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Erik Boot
Introduction
The origins of Maya writing are being pushed back nearly every year,
especially through archaeological discoveries at the Guatemalan site
of San Bartolo. In a recent article, Saturno, Stuart, and Beltrán (2006)
now date the first known example to circa the fourth century bce.
Further discoveries at this site, but also at other sites in the region or
close to where San Bartolo is located (i.e., large sites as Calakmul, El
Mirador, and Tikal [see map in Figure 1] as well as smaller sites as
Cival or La Sufricaya), ultimately may provide yet earlier examples of
Maya writing and possibly the examples of the incipient stages of the
writing system itself.1
The language that gave rise to Maya writing was a lowland Mayan
language, probably an ancestor to (colonial) Ch’oltí’ (now extinct) and
present-day Ch’ortí’ (Houston et al. 2000). Intensive and long-term
interaction (circa 1,000–400 bce) between different but closely related
cultural areas in the Maya lowland region, probably each speaking a
distinct but related Mayan language, may have provided the ground
for the invention and development of a writing system (either through
independent invention and/or adaption of [an] earlier neighboring
script[s] and scribal tradition[s]).2 Including extinct languages belonging
1
A recent study suggests that the earliest syllabic sign inventory hints at a non-
Mayan origin. Based on these syllabic signs, the origin of this inventory probably may
be found in a neighboring Mixe-Zoquean speaking community (Lacadena 2005). If
correct, there would be no incipient stages of “Maya writing,” but more research is
necessary to substantiate a probable Mixe-Zoquean origin. The earliest now known
example of Maya writing provides ancestors to well-known Classic Maya signs and
pre-dates examples of the Isthmian or Epi-Olmec script (Saturno et al. 2006: 2), for
which a Mixe-Zoquean language has been suggested (Justeson & Kaufman 1993, 1997
and Kaufman & Justeson 2004; but see Houston & Coe 2003 and Mesoweb 2004).
2
Currently I am investigating the possibility that several (perhaps) closely related
writing systems were developed in the Maya area, of which examples can be found at
for instance Kaminaljuyu, Takalik’ Abaj, Chalchuapa, and San Bartolo. These scripts
Figure 1. Map of the Mesoamerica and the Maya Area, major sites indicated
(by the author).
(to represent a or the Maya language) may have been in competition, in which finally
one script took primacy over the others and became the standard for the whole area
(this does not mean that at one point one script “took over,” the other script may have
existed for some time; although in China the first emperor of Qin initiated a script
unification in 221 bce, other writing systems still were employed and even continued
their evolutionary path). Some stylistic traits are shared by some of the scripts, but
sign inventories seem to differ (although this observation is based on a database of
only a small number of early texts, both monumental and portable, that is currently
available). This sceneario may explain why certain early signs never are found in later
texts; these did not make it into the “final” sign inventory as they came to belong to
an obsolete writing tradition.
250 ce and lasted to circa 900 ce, at now well-known archaeological sites
such as Copán, Palenque, Quiriguá, Tikal, and Yaxchilán. Maya writing
is a mixed or logosyllabic script which means that within Maya writing
syllabic signs (i.e., signs that represent CV [consonant-vowel] sounds,
e.g., ba, ma) and logographic signs (i.e., signs that represent CVC or
CVCVC words, CHAN “serpent,” BALAM “jaguar”) were employed
to form linguistic items. In total some 650 to 700 signs were developed.
In the early phase of the Classic period, some 125 to 300 signs were
in use; during the middle phase of the Classic period some 300 to 360
signs were in use. In the late phase of the Classic period some 200 to
300 were in use, while in the late Postclassic period (circa 1250–1500
ce) the Maya screenfold books employed close to 300 different signs
(compare to Grube 1990a: 38–41 & Tabelle 1). While there is a tendency
to employ more syllabic signs towards the late Postclassic period, Maya
writing was and always remained a mixed script.
The title of the 2005 symposium that produced this paper was “The
Idea of Writing: The Use of Polysemy in Writing Systems.” The defi-
nition of polysemy, however, is not an easy one to give. As writing is
based in and on language, I have chosen language as the starting point
for a definition. In this paper I follow the definition given to polysemy
generally followed in the study of linguistic semantics, in which poly-
semy refers to “multiplicity in meanings of words” (Ravin & Leacock
2000: 1) or, more strictly, “the association of two or more senses with
a single linguistic form” (Taylor 1995: 99).
In this paper four language and writing based phenomena will be dis-
cussed. These phenomena are synonymy, homonymy, polyvalency, and
polysemy. As will become clear below, within the Classic Maya writing
system in certain cases some of these phenomena overlap or merge.
