, the
possibility to deny the fact is minimal. This is due to the belief on the part of litigants who are
afraid to incur negative encounters and curse resulting thereof. Therefore, it is the values and the
beliefs entrenched in societal norms that govern the system than the direct sanctions.

5.4.2 Affino Vs Afibeelo(have you heard?)

The terms afatto and afibbeelo comes from a root word afa(to know). Afatto literally means „Do
you see?‟ („See‟ signifying knowledge and not in its literal term. Afibbeelo is something „not to
be seen or considered‟. Whenever a person in the Sidama community has a conflict with another,
he is not expected to take the matter to his own hands or undertake any trivial action towards the
other. If he does he is fined. He has to bring the case to the people around by saying diaffinayi
ayidde? (Do the people hear this?) or some variety of this- or directly to the community elders by

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saying “Eweli togo yiiena/assiena diaffinayi?” (Do you see that X has had/done…to me). This
procedure is called affatto. And the elders to whom the afatto is brought to take it up and resolve
the conflict, reconciling the two parties involved in the conflict.

According to information from key informants, Affini is used as means of communication among
Sidama society. When somebody need to communicate with every one he/she before to exchange
his/ her idea, says that” Affini” for to someone, the answer is „‟Mawooye anfoomo.‟‟ literal
meaning (have you listen or give you attention his or her arguments?) and the answer from some
guess “yes! I give attention for your argument”. It is chance giving method for friends, meeting
members, and everyone who needs to share his or her idea that issue rose by members. As I have
observed at the field wok, it is purely democratic. Because according the law of Affini every
interested individual can express his /her idea without any communication interruption, this
means no overlaps of communication and all individuals hear or give their attentions someone
until finished his or her expression.

According to Kifle(2009), Afatto is a routine principle used only in the case of customary
conflict resolution. It is about bringing a case to the relevant authority. According to the
principle, every human person regardless his/her social background, regardless his/her ethnic or
racial background, has a right to be heard, his/her grievance is to be heard, and to refuse to hear
him/her is an offence to halaale and disrupts keere. Afibeelo relates to case that a person who
makes appeal is not genuine and who break in the halaale. It relates to something that is
considered inhuman and totally against halaale, thus offensive to God and the guardians of
morality (the ancestors).

When one is said Afibeello assootto, this means “you have done inhuman or morally
unacceptable thing”. Hence, a person with such an act does not have the right to appeal. This
happens only when community has to know the case very well with concrete evidence. If for
example, X hires Y to work for him and at the end he sends Y away without paying him his due,
X has done a thing considered as Afibbeelo. X has no right to appeal. He has offended halaale,
and he has to amend his behavior by making right the situation (e.g paying back all that is due to
Y, and reconciling himself with Y and the community). The right of afatto also reveals the

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Sidama society as a highly democratic society, conscious of equal human dignity of every human
person, regardless of the person‟s, social, economic, ethnic and racial background (Ibid)

Affino is one of the indigenous cultural practices of the Sidama that refers to the need for
transparency of discharging socio-administrative tasks concerning individual and group cases
and community affairs. Affino means letting others know the issues that concern them before
reacting to them. This is a very important tool that restricts unnecessary responses by restraining
them from being susceptible to provocations before letting others know the issue at hand and
intercede and contribute to means and ways of addressing it (Markos, et.al. 2011). Anyone who
receives a call to participate in Affino must act immediately and help in mediating or mitigating
the situation. This is closely linked with traditional conflict resolution in Sidama(Ibid).

5.4.3 Amaale (the law of Counsel)

As key informants Amaale refers to the law of exchange of opinions and advice before give any
kind of decision, especially customary leaders to survive the defenses of wrong doer and it is
very important to memorize law of Halale or truth, to correct someone makes mistake. Elders
take specially time of counsel before to make decision. This law is strengthen, then after, by
carefully hearing every issue from different individuals or parties from the participants of
assembly, elders alone make their own minim meeting on the proposed applicant ideas for
decision for certain minutes. This process is known as Amaale (counsel). Then after the elders
come back together and inform the proposed decisions for assembles to realize transparences and
accountabilities.

Counsel Law is the day-to-day functioning of these elder groups that conflict resolution at
hamlet, neighborhood, as well as individual level and reconciliation procedure.

5.4.4 Dinye(call for appointment)

As my informants, to held Dinye(an appointment) is one of the mechanisms of conflict
resolution. This mechanism has several reasons that cause elders to hold an appointment in
resolution process. Some of these reasons are:-

 To calm down the extent and strength of the conflict “Coye qiissa”
 If the required elders are not present from both sides in conflict.
 If the additional evidence is needed.
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They meet again at the appointment day the elders make the victim and the guilty to leave the
songo (council). This is needed because elders freely discuss and decide up on the issues and
they take Amaale(counsel) and advise with each other where both parties are not present. Then
after, the elders looked at the affair deeply and come to common decision to resolve the conflict;
then both the victim and the guilty will get into the council to listen to the decision of elders.

Finally, the elders tell their decision for guilty by saying according to Halaale they filtered
somebody guilty for doing this/that through detail explanation of Hayyo(knowledge) and make
him/her to understand his guiltiness. Based on the decision, the elders make the guilty to
apologies the victim and compensate him according to elder‟s procedure of enforcing decision. If
the guilty is not willing to accept the decision passed by elders, the Seera(social sanction) will be
imposed up on him.

5.5 Role of indigenous institutions in resolving conflicts

According to my informants, the indigenous institutions have played a great role to maintain
peace and security within a given community. Therefore, indigenous institutions in Sidama
society are still widely existed and respected within Sidama culture. These institutions in the
society deal with various issues, responsibilities and mainly their duty is dealing with injustices
and settling/resolving/ disputes among different groups of the society in the study area. But their
duty and responsibilities differ as their levels vary.

5.5.1 Womu Budu Hara (the Woma house)

According to key informants, the basic duty and responsibility for Woma institution is seeing the
case of conflict arise in members, between clans, giving train to youths how to speak, listening
skills and more learn about the culture for the young members, teaching such as norms what is
right and wrong in culture, which is allowed and which is not etc. It also holds the cultural and
spiritual affairs of Sidama society. Woma refers to the title given to the leader of a religious
institution. He has close relationships with that of political leader‟s Moote and Garo to engage
in providing assistance mitigating conflicts and dealing with other issues of paramount concern
whole clan groups. Accession to the Woma house is not hereditary activities but, different
individuals can holding this title some criteria‟s person who become to Woma.

 He should have high moral ground values, standards and behavior

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  Ability to influence peer group making rational decisions
 Good wisdom and circumspection of Anga culture
 Ability to mediate and solve complex disputes among the community.
 Cultural excellence of the knowledge and ability of communication.
 He should be pass through Luwa generation class

According to FGD, in political Woma house has its own council known as the Womu songo
(assembly). Because Woma house addition to religion responsibilities it played a vital role in
sphere of social, economic, cultural and politics among the Sidama people.

Socially role of Woma house: Woma house considered as primary agent of socialization in which
it is a lifelong process that people learn the attitude, values and behaviors appropriate for
members of a particular culture. It gives various training for the young members of society about
what is wrong and right, allowed and not allowed in their culture.

Culturally role of Woma house: individuals member who learn a lot about his/her culture put it in
to practice culturally based manner. While attending various cultural ceremonies and festivals,
rituals and practices, Woma institution laid the base for all cultural practices to be practiced by
person in a given culture.

