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1A1 - Lets Talk About Sex Howcomfortableconversationsinfluencesexbehaiors
1A1 - Lets Talk About Sex Howcomfortableconversationsinfluencesexbehaiors
1A1 - Lets Talk About Sex Howcomfortableconversationsinfluencesexbehaiors
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BIANCA L. GUZMÁN
Public Health Foundation Enterprises, CHOICES Program, La Puente, California, USA
MICHÈLE M. SCHLEHOFER-SUTTON
Department of Psychology, Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, California, USA
CHRISTINA M. VILLANUEVA
Department of Psychology, Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, California, USA
BETTINA J. CASAD
Department of Psychology, Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, California, USA
AIDA FERIA
Public Health Foundation Enterprises, CHOICES Program, La Puente, California, USA
Mary Ellen Dello Stritto is now an assistant professor at Ball State University, Muncie, Indiana.
We would like to thank the adolescents involved in the C.A.M.P. project for their participation
in this study, as well as the CHOICES staff for their hard work and commitment to the issues of
adolescent sexual health. In addition we thank Melbourne Hovell for his insightful feedback on
an earlier draft of this manuscript.
Address correspondence to Bianca L. Guzmán, Director of Research, CHOICES, 15701 E. Hill
Street, La Puente, California 91744, USA. E-mail: dr.bee@verizon.net
583
584 B. L. Guzman et al.
In 1999, over 50% of high school students in the United States reported having had sex
(Centers for Disease Control [CDC], 2000c). Although fewer adolescents each year are
choosing to have sex (CDC, 2000a), those who do become sexually active at increasingly
younger ages (CDC, 1997, 2000c). This is especially true for Latino youth, with
10% becoming sexually active before age 13, compared to only 5% of EuroAmericans
(CDC, 2000c).
Additionally, U.S. adolescents infrequently use contraceptives, with 42% reporting
not using a condom during their last sexual intercourse (CDC, 2000c). The CDC con-
sistently reports that Latino adolescents are significantly less likely to use contraceptives
than any other ethnic group (CDC, 1997, 2000b, 2000c). Combined rates of early sexual
activity and low rates of consistent contraceptive use among Latino adolescents have
serious public health implications for this population.
Early sexual activity and inconsistent contraceptive use translate into high rates of
adolescent pregnancy. One million adolescent women in the U.S. become pregnant
annually (CDC, 2000b), the majority (78%) of whom do so unintentionally (Alan
Guttmacher Institute, 1999). It should be noted that Latinas have the highest teen pregnancy
rate across all ethnic groups in the U.S. (National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy,
2000). In addition, four million adolescents become infected with a sexually transmitted
infection (STI) annually (Office of Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, 1999). The
CDC (1998) also reports that approximately 656,900 adolescents (or 3.2% of the adoles-
cent population in the U.S.) are currently infected with the HIV virus.1 Latinos and other
ethnic groups such as African Americans have a proportionately greater risk of HIV
infection than EuroAmericans (CDC, 1998). In response to these health concerns, research
in recent years has focused on exploring how adolescents can be encouraged to make safer
sex decisions, including practicing abstinence or consistent condom use. One factor that
may influence adolescent sexual behaviors is communication about sexual issues.
1
It is important to note that this number only considers individuals who have been tested
and found positive to have the virus. Therefore, this number may actually be an underestimate
because it does not include adolescents who have been tested, or who were tested but scored falsely
negative.
2
It should be noted that several other approaches to teen sexual communication exist, such as
Widmer’s (1997) sibling referent theory, which posits older siblings’ sexual behavior as a primary
influential determinant of adolescent sexual behavior, Kotchick, Shaffer, Forehand, and Miller’s
(2001) multisystemic approach, which suggests the self, family system, and culture all interact
to predict sexual behavior, and Rodger and Rowe’s (1993) EMOSA model (social contagion
theory), in which contact with social networks increase rates of sexual activity among adolescents.
Comfortable Communication About Sex 585
Most of the research in this area suggests that parents do talk about sex to their ado-
lescent children. In an early study, Fox and Inazu (1980) found parents first talk about sex
to their children when they are between the ages of 10 and 13 years. Mothers generally play
a greater role in discussing sexual issues with both male and female children than fathers,
even when both parents are present in the household (DiIorio, Kelley, & Hokenberry-
Eaton, 1999; Fisher, 1986a, 1986b; Miller, Kotchick, et al., 1998; Nolin & Petersen,
1992).3 Females are also more likely than male adolescents to be the recipients of parental
communication about sex (DiIorio et al., 2000; Jaccard, Dittus, & Gordon, 2000; Nolin &
Petersen, 1992). Research with EuroAmerican adolescents finds that both male and female
adolescents see their mother as the more appropriate parent with whom to discuss sexual
issues (Nolin & Petersen, 1992). However, research conducted with ethnically diverse
samples suggests a pattern of same-sex communicative dyads (DiIorio et al., 2000;
Miller, Kotchick, et al., 1998).