Synonymy
For this essay I have chosen the words and signs in Maya writing3
that refer to the concept of “first.” In Mayan languages there are three
words that convey the concept of “first”:4
nah “first, in front, forward” *nah
yax “first”
bah “front, first” *bah
(Kaufman 2003: 279, 596; Brown & Wichmann 2004: 167, *bAh
“first”)
How could Maya scribes and sculptors employ the concept “first” in
writing? To arrive at the signs referring to the above words for “first,”
these scribes and sculptors employed the phenomenon of homonymy:
words that are spelled or pronounced the same way, but which differ
in meaning (see below).5 The list of words is as follows:
3
In this note the following orthography will be employed: ’, a, b, ch, ch’, e, h, j, i,
k, k’, l, m, n, o, p, p’, s, t, t’, tz, tz’, u, w, x, and y. In this orthography the /h/ repre-
sents a glottal aspirate or glottal voiced fricative (/h/ as in English “house”), while /j/
represents a velar aspirate or velar voiced fricative (/j/ as in Spanish “joya”) (Grube
2004). In this essay there is no reconstruction of complex vowels based on disharmonic
spellings (compare Houston et al. 1998 [2004] and Lacadena & Wichmann 2004, n.d.;
for counter proposals see Kaufman 2003 and Boot 2004, 2005a). In the transcription
of Maya hieroglyphic signs uppercase bold type face letters indicate logograms (e.g.,
NAH), while lowercase bold type face letters indicate syllabic signs (e.g., ba). Queries
added to sign identifications or transcribed values express doubt on the identification
of the assigned logographic or syllabic value (e.g., TIWOL?). Items placed between
square brackets are so-called infixed or layered signs (e.g., CH’AM[K’AWIL]); order
of the transcribed signs indicates the epigraphically established reading order. Older
and obsolete transcriptions and/or transliterations are placed between double pointed
brackets (e.g., «cu»). All reconstructions (i.e., transliterations) in this essay are but
approximations of the original intended Classic Maya (“epigraphic”) linguistic items
(Boot 2002: 6–7), a written language which was employed by the various distinct
language groups already formed in the Classic period. Citing of so-called T-numbers
(e.g., T528) refers to the hieroglyphic signs as numbered and cataloged by Thompson
(1962; the complete list of Thompson’s affixes and main signs can be found online at
www.famsi.org/mayawriting/thompson/index.html).
4
The words at the end of each line are preceded by an asterisk (*), which introduces
a reconstructed form in proto-Mayan. Reconstructed forms are based on Kaufmann
2003. If no reconstructed form is provided, it means I have not found it in the literature
available to me at the time of writing this essay.
5
Not all epigraphers identify the GOPHER logogram as BAH (as I do), but prefer
ba. At the end of the Classic period the BAH sign was acrophonocally reduced to
simply ba. It has to be noted that scribes also employed syllabic spellings for nah
and bah “first.” In the first instance the spelling T23 na was employed for nah, in the
second instance T501 ba was employed for bah. In both cases the scribes employed
abbreviated spellings (as the final -h was not spelled). I am not familiar with a syllabic
spelling for yax with the meaning “first.”
6
Absence of a proto-Mayan form only means that this has not yet been proposed
in the existing literature (see note 3). Proto-Mayan forms (when the tentative results
from glottochronology are invoked) are removed circa 1,000 to 1,600 years from the
possible period of the invention (or adoption) of the writing system (circa 1,000 to
400 bce). They are removed some 2,250 to 2,900 years from the Classic period (circa
250–900 ce) in which the majority of surviving hieroglyphic texts was produced.
Figure 2. The signs for NAH, YAX, and BAH (drawings by Mark Van Stone,
after Coe & Van Stone 2001).
word “first,” can be found in another context (Figure 3b); the spelling
’u-NAH-ta-la CH’AM-K’AWIL-la leads to u-nah-tal ch’amk’awil “(it
is) the first counted k’awil-taking.” This is an event associated with the
taking of office by a king or ajaw; k’awil can refer to the god named
K’awil, or to the statuette representing the god K’awil. In an abbrevi-
ated reference to the same event, the word nah “first” is substituted by
yax “first,” as in YAX-CH’AM[K’AWIL] for yax ch’am k’awil “first
k’awil-taking.”
There is another good example of the employment of yax as “first”
in an ordinal context. A common ceremony among the Classic Maya
was an event that can be described as the “binding of the stone” (Stuart
1996). This ceremony can be found written in various forms, for instance
’u-K’AL-wa[TUN]-ni and ’u-K’AL-wa TUN-ni (Figure 4a) for u-k’al-aw
Figure 3. a) The sign for NAH in an ordinal count, b) The sign YAX
substitutes for NAH (drawings by Linda Schele).