Politically role of Woma house: Woma institutions also laid the base for practicing many roles
which related with political issues such as its role in bringing peace and security, managing
conflict. Economically role of Woma house: Woma institution also played great roles. It is the
base for individual member to create sense of cooperation, sense of willingness, to become
economically well being. Old member of institution provided advice and training for their young
to encourage the hard work culture.

According to key informants, the numbers of Woma‟s depend on the size of population and
geographical coverage. In some clans there is only one Woma that presides in all religious and
cultural affairs of the members of the clan, for example Sawola and Holoo clans have one
Woma‟s system whereas in other clans‟ cases, there are more than one Woma in one clan
branching out to the sub-clans specially Fakisa-tuman clans among the Sidama people. The
position of Woma in society varied from place to place and from clan to clan in Sidama society
but, the common function of all Woma‟s are scarifies for ancestral god, work for cultural
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development and holds religious affairs among the community. Its method of electing him varied
from clans region to region. In most parts of Sidama, including in Alata where there are several
clans governed as federations, gerontocrats are elected from different sections or sub-clans of
society to the role of a Woma. In other places, such as Holoo and Sawola, the Woma institution is
dynastic and familial, hence inherited. In this case, when a Woma dies, his son replaces him
regardless of the age of the latter. If the son is too young and unprepared for the assumption of
authority, he is helped by regents and other.

It is the Woma who carries out ceremonies associated with sacrifice (kakkalo) made in honor of
the spirit of the forefathers as an aspect of ancestral worship rituals. The Woma acts as a cultural
and religious leader and usually performs kakalo (sacrifices) and other cultural and religious
rituals including marriage and circumcision (Wolassa, 2011).

According to key informants Woma plays vital role in the process of resolving conflicts due to
the case of murder, rape, clan conflict and boundary conflicts with neighborhood takes long time
under indigenous mechanisms of conflict resolution. Specially in the suddenly or accident
murder case elders follows the serious procedures: As information of FGD, if someone kills a
man, shortly after the incident, council of elders are just go directly to the victims family to
compensate and solve the problem with in the indigenous y conflict resolution. Even the family
of the victim not willing to do so, they cannot response negative answer for these respected
elders. Then after, elders took any responsibility to punish criminals according to their customary
law. Council of elders leaded by both Woma and Moote the emergence of death cases.

After a long period of discussion and appoint on the issue, the elders bring the criminals and his
family of the victim‟s house and they wash both families by cold water. This washing symbolize
that there will be no more revenge „Rabbisira‟ took place between them for future. It also elders
by honey spray „malawo kiifa‟ it with a leaf of plant on the victim‟s family. This is because in
Sidama culture honey considered as the bridge of reconciliation and era‟s the feeling of enemy
from the victims‟ family. After all these process, the murderer forced to give money called
mundeete birra, (bloody compensation), Cincote adde (cow of patience) and Cincote seema
(blanket of patience) for the victim‟s family. Detail procedure of murder case reconciliation
under indigenous mechanisms of conflict resolution, the researcher follows seriously with elders
at the time of field work and it tried to explain their procedure under case study.

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5.5.2 Moote, Ga’ro (political and religious institution)
The role of Moote is principally political leadership and maintaining peace, but also handles
some particular religious rituals. The indigenous political institution, among the Sidama people
regulates the overall socio-cultural and political life of the community and which has power
decentralizations between different organs political institution. But Moote refers above political
power figure on leadership of indigenous political institutions with Woma and different
respective clans‟ Garo. This political institution more focused on guiding, leading, defending the
people from actual threats and external attacks, besides harmonizing relations between whole
community members.

The basic duties and responsibilities for Ga‟ro are receiving appeals from claimant dissatisfied
by lower institutions, pray God their forefather sprits on issues concerning weather conditions of
the time, peace, drought, epidemic etc. and Murder case is also the highest matter to be discussed
there. According to the indigenous leaders these governing systems fully regulated the
interactions of society before the coming modern systems of administration and governing
system. According to key informants, the role of Moote and Garo in the indigenous conflict
resolution lies on settling disputes involved in intra-ethnic conflicts as well as serious conflicts
with many members among communities.

5.5.3 Maganaanchu Mine (the house of Light god Messenger)

According to key informants Maganancho is play vital role under the indigenous conflict
mechanism in terms of exposing compiled truth and he has power to call light god up on person
who, not expose or denied the truth. Truth or Halale is base for justice. It follows: fines,
ostracism, oaths and cursing which are mostly applicable to realize justices.

But, when somebody denied exposing truth for the customary leaders, they are sends cases for
Maganancho to pray to light god to expose truth by fire and water. Maganancho directly sends
messengers (Kalaaxe) to wrong doing person to ask truth or Halaale up on him. Specially that
related with cases of theft and borrowed money refused to repay for some body, Maganacho has
power to punish through praying light god to killing his cattle, children‟s and himself during
denied to tell truth. Especially in the study area community used the institution of Maganancho
as the chilot of the court for different cases.

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Among the Sidama community Maganasine or Maganancho clan expected as comes from
directly heaven flayed by wing in the ancient time represents light god in the earth. Today,
Wonsho traditional religion institution by Hollo clan domination plays vital role in the
indigenous governing system among the Sidama people.

5.5.4 Songo(elder’s council)

The songo is a counterpart of the modern-day parliament. There was a great parliamentary
democracy in the songo. Response to Affini during the songo meetings depend on one‟s age
grade in Luwa. Responses were provided from the eldest to the youngest in line with principles
of gerontocracy. Every member of the songo forwards an agenda item for discussion and
decision would be made by members and forwarded to the Mootichcha, Garo and Woma for
approval (Wolassa, 2012)

According to key informants, the indigenous governing system or customary elders governing
mechanisms of Sidama people is highly decentralized and their socio-political systems that
allowed each clan and sub-clans to run its affairs autonomously. Generally, Sidama society
posse‟s indigenous political power hierarchs in resolving any conflict cases. In addition to this,
the indigenous mechanism had the institution so called Songo and informal justice of elders
beginning from Mini Songo to Mootete Songo. The relationship between lower and higher Songo
system is in the form of feedback one level to another. Which means, any decisions are
beginning from mine Songo and any policy and regulation rules of society comes from
Moote,Woma and councils of elders house.

5.5.4.1 Mini Songo (Family Council)

The Mini Songo (family meeting) is made up of the members of the family related by blood and
primary level of governing system. The leaders of Mini songo are may be Grandfather, or father
and grandmother or mother. According to key informants indigenous governing system of the
Sidama people purely controlled by an elder‟s person from the family level to highest political
leaders which called Moote or Woma leads the assemblies‟ political and administrative system.
At this administrative level believed that any father is the master of his son. So, grandfather or
father must control the ethics of their children‟s as well as all blood relatives of his families and
teaches culture, norms, values and customs of society at the grass root level.

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Mini Songo is the simplest form of the meeting or the primary level of management. Under the
jurisdiction of Mini Songo, affairs like conflicts concerning garden boundary between brothers,
disputes arising from the destruction of property by cattle, or the conflicts of husband and wife
including insulting issues, can be dealt by family level meeting.