Although some conflicting research exists (Christopher et al., 1993; O’Sullivan,
Jaramillo, Moreau, & Meyer-Bahlberg, 1999; Tucker, 1989), possibly partly due to dif-
ferent operationalizations of ‘‘sexual behavior,’’ the majority of research conducted in
EuroAmerican and African American households suggests that communication about sex
translates into safer adolescent sexual behavior. Adolescents whose parents frequently talk
to them about sex seem to adopt their parents’ values and beliefs about sexuality, thus
supporting the family-based approach (Dittus et al., 1999; Fisher, 1986a). Adolescents
who talk frequently about sex with their parents are less likely to be sexually active
(DiIorio et al., 1999; Fisher, 1986b; Leland & Barth, 1993), have fewer sexual partners
(Holtzman & Rubinson, 1995), report increased condom use once sexually active (Fox &
Inazu, 1980; Holtzman & Rubinson, 1995; Miller, Kotchick, et al., 1998; Miller, Levin,
Whitaker, & Xu, 1998; Shoop & Davidson, 1994), and are more likely to subsequently talk
to their sexual partners about sex (Shoop & Davidson). These studies suggest that parental-
adolescent communication about sex sets the stage for safer adolescent sexual behavior.
The aforementioned research has primarily been conducted with EuroAmerican and
African American adolescents. Although much research exists on parental-adolescent
sexual communication, especially among mother-daughter dyads, there is a shortage of
work conducted specifically with Latino adolescents (Christopher et al., 1993). This is
despite the fact that Latino adolescents often become sexually active at a younger age,
and report lower rates of reliable condom use, than EuroAmerican and African American
adolescents (CDC, 1997, 2000b, 2000c). The few studies that have been conducted with
Latino adolescents have generally studied high-risk populations (e.g., O’Sullivan et al.’s
1999 study with psychiatric outpatient Latina adolescents), or have examined Latinos as a
sub-sample of a larger population (e.g., Christopher et al.’s 1993 study). Clearly, ado-
lescents from high-risk populations are not typical of the average Latino adolescent.
Therefore, further research should be conducted with Latino adolescents who are not
high-risk.
The few existing studies suggest that Latino adolescents most often communicate
with their same-sex parent (DiIorio et al., 2000; Miller, Kotchik, et al. 1998). Furthermore,
research suggests that Latinas are less likely to become pregnant if they frequently dis-
cuss sex with their mothers (Adolph, Ramos, Linton, & Grimes, 1995). However, some
researchers find that parental communication is not associated with increased safer sex
behavior among Latino adolescents. Christopher and associates (1993) found the level of
3
The majority of studies have limited themselves to examining only mother-adolescent com-
munication about sex. Because little is known about father-adolescent communication about sex,
this finding may be the result of a bias in the literature.
586 B. L. Guzman et al.
Method
Participants
Data for the current study were collected during the 2000 to 2001 academic school year
from eighth and ninth grade students in two school districts in Los Angeles County for
Comfortable Communication About Sex 587
the purpose of evaluating a sex education program. The sampling frame consisted of
approximately 2,500 adolescents enrolled in the eighth and ninth grade in the two school
districts, of which consent forms were distributed to a convenience sample of 1,900
adolescents. A total of 1,613 adolescents returned consent forms and were included in the
study.
The majority of adolescents completing questionnaires were Latino (64%;
n ¼ 1,039); these participants were selected for the current analyses. The sample con-
sisted of approximately equal numbers of females (52.2%; n ¼ 537) and males (47.8%;
n ¼ 492). Five participants did not report their gender. Participants were 11 to 17 years
old (M ¼ 13.27, SD ¼ .75).
Participants were asked with whom they lived. The majority of participants (77.3%;
n ¼ 798) lived with both their parents. One hundred and ninety-five participants (18.9%)
lived with their mother, but not their father. Twenty-one participants (2%) lived with
their father but not their mother, and 19 (1.8%) reported living with neither parent. Only
six participants did not provide information regarding their living arrangements.
Participants were also asked to provide information on their parents’ highest level of
education. Of those who knew their parent’s educational level, the largest number said
that both their mothers (26.4%; n ¼ 267) and their fathers (23.8%; n ¼ 237) had less than
an eighth grade education. The data suggest that these participants might come from
communities of lower socio-economic status. However, this conclusion should be con-
sidered with caution, because many participants (about one-third) did not know their
parents’ educational level.
Materials
All participants were given a 30-minute questionnaire during their normal class time. The
first few items consisted of questions asking standard demographic information: ethni-
city, age, and gender.
assessed by the question, ‘‘If you decide to have sex, will you use birth control (i.e.,
condoms, the pill, the ‘‘shot’’, diaphragm, other)?’’ placed on a ‘‘yes/no’’ scale.