7
Most problematic is the interpretation of tense and aspect within Classic Maya
verb conjugations: Does a verb refer to an action performed in the past or the present,
and what aspect does it carry? I take a so-called (Initial Series and) Calendar Round
date in any hieroglyphic text to function as an temporal adverb, as such placing in the
past any action as described by a verb unless a Distance Number carries the action to
the future (compare to Houston 1997, Wald 2000).
8
The Classic Maya employed an ingenious place notational calendar system in
which units or cycles of increasing length were counted, that represented the amount
of days as counted from a zero point. The Maya counted the units of one day (named
k’in), of twenty days (winal or winik), of 360 days (tun or hab), of 7,200 days (k’atun
or winikhab), and 144,000 days (bak’tun or pik) (these cycles together are referred to
as “Long Count”). There were even larger cycles. The Maya also employed a combined
calendar that counted and named days in a cycle of 260 and in a cycle of 365 days.
The reconstructed date 9.15.0.0.0, 4 Ajaw 13 Yax in Figure 4b informs us of the fact
that 9 × 144,000 days and 15 × 7,200 have elapsed since the zero point and that this
day has reached 4 Ajaw in the 260 day calendar and 13 Yax in the 365 day calendar.
Through a most probable correlation (584,285; see Lounsbury 1982: 166) between the
Maya and Christian calendar, this date can be placed in 731 ce. In all probability, the
“Maya calendar” (specifically the “Long Count”), as it is often referred to, was not
invented by the Maya themselves, but adapted from a neighboring non-Mayan speak-
ing community or communities as the oldest examples are found in places encircling
the Maya area.
9
Here -Ø indicates the third person singular of the absolutive set of pronouns, as
employed in intransitive verb contexts, which is “empty” and thus not pronounced
or written.
a)
b)
“first heir-ship.”10 While this phrase may convey a strict ordinal sense
to the position of ch’ok “heir,” the actual sense it conveys is one of
hierarchy. The bah ch’ok is more important than any other ch’ok. To
this particular case I return below.
10
The noun ch’ok literally means “unripe one, young one (youngster).” In the
Palenque context the word ch’ok refers to the one who will inherit his father’s kingship.
The meaning “heir” is thus a semantically derived meaning. That is why he is seated
in bah ch’oklel “first heir-ship.”
Homonymy
11
The value TIWOL? for the sign depicting a LONG.LIPPED.HEAD is tentative.
It is based on other examples of this nominal phrase at Palenque in which the LONG.
LIPPED.HEAD is substituted by a syllabic spelling ti-wo and in which the LONG.
LIPPED.HEAD is postfixed with a sign for la.
12
The hieroglyphic sign for cha in this transcription was not yet deciphered when
Houston presented his case in 1984. This sign for cha was deciphered by Barbara
MacLeod in the early 1990s, based on the logographic value CHAN for all three signs,
as discussed further below in the main text of this essay. It should be noted that there
is growing evidence that the putative cha sign and the serpent logograph actually
form one sign with the value CHAN. Also the sign value bo was not yet deciphered.
Figure 6. The logograms FOUR, SKY, and SERPENT (drawings by the author).
the signs could substitute for each other. Recent linguistic research
provides the possibility to expand his original and correct assessment
(Table 1).
The three reconstructed words in proto-Mayan with the meaning
“four,” “sky,” and “serpent” already show that the words were pro-
nounced in a very similar manner. This similarity is also apparent
in Yucatec Maya and in Ch’ol. Most interesting are the entries in
Ch’olti’ and Ch’orti’, the eastern Ch’olan languages, in which all three
words are true homo-nyms.13 If chan is the correct gloss for all three
words, each of the hieroglyphic sign represents the logographic value
CHAN. The spellings in the first example can thus be transcribed as
TIWOL?-CHAN-ma-ta for tiwol chan mat, while the spellings in the
second example can be transcribed as ’u-CHAN-na bo-bo which is
substituted by the spelling ’u-cha-CHAN-na bo for u-chan bob.14 In
the last two phrases the relationship statement u-chan would have the
meaning of “the guardian of,” a suggestion actually based on a close
homonym cha’an, a verb root with the meaning “to guard” (as sug-
gested by Alfonso Lacadena).
Close and true homonyms are the base for a large set of Maya hiero-
glyphic signs that substitute for each other.15 This writing principle
13
Although it has to be noted that Ch’olti’, a now extinct language, is only known
from a couple of seventeenth century sources in which no gloss for the word “four”
is found. However, as Ch’olti’ and Ch’orti’ are sister languages, the gloss for the word
“four” would probably have been a close if not a true homonym to the other words
“sky” and “serpent.” According to one group of linguists and epigraphers, an ancestor
to the Ch’olti’ language was the language that gave rise to the Maya script (Houston
et al. 2000). Also see “Introduction” of this essay.