This Songo convenes very frequently and it does not have serious penalty to enforce decision. It
usually ends with negotiations and advice to disagreeing parties. In addition to these, it is inter-
family governing mechanism by attempting all family members to coming for the solution of
existed disputes. As the information of in-depth interviews, this meeting is considered as very
important one for governing system, because it is assembly led by simple the head of the
household and it is very organized as well as easily can controlling the behavior of individuals.
But, if some kinds of disputes exist between the parents, the elder son or daughter takes the
leading role of the assembly whenever the father of family is not present.

The special attribute of the assembly is high respect for every idea without any age restriction.
Issues that couldn‟t be handled at this level will be transferred to the higher assembly which is
called Nafari Geeri (village) and Boosote Songo.

5.5.4.2 Oluu Songo (Villages’ level elders council)

As key informants, it is secondary level hierarchies of governing system and it holds or includes
different ethnic groups that lives in the same villages with Sidama clans and sub-clans rather
than common ancestral blood relationship but, at this level all village elders meets many times to
discuss issues that related with neighborhoods violent or conflicts of village with village
,conflicts‟ friends with friends from different villages, family with family, it also more focuses
on issues and matters of nuclear and extended families, close relatives and neighbors that may
arise in the neighborhood, market area and theft cases at the villages‟ level. In addition this
assembly also oversees the overall activities and functions of Jirte, which denotes a sort of
cooperation or self-help association that coordinates the activities of members of the locality
(neighborhood) in times of death, weddings, house construction, etc. the leader of this assembly
is elected directly by the villages people he is called Murricha for death case collaborations but,
the conflicts cases leaded by all village members so not merely leader for this assembly.

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According to Markos (2012), the songo council is often presided over by a nafarigercho, who is
a notable elder recognized as a good speaker and persuasive in arguments. A nafarigercho is
required to consult other elders when managing and deliberating on cases (Stanley, 1966).
Except some serious issues like murder and inter-clan conflict, all issues and matters are initiated
and dealt with at this level. The next level council will not recognize any appeal which is not
dealt with at the primary level council unless and otherwise the severity of the matter requires the
decision of high level songos.

The most important role of the Olluu Songo are: judiciary active with the manner cases, by
religious most individuals are homogenous or not and administrative more organized to control.
It consider as secondary level of council for customary governing system solidly which all
members of the neighborhood can participate as an audience and matter moreover, policy issue
like the collection of taxes, allocation and distribution of common grazing lands, communal
labor contribution in agricultural activities, the administration of funerals and affairs related with
the family of a deceased and the others are discussed here. It needs geographical collaboration
rather than the common ancestral groups. Under this villages level assembly every ethnic groups,
which lives in the same villages can participates to consolidates their socialization. The
administration role of this assemble is realize the seera law implementation directly for wrong
doer according to customary laws until excluded from the total social relation.

But, social sanction or Seera passed by the Boosote Songo and person who punished by
indigenous law‟s of the Seera, he wouldn‟t be allowed to attend funerals and no one will go to
his suffers. It is the total isolation of someone from immediate family members and every
interaction in the society. Moreover, his livestock are not allowed to graze in the commune land
with the livestock of the community until he punished for the elders according to customary
laws.

5.5.4.3 Boosalu Songo (Districts of sub-clans assembly)

This is the third level in the hierarchy of the indigenous administration council and it operates at
the level of district sub-clans. This body is composed of the entire members of the sub-group of
the clan and mainly focuses on matters that are substantive to the members. Moreover, this body
has the authority to review some appeals that conflict between friends, neighbor bounder
conflicts, property thief‟s and administered community district of sub-clan level. It is situational
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when some events would happen, Boosalu Songo participants are collecting and discussing
different issues district sub-clan leaders. This level of Songo has no regular gathering or sessions
and convenes whenever there is an issue that is brought to its attention. The main function of this
district sub-clans level assembly implements law, especially which related with social sanctions
of the Seera indigenous law up on wrong doing individuals. The leaders of Boosalu Songo are
elected from the eldest sub-clans, which means among the Sidama people many sub-clans are
found from the one fatherhood ancestors‟. So the eldest boys from one fatherhood ground
consider as at the sub-clans level the eldest sub-clans.

5.5.4.4 Garote Songo (Each clan’s assembly)

According to key informants, Garote Songo is sub-clan based administration system which
shared the same mythical ancestor and common ancestor and it is fourth level of governing
hierarchies, even if they are impossible to marriage all Sawoola sub-clans among themselves.
This assembly holds all Sawoola sub-clans such as Haikkala, Leda, Wodimo, Magiriira,
Magancho, Araachche, Saambe, Isaakko, Kataware, Mannare, Tilla, Baabo, salalcho and
including non sawoola clans which are Holoo and Fakisa those live in study area. The principles
or criteria‟s to select the Garo is such like personal talent in terms of communication, enduring
of cultural values, norms, beliefs, seniority of age, status(social position) in society, prestige as
well as his orator qualities, ability of handling problems and making decisions unbiased way are
common criteria‟s to select of Garo leaders.

After the selection of (Garo) from each clan, he integrated immediately the member of councils
of elders. The places where Garo and his subordinator usually hold assemble to see different clan
case is called Budu Hara or house of discussion. The major role of this institution among
customary governance of Sidama people is during time of cultural celebration of Fichchee
Chambalala holiday, of the Sidama people announced by each Garo leaders and arranges the
days of cultural dances ceremonies and festivities called keexala. In addition to this each Garo
leaders are dancing in front of their clans at until the end of keexala (dancing) and Fichee
chambalaa festival. The Garo level political administration manage the whole process related
with the clans and sub-clans life of the community and protection of core values, beliefs,
customs and norms of customary leaderships institutions.

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It directly deals with socio-political and economic life of the community that is basically
constituted as the council system through the agency of collective leadership and they are
facilitates corporation with Moote, Woma and councils of elders for effectiveness of governing
systems of the community. The leadership structure of Garo assembly is decentralized based on
autonomous way between sub-clans leaders called Boosote Murota (village level leaders).
Whereas each clan‟s level has its own customary leaders called Garo. They have strong
horizontal relationships between one sub-clans Garo with the others this helps come together to
discuss and finally reach consensus on issues of common concern. At this Songo level many
cases, which rise from all sub-clans of community is detail argument and discussed by Garo
leaders based on the their presented circumstances and disputes. It also bulk conflicts and
administration issues resolved by this Songo level. But at this level dissolved issues are transfer
and forward decision to councils of elders and Mootete Songo and Womu Songo to gives finally
decision.

5.5.4.5 Cimeeyyete Songo (Council of elders)

According to key informants, councils of elders selected from each sub-clan and represent all
clans and sub-clans through representation in indigenous system. They are called Gobbate
Geera(elders of country) and constant meeting institution of is called Gudumaale(tribunal).
Cimeyyete songo or Council of elders are the combination of all clans and sub-clans
representative, Garo, Woma, Moote, Muricha and other several elders from the society. The
primary functions of councils of elders making indigenous laws of society at whole.

This political organized group it is similar with that of modern parliamentary system of the
government and all customary leaders including Moote and Woma are the members of the
councils of elders and leaded by both chiefs. The next functions it is the law imposed for those
individuals when who refuse to accept final decision by proposing unconvincing reasons and last
decisions are approved by Moote and Woma. In Sidama indigenous conflict resolution
mechanisms, Council of elders are holds supreme political power and even if Woma and Moote
cannot refuse the decisions of council of elders but, councils of elders has power to refuse the
decisions of Moote and Woma. In addition to this councils of elders are supervising the
administration system, solving different conflicts cases, such as, murder, physical wounds

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specially related with loss of a part of physical organs, violence among clans and sub-clans final
compensations given to the victim.