The response rate was high on the majority of the dependent measures, with between
85% and 95% of participants responding to any given question regarding sexual activity
or intention to use contraceptives. This response rate is typical for questionnaires on
adolescent sexual behavior and is considered an ‘‘acceptable’’ response rate (Catania,
Gibson, Marn, Coates, & Greenblatt, 1990). However, only 65% of the participants
answered the questions asking their intentions to delay intercourse.4 We suggest that the
high attrition rate for these items is partly due to participants’ uncertainty of their
intentions to delay intercourse.
4
A series of t-tests were conducted to examine whether participants who failed to answer the
items on intentions to delay intercourse had different communication patterns than those who com-
pleted the items on intentions to delay intercourse. Compared to adolescents who did report their
intentions to delay intercourse, those that didn’t report their intentions to delay intercourse reported
less comfortable communication with their mothers (t (1016) ¼ 3.28, p < .001, and more com-
fortable sexual communication with their friends (t (1003) ¼ 4.60, p < .001) and ‘‘other’’ people
(t (417) ¼ 2.01, p < .001).
Comfortable Communication About Sex 589
The data for this study was obtained as part of a larger study evaluating the impact of
a teen theater intervention on adolescent sexual knowledge, contraceptive use, and
intended sexual behavior, using pretest data only. Thus, the results are not confounded
with any intervention effects.
Results
Frequently/
Never/Rarely Sometimes Always
n % n % n %
Uncomfortable Comfortable
n % n %
Relationship N %
Aunts 53 5.7
Brothers 42 4.5
Cousins 82 8.9
Grandparents 17 1.8
Sisters/Sister in laws 82 8.9
Teachers/School counselors 9 .9
Uncles 38 4.1
Miscellaneous others1 47 5.0
Did not specify relationship 554 60.0
Total 924 100.0
1
Note: ‘‘Others’’ included individuals for whom participants listed a name, but not a relationship.
Variables B SE Model w2
Block 1
Gender 1.20** .335
Age .549** .210
All Demographic Variables 20.617**
Block 2
Gender .696 þ .416
Age .575* .240
Comfort of mother-adolescent communication .728** .207
Comfort of father-adolescent communication .094 .210
Comfort of friend-adolescent communication .214 .240
Comfort of dating partner-adolescent .596* .212
communication
Comfort of ‘‘other’’-adolescent communication .312 .216
All Variables 53.989**
þ
p < .10.
*p < .05.
**p < .001.
Comfortable Communication About Sex 593
Model 1
Gender .794 .547 .222
Age .745 .319 .356
Model 2
Gender .611 .730 .171
Age .690 .333 .231
Comfort of mother-adolescent communication .459 .323 .231
Comfort of father-adolescent communication .414 .348 .271
Comfort of friend-adolescent communication .140 .392 .056
Comfort of dating partner-adolescent communication .623 .345 .301 þ
Comfort of ‘‘other’’-adolescent communication .657 .346 .327 þ
Note: R2 ¼ .188 for Model 1; R2 ¼ .334 for Model 2.
þ
p < .10.
B SE B b
Model 1
Gender .484 .080 .305**
Age .095 .055 .087
Model 2
Gender .367 .095 .231**
Age .095 .054 .087
Comfort of mother-adolescent communication .143 .042 .200**
Comfort of father-adolescent communication .095 .048 .012
Comfort of friend-adolescent communication .086 .052 .009
Comfort of dating partner-adolescent communication .108 .045 .130*
Comfort of ‘‘other’’-adolescent communication .041 .044 .005
Note: R2 ¼ .024 for Model 1; R2 ¼ .060 for Model 2.
*p < .05.
**p < .001.
594 B. L. Guzman et al.
Discussion
The above results are an important contribution to the literature on adolescent sexual
communication in two notable ways. First, they suggest that the sexual communication
patterns of Latino youth, although similar to that reported in prior research of Euro-
American and African American youth, do differ. The results suggest a clear division of
B SE B b
Model 1
Gender .564 .534 .165
Age .664 .322 .321*
Model 2
Gender .773 .682 .226
Age .834 .374 .404*
Comfort of mother-adolescent communication .194 .309 .109
Comfort of father-adolescent communication .138 .334 .095
Comfort of friend-adolescent communication .778 .421 .312 þ
Comfort of dating partner-adolescent communication .164 .359 .080
Comfort of ‘‘other’’-adolescent communication .216 .383 .107
Note: R2 ¼ .126 for Model 1; R2 ¼ .229 for Model 2.
þ
p < .10.
*p < .05.
Comfortable Communication About Sex 595
with dating partners, whose intentions might actually be sexual coercion, also may not
lead to safer adolescent sexual behavior.
This realization has potential implications for teaching Latino adolescents about the
benefits of safer sexual practices such as abstinence and consistent condom use. If
adolescents receive the majority of their information about sexual issues from individuals
other than their parents (such as their peers and extended family members), it would be
important for educators to reach those individuals to ensure that adolescents are receiving
the correct information about sexual behaviors, no matter the source. Involving indivi-
duals with whom adolescents talk about sex, such as peers, dating partners, and family
members, in sex education programs can increase the possibility that adolescents are
receiving accurate and consistent information about sexuality both within and among
these different informational sources.
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