14
Maya scribes abbreviated their spellings in many contexts, especially within
nominal phrases. As the spellings ’u-CHAN-na bo-bo and ’u-CHAN-na bo refer to
the same person, the spelling bo is simply an abbreviation of bo-bo for bob.
15
During the Classic period the signs T95 ’IK’ BLACK and T503 ’IK’ WIND never
substituted for each other, although (if their reconstructed sounds for the Classic period
Polyvalency
are correct [e.g., Stuart 2005: 80]) these signs are clearly homonymic. Possibly this is
due to the fact that ik’ “black” descends from *’ejq’ or *’ehq’ (note *q’eq “black” for
Highland Maya languages) and that ik’ “wind” descends from *’i’q’ (Kaufman 2003:
231,492; compare to Brown & Wichmann 2004: Table 5 and 169, *ii’hq’ “wind”).
16
The original manuscript is from 1566 and survives through a copy made in the late
seventeenth and possibly the early eighteenth century. In this manuscript the twenty
the day signs had a different name since those names were based in a
Mayan language different from Yucatec Maya. That language may be
an ancestor of a language or several languages in the eastern Ch’olan
day signs are illustrated through their Late Postclassic variants with their Yucatec
Maya names. The manuscript also contains the “Landa alphabet,” the sign list which
has proven to be the gateway to the decipherment of Maya writing as discovered by
the Russian scholar Yuriy Knorozov in the early 1950s (see Coe 1992).
17
I base my assumption on the occurrence of the spelling cha-hu-T528 at Piedras
Negras (Throne 1), although it has to be specifically noted that this example is outside
the context of a day sign. Most commonly, this collocation is transcribed cha-hu-ku
(as T528 has the syllabic value ku; see main text). The word chahuk means “lightning”
and “thunder” and it survives in colonial and present-day languages, for instance, as
chaak (Yucatec), chauk (Tzotzil), chahwuk (Tzeltal), chahwuk/chajuk (Tojolab’al),
kahoq/kohoq (Pokomchi’), and kaaq (Q’eqchi’). Reconstructed forms are *kahoq in
proto-Mayan and *chahuk in proto-Cholan) (Kaufman 2003: 489). Since kawak has
no meaning in colonial (or present-day) Yucatec Maya other than being a day name, it
actually may be a loan word (but from which language?) or an ancient, obsolete word
for “lightning” and “thunder.”
18
It was from the occurrence of multiple signs for one alphabetic letter (representing
a sound as pronounced in sixteenth century Spanish, e.g., /b/ > “be,” /h/ > “hache”) and
signs that represented two sounds («ca», «cu», «ku») that Yuriy Knorozov concluded that
the “Landa alphabet” actually was a collection of syllabic signs in alphabetic order.
rare, there are other signs that may be polyvalent, but in which again
context or phonetic complementation indicates the correct value (e.g.,
the sign known as T24 CELT/MIRROR).
Polysemy
19
The Early Classic item pak(a)b(u)tun (the date on the lintel falls in 513 ce) or
perhaps pakbu’tun evolves to pakabtun (pa-ka-ba TUN-ni) or simply pakab (pa-ka-ba)
(the collocations itself were deciphered first by David Kelley) and can, as such, be
found mentioned in dedicatory phrases in the Late Classic (870–890 ce) inscriptions
at Chichén Itzá (Boot 2005b: 318–344).
20
In Classic Maya inscriptions, scribes employed a large amount of abbreviations.
These abbreviations occur also in the conjugation of verb roots. Here the logogram
TZ’AP occurs in a context in which the root tz’ap- possibly should have a verbal end-
ing -aj (thematic suffix on passives), which is not written (and thus abbreviated). The
common spelling chu-ka-ja for chu[h]kaj “captured is” on one occasion is abbreviated
to just chu (Kerr No. 2352).
21
There is a passage in the Codex Madrid (Page 112C), dedicated to bee cultivation,
in which one can find the phrases ’u-tz’a[pa] ’u-KAB-ba for utz’apa[w] ukab and
tz’a[pa]-ja ’u-KAB-ba for tz’a[h]paj ukab, possibly with the meaning “he closes the
beehive” and “closed is the beehive” respectively. Vail and Hernández (2005) prefer
“setting up the beehive” for these phrases. Due to the polysemous character of the word
tz’ap- there is no simple solution to these phrases and their prospective meaning.
22
There are nearly twenty different titles in which a hierarchical difference is indicated
through the adjective bah “head, first” (Boot 2005b: 184 [note 7]).
Figure 12. A selection of bah “head, first” titles (drawings by various authors).
Figure 13. a) The BAH logogram (drawings by Mark van Stone); b) The
spelling ’u-[BAH]hi (drawing by Ian Graham); c) Naranjo Stela 22, top part
(drawing by Ian Graham).
sense can still be found within the derived senses through their context-
bound employment.
Final Remarks
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