According to key informants, councils of elders consider as the justice bodies and they highly
experienced groups to governing community as well as they are skilled groups to resolve
complex issues of the disputes. They have good knowledge‟s about values, beliefs, norms,
customs and any other social settings of socialization among the community. In generally council
of elder‟s decision making or governing system is similar with the modern court system and
parliamentary system but, the mechanism of judging and representation through indigenous
knowledge, which is transmitted from one generation to another verbally as rule or norm of
society.

5.5.4.6 Mootetenna Womu Songo (the King and Religion Chiefs’ Council)
According to key informants Moote and Woma assembly is highest level of governing
hierarchies in Sidama people. The powers of both chiefs are almost equivalent. Both leaders are
should be elders and talent (knowledge) of knowing the issues of culture. Serious social issues
and decisions are decided by both leaders after the common assembly discussion. In the
indigenous administrative and political systems manner Moote consider as president for
respective sub-clans leaders Songos (elders‟ councils). Especially in the study area Moote and
Woma have their own respective assembly and functions but, the political and administrative
issues of society are governed by common agreements of both chiefs. The difference is Moote
follows hereditary political system but, Woma is holds this respected title through serious
competition.

According to key informants the Moote leader late Mooticha Akana from the Haikkala clan in
study area were considered as most charismatic and good ability to the leadership. Some
common powers and functions of Moote‟s and Woma are in indigenous governing system among
the community. Both chiefs are seeing the appeals: It comes from the members of individuals,
sub-clans, and different groups this is because, if the case is not possessed or completed at Mini
Songo (family level decisions) to (Garo) finally decisions are seeing by the combination of
Moote and Woma Songo (political and religion leaders assembly). Individuals as well as groups
can take their appeal to Moote and Woma assembly, when they should believed not get justice
from the local leaders and local leaders also can send both conflicting parties and cases to the

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Moote and Woma assembly. The serious issue of murder cases, rape, sub-clans conflicts and
abduction case are seen by seriously both Woma and Moote assembly.

Especially murder cases which happened suddenly and accident manner both Woma and Moote
are seeing with the council of elders after killed somebody by someone they are immediately
going to the family of victims to encourage and seeing cases before going to formal institutions
or courts. Even the family of the victim not willing to do so, they can response negative answer
for these respected elders. Then after, elders took any responsibility to punish criminals
according to their customary law. But in generally both political and religion chiefs‟ institutions‟
among the Sidama people and study area in particular works for common goals, such as
consolidate socialization, reconciliation, repentance and tolerance among each clans and other
ethnic groups.

Figure 4: Garote songo (clan leader council)

Source: Field photo, Dadahe kebele, Bursa woreda (Feb.20, 2019)

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5.6 Role of Women in indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms
According to key informants, woman can not directly participate in Sidama indigenous conflict
resolution mechanisms. However, in a more severe cases that involve Gosa(inter-clan) or Ga‟re
(inter-sub clan) war women effectively intervene. But, their contribution is most influential.
However, everybody among the community gives a great respect for women‟s Hanfala
(garment) culture, Qarichcho(wives of elders) and Yakka(women‟s peaceful demonstration).
Because women garment culture plays vital role in conflict resolution in indigenous mechanism
in the study area.

5.6.1 Hanfala (the women garment)

According to the Sidama worldview no distinction exists between the body and soul in the
understanding of the person. The body is a person, hence sacred. The idea of being rendered
naked is a shameful act, touching the human dignity, hence an offence to God and Halaale.
Hence, the Sidama society is undrocentric, public decisions and juridical issues are handled by
men alone. Women do not take part in discussions at Songo(elders council). However, if serious
conflict between two clans occurs, women intervention in public serves as a powerful avoidance
mechanism that forces involved groups into reconciliation. In public where elders are gathered,
women make interventions by untying their belts and placing them in front of elders. This
symbolic act implies that they are made naked and now they are naked. By doing so they place
total shame and high level of moral guilt up on the elders of the warring parties for overlooking
such violence among kin groups and, opting for resolution rather than hostilities (Kifle, 2009).

According to informants „‟Hanfala‟‟ original meaning is the belt of mothers/women that they
used for tying of their dress in order to keep their protocol. It helps them to attach their upper
part of cloth with lower parts like belt of men. This woman belt culture has great dignity among
the Sidama community. Sometimes conflict rises violently among indigenous leaders, clan
groups and sub-clan groups. Those conflicts could be resulted in war or fighting. At these
moments, mothers or women serve as mediator between the conflicting parties raising their
garment just like flags to reconcile disagreements in order to promote peace and security among
society.

A victim woman through conflict process by conflicting parties is considering as shameful by

Sidama culture. Hanfala culture has great contribution to enhance bringing of security and
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harmony among two conflicting parts even, it cannot resolved by indigenous leaders sometimes
it would resolved by collaboration of mothers‟ Hanfala rising culture especially like two
individuals, village level, sub-clans conflicts.

In such serious conflicts mothers can interfere by confidence between two parties just like peace
keeping military force any contradiction of the societal that can not solved by councils of elders.
In addition to this sometimes when some disturbances occur within house hold level, they can
hear cases through Affini indigenous conflict resolution law they can reach up to the handling of
the neighborhood dispute by their own power and but cases become too complex they are pass to
directly to the Nafari geercho (village level governor).

Socially Hanfala (garment) culture woman used for two purposes. The first is for building peace
and stability among the community during the conflicts. The second when woman traditional
during the time of praying God for serious the disease case to get grace from the God, Sidama
woman rise their Hanfala to God and pray to get healing. This culture is not allowed for men. So
a result, men do not participate in this unity.

5.6.2 Yakka (Peaceful demonstration of women)

According to key informants Yakka refers to peaceful-women‟s demonstration against oppressive
rule of men, when woman consider customary policy enacted by elders‟ is to defending their
rights, women collaborate by queen or their interest make peaceful demonstration to the
Woma/Moote/Ga‟ro institution to reflect their anger situation of that events. It is culturally
acceptable to protect the interest of woman‟s under the Sidama indigenous customary system. In
many times this demonstration is organized and led by elder women Qarichcho as a unique
institution in terms of purpose and objectives focusing on protecting women from domestic
violence. All members of the institution are women engaged in preventing domestic violence,
abuse and mistreatment. When they march, the protestors hold Meentu Siqo(women‟s stick) with
shaded grasses as a symbol for they are productive and their interests should be protected.

Yakka (Women‟s peaceful- demonstration) also make every effort to draw the attention of the
community in times of the aforementioned mishaps affecting women influence community
leaders to involve and interfere in protecting women from maltreatment. If the community fails

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to respond and solve a given problem, members act to the extent of protesting and rioting against
the transgressor in various forms (Markos, 2014).

According to informants, traditional Sidama society are patriarchal, male domination has been
put women status in home. Though the Sidama people in general recognize the significant role of
women in families and society, the gender role granted for the woman is more of household tasks
such as preparing food, cleaning, taking care of children, and taking care of her husband and
guests. Therefore, the Yakka demonstration held by women when these activities go beyond their
capacity; and when they are unable to manage. According to Ambaye(2006), the yakka (peaceful
demonstration) was a very interesting history of Sidama women‟s system of resisting the well-
established patriarchal system.

5.6.3 Qarichcho(chief wives )

According to key informants, Qarichcho(chief wives) is the primary and respected wife of
Cimeeyye or chiefs plays a significant role in resolving conflict between women. Her
responsibility is coordinating, females in social, political and spiritual issues as well as events
such as Yakka, Hanfala, Jirte, e.t.c.

According to Kifle(2009), in the internal family context, a husband physically punishes his wife
in Sidama culture. There are some rules that prohibit a man to beat a woman in certain situations
(e.g a woman with baby, those delivered and undelivered), and if this happens through the
leadership of Qaro(the eldest women) village women take very harsh action against the man and
thus he pays a heavy fine the Qaro demands. If he refuses to pay, the women humiliate him in
public doing every sort of thing, and do not let him free until he pays what is demanded by Qaro
for the victim woman.

According to key informants, especially wives of Cimeeyye (elders) play important roles in
customary conflict resolution process behind the assembly, they supports their husbands by
advices in order to give fair decision and they also evaluate husband‟s decisions fair or not. His
wife experiences similar increase in her status. Woman‟s cannot participate on the assembly of
Cimeessu Songo(elders council) at the Gudumaale(tribunal) and other indigenous conflict
resolution institutions because of cultural influence. Basically males are considered as most
dominant and woman meeting in elders assembly consider as shameful. Even if women cannot

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go in front of man on the road, when they cross bridge and when they attend burial ceremony.
This is because man is believed that he is leader and husband.

While predominance and superiority therefore are always granted to the wife of clan leader or
the Luwa leader (Gadana), the wife of Cimessa always retains respect that comes with the
promotion of her husband to the Cimessa title. In that role, her blessings are sought after from
the outset and highly regarded in the case of Safa(planning feasts). Her blessing is also sought in
the inauguration of a newly constructed cultural house. Cattle will be slaughtered by Cimessa as
a sign of happiness. The practice also believed to chase away the wrong doer Sheexaane(evil
spirits) and give thanks to the Kaliqa(the creator) or Magano(God).

According to the information obtained from focus group discussion (FGD), women have an
important role collectively to praying God on natural and man-made hazards like droughts and
conflict. The informant said that, women must be respected as they have pivotal role in
customary conflict resolution process; and further argue that they should involve in peace
promotion and peacemaking at the community level. Therefore, women should be empowered in
order to be the fore front of any peace efforts in Bursa woreda. They should be allowed to
participate in peace and reconciliation conferences and decision making process.

5.7 Decisions enforcing mechanisms in indigenous conflict resolution

The Sidama indigenous conflict resolution institution works without written rules and
regulations. The basic objective of the system is to bring peace and reconciliation between the
disputant parties. However, regarding decision enforcement, there are certain commonly known
rules from simple cases to higher offences at the end of resolution.

According to my key informants, after overall mechanisms of indigenous conflict resolution the
final decision on the conflicting parties would bases on Seera (social sanction) for those who are
hesitating to accept the elders decision after many Amaale(consult), and compensations such as
Guma, Harafo, Soora and Fiicha must be provided for those parties found to be victims from
who have offended Halaale.

5.7.1 Seera (Social sanction)

The most popular decision enforcement mechanism in the Sidama indigenous conflict resolution
is known as Serra. It is a social sanction which practically alienates the defendant who refused to

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accept the decisions passed against him by the council. However, Seera is finally punishment
method which customary leaders take the wrong doer through in society. The level of
punishment is different case to case and depends up on the action immorality of individuals. For
example, for the serious cases of crime it is isolating from community, out casted.

The social sanctions include: detaching him from funeral associations, his cattle are not allowed
to graze with those of others, he is not allowed to take part in work parties (group farming
activities), his wife is not allowed to take fire from her neighbors, etc. The Serra decision will be
announced to all of the community through public gatherings, at the market place, etc. Under
such kind of punishment cast out individuals cannot get any kind of support from the
community. Even he faced difficulty problems, no one is willing to help with him, he cannot
able to participate on burial ceremonies, including his wife and his children‟s are not allowed to
borrow anything even fire from near villages. However, in minor cases punished by providing;
Halaale, money, oxen, got and sheep.

Seera punishment is applicable on males or husband only but, woman and children are not
punished by Seera law. Because both wives and children are considered as live under the control
of the father or husband. Any person who is reportedly found not executing the decision (serra),
i.e., anyone who is found working and cooperating with a person under serra, will be subject to a
more serious Serra.

The Serra lasts until the person requests excuse officially to the Songo; Motichcha, Ga‟ro,
Woma, and executes the previous decisions passed upon him.

According to key informants, Seera customary law of Sidama people could be applicable
through three concept and meanings. First, it is unwritten social constitution in terms of
punishment. Second, means of collaboration for house construction. Third, it is cooperation
method emergency of death and time among the Sidama community.

Case 4: Violation of norms and Seera

Ato Kakawo lives in Chancho kebele and he is now 40 years old. He has two wives and six
children. The first wife of Kakawo is Dararo and she gives him four children and the second is
Dangite and she has also two children. His father is also the leader of his sub-clan called haikkala

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mini sub-clan in the Chancho village. On the day February 5, 2019, Kakawo was disagreed with
village level elders and his father‟s decision on the case of his land boundary with his oldest
brother called Gelela. But his oldest brother agreed to the decision of elders and their father‟s. So
it is serious conflicts‟ between both the oldest and youngest brother called Kakawo and Gelela.
Kakawo takes his appeal to the council of elder‟s Songo. This indigenous body after two weeks
appointed consolidates on discussion to the decision of his fathers and village elders. At the end
of the decision, Kakawo insults the council of elders by local language Gubbo ittinoni!
Mooranote ki‟ne!. Literally mean, “you are corrupted groups! You are thief!”. After his insult,
Cimmeye (council of elders) share idea between each of them through the law of Affini.

Finally, elders seen his case as violation to cultural rules or acting or doing anti-social activities
and violates the ethics of Halaale(true way of life) among the community. So they are agreed to
impose the law of Seera(social sanction) for two years, through isolation from community and
money. In terms of isolation, no one allowed to help him even if the death emergence and no
witness even if he accuses in the legal court, his cattle‟s, children, and wives should be isolated
from the community for two years. In addition to this he should be punished after the end of two
year, 300birr, one ox for the council of elders (Participant Observation at Haikkalla songo, Feb.7,
2019)

5.7.2 Guma(blood prices)

When a murder case is labeled as an intentional, deliberate and inhuman murder, the defendant is
supposed to pay Guma(blood prices) to the victims‟ family. According to my key informants, in
the Guma provision process the payment is expected to fulfill not only by the offender family but
also it will be contributed by clan members to the victim‟s family.

According to local elders, conflict might be occurred between an individual and clan levels, in a
case someone might killed, then next action by residents should be held that all involved parties
and killer families would be kept in Woma/Garo(clan leaders) house until the immediate action
passed. This meant to reduce unconditional feeling or emotion as well as feeling of immediate
revenge of victim‟s family.

In the process the clan leaders such as woma, Garo, Nafari Cimessa are required to gather and
held songo. The offender families are expected to request the case to be resolved through

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indigenous mechanisms. When they inform the case those elders began to consult each other
using their indigenous knowledge and experiences of mediation and resolving the conflicts.

According to informants, homicide case is given high attention. This is because Sidama society
believe that the life of human related to sacred, that the blood if it not resolved and purified well
would be Rumo(curse) to those killers, families as well as to the community. Thus, without
resolving and compensating this type of conflict the elders would not turn back to their home.
The reconciliation and guma compensation of the homicide conflict before funeral ceremony of
died person is mandatory, because the victims family could be impressed to revenge on the killer
families at mourning day by feeling frustration.
Case 5: Robbery and Guma compensation

In 2007 E.C Ato Alle was died by the pickpocket/robbery person in Bursa -01 kebele, when Alle
turn back to his home from market after drinking alcohol (haraqe) on the Tuesday night called
(Bursi Dikko). When he arrived at the place around his home, one of the robbery in that area
hung and take money from the Alle pocket and escape from the area. Ale was badly hurt while
fighting. Then taken to Hospital and died after a monthly admission in Hospital and the robber
was escaped from the area. Meanwhile the family of victims applies to police and the police
search the suspected robber named Barasa, but can‟t be found. However, the police arrested after
several search. Then the family of the robber selected and asked the elders from the community
to reconcile the case. The elders (Nafari Geerra) were selected and went to he died persons get
way and made Songo(council) at Gudumaale(tribunal) under the shaded tree until they agree to
reconciliation ,then they asked the families of Alle through Diaffini(have you heard all?) and up
on Halaale(truth) to negotiate by Cimeyye (elders) and before Ga‟ros(clan leaders), besides the
family of victims had also Nafari Geercho(family elders).

After so many debates of Affini, both victim‟s and offender‟s families agreed to negotiate. Then
the elders told the offender families to compensate blood price Guma, any compensation
according to Sidama custom. Then the Families from the killers also agreed with elders to see the
case on Songo(elders council) respecting sawoola clan Ga‟ro(clan leader), by saying “it was done
by offending to Halaale, however we all his family made mistake whatever and whenever, in our
hand, in our foot, in our mouse we all made a mistake”. The family from the robber, said that

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Alle was their brother, their families and “we ourselves shocked by the incident” and when
saying this they all put cultural cloth in front of elders called Womu Seema(cultural elders‟
cloth).
After hearing at Songo(elders counsel) three day, both said speech the elders debate on the issue
the robber did, but the killing was deliberately or was made consciously and after three-four
days debating on the issue in rituals form, with this intent they compensate the victim family
10,000(ten thousand birr) for the funeral ceremony compensation and the families of the robber
person ask excuse all their bad looking and offending Halaale as well ,because when they give
this Guma( compensation) they brought it from sold their animals and their resources, therefore
in the future no revenge between them ,the families of the murder person laid down and the case
was resolved by customary mechanisms (Key informant interview with Adula Rike, Jan. 4,2019)

5.7.3 Kege fiica(Purifying)

When homicide case is decided as unintentional murder, the defendant is supposed to refund all
expenses of the victim‟s family (medical if any, funeral land the like), and provide 1-4 local
blankets and 100 birr or one cow.

According to information from key informants, after the depth investigation of the cases, when
the death found to be happened unplanned and suddenly e.g car accident, the death by biting
animals such as cattle, horse, dogs; someone died suddenly caring someone else, playing
traditional game that case is called sudden action Dano, and this need not expected offender to
pay or provide any compensation. However, the above fees will be fulfilled. This is because
Sidama people perceive as sudden death Dano will probably happen again when it has been
compensated.

In this case the Songo(councils) discuss the case, the process of how the act has occurred,
summarize and finally decided to pay the compensation in kind or moral. Moreover, in the
process of Qege fiica(purification) the elders consider and memorize after resolution, the
conflicts not to rise again between victims and offender families, thus made keeping Halaale
(truth way of life) and sustainable resolution.

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5.7.4 Harafo(Material provision)
When the victim injured is having bleeding or bone breakage. In such a case the defendant is
supposed to compensate the victim with butter, honey and a goat or sheep. According to
informants, this action is very important, because the provision or substitutions are the way for
resolution among both conflicting parties. Harafo, doesn‟t seen as easily, because of it facilitates
the resolution process at sustainable manners among both parts, which indicated that, the symbol
of forgiveness from victim to offender.

According to focus group discussants, based on severity and extents of the cases, the councils or
songo levels would discuss on the presented case attentively and, the offender should provide
needed treatments by accepting his wrong doing through feeling of sorrow and hurt. This is
believed to fasten the reconciliation and the victim may be excited to forgive the offender.

Case 6: Conflict due to Breaking the agreement and compensation- seera and harafo
The incident was happened in Hooba-Gangawa kebele between two farmers, Ato Dangiso and
Gimbo. It was in 2009 E.C those two persons quarreled on contract over grazing land. The
contract was made for three years until 20011 E.C. based on the equal sharing of products which
will be produced from the farmland. Only a year after the contract, disagreement grew up
between the two when the seller accuses the buyer of misusing and cheating from the product of
his farmland contrary to the agreement. Elders in the neighborhood held oluu songo (villager‟s
council) interfered in the case through Affino mechanisms and the problem was resolved after the
seller Dangiso accepted his faults through several Amaale sessions. Then, allowed Gimbo to
continue with the contract that has been agreed in the previous according to Cimeessa‟s decision.

However, the buyer Gimbo, engaged in his former mistakes once again and become a source of
disagreement between the two. Worried by Gimbo, Dangiso take action which includes the
taking away all his cattle‟s, sheep‟s from the grazing land aggressively and warned Gimbos‟
children and him not to enter to the grazing from that time onwards. Irritated by the action
Gimbo decided to take action up on Dangiso. In the exchange of words both parties fought
together and even the fight became intense as children and families from both sides took part. In
the fight, Gimbo was injured and children from both Sides hurt. In the fight Dangiso told him
that he wants to kill him. Fearing the further consequence, elders again in the community called

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the two parties for resolution. Elders met and say what was happened again from last
reconciliation that they had made before. They say “hoola halaaleho!”, this meant that the
offender Gimbo did not kept the halaale that the elders resolved, so that he injured. Elders now
added by numbers because they expect major decision enforcing mechanisms needed for the case
that has been resolved earlier. Now after a lot of filtering procedures, the songo decided to
impose seera on the defendant and harafo to those children‟s from both sides(interview with
Sole Arfaso, January 3,2019)

5.7.5 Soora (food provision)

When the victim injured is without bleeding or bone breakage. In this case the defendant
compensates the victim with butter and honey only. In this procedure when the defendant found
guilty by the elders in indigenous conflict resolution, the person decided to provide food or some
money instead (from 10 birr to 500 birr) accordingly to the magnitude of injury of the victim.

According to key informants, Soora meaning has the connection with marriage. The newly
married couples in Sidama society would be given high attention to care and feeding special
foods with energy giving foods such as butter, meat and the like. This type of care is said to be
soora(food provision). In the case of conflict resolution the provision is to regulate and maintain
peaceful further communication. The compensation also needed to rehabilitate the injury that can
be psychological and physical injury.

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5.8 Strengths of indigenous conflict resolution mechanism
Conflict is an inevitable phenomenon since human beings exist on earth. The economic crises
like money and time wastage are common in conflict. The social crises like the breakdown of
social capital, disintegration of social relationships and violation of peace and stability between
or among individuals. Indigenous mechanism of conflict resolution consumes lower cost and the
process takes greater speed, the reason for this is solving conflicts through this mechanism
normally requires the permission, and commitment of the parties involved in the process.

1. Saving Cost and time

The poor and much marginalized or disadvantaged people are irregular users of the informal
justice system and they give much emphasis on indigenous conflict resolution methods because
it is an important means of conflict resolution to save time, money and most importantly not to
demolish their social relationship. These poor and marginalized people using different type„s
customary conflict resolution methods and it depends on the specific culture of the society.
Especially in developing countries some uses local elders, others religious leaders and still others
use both in different times (Ewa, 2006).

The focus group discussion participants explained, majority of the Bursa Woreda local
community uses Cimessa, Nafari Geercho, Woma, Garo(local elders) to solve disagreements
depending on the extent of conflict cases. The locally accepted elders are the main actors to solve
local conflict and the society also accepted these elders. The idea of this focus group discussion
is similar with what Ewa revealed that marginalized and poor people are the main user of
indigenous conflict resolution system. It indicates that conflict resolution through indigenous
conflict mediators is preferable than using formal one or court in the study area.

Applying this approach does not require complicated party structures or expensive campaigns; it
provides a low-cost, empowering means of resolving conflicts within a relatively short time
frame (Bendeman, 2007). As the decision is reached by the parties to the dispute instead of being
imposed on them, there is a great satisfaction with the dispute resolution process and outcome,
and consequently, greater conformity with the result. The process is less challenging than formal
conflict resolution system and so reduces the likely hood of win or loss mentality and provides a
frame work for the future dispute between the parties. As opposed to formal conflict resolution

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system, indigenous conflict resolution process is faster, cheaper and less formalized both in
terms of process and in tailoring results (Eshetu and Getu, 2009).

Formal conflict resolution systems are expensive; sometimes the cost may go even the amount of
making the victory of a party irrelevant or beyond the amount of decision. Conflict resolution
through formal legal services is seen as costly, unreachable, slow and not consistent in delivering
law. The most common complaint about formal conflict resolution systems or courts is the
prolonged nature of their procedures, and the associated belief that taking a very long period of
time as many people put it, is the result of either a defendant„s bribe or a deliberate tactic by
judges to provoke the plaintiff to bribe them just to get the case heard (Leonardi, 2010).

Judges explain that the very nature of a first-class magistrate court requires it to hear the case
over a number of sessions to bring witnesses or other evidence. But for most ordinary people, the
inevitable delays and repeated sessions required for some cases in the judge„s courts are
straightforward proof of the judiciary„s corruption. Most seriously, delays in the judicial system
or police investigations are blamed for revenge (ibid).

According to focus group discussion also assured that using indigenous conflict resolution
mechanism has many advantages in relation with saving of money and time. It takes short period
of time to solve conflicts and disputants can solve their conflict in their local area. It decreases
the cost and time involved in solving conflict like material cost, transportation cost, time and
other costs. But using formal or court system takes a very long period of time to solve a single
case and leads to economic crises like; court charge, filling cost, and expenditure for lawyers,
and other costs. Therefore, indigenous conflict resolution system is more advantageous or merit
full in terms of saving money and time.

2. Restore Social relationship

Indigenous conflict resolution system cultivates the relationship of conflicting parties towards
the future. This conflict resolution method is necessary for the re-establishment of social
relationship or bringing together of the society in general and conflicting parties in particular.
Indigenous conflict resolution system allows conflicting parties to work cooperatively by
minimizing their gap in productive way that does not demolish their relationship (Volker, 2007).
Indigenous conflict resolution mechanism can provide us procedures that can resolve

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disagreements successfully without harming relationships. In indigenous conflict resolution
process, the conflicting parties could rather help to learn information that will permit them to
work more efficiently to their future life (Ibid).

According to key informants, indigenous conflict resolution can provide us procedures that can
resolve disagreements successfully without harming relationships among Bursa Woreda
societies. The method used for a conflict at hand can make available a structure work to deal
with predictable conflicts. Additionally, this conflict resolution method could help to take benefit
of the resolution in the past and to learn from experience or skill. The ultimate aim of customary
conflict resolution is the restoration of relationships.

The focus group discussion participants agreed that customary elders have playing great role in
providing advice (Amaale) for the community to minimize local conflicts. Interviewee also said
that we are always advice the conflicting parties to solve their conflict through local elders
(Cimeessa/Nafari Geercho). Because the decision passed by court or formal conflict resolution
systems is not good for social relationship rather it leads Rabisira (revenge). This idea is directly
related with that of Volker„s argument in which indigenous conflict resolution system and the
local elders play prominent role in consolidating the relationship of the society.

Generally the information from focus group discussion and key informants, also indicates that
Nafari Geercho,Woma,Garo and Moote (indigenous leaders or elders) have great capacity and
ability in peace building process and consolidating social relationship of the society by
increasing social harmony, addressing common problems of the society and increase support
each other and tolerance in the study area. The participants said that many residents of Bursa
Woreda, in their local area using customary method of conflict resolution and this helps them to
restore their relationship. Therefore, individuals who have used indigenous conflict resolution
mechanism have the chance to consolidate their relationship to the community in general and
their enemy in particular since the ultimate matter is restoring good relations.

According to focus group discussion participants, there are different types of problems that
individuals faced following conflict like missing the social interaction and this missing social
interaction finally creates the absence of support from the community, neglect by and from the
society and stop the overall social interaction.

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 3. Maintains peace and Stability
According to my key informants, the main aim of the Sidama indigenous resolution mechanism
is to restore relevant peace and stability among the community. Punishing of wrong doer is not
ultimate goal of the Sidama rather it is to restore of former relationship between the disputants in
the area. It encourages the conflicting parties to live with peace and them to develop tolerance
among themselves. And it gives the future livings with peacefully with another peoples and
community in the area.

According to FGD discussants, local reconciliation typically incorporates consensus-building

based on discussions to exchange information and clarify issues. Conflict parties are more likely
to accept guidance from resolutions than from other formal sources because an elder‟s decision
does not entail any loss of face and is backed by social pressure. The end result is, ideally, a
sense of unity, shared involvement and responsibility in the Woreda. According to key
informants also reveals, Songo, Affini, Halaale procedures are followed by open deliberation
which may integrate listening to and cross examining witness, the free expression of grievances,
caucusing with both groups, reliance in conditional evidence, visiting dispute scenes, seeking
opinions and views of neighbors, reviewing past cases, holds private consultations, and
considering solutions are useful to bring peace and stability in indigenous conflict resolution
mechanism in Bursa Woreda.

5.9 Weakness of indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms

The most important challenge is related to the absence of a policy direction and comprehensive
laws that deal with the institutionalization and harmonization of indigenous conflict resolution
mechanisms within the country‟s legal system. There is lack of clear legal framework which
states the role, functions and legal status of indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms. Even
though the Ethiopian Constitution under Article 34 sub Article 5 recognizes traditional law
where it allows citizens to use religious or customary laws in cases of personal and marital
disputes, it limits them to personal and family matters excluding their application to criminal
matters in spite of the fact that they are serving for many types of crimes in reality (Alemie and
Mandefro, 2016).

85
The absence of strong laws and policies related to the validity of indigenous conflict resolution
mechanisms and their relationship with the formal justice system, the possibility of application of
their authority are found to be serious challenges that need urgent attention by the government
and policy makers.

As FGD discussants argue, the identification of evidence mechanism to identify the offender and
victim is based on the halaale and those of offenders and wrong doers like thieves do not keep
up halaale because of those criminals are pessimistic on their future hope and not well equipped
by the indigenous norms and values. Therefore, halaale of those cases would not be manifested
and reconciliation could be weak evidenced and difficult for elders.

Nowadays, Sidama indigenous institutions are facing different problem due to modernization and
globalization. In the past, such institutions were the center of peace and security. They were
served as schools to gain the value, norm, belief of the Society. But at this time, the core values
of customary institutions are changing due to the above mentioned factors especially among the
young generation. The young generation began to see the indigenous institutions as less valued
in solving different communities‟ problem than the modern institutions in terms of procedures in
solving conflicts between two parties. But indigenous institutions are very effective, respected
religiously or culturally within the society in resolving any local conflicts.

86
CHAPTER SIX

6. Conclusion and recommendation

6.1 Conclusion
Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms are traditional practices used to resolve conflicts and
maintain peace and stability in a given community. Sidama people have their own indigenous
mechanisms of conflict resolution to control the day-to-day maintenances of peace and security
of the society.

Based on the data obtained from my key informant interview, observation and focus group
discussion conflict is activated by different causes in study area. These include, breaking the
norm of the society in the land case, religious‟ case, inheritance and property claims, break of
contract, marital case, violation of societal values, and murdering of people are among the causes
of conflict in the study area and different mechanisms were used to solve the problem.

This study also reveals, indigenous institutions are still widely exist and respected among the
Sidama community of Bursa woreda. These institutions deal with various issues, responsibilities
and mainly their duty is dealing with injustices and settling/resolving/ disputes among different
groups of the society in the study area. But their duty and responsibilities differ as their levels
vary.

By and large, indigenous conflict resolution institutions in the study area are proved by the
community as efficient in handling and resolving conflicts of different nature. What this study
also witnessed is that indigenous conflict resolution system are relatively effective than the
formal court system in consuming time and cost. Thus, parties in dispute usually prefer their
cases to be brought to the indigenous process for its lasting effect in restoring peace, and stability
and also take out sense of revenge.

87
6.2 Recommendation
In the study area, diaffin, halaale and amaale play a great role in resolving conflicts which arises
between different families, individuals and the community at large. These mechanisms primarily
focus on providing conflict resolution services to local communities based on long term and
sustainable outcomes. The mechanism tries to combine truth and kindness as well as peace and
justice through forgiveness, tolerance, peaceful coexistence, apology and compensation. They
equally focus on the past, present and the future relationships of the parties in conflict. Thus,
such a mechanism in Bursa is effective in addressing conflicts and bringing lasting peace
between parties in conflict, and has to be preserved and attention has to be given by government
bodies.

Sidama indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms are oral, and not yet sufficiently
systematically documented. This needs proper attention for the protection, promotion and
development of indigenous knowledge as well as institutions. Indigenous knowledge has to be
integrated into formal education system so as to use of local communities and the key to
sustainable socioeconomic development.

Besides, the indigenous conflict mechanisms should be properly organized or institutionalized.

And measures should be taken to properly address the limitations associated with the indigenous
conflict resolution mechanisms and to orient and make them consistent with the contemporary
human rights principles and globalized world.

88
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 Appendix
List of interview participants

R.No Name Sex Age Occupation Place of Date of Remark

interview Interview

1. Adula Dikale Oshe M 56 Nafar Geercho Dadahe Jan. 28.2019 Key

informants
2. Argata Rike Harka M 51 Songo leader Dadahe Feb. 2-2019
>>
3. Ayelech Womaro gole F 43 Police officer Chancho Feb. 3-2019 >>
>>
4 Birhanu Daka Do‟oshe M 39 Religious leader Tarche Feb.2-2019
>>
5. Buna Amalo Mume M 48 Teacher Bursa 01 Feb.1-2019 >>
>>
6. Chuluka Tume Tonosha M 62 Woma Tarche Feb.4-2019
>>
7. Degife Desalegn Daka M 52 Woreda official Bursa 01 Feb.3-2019 >>
>>
8. Girma Digano Shefele M 48 Woreda official Bursa 01 Feb.2-2019
>>
9. Kifile Akana Najo M 60 Moote family Dadahe Jan.29-2019 >>
>>
10. Kayite Daka kumo F 55 Chief wife Tarche Feb. 6-2019
>>
11. Shewarega Shale Kachara M 45 Teacher Dadahe Feb. 5-2019 >>
>>
12. Mate Magane Tula M 47 Kebele leader Dadahe Feb. 5-2019
>>
13. Sole Arfaso Ararso M 59 Elder Chancho Feb 1-2019 >>
>>
14. Tane Tunsa Sharo M 50 Kebele leader Tarche Jan. 26-2019
>>
15. Netsanet Digassa Dima F 41 Woreda official Bursa 01 Feb.6-2019 >>
16. Adana Tura Rike M 42 Farmer Dadahe Feb 10.2019 FGD-1
17. Adula Rike Oshe M 67 Nafar geercho Dadahe Feb 10.2019 >>
18. Benketu Balicha Buta F 51 Farrmer Dadahe Feb 10.2019 >>
>>
19. Degife debessa Amado M 40 Kebele leader Dadahe Feb 10.2019
>>
20. Haile Yokona Rike M 38 Religious leader Dadahe Feb 10.2019 >>
>>
21. Kafite Kawiso Wae M 53 Teacher Dadahe Feb 10.2019
>>
22. Jarse Jaara Girja F 62 Elder woman Dadahe Feb 10.2019 >>
23. Lume Harka Haro M 69 Songo leader Dadahe Feb 10.2019 >>
24. Ashagire Biresso Mine M 38 Go‟vt officer Bursa 01 Feb 11.2019 FGD-2
25. Bogale Bankurso banata M 61 Kebele leader Bursa 01 Feb 11.2019 >>

i
26. Bunara Bukula Buche M 55 Health worker Bursa 01 Feb 11.2019 >>
27. Kafale Dike Wolasa M 66 Songo leader Bursa 01 Feb 11.2019 >>
>>
28. Kaabite kaassa Kebo F 43 Women leader Bursa 01 Feb 11.2019
>>
29. Tamene debessa Danbe M 48 Religious leader Bursa 01 Feb 11.2019 >>
>>
30. Zerfu shashamo Etete M 60 Nafar geercho Bursa 01 Feb 11.2019
>>
31. Batire Basha Bute F 45 Chief Wife Chancho Feb 15.2019 FGD-3
32. Damassa Dike Dakole M 39 Farmer Chancho Feb 15.2019 >>
33. Kite Yayye Kie M 69 Nafar geercho Chancho Feb 15.2019 >>
34. Kakawo Kanto Qame M 57 Ga‟ro son Chancho Feb 15.2019 >>
35. Heyo Naicha Mume M 57 Religious leader Chancho Feb 15.2019 >>
36. Tane Tunsa Domarso M 61 Kebele leader Chancho Feb 15.2019 >>
37. Ayele Argo Kachara M 56 Kebele leader Tarche Feb. 18.2019 FGD-4
38. Dawako Dikale wola M 71 Elder Tarche Feb. 18.2019 >>
39. Enare Kia Suke F 43 Women leader Tarche Feb. 18.2019 >>
40. Qaqawo Tule Tube M 62 Songo leader Tarche Feb. 18.2019 >>
41. Lamite Sooge Sonbala F 66 Chief wife Tarche Feb. 18.2019 >>
42. Sanbato Suke Chua M 62 Ga‟ro family Tarche Feb. 18.2019 >>
43. Tuke Erera Wonago M 49 Religious leader Tarche Feb. 18.2019 >>

